Master’s Degree Studies in
International and Comparative Education, No. 26
—————————————————
Factors that Influence American Indian Students’
Attitudes towards Study Abroad
Emma West
July, 2014
Institute of International Education
Department of Education
i
Abstract As globalization and internationalization have become more pervasive, the need for more
internationally-minded workers has grown. Study abroad has come to be recognized as a vital
tool in providing students with opportunities to develop the skills needed to compete in
today’s global job market. United States students studying abroad, however, do not reflect the
diversity of students enrolled in American higher education. American Indian students,
specifically, are underrepresented not only in study abroad programs but also in study abroad
research.
This study examines the factors that contribute to American Indian students’ deciding
whether to study abroad. By comparing a set of American Indian students’ responses to those
of other minority students on variables that have been found to influence minority students’
decision to study abroad—cost, family needs, opposition of family and friends regarding
study abroad, fear of racism, lack of previous travel abroad, and insufficient information on
study abroad—this study seeks to contribute to the research on American Indians and study
abroad. The findings here reflect secondary analysis of data from three surveys conducted by
the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance at the University of Minnesota: the October 2004
senior year survey, October 2005 senior year survey, and October 2006 senior year survey.
The researcher finds that the main factors preventing American Indian students from studying
abroad are (1) the cost of study abroad, (2) inexperience with travel abroad, and (3) lack of
information provided by advisers, colleges, and faculty. Based on these findings and a review
of the literature on study abroad, the researcher argues that outreach by colleges, advisers,
and faculty will enable American Indian students to make more informed decisions about
participating in study abroad, as well as contribute to their developing skills that enhance
their prospects for future employment.
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Table of Contents
Abstract……………………………………………...……………………………………….…i
Table of Contents……………………………………………………………………………...ii
Tables ...………………………………………………………………………....................... vi
Acknowledgements............................................................................................................. .....vii
Chapter One: Introduction……………………………………..…………...………………….1
1.1 General Background……………………………………………………….............1
1.2 Research Questions……………………………..…....……………………............3
1.3 Aims and Objectives of the Research……..................................................... ..........4
1.4 Limitations and Delimitations of the Research………..…………………..............4
1.5 Significance of the Research…………………………..…………………………..5
1.6 Ethical Considerations…………………………………...…....…………………...6
1.6.1 Institutional Review Board Agreement………………………………….6
1.6.2 Confidentiality and Security Agreement………………………………...6
1.6.3 Publication Agreement…………………………………...…....………...7
1.7 Organization of the Study…………………………………………...……...……...7
Chapter Two: Conceptual and Theoretical Framework……………………………..………...8
2.1 Relevant Concepts…………………………………………………………………8
2.1.1 American Indian…………………………………………………………8
2.1.2 Study Abroad…………………………………………………………….9
2.1.3 Attitude…………………………………………………………………..9
2.2 Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………..10
2.2.1 Human Capital Theory…………………………………………………10
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2.2.2 Critical Race Theory…………………………………………………...12
2.2.3 Expectancy-value Theory……………………………………………....13
Chapter Three: Research Methodology.……………………………………………………..15
3.1 Methodology of the Research……………………………………………………15
3.1.1 Quantitative Secondary Analysis………………………………………15
3.1.2 Literature Review...…………………………………….………………16
3.2 Study Background..................................................................................................17
3.3 Choice of Methodology…………………………………………………………..19
3.4 Variables………………………………………………………………………….20
3.4.1 Race/Ethnicity………………………………………………………….20
3.4.2 Finances..……………………………………………………….………21
3.4.3 Family Needs…………………………………………………….……..21
3.4.4 Opposition of Friends or Family Members……….……………………22
3.4.5 Fear of Racism Abroad…………………………………………………22
3.4.6 Previous Travel Abroad………………………………………………...22
3.4.7 Lack of Information on Study Abroad…………………………………22
Chapter Four: Setting of the Study…………………………………………………………...24
4.1 Historical Overview of American Indian Students in Higher Education…….…..24
4.1.1 Introduction…………………………………………………………….24
4.1.2 Historical Overview……………………………………………………24
4.1.3 American Indian Students Today………………………………………29
4.2 Historical Overview of Study Abroad in the United States……………………...30
4.3 University of Minnesota’s Curriculum Integration Initiative…………………….35
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Chapter Five: Study Findings………………………………………………………………...37
5.1 Overview…………………………………………………………………………37
5.2 American Indian Students Survey Findings……………………………………...37
5.2.1 Finances………………………………………………………………...37
5.2.2 Family Needs…………………………………………………………...38
5.2.3 Opposition of Friends or Family Members…………………………….38
5.2.4 Fear of Racism Abroad…………………………………………………38
5.2.5 Previous Travel Abroad………………………………………………...38
5.2.6 Lack of Information on Study Abroad…………………………………39
5.3 African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino Students Survey
Findings…………………………………………………………………………..40
5.3.1 Finances………………………………………………………………...40
5.3.2 Family Needs…………………………………………………………...41
5.3.3 Opposition of Friends or Family Members…………………………….41
5.3.4 Fear of Racism Abroad…………………………………………………41
5.3.5 Previous Travel Abroad………………………………………………...41
5.3.6 Lack of Information on Study Abroad…………………………………42
5.4 Common Threads………………………………………………………………...42
5.5 Uncommon Threads……………………………………………………………...43
Chapter Six: Discussion……………………………………………………………………...44
6.1 Expectancy-value Theory and the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance
Survey………………………………..………………………………………….. 44
6.2 Concluding Remarks……………………………………………………………..44
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6.3 Suggestions for Future Research…………………………………………………46
References…………………………………………………………………………………....48
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Tables
1.1 Profile of U.S. Study Abroad Students by Race/Ethnicity..……………………….………3
1.2 Self-Reported Race/Ethnicity of Minority Student Survey Participants...………….…....18
1.3 Tribal Colleges and Universities in the United States.…………………….……………..27
1.4 Enrollments at U.S. TCUs Compared to the University of Minnesota...…………….......28
1.5 Comparative Data by Percentage of Students. . . . . . .…………………….........………..34
1.6 American Indian Student Responses: Lack of Information.………………….………….40
vii
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my husband, Eli, for his encouragement and support during my studies.
As always, he is a wonderful partner, a calming influence who helps me to realize my goals. I
am also deeply grateful to my father, Dr. William Beyer, for his encouragement and editing
over the course of this writing project. I would also like to acknowledge the support and love
of my mother, Margareta; my sister, Kerstin; and my in-laws, Art and Ellen. To my friends,
Talia Klundt and Lynn C. Anderson, thank you for your kind words and for taking the time to
share your knowledge and experiences with me. In addition, I would like to thank my
colleagues at Futuraskolan International Preschool for their support and understanding when I
needed time off for my studies.
I am both humbled by and deeply grateful to Gayle Woodruff, Director of Global Programs
and Strategy Alliance, and Rhiannon Williams, Research Associate, at the University of
Minnesota. Thank you for trusting me with the data that your team collected and for the
incredible work that you do in making study abroad a reality for students of a ll colors.
Finally, I am very thankful for the dedication and support of the faculty, staff, and
researchers at the Institute of International Education (IIE) at Stockholm University. I would
like to extend my gratitude to the Head of IIE, Professor Vinayagum Chinapah, to my
supervisor, Dr. Shangwu Zhao, and Senior Lecturer Mikiko Cars. Without your advice,
encouragement, and time, this project would not have been possible. I have truly enjoyed my
studies at IIE and feel that I have gained much that will help me as I move forward in my
career.
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Chapter One
Introduction
1.1 General Background
As internationalization and globalization have increased over the past twenty-five years,
societies across the world have turned to education, at all levels, to better prepare their
workforces with the skills necessary to compete in the global economy. While
internationalization seeks to expand world knowledge and understanding, globalization
focuses on increasing the integration of economies around the world (Booker, 2001;
International Monetary Fund, 2000). Higher education worldwide has changed curricula,
added internationally focused fields of study and research, and increased opportunities for
students to study abroad in order to provide graduates with the “global co mpetence”
necessary for understanding international issues and succeeding professionally in the global
marketplace (National Education Association, 2010).
Study abroad is widely accepted as vital tool for creating an internationally
competitive workforce. At the Council on Foreign Relations meeting on May 26, 2010, U.S.
Secretary of Education Arne Duncan stated:
The United States is a country made up of many cultures—and we often celebrate that
diversity. But just as often, we rely on the predominance of English as the language of
global business and higher education when looking toward the world. This reliance
can put us at a disadvantage. We haven't been compelled to meet our global neighbors
on their own terms, and learn about their histories, values and viewpoints. I am
worried that in this interconnected world, our country risks being disconnected from
the contributions of other countries and cultures. Through education and exchange,
we can become better collaborators and competitors in the global economy (para. 6).
Researchers have found that study abroad by U.S. students can increase their cultural
sensitivity, language proficiency, intercultural communication skills, and empathy for non-
native English speakers (McClure, Szeleny, Niehuas, Anderson, & Reed, 2010). According
to the Commission on the Abraham Lincoln Study Abroad Fellowship Program or “Lincoln
Commission” report in 2005, study abroad supports U.S. national interest by better preparing
students to secure jobs in leadership, diplomacy, foreign affairs, national security, commerce,
and finance.
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Current participation of U.S. students in study abroad, however, does not reflect the
diversity of the American university student population. In 2008, European American
students made up 63.3% of all college and university students in the United States and 80.5%
of those studying abroad (National Center for Education Statistics, 2009; Chow & Bhandari,
2010). Inequality in study abroad has been widely studied because of the importance studying
abroad has for facilitating equal opportunity in the workforce. Because the skills gained
through study abroad can provide students with an advantage in their careers, low numbers of
minority students participating in study abroad places them at a disadvantage in seeking
employment upon graduation. As stated in the Lincoln Commission report, “Making study
abroad the norm and not the exception can position this and future generations of Americans
for success in the world…” (2005, p. v).
Studies of minority students and study abroad have focused on factors that influence
African American, Latino American, and Asian American students’ decisions on whether to
study abroad. Factors identified as inhibiting these minority students from studying abroad
include financial considerations, familial responsibilities, family members’ opinion of study
abroad, fear of discrimination abroad, apprehension about living in a foreign country, lack of
information on study abroad, degree program inflexibility, and scarcity of relevant study
abroad programs (Brux & Fry, 2010).
Individual U.S. higher education institutions have begun to look at ways in which
they can increase minority enrollment in study abroad. At the University of Minnesota,
advisers began the process by conducting survey research of their own students in order to
uncover the boundaries that inhibit students of color on four different campuses from
studying abroad. The survey findings have resulted in initiatives that have become known as
the “Curriculum Integration Approach” in which faculty, academic advisers, and former
study abroad participants collaborate with the Learning Abroad Center through spreading
information about study abroad opportunities, working together to create study abroad
programs that a relevant to all majors, and increasing faculty involvement in leading study
abroad courses (Woodruff, 2009).
Closer examination of the research on minority students and study abroad reveals that
one group has been overlooked: American Indians. American Indian student s, who make up
merely 1% of all American students enrolled in U.S. colleges and universities, constitute the
smallest of the groups conventionally tracked in U.S. higher education (National Center for
3
Education Statistics, 2009). In addition, though participation in study abroad amongst Asian
American, African American, and Latino American students over the past ten years has
increased steadily, American Indian enrollment has remained at 0.5%.
Table 1.1: Profile of U.S. Study Abroad Students by Race/Ethnicity
Race or Ethnicity 2000/ 2001
2001/ 2002
2002/ 2003
2003/ 2004
2004/ 2005
2005/ 2006
2006/ 2007
2007/ 2008
2008/ 2009
2009/ 2010
White/European
American
84.3%
82.9%
83.2%
83.7%
83.0%
83.0%
81.9%
81.8%
80.5%
78.7%
Asian,/Native
Hawaiian/ Other
Pacific Islander
5.4%
5.8%
6.0%
6.1%
6.3%
6.3%
6.7%
6.6%
7.3%
7.9%
Hispanic/Latino
5.4%
5.4%
5.1%
5.0%
5.6%
5.4%
6.0%
5.9%
6.0%
6.4%
Black/African
American
3.5%
3.5%
3.4%
3.4%
3.5%
3.5%
3.8%
4.0%
4.2%
4.7%
American Indian/
Alaska Native
0.5%
0.4%
0.5%
0.5%
0.4%
0.6%
0.5%
0.5%
0.5%
0.5%
(Institute of International Education, 2011)
Research on the factors that influence American Indian students’ decisions to study abroad,
then, can potentially make a contribution toward how to increase the diversity among U.S.
students studying abroad as a whole. As Holly M. Carter states in the 1991 Council on
International Exchange (CIEE) report, “The participation of Native American students in
study abroad and other international education programs has been given little to no focus
even among staff and faculty concerned with improving minority representation. This group
of students is truly the forgotten ethnic constituency” (p. 9).
1.2 Research Questions
The research questions addressed in this study are:
1) What factors influence American Indian students’ attitudes towards study abroad?
2) How do the factors affecting American Indian students’ attitudes towards study abroad
compare to those affecting African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino
American students’ attitudes?
3) How can study abroad programs increase the participation of American Indian
students?
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1.3 Aims and Objectives of the Research
The aim of this study is to answer the research questions listed above.
The objectives of this research are:
1) To identify the factors influencing American Indian students’ attitudes towards study
abroad.
2) To compare the factors influencing American Indian students’ attitudes towards study
abroad to those influencing African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino
American students.
3) To provide suggestions, based on successful minority student abroad programs, to
educators seeking to encourage American Indian students to study abroad.
1.4 Limitations and Delimitations of the Research
Bryman (2008) identifies four main limitations of secondary analysis, which is the research
method chosen for this study:
1) Researchers conducting secondary analysis are less familiar with the data than those
collecting the data and so they may require more time to understand the variables, the
data's coding, and the data's organization.
2) When data are complex, those conducting secondary research may find grasping
management of the data difficult.
3) Researchers conducting secondary analysis have no control over the data quality.
4) Researchers conducting secondary analysis cannot add key variables that may be
missing from the data needed to complete the research.
Another limitation of secondary analysis is that there may be few indicators of a concept for
reliable measurement. Therefore, using more than one survey can help in substantiating an
argument (Kiecolt & Nathan, 1985).
Beyond the general limitations of secondary analysis, this study is delimited in three
ways by the design of the survey on which the study is based. First, because the survey team
designed the survey questions to discover factors contributing to minority students’ decisions
to study abroad, this study is unable to address factors unique to American Indian students'
decisions not to study abroad. Second, this study looks at students’ perceived hinders to
studying abroad while the study sample includes not only students who already have
5
overcome hinders and those who plan to do so but also students whose perceived hinders
have stopped them from studying abroad.
A third delimitation of this study is related to the datasets themselves that the primary
researcher provided for secondary analysis. For an “ideal” secondary analysis, the secondary
researcher would examine the raw datasets and coding manual from the primary research
project and then conduct the data analysis. Alternatively, a secondar y researcher could also
examine aggregate data for which only subjects’ personal information is omitted
However, for this study, the primary researcher indicated that the SPSS output data
was the only condition in which Global Programs and Strategy Alliance at the University of
Minnesota could release the data to the current researcher. While this saved the researcher
time by not having to run the data, the primary researcher not being able to analyze the data
could be considered a limitation of the study. Though prevented from conducting an ideal
secondary analysis, the researcher was nonetheless able to subject the SPSS output data to the
researcher’s questions and to draw findings and conclusions. Although not technically a
limitation, it is relevant to note that the current researcher is not American Indian.
1.5 Significance of the Research
Study abroad has proven to provide graduates with advantages in local and international job
markets. Many of the skills acquired through study abroad cannot be learned in the
classroom. Determining which factors stand in American Indian students’ way, therefore,
may enable educators to better prepare not only American Indian but all students for success.
American Indian students have been overlooked in the research on minority student
study abroad participation. Calhoon, Wildcat, Annett, Pierotti, and Griswold (2003), for
example, have assumed that American Indians may not be interested in study abroad because
most programs offered are to Europe, the origin of the majority who colonized the Americas
and of the colonizers’ cultures. Beyond such assumptions, however, no investigation has been
done into what inhibits this group from studying abroad.
This research project seeks to begin to uncover what factors inhibit Amer ican Indian
students from studying abroad, how those factors compare to those affecting the attitudes of
other minority student groups, and what educators can do to increase American Indian
students' participation in study abroad.
6
1.6 Ethical Considerations
1.6.1 Institutional Review Board Agreement
During negotiations to obtain the data sets from the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance at
University of Minnesota, those responsible for the data, asked the researcher to obtain
Institutional Review Board approval. An Institutional Review Board (IRB) is a committee of
five or more members who review research protocols and supervise ongoing studies
containing human research subjects (Oakes, 2002). The primary researcher made the request
since American students or researchers would have had to obtain IRB approval for the project
the current researcher was proposing.
Ultimately, however, the researcher and Global Programs and Strategy Alliance
agreed that IRB approval was unnecessary for this study on two grounds. First, in Sweden,
where the current researcher conducted the study, institutional ethical reviews are only
required of research in psychology and medicine (Utbildningsdepartementet, 2003). Second,
in the United States, where the data was collected, clause number 4 of the U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services Policy for the Protection of Human Research Subjects (2009)
exempts:
Research involving the collection or study of existing data, documents, records,
pathological specimens, or diagnostic specimens, if these sources are publicly
available or if the information is recorded by the investigator in such a manner that
subjects cannot be identified, directly or through identifiers linked to the subjects.
Since the primary study was conducted without employing a form obtaining release of the
information collected, any researcher is prevented from accessing the original raw data from
the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance at University of Minnesota. The data provided to
the researcher of this study contained no personal information or identifiers and, therefore,
the study is also exempt from Institutional Review Board approval in the United States.
1.6.2 Confidentiality and Security Agreement
Upon establishing that the researcher was allowed access to the dataset files, the Global
Programs and Strategy Alliance required that the secondary researcher sign a confidentiality
and security agreement. The agreement ensures protection and ethical use of the data sets as
well as affirms that the dataset files are the property of the Global Programs and Strategy
7
Alliance. Toward these ends, the researcher has also agreed to view the dataset files only on a
personal, secure laptop and, when the study is complete, to delete the dataset files from the
laptop and so protect the data from unsolicited use.
1.6.3 Publication Agreement
The Institute of International Education at Stockholm University and the Global Programs
and Strategy Alliance at the University of Minnesota also agreed that the researcher will send
a copy of the final study to the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance a nd allow Global
Programs and Strategy Alliance the option of publishing the study on its website.
1.7 Organization of the Study
This study is divided into six chapters. The first chapter provides an overview of the role
study abroad plays in preparing graduates for employment in the global economy. It also lays
out the current status of study abroad participation among minority students in the United
States, with particular focus on both the low participation of American Indian students and
the lack of research on American Indian student involvement in study abroad. The first
chapter then covers the aims and objectives of the study, its limitations and delimitations, the
significance of the research, ethical considerations, and the study’s organization.
The second chapter highlights the concepts and theories relevant to the study. These
concepts include “American Indian,” “study abroad,” and “attitude.” The theories applied in
the study are: Human Capital Theory, Critical Race Theory, and Expectancy-value Theory.
The third chapter, after discussing secondary analysis and reviewing the relevant literature,
discusses the methodologies of the study and each of the variables. Chapter four provides
historical overviews of the relationship between American Indians and the formal education
system in the United States, of study abroad in the United States, and of the “Curriculum
Integration Approach,” the method that the University of Minnesota has developed to
increase minority student involvement in study abroad. Chapter five presents the study’s
findings. The sixth and final chapter consists of a discussion of findings, a summary of
conclusions, and suggestions for future research.
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Chapter Two
Conceptual and Theoretical Framework
2.1 Relevant Concepts
The concepts requiring definition for this study of American Indian students and study abroad
are few and mostly straightforward. “American Indian” addresses the question of “who”
while “study abroad” addresses “what.” The notion of American Indian students’ “attitude”
towards study abroad is more complex.
2.1.1 American Indian
"American Indian" is commonly used to describe the people indigenous to the United States
of America when Europeans and Africans began populating North America in the 1400s CE.
The term "Native American" entered U.S. usage in the 1960s to differentiate bet ween people
indigenous to North America and those native to India as well as to be consistent with
formulations such as "African American," which was adopted as an inoffensive alternative to
"Negro." The 1995 U.S. Census Bureau survey revealed that 49% of native people preferred
to be called “American Indian” and 37% preferred “Native American” (Brunner, 2007).
The American Indian scholar Perry G. Horse (2005) argues that anyone born in the
United States is technically native American and that the term “Native American” has come
to include not only the indigenous people of the continental United States but also those of
Alaska, Hawaii, and American Samoa. For these reasons, Horse finds the term “American
Indian” applies more accurately than “Native American” to “people like myself who are
citizens of America’s indigenous nations” (p. 62). Horse acknowledges, however, a
generational difference: members of indigenous nations who were born before 1950, he
determines, tend to refer to themselves as “American Indian” while individuals born later use
“Native American.” Horse concludes, though, that indigenous persons in the United States
use both terms and that their use is a matter of personal choice.
Although the University of Minnesota survey includes both terms, this secondary
study of the survey data uses "American Indian" for two reasons: the 1995 survey shows it to
be preferred by the population it seeks to sample, and as the older of the two terms,
"American Indian" is likely to be better known outside of the United States.
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2.1.2 Study Abroad
The 2001 University of Kansas Study Abroad Task Force report defines study abroad as:
A study abroad program occurs in a country other than the U.S., bears university-level
credit, and it is held outside of the U.S. for academic reasons. It is not enough simply
to conduct classes taught by U.S faculty in another country. A study abroad program
must have an international component, either through learning in a foreign language,
immersion in foreign institutions and/or structured social situations, or rigorous study
of international “content” either in the classroom or outside it (p. 6).
Booker (2001) acknowledges the diversity in length and structure of study abroad models.
Study abroad programs can be full academic year, single academic term, summer term, and
short-term (less than a summer term) opportunities. Study abroad is commonly constructed
through student exchanges between a U.S. institution and one abroad. Programs can also be
established through a fully integrated enrollment in a foreign institution; partial integration
into an academic program in a foreign institution; enrollment in a program operated in
another country by or for a U.S. institution; a mobile academic program; or participation in
an internship or work/study program that satisfies academic credits.
2.1.3 Attitude
“Attitude” represents a summary evaluation of a psychological object, concept, or behavior
captured in attribute measurements such as good-bad, likable-dislikable, favorable-
unfavorable, and beneficial-harmful (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000; Ajzen, 2001). Central to the
concept of attitude is the evaluation process that individuals conduct in order to determine the
possible outcomes of their present or future situations (Allport, 1967).
During the process of evaluation leading to an attitude, an individual can be
influenced by belief, context, and emotion. A belief, defined as the accessible subjective
probability that an object has a certain attribute, can be said to determine an attitude whe n, for
example, a person believes that drinking coffee (the attitude object) reduces the risk of stroke
(the attribute). Verbal persuasion as well as acquired information can change an existing
belief. A person’s overall attitude can be shaped by both subjective evaluation of attributes
associated with an object and by the strength of the associations. A higher subjective
probability can then lead to a stronger belief (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000).
10
Though widely accepted beliefs provide individuals with the foundation for their own
set of beliefs, a change in context can alter persons’ attitudes. Depending on the context, a
person can have multiple attitudes towards the same object, concept, or behavior. During the
process of formulating a belief, we can attach to an object attributes that can lead to a positive
or negative attitude. In one context, an attribute could be positive, but in another, that same
attribute could be negative (Ajzen, 2001).
Emotions or moods can also affect how a person develops a positive or negative
attitude towards an object. For example, fear can predispose a person to be more negative
about an object, independent of any other factors influencing one’s attitude. When examining
an attitude, however, Ajzen and Fishbein propose that “affects” or emotional states be
excluded from consideration of the process of forming an attitude because attitude scaling,
such as the Likert scale, measure the evaluative rather than the affective scale of response
(Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000).
2.2 Theoretical Framework
Of the several theories relevant to American Indian students and study abroad, the current
researcher examined closely the three most promising for guiding this study: Human Capital
Theory, Critical Race Theory, and Expectancy-value Theory. Human Capital Theory is used
in the foundation of the study since the researcher argues that study abroad can lead to
economic gains through acquisition of knowledge and skills. Critical Race Theory is used to
establish that study abroad in higher education in the United States is racially unequal
because of the history of racial education and economic segregation in the states. Expectancy-
value Theory proves the most useful for the study findings because of the nature of the U of
M survey data and the answers sought about American Indians’ attitudes towards study
abroad.
2.2.1 Human Capital Theory
Human capital theory is based on the principal that individuals and society generate
economic gains through investing in people. Human capital is achieved through many
different means and types of education—everything from informal education at home and at
work, to on-the-job training and apprenticeship, to vocational education, to formal theoretical
education. Upon completing a training or educational program, human capital theory assumes
11
that an individual will be rewarded with greater financial success, which outweighs any
possible loss of income occurred during a period of study or training (Sweetland, 1996).
As there are various ways in which human capital can be obtained, the concept of
human capital itself is equally as diverse. Human capital consists of individuals'
competencies, skills, and knowledge that lead them to greater financial, social, and personal
success (OECD, 2001). Under human capital theory, the benefits of education reach beyond
work-related skills to improvements in health and nutrition, population control, and greater
awareness and involvement in political and legal processes (Sweetland, 1996).
Salisbury, Umbach, Paulsen, and Pascarella (2009) argue that students consider the
potential increase in human capital skills and how these skills relate to their future career
goals when making decisions on their education. Students weigh the monetary and non-
monetary benefits and costs of education. Individuals, however, can be limited by their
sources of information, and therefore, Salisbury, Umbach, Paulsen, and Pascarella encourage
educators to increase and diversify information related to higher education choices.
Human capital can also be influenced by personal growth and experiences. Some of
the key expression of human capital includes communication skills, intra-personal skills,
inter-personal skills, and problem-solving (OECD, 2001). Research has found that students
who study abroad gain valuable skills and knowledge that then provide them with advantages
in the local and global job market. Individuals who study abroad increase their ability to
communicate in a foreign language, are more likely complete their degree program, become
more understanding of other cultures, and are better prepared to deal with diversity and
change, all of which are human capital skills (Metzger, 2006; Lincoln Commission, 2005).
Human capital theory has been criticized because of its assumption that acquiring new
skills will be rewarded invariably with economic gains. In practice, however, workers with
the same human capital can be paid differently. A worker can be compensated less, for
example, but then rewarded in other, non-monetary forms. Workers with the same human
capital may also be paid differently because of the varied nature of their work. A worker in a
higher productivity job might be paid more than a worker matched with a low productivity
position (Acemoglu & Autor, 2010).
12
Another argument against human capital theory points out that although college
enrollment rates have increased, average incomes have stagnated (Livingstone, 1997). More
recently, critics of human capital theory have pointed to the “diploma disease,” or the
overeducating of the workforce, coupled with a shortage of employment for graduates amid
economic downturn have made higher education less valuable. The mismatch between
education level and required skill level in the United States, however, is found mainly among
workers with only some higher education, such as a two-year degree, and not among those
with a full college bachelor degree (Baker, 2009). It has been established that persons with
bachelor degrees will earn up to 60% more than those with merely a high school diploma.
Over a lifetime, a person with a bachelor degree can expect to earn over $800,000 more than
a high school graduate (American Indian College Fund, 2011). Objections to human capital
theory on the grounds of devalued higher education, then, are not relevant to this study since
it examines the responses of students enrolled in bachelor degree programs.
In spite of these criticisms, human capital theory is still relevant to this study. Human
capital theory can help explain why study abroad provides workers with marketable skills and
why many employers view study abroad experience as an asset of prospective employees.
2.2.2 Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) developed during the late 1960s and early 1970s in the United
States. CRT was a response to U.S. social scientists’ frustration over the lack of progress in
improving racial equality since the end of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and early
1960s. If there was to be any hope of eliminating racial inequality and racism, early CRT
proponents argued, theory must center on race.
Critical Race Theory sees racism as an integral part of the social, economic, and
cultural advantage of the majority (Torres, 2006). Through the use of nontraditional methods,
such as testimonials regarding the effects of racism, research using this theory can give
insight into the individual truths of everyday life. Critical race theory maintains no one truth,
or right and wrong, but rather proposes evaluating each situation uniquely to find social
reality (Ladson-Billings, 1998). From this perspective, individual experiences can create a
competing reality that contradicts and challenges the historical narrative of the majority
(Writer, 2008).
13
Social justice has been a focus of critical race theory, especially in relation to
education and has been applied to U. S. education for nearly twenty years (Lynn & Adams,
2002). Critical race theorists find the U.S. education system to be a primary source of the
racism embedded in U.S. society and institutions because it has failed to integrate minorities
and provide equal opportunity for all (Brayboy, 2005). Research guided by the theory has
been used to expose racial inequality in student assessment, school curriculum, school
funding, classroom instruction, and in the process of desegregation.
The data analysis for this study seeks to provide insight into which factors affect
American Indian students’ attitudes towards study abroad; it does not examine racism
embedded in the educational system. Race or ethnicity is certainly a variable in this study, but
racism is not. Thus, Critical Race Theory provides insight into the context from which the
data in this study reflect students’ attitude and choice regarding study abroad.
2.2.3 Expectancy-value Theory
The Expectancy-value Theory states that people’s attitudes towards an object are reached
through their beliefs concerning that object. A belief is the subjective probability that an
object contains an attribute. An overall attitude towards an object is formed through both the
subjective evaluation of the attributes of the object and the strength of these associations
(Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000).
The theory can be summarized in this equation (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975):
ⁿ
Aₒ = Σ b ᵢ e
ᵢ i = l
A represents the attitude toward object, O; bᵢ is the belief i about the object or the subjective
probability that the object is related to attribute i; eᵢ is the evaluation of attribute i; and n
represents the number of beliefs. The strength of a belief is then determined by the subjective
probability of a link between the attitude object and an attribute. Greater subjective
probability will then lead to a stronger belief (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000).
This theory maintains that we, for example, develop an attitude towards a certain
behavior through the beliefs about the different outcomes of that behavior, such as the danger
of acting on that behavior. Since attributes always contain positive or negative value, we
14
necessarily form attitudes towards the behavior. The behaviors a person favors are those
associated with the consequences that seem best (Ajzen, 1991).
An important aspect of expectancy-value theory is that a person can change an
attitude through accessing new information. Expectancy-value theory allows for differing
beliefs and therefore new attitudes to develop. Linking new information to an object’s
attributes can then alter subjective values of the attributes and so give attitudes an evolving
quality (Ajzen & Fishbein, 2000).
According to expectancy-value theory, people are not necessarily “rational” in the
way they make decisions. Attitudes can change and beliefs can reflect poor information,
inappropriate selection, or disconnection from reality. Expectancy-value theory does not
judge how many beliefs should make up an attitude or explain what a “good attitude” is.
Rather, expectancy-value theory focuses on the process a person goes through to form an
attitude (ibid).
15
Chapter Three
Research Methodology
3.1 Methodology of the Research
3.1.1 Quantitative Secondary Analysis
The primary method of this study is quantitative secondary analysis of quantitative survey
data. Secondary analysis is the process of using existing data in order to find answers to a
research question that differs from the question in the original or primary study (Hinds,
Vogel & Clarke-Steffen, 1997). Hakim (1982, p.1) defines secondary analysis as “any
further analysis of an existing dataset which presents interpretations, conclusions or
knowledge additional to, or different from, those presented in the first report on the inquiry as
a whole and its main results.” Hyman (1972, p. 1) depicts secondary analysis of survey data
as “the extraction of knowledge on topics other than those which were the focus of the
original survey.”
Quantitate research usually involves developing or applying a theory, selecting the
research design, devising measures of concepts, selecting research site(s) and respondents,
collecting and processing data, analyzing datasets, writing up the research, and finally,
relating the findings to the initial theory (Bryman, 2008). In secondary analysis, however, the
researcher relies on others for the research design and data collection in order to focus on
theory choice, analysis, and presentation of findings.
As with the primary quantitative research, secondary analysis is concerned with a
study’s reliability and validity. Reliability depends on the consistency of measures. In the
case of the three sets of survey data analyzed in this study, the Global Programs and Strategy
Alliance at the University of Minnesota administered the same survey to all the students
involved in the primary study, which strengthens the reliability of this secondary analysis. In
addition, the researcher has tried to state the methods used here as clearly as possible so that
the present study may be replicated. The study’s validity depends on how well the indicators
chosen measure a concept. The researcher has taken established variables from previous
research on minority involvement to substantiate the study’s validity.
Discussions of secondary analysis in the research literature reveal that the majority of
literature pertaining to secondary analysis references government surveys as the source for
16
datasets. This seems to be the most popular sources of data since the data sets are usually
public and offer a large sample size. For example, researchers often use the General Social
Survey (GSS), an annual survey of social attitudes in the United States that began in 1972.
Another common survey is the Social Science Research Council Survey Archive at the
University of Essex (Dale, Arber & Procter, 1988). Neither of these sources, however,
offered data pertinent to this study. A unique feature of the current study is that it analyzes
data from a university and not from a national survey.
Although the current study relies on survey data, secondary analysis is not restricted
to survey data. Video and audio recordings, interview transcripts, field notes, and observation
records can also be sources of data for analysis. Also, secondary analysis is not restricted to
quantitative analysis and can also be qualitative in nature. Qualitative secondary analysis is
less common because context is so important to qualitative research and because secondary
analysis does not allow the secondary researcher to be part of the actual interviewing (Dale,
Arber, & Procter, 1988).
3.1.2 Literature Review
The researcher began the research process for the current study with an initial review of
relevant literature to uncover current themes in study abroad research. As it became clear that
the lack of U.S. minority student involvement in study abroad was a topic that interested
many researchers currently, the present researcher began to look for areas overlooked in
current research. The 1991 Council on International Exchange report on African American
students and study abroad identified a lack of research on American Indian students and
higher education generally. This prompted the present researcher to conduct a broader
literature review that revealed that there was indeed little research on American Indian
students and study abroad. This discovery prompted the researcher to study the history of
American Indians in higher education to better understand the context of American Indian
college students’ responses in the current study.
Upon deciding to examine the barriers facing American minority students in studying
abroad, the researcher conducted a second, focused literature review. The results of the
second search identified finances, family needs, opposition from family or friends, fear of
racism abroad, previous travel abroad, and lack of information on study abroad as established
barriers that prevented African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino students
17
from studying abroad, which suggested investigating whether American Indian students also
see these six variables as barriers.
The second literature search showed further that the University of Minnesota was a
leader in increasing minority participation in study abroad through its “Curriculum
Integration Approach.” The researcher then located online overviews of University of
Minnesota surveys from 2004, 2005, and 2006 and found that the surveys could be used to
study the six variables. From there, the researcher contacted the Global Programs and
Strategy Alliance to see if it would be possible to gain access to the datasets for the three
surveys.
3.2 Study Background
Initially, the researcher investigated locating datasets at a tribal college because tribal
colleges have a high rate of American Indian student enrollment. Tribal colleges, however,
either offered no study abroad programs or offered them very infrequently. The study abroad
programs the researcher found were offered either every two to three years or sometimes
merely once. Two tribal colleges with study abroad programs confirmed to the researcher that
neither had conducted research on student involvement in study abroad programs nor
possessed datasets for the researcher to use.
Further reading on the subject of study abroad in the U.S. revealed the University of
Minnesota (U of M) was referenced as a leader in increasing enrollment in study abroad
among minority students (Metzger, 2006). Between the late 1990s and 2009, the U of M
experienced a 150% increase in study abroad by minorities (Woodruff, 2009). Upon
discovering this information, the researcher looked closer the University of Minnesota Global
Programs’ research and methods that have contributed to increasing minority participation at
the U of M.
Dale, Arber, & Procter (1988) recommend that before beginning secondary analysis, a
researcher should answer these questions: “What was the purpose of the study? What
information has been collected? What sampling frame was used, and what is the sampling
unit—that is, has the survey sampled individuals, or households, or employers? Who was
responsible for collecting the data? Is the survey nationally representative? When was the
data collected?” (p. 20-27). The researcher took these questions into account when deciding
18
to use the data sets provided by the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance at the University
of Minnesota.
The current study conducts a comparative secondary analysis of the October 2004,
2005, 2006 surveys of senior year students at the University of Minnesota. The researcher
compares the responses of American Indian students in all three surveys to the responses of
African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino American students in each race and
ethnicity category.
The Global Programs and Strategy Alliance provided the researcher with SPSS output
data that are only available through private request. All three data sets were already
segmented by ethic/racial groups. Both the October 2005 and October 2006 senior student
data sets are formatted as percentages while the October 2004 senior student data sets present
numbers of students rather than percentages in the self-reported ethnic and racial group
categories.
The original study surveyed students from all four U of M campuses. The same
survey was given to all three senior year sample groups. The survey contained 19 main
questions, some of which had multiple sub-questions. Likert scales were used to obtain the
subjects’ answers. The purpose of the primary surveys was to examine the progress of the
curriculum integration model at the university (University of Minnesota, 2006).
Table 1.2: Self-Reported Race/Ethnicity of Minority Student Survey Participants
Students’ Self-Reported
Race/Ethnicity
University of Minnesota October 2004
Senior Year Survey
University of Minnesota October 2005
Senior Year Survey
University of Minnesota October 2006
Senior Year Survey
African American
49
38
33
American Indian
22
21
11
Asian American
187
173
122
Chicano/Latino
37
39
28
Total
295
271
194
(Data Property of Global Programs and Strategy Alliance, University of Minnesota)
In the October 2004 survey of senior year students, 1,666 students responded out of
7,365 surveyed, which is a 23% response rate. Of the 1,666 respondents, 295 students self-
reported as ethnically non-European American within four different ethnic categories:
African American, Asian American, Chicano/Latino, and American Indian. Of the 295
19
minority respondents, 28.3% had studied abroad while at the university, 40.3% had not
studied abroad, 19.8% were planning to study abroad before graduating, and 11.6% were not
planning to study abroad (University of Minnesota, 2004).
For the October 2005 survey of senior year students, there were 1,524 respondents out
of 7,506 students surveyed. This is a 20% response rate. Of the 1,524 students who
participated in the survey, 271 students self-reported to be non-European American. 36% of
the minority students in the survey reported that they had studied abroad, 23% had not
studied abroad, and 41% were planning to study abroad (University of Minnesota, 2005).
Of the 8,728 students surveyed in the October 2006 senior year survey, 1,137
responded, which is a 13% response rate. Of the 1,137 respondents, 194 self-reported to be
ethnically non-European American. Of these minority respondents, 44% had studied abroad,
14% were planning to study abroad, and 42% were not planning to study abroad (University
of Minnesota, 2006).
3.3 Choice of Methodology
Conducting secondary analysis is beneficial for a number of reasons. First, it is cost effective
and time efficient. Travel from Sweden to the U.S. to conduct a new survey would entail
a considerable cost. In addition, contacting gatekeepers, undergoing an institutional review
board of the research in the United States, recruiting subjects, devising a survey, waiting for
returned surveys, and coding completed surveys, all takes time. Secondary analysis allows
reallocating the time needed for data collection to analysis (Bryman, 2008).
Second, the sample size of the U of M survey is considerable and therefore reduces
sampling error associated with a study with a smaller sample (Kielcolt & Nathan, 1985). The
current researcher had eight months to complete all three phases of research, which makes
reproducing a sample as large as the U of M survey unlikely, if not impossible, during such a
short time.
A third advantage of secondary analysis in the context of this research is that the same
data can be used more than once. This saves the participants from having to be contacted
again as well as extends the investment made in the original research (Bryman, 2008).
20
3.4 Variables After looking into previous research and reflecting on the U of M survey questions, the
current researcher decided to compare six variables identified in the literature as contributing
to minority students' decisions whether to study abroad. Those variables are finances, family
needs, opposition from family or friends, fear of racism abroad, previous travel abroad, and
lack of information on study abroad.
3.4.1 Race/Ethnicity
The United States Office of Management and Budget (OMB) is responsible for standardizing
classifications for record-keeping, collection, and presentation of data on race and ethnicity in
administrative reporting and statistical activities for U.S. Federal programs. OMB defines
race as “a self-identification data item in which respondents choose the race or races with
which they most closely identify” (Office of Management and Budget, 2000). The OMB
category for ethnicity is used only for Latinos and Hispanics. “Latino and Hispanic origin can
be viewed as the heritage, nationality group, lineage, or country of birth of the person or the
person’s parents or ancestors before their arrival in the United States. People who identify
their origin as Hispanic, Latino, or Spanish may be any race” (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez,
2011).
In all three surveys, students were able to choose from the following categories:
African American, Asian American, Chicano/Latino, and Native American (University of
Minnesota, 2004; University of Minnesota, 2005; University of Minnesota, 2006).
While the U of M survey did not define each category for respondents as precisely as
OMB does for its purposes, the OMB definitions suggest what the U of M survey respondents
are likely to have understood the categories to mean. The survey researchers and the OMB
are consistent, however, in assuming respondents choose freely among the race and ethnicity
categories.
OMB’s 1977 definitions match two of the classifications used in the U of M survey:
(1) “American Indian or Alaskan Native. A person having origins in any of the original
peoples of North America, and who maintains cultural identification through tribal
affiliations or community recognition,” and (2) “African American or Black. A person having
origins in any of the black racial groups of Africa” (Office of Management and Budget 1977).
The OMB’s 1997 revised classification for “Asian American” can also be matched to the U
21
of M survey: “A person having origins in any of the original peoples of the Far East,
Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including, for example, Cambodia, China, I ndia,
Japan, Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippine Islands, Thailand, and Vietnam” (Office of
Management and Budget, 1997).
The Chicano/Latino category in the U of M survey is not used in Federal statistics and
is a category defining ethnicity rather than race. The OMB defines Chicano as a person with
origins in Mexico. Latino is a much broader term for individuals of any race with origins in
Latin America (Office of Management and Budget, 1995).
3.4.2 Finances
Studies have identified cost as a barrier for minority students as they consider studying
abroad. This barrier includes the costs of travel, living expenses, and foregone income (Brux
& Fry, 2010; CIEE 1991). In all three surveys U of M, students were asked two questions
relating to finances. First, “How important is cost in considering study abroad?” and “How
important is disruption of work/internship experience in considering study abroad?”
(University of Minnesota, 2004, p.8; University of Minnesota, 2005, pp. 7-8; University of
Minnesota, 2006, pp. 7-8).
3.4.3 Family Needs
Time spent away from family is also a concern for minority students, especially for Asian
American and Latino American students. Asian American students have identified family
responsibilities as the main reason they choose not to study abroad (Van Der Meid, 2003).
Many Latino American students identify being close to home as an important factor when
choosing a university, and many view unfavorably being away from home for an extended
period of time, such as while studying abroad (McClure, Szelenyi, Neihaus, Anderson, &
Reed, 2010). The U of M survey questions that address family responsibilities are, “How
important is time away from family and friends in considering study abroad?” and “How
important is family needs my support in considering study abroad?” (University of
Minnesota, 2004, pp.8-9; University of Minnesota, 2005, pp.7-8; University of Minnesota,
2006, pp. 7-8).
22
3.4.4 Opposition of Friends or Family Members
The support of family and friends is also important for minority students when considering
study abroad. Studies have found that African American students feel that their friends and
family do not view study abroad as important. This stems from a lack of travel by family
members and their opinion that study abroad is a frivolous expense (CIEE, 1991; Brux &Fry
2010). The issue of family resistance to study abroad is addressed the U of M survey
question: “How important is opposition from family and/or friends in considering study
abroad?” (University of Minnesota, 2004, p. 8; University of Minnesota, 2005, p. 8;
University of Minnesota, 2006, p. 8).
3.4.5 Fear of Racism Abroad
Previous studies cite fear of racism as a barrier for minority students, especially for African
American students who anticipate racism in the United States but who are reluctant to endure
racism abroad (CIEE, 1991). Minority students are also hesitant to seek international cross-
cultural experiences because they already must interact cross-culturally with the white
majority culture of the United States (Salisbury, Paulsen, & Pascarella, 2011). The U of M
survey asks, “How important is fear of racism in considering study abroad?” (University of
Minnesota, 2004, p. 8; University of Minnesota, 2005, p. 8; University of Minnesota, 2006, p.
8).
3.4.6 Previous Travel Abroad
Previous research has found that experience traveling abroad increases the likelihood of
students studying abroad. Tourist experiences can accustom students to hearing another
language spoken around them, help them become more comfortable with being away from
home, and help create desire to travel internationally again (Simon, 2007). Question 18 of the
surveys asks if students traveled abroad before attending the university (University of
Minnesota, 2004, p. 9; University of Minnesota, 2005, p. 9; University of Minnesota, 2006, p.
9).
3.4.7 Lack of Information on Study Abroad
Universities can also build barriers for minority students by not providing adequate
information on study abroad. Scholars have argued that institutions of higher education
discriminate against students of color by targeting information at the institutions’ most likely
23
study abroad constituency, namely, white, female, middle-class, full-time students (Salisbury,
Paulsen, & Pascarella, 2011). Colleges and universities also may assume minority students
are uninterested in study abroad because a lack of past involvement (Carroll, 1996).
Three questions in the U of M survey inquire if and how students have received
information on study abroad from a staff member, faculty member, or department at the
University of Minnesota: “Have any of your advisers ever talked with you about study
abroad?”; “Have you ever received a ‘Study Abroad in [your Major]’ advising sheet from
your college?”; and “Have any of your professors ever mentioned study abroad to you, either
during class or outside of the classroom?” (University of Minnesota 2004, pp. 5-6; University
of Minnesota, 2005, pp. 5-6; University of Minnesota, 2006, pp. 5-6).
24
Chapter Four
Setting of the Study
4.1 Historical Overview of American Indian Students in Higher Education
4.1.1 Introduction
While the theme of other minority groups’ experience in American education has been one of
fighting segregation in schools and trying to gain access to education, the American Indian
story is one of resisting the colonizer’s education that taught cultural assimilation and
promoted conversion to Christianity (Pertusati, 1988). This resistance explains much about
the low rate of American Indian student participation in higher education.
The history of American Indian participation in U.S. education is also unique because
of American Indian struggles with settlers, and later the U.S. government, over land
ownership and governing rights. One result of these struggles is the reser vation system in
which land is owned and governed by American Indian communities but held in trust and
supervised by the U.S. government. American Indians living on reservations, as well as the
schools and businesses located on the land, are exempt from U.S. laws and taxation but
overseen by the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (Sandefur, 1989).
4.1.2 Historical Overview
In 1618, the British monarchy set aside land for an American Indian college in Virginia.
However, those plans were quickly abandoned after native objections to these plans. The
colonists did succeed, in 1656, in establishing an Indian College on the Harvard College
campus. Over the next two hundred and thirty years, private colleges and universities opened
their doors to American Indian students in order to convert and “civilize” them in segregated,
Indian colleges (Pavel et al., 1998). 1n 1887, the North Carolina General Assembly founded
the Croatan Normal School, later renamed Pembroke State College for Indians. The school
offered four-year teaching degree programs and became the first state supported college for
American Indians in the United States (Dial, 2005).
The 1830 Indian Removal Act had devastating effects on American Indian
communities across the U.S. American Indian nations located east of the Mississippi River
were required to relocate to areas west of the river. Any band that did not obey was required
to give up significant portions of their land to the U.S. government. The Removal Act also
25
impacted tribes already west of the Mississippi as they had to give up portions of their land to
accommodate the newly relocated tribes. This relocation pushed tribes onto smaller areas of
land that were deemed undesirable, which disrupted their established way of life and pushed
many communities into extreme poverty (Sandefur, 1989).
Finally in 1928, the Merriam Report to Congress brought to light the poor quality of
schools and overall poor quality of life on American Indian reservations as well as the lack of
post-secondary options for American Indian boarding school graduates (Stahl, 1979). In
response to the Merriam Report, Congress passed and President Franklin Roosevelt signed
the Indian Reorganization Act or the “Indian Bill of Rights” in 1934. The Act gave American
Indian communities the right to a constitution, self-government, and their own tribal
corporations. The Merriam Report also prompted the Johnson-O’Malley Act that required
states to open public schools, including post-secondary schools, for American Indian students
in order to improve the quality of education offered to American Indians. Arizona State
Indian College became the first state-run university to offer undergraduate programs and
post-graduate courses for American Indian students (Pavel et al., 1998).
The 1954 Supreme Court ruling, Brown v. Board of Education, was significant for all
U.S. minority groups because it desegregated schools throughout the United States. In
reviewing literature pertaining to the history of American Indians in higher education, the
researcher found few references to this ruling. Some American Indian nations were
unreceptive to attending integrated schools because it entailed losing the opportunity to teach
their children about their tribal culture and history in their own schools. While desegregation
meant a loss for some tribes, other tribes were open to school desegregation because before
the Supreme Court ruling, there had only been schools for white and black students in their
area but none for American Indian children (Currie, 2005).
The next milestone in American Indian higher education was the establishment in
1968 of the Navajo Community College in Arizona, which in 1997 was renamed Diné
College (Pavel et al., 1998; American Indian College Fund, n.d.). It became the first higher
educational institution founded and run by a tribe for both American Indian and non-
American Indian applicants. The college was also unique in that it provided post-secondary
training as well as a new forum in which to celebrate and emphasize the tribe’s cultural
heritage (Stahl, 1979). The U.S. government followed in 1971 with The Navajo Community
College Assistance Act that provided the Navajo Tribal Council with federal funding for their
26
tribal community college (Pavel et al., 1998). The Navajo Community College was the
starting point for tribal colleges and universities (TCUs) that exist today (U.S. Department of
Education, 2011).
By 1972, the growth of TCUs prompted the tribally- and federally-chartered higher
educational institutions to form the American Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC)
as the network that “through public policy, advocacy, research, and program initiatives” aims
to “ensure strong tribal sovereignty through excellence in American Indian higher education”
(American Indian Higher Education Consortium, n.d.a). In 2012, the AIHEC had grown to
number thirty-seven TCUs in the U.S. (Red Crow Community College in Alberta, Canada, is
also a member). The newest member of the consortium, Red Lake Nation College in
Minnesota, joined AIHEC in 2011 and plans to admit its first class in fall 2012.
Since the Navajo Nation founded the first tribal college in 1968, it and its thirty-six fellow
U.S. tribal colleges have served a unique function for American Indian students. As the
Tribal College Research and Database Initiative (1999) has observed:
Tribal Colleges are unique institutions that combine personal attention with cultural
relevance, in such a way as to encourage American Indians—especially those living
on reservations—to overcome the barriers in higher education (p. A-1).
Although National Center for Education Statistics data from 2007 show merely 7.3% of
American Indian/Alaskan Native higher education students were enrolled in TCUs, these
colleges generally serve geographically isolated American Indian populations with limited
access to other higher education institutions in fourteen states, and use curricula that
incorporates both tribal teaching methods and Western models of learning (American Indian
Higher Education Consortium, 1999).
As tribal colleges aim to serve a specific, underserved American Indian population
and are often located in isolated areas, it is not surprising that so few of the colleges offer
study abroad programs. Of the thirty-seven U.S. tribal colleges and universities, only Haskell
Indian Nations University publishes information on its website about its international
program offerings. The International Education Committee at Haskell offers study, research,
and volunteer opportunities abroad in cooperation with other universities (Haskell Indian
Nations University, 2009).
27
Table 1.3: Tribal Colleges and Universities in the United States
Name of Institution
State
Year Founded
Aaniiih Nakoda College (formerly Fort Belknap College) Montana 1984
Bay Mills Community College Michigan 1984
Blackfeet Community College Montana 1974
Cankdeska Cikana Community College North Dakota 1974
Chief Dull Knife College Montana 1975
College of Menominee Nation Wisconsin 1993
College of the Muscogee Nation Oklahoma 2004
Comanche Nation College Oklahoma 2002
Diné College Arizona 1968
Fond du Lac Tribal and Community College Minnesota 1987
Fort Berthold Community College North Dakota 1973
Fort Peck Community College Montana 1978
Haskell Indian Nations University Kansas 1970
Ilisagvik College Alaska 2005
Institute of American Indian Arts New Mexico 1986
Keweenaw Bay Ojibwa Community College Michigan 1975
Lac Courte Oreilles Ojibwa Community College Wisconsin 1982
Leech Lake Tribal College Minnesota 1990
Little Big Horn College Montana 1980
Little Priest Tribal College Nebraska 1996
Navajo Technical College New Mexico 1979
Nebraska Indian Community College Nebraska 1973
Northwest Indian College Washington 1998
Oglala Lakota College South Dakota 1978
Red Lake Nation College Minnesota 2004
Saginaw Chippewa Tribal College Michigan 1998
Salish Kootenai College Montana 1997
Sinte Gleska University South Dakota 1971
Sisseton Wahpeton College South Dakota 1979
Sitting Bull College North Dakota 1973
Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute New Mexico 1971
Stone Child College Montana 1984
Tohono O’odham Community College Arizona 1998
Turtle Mountain Community College North Dakota 1972
United Tribes Technical College North Dakota 1969
White Earth Tribal and Community College Minnesota 1997
Wind River Tribal College Wyoming 1997 (American Indian Higher Education Consortium, n.d.b)
Six TCUs, including Haskell Indian Nations University, enroll more American Indian
students than the University of Minnesota (bolded on Table 1.4), yet Haskell alone among
TCUs “markets” study abroad to its students and its opportunities are less comprehensive,
less consistently offered, and much more modestly supported with financial aid than
initiatives at the University of Minnesota.
28
Table 1.4: Enrollments at U.S. TCUs Compared to the University of Minnesota
Name of Institution Enrollment Fall 2004
Enrollment Fall 2005
Enrollment Fall 2006
Aaniiih Nakoda College (formerly Fort Belknap College) 259 175 161
Bay Mills Community College 547 519 559
Blackfeet Community College 551 487 450
Cankdeska Cikana Community College 194 193 232
Chief Dull Knife College 356 554 359
College of the Menominee Nation 510 538 511
College of the Muscogee Nation na na na
Comanche Nation College 7 108 271
Diné College 2323 1822 1728
Fond du Lac Tribal and Community College 1013 941 440
Fort Berthold Community College 309 295 203
Fort Peck Community College 485 411 438
Haskell Indian Nations University 982 917 889
Ilisagvik College 260 211 253
Institute of American Indian Arts 179 184 193
Keweenaw Bay Ojibwa Community College 59 82 60
Lac Courte Oreilles Ojibwa Community College 454 494 552
Leech Lake Tribal College 188 174 198
Little Big Horn College 313 253 317
Little Priest Tribal College 123 83 95
Navajo Technical College 348 339 390
Nebraska Indian Community College 84 102 113
Northwest Indian College 533 495 623
Oglala Lakota College 1332 1229 1486
Red Lake Nation College na na na
Saginaw Chippewa Tribal College 92 99 97
Salish Kootenai College 1125 1087 1080
Sinte Gleska University 1076 872 917
Sisseton Wahpeton College 204 290 279
Sitting Bull College 288 288 286
Southwestern Indian Polytechnic Institute 757 614 629
Stone Child College 347 344 262
Tohono O’odham Community College 168 244 195
Turtle Mountain Community College 798 915 849
United Tribes Technical College 472 885 525
White Earth Tribal and Community College 56 60 116
Wind River Tribal College na 39 39
University of Minnesota 616 696 755 (American Indian Higher Education Consortium, 2007; University of Minnesota, 2011a; University of
Minnesota, 2011b; University of Minnesota, 2011c)
In 1991, the Indian Nations Task Force Report stated that a lack of financial aid was
preventing American Indian students from attending either tribal or non-tribal institutions of
29
higher education. The report made no mention of funding for supporting study abroad. The
report also stated a need for improving the quality of tribal colleges.
Currently, two endowments, both in cooperation with the American Indian College
Fund, have committed to providing greater financial aid and to improving the intellectual
capital of tribal colleges. The Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux Community established the
Sovereign Nations Scholarship Fund Endowment (SNSFE) in 2001 under the auspices of the
American Indian College Fund and challenged other Indian nations, businesses, foundations,
and individuals to join in providing scholarships to any American Indian student attending
any major undergraduate, graduate, or professional school at either a tribal college or non-
tribal university. In 2007, the Lilly Endowment, Inc., made a 5-year, $17.5 million grant to
the American Indian College Fund to strengthen both individual colleges and cooperation
among the tribal colleges (American Indian College Fund, 2011). Neither of these initiatives,
however, target increasing study abroad among tribal college students.
4.1.3 American Indian Students Today
One of the lasting effects of forced assimilation, isolation, and disruption of community on
American Indians has been a high rate of poverty. In 2006, 27% of American Indian/Alaska
Natives lived in poverty, compared to 13% of U.S. citizens overall (Adelman, Taylor &
Nelson, n.d.). In 2008, the poverty rate among American Indian/Alaska Native families with
children under 18 years old was double the national average (American Indian College Fund,
2011).
According to the Institute for Higher Education Policy (2007), the poverty within
American Indian communities is attributable to geographic isolation, limited opportunities for
upward mobility in rural areas and reservations, and low rates of participation in the labor
force. Szasz (1991) argues that the high rate of poverty plus the lack of employment
opportunities on reservations has negatively impacted American Indians’ perceived relevance
of education, American Indian students’ motivation for formal education, and American
Indian graduates’ returning to reservations and serving as role models within their
communities.
The high rate of poverty among American Indian communities and families with
school-aged children has also proven to affect school retention rates and, therefore, high
school graduation rates. In 2001, only 51% American Indian high school students graduated,
30
which also helps explain the low rate of participation among American Indian students in
higher education (Swanson, 2004). Furthermore, of high school graduates, 17% of American
Indian and Alaska Native matriculate to college (National Indian Education Association,
2012). Research into the underrepresentation of American Indian students in higher education
has found inadequate academic preparation, teacher and counselor discouragement, and
inadequate financial support to be contributing factors (Darden, Bagaka’s, Armstrong &
Payne, 1994).
A wealth of research exists on American Indian high school retention and graduation
rates; however, Larimore and McClellan (2005) argue the dearth of research done on
American Indian college retention rates has led to confusion and lack of improvement in
American Indian student success in higher education. What little research that has been done
on the low rate of American Indian retention in higher education concludes that American
Indian students do not complete their degrees because of lack of academic preparation, vague
educational goals, few role models, scarce financial support, persisting prejudice, and
prevalent social isolation. Larimore and McClellan recommend that student services staff,
especially at non-native institutions, determine how to improve their relationships with
American Indian students on campus. They suggest mentoring, active outreach concerning
financial aid, and even providing office space to tribal leaders to better understand students’
needs and build connections between colleges and native nations.
4.2 Historical Overview of Study Abroad in the United States
The geographical isolation of the United States, along with its founding principles of
independence and self-reliance, are seen as contributing factors to the inward-looking nature
of American education (Hudzik, 2011). The American higher education story began with the
founding of colleges that were tolerant of reform ideals and independent from European
systems. The initial focus of most of the colleges was to train Euro -American clerics, and
those wanting to become doctors, lawyers, and other professionals went back to Europe to
receive their training (Hoffa, 2007).
American colleges remained small and offered limited program opportunities well
into the post-colonial period. Wealthy landowners of the Mid-Atlantic and Southern
settlements as well as New Englanders elected to send their sons back to Europe for their
college education. Though some went to Europe for degree programs, others took a Grand
Tour to experience European thought and ways (ibid).
31
The Grand Tour developed in England as a way of training wealthy young men in
diplomacy. The men were expected to learn about culture, language, and contacts abroad,
especially in capital cities. The tours lasted anywhere from six months to three years,
sometimes even longer. Generally, the students visited France, Switzerland, Italy, Germany,
and England. Some extended their travel into Greece, Poland, and the Jewish center of
Salonika in present-day Greece (Brodsky-Porges, 1981).
The Grand Tour undertaken by American colonists was generally shorter than that of
Europeans and consisted usually of visiting England, Paris, Rome, and Venice. The purpose
of the American tour was for wealthy young men to learn about their English home land, the
culture of continental Europe, and European history as well as to build social and diplomatic
connections (ibid). The American Grand Tour shifted the emphasis of studying in Europe
from a political necessity to a symbol of wealth and status (Hoffa, 2007).
Towards the end of the 1700s it became less acceptable for Americans to go on a
Grand Tour. Independence from England strengthened nationalism and an anti-European
mentality in Americans (Brodsky-Porges, 1981). In a letter to John Banister, Jr., on October
15, 1785, Thomas Jefferson listed reasons why Americans should not study in Europe.
Jefferson concludes, “It appears to me then, that an American coming to Europe for
education, loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in his habits, and in his
happiness” (para. 1). The young American elite were encouraged to forego the Old World
and, instead, travel around the New World (Brodsky-Porges, 1981).
In 1785, the Georgia House of Assembly chartered the first public university in the
United States. State universities came to be seen as serving a vital function in society because
they were separate from any religious or private interest. The state universities also increased
access to higher education for the less wealthy, offered a broader selection of programs, and
enabled American students to study closer to home (Johnson, 1987). American college and
university curricula were soon considered too general and without enough specialization
needed for graduates entering the workforce. With the start of the industrial revolution,
wealthy American students headed to universities in Scotland and Germany for professional
training programs (Hoffa, 2007).
During the nineteenth-century, American students continued to study in Europe on a
Grand Tour, or a wanderjahr as the experience came to be called with the growing
importance of German universities, at a British or Germany university, or for a postgraduate
32
degree. Though the Grand Tour remained an experience for the American elite for social and
diplomatic experiences, a wanderjahr took on the character of a year of unplanned
exploration and adventure, typical of American artists, authors, and poets. Wealthy
Americans who spent a year abroad at a European university or traveling were generally there
to gain a cultural experience, while those elite students who went for graduate studies, sought
out specific research or professional programs (ibid).
Towards the end of the nineteenth-century, American universities started their own
graduate schools, which reduced the need for students to study abroad for professional
degrees. This also changed the nature of undergraduate studies to focus more on pre-
professional training. At the start of the twentieth-century, American colleges and universities
reached such academic credibility that elites no longer looked to Europe for higher education,
and studying in-country became the norm (Geiger, 1997).
As American universities reached a standard comparable to European universities,
exchanges and scholarships to higher educational institutions abroad were introduced. In
1903, the Rhodes Scholar program was started and enabled two students from each U.S. state
to study at Oxford University (Elton, 1956). In 1911, The Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace began to sponsor exchanges between Japanese and American lecturers
(Marshall, 1911). Universities and study abroad programs acknowledged that no higher
education system could meet the needs of all its students, that living and learning abroad is an
enriching experience, and that the experience is mutually enriching for the university and
country of study (Hoffa, 2007).
During the 1920s, study abroad drew the interest of the United States government and
brought about three new concepts concerning study abroad through American universities: 1)
the Junior Year Abroad, 2) faculty led study tours, and 3) short -term study programs (ibid).
Though World War II temporarily suspended study abroad, the American government
became more invested in expanding international relations during and after the war. A
consequence of World War II was the increase in international interaction between
Americans and citizens of other countries. Many more Americans, not just the wealthy, had
been abroad and many more Americans gained an increased awareness and interest in the
international community (Goodwin & Nacht, 1991).
Also significant to the post-World War II period was the introduction of the
Fulbright-Hays program in 1946. The program was developed by Senator J. William
33
Fulbright who proposed using proceeds from the sale of surplus war property to fund
exchanges between students studying education, culture, and science to promote greater
international understanding. It has become one of the most prestigious exchange programs in
the world (The Office of Academic Exchange Programs, n.d.).
During the 1960s, international relations remained an important motivation for
investing in study abroad. The Peace Corps program was established in 1961 and sent
American college-educated volunteers to share educational and technical expertise with
developing nations. The Higher Education Act of 1965 created loan, grant, and Federal
Work-Study programs for financially needy students. Most significant for minority students
was the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Brown vs. Board of Education which
desegregated American public education. In 1960, only 3,000 African American students
were enrolled in predominantly White universities in the U.S. South; by 1970, this exploded
to 98,000 (Stallman, Woodruff, Kasravi & Comp, 2010).
In the 1970s, American Indian Studies, Women’s Studies, and Black Studies
programs grew and brought greater attention to gender and race in academia (McClellan,
Fox, & Lowe, 2005; Stallman, Woodruff, Kasravi & Comp, 2010). By 1976, students of
color represented 16.2% of the U.S. university student body. Federal grants and scholarships
were increased to help boost minority enrollment. The Higher Education Act was emended in
1972 to provide even more financial support to low-income students. The Pell Grant program
was also increased so that universities could cover 30-100% of the tuition and living costs for
students who couldn’t afford college (Stallman, Woodruff, Kasravi & Comp, 2010).
The 1970s also brought about the first init iatives to increase minority enrollment in
study abroad. The University of California Education Abroad Program received a grant from
the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the U.S. Department of State in order to
stimulate enrollment of minority and disadvantaged students in study abroad. The program
awarded study abroad scholarships based on financial need. The program also encouraged
minority students who studied abroad to serve as role models and so recruit other students
(ibid.).
During the 1980s, tuition costs at American colleges and universities increased
rapidly. African American college enrollment dipped slightly while Asian American and
Latino American enrollment grew (ibid). A major rise in study abroad rates also occurred in
the 1980s when the advantages of study abroad were expressed in terms that were beneficial
34
for both students and academic institutions. Study abroad offices became a standard for
universities and colleges. In 2000, 65% of American campuses had study abroad offices, and
by 2006, 91% had (Hoffa & DePaul, 2010).
Though the number of study abroad offices has grown and student participation in
study abroad has soared, racial diversity in study abroad has not been thoroughly addressed.
Currently, the typical American student who studies abroad is a European American, female,
young, single, financially secure, and nondisabled (Stallman, Woodruff, Kasravi & Comp,
2010).
Table 1.5: Comparative Data by Percentage of Students
Race/Ethnicity
U.S. Population
2008
U.S. Higher Ed.
Enrollment
2008*
U.S. Students
Abroad 2007- 2008
U.S. Community
College Enrollment
2009*
U.S. Community
College Abroad 2007-2008
Gilman Scholarship
Fall Recipients
2007-2008
White/European
American
79.8%
63.3%
81.8%
61.0%
68.8%
44.0%
Black/African
American
12.8%
13.5%
4.0%
14.0%
6.4%
15.0%
Hispanic/Latino
American
15.4%**
11.9%
5.9%
15.0%
15.1%
14.0%
Asian American
4.7% ***
6.8%***
6.6%
7.0%
4.70%
11.0%
American
Indian
1.0%
1.0%****
0.5%
1.0%
0.40%
1.0%
Multiracial
1.7%
Not Available
1.2%
2.0%
4.70%
9.0%
No Response /
Unknown
X
X
X
X
X
6.0%
* Excludes Nonresident alien data ** U.S. Census data provides separate data on Hispanic/Latino populations *** Includes Hawaiian/ Pacific Islander populations
**** Includes American Indian/Alaska Native populations
(Comp, 2010)
The table above shows the disparity of the study abroad student profile compared to the total
U.S. population, the comparison of enrollment in higher education and study abroad, and the
relative representation of Gilman Scholarship recipients, which is a federally-funded study
abroad program for low-income students who receive Pell Grants. Only Asian
American students are nearly equally represented in enrollment in higher education (6.8%)
and in study abroad (6.6%).
Relevant to the low participation levels of American Indian students in study abroad
is that tribal colleges offer very few study abroad opportunities. Tribal colleges do not
prioritize study abroad because of lack of funding and because the two-year programs they
offer cannot accommodate study abroad into these short training programs (Calhoon,
Wildcat, Annett, Pierotti & Griswold, 2003).
35
4.3 University of Minnesota’s Curriculum Integration Initiative
Over the past ten years, researchers at the University of Minnesota have been looking into the
lack of minority student involvement in study abroad and how to best to address this issue.
The subject was discussed at a 2001 retreat for advisers as part of a Bush Foundation grant to
the University. Advisers from all four campuses of the university (Crookston, Duluth, Morris,
and Twin Cities) attended (University of Minnesota, 2002). Discussions during the retreat
resulted in The Multicultural Study Abroad Group (MSAG) that took responsibility for
developing focus groups and surveying students to uncover the barriers for minority students
to study abroad. MSAG consists of University of Minnesota professionals who work towards
increasing minority student involvement through working to overcome obstacles associated
with study abroad, promoting the importance of it, and providing resources that are dedicated
to helping minority students (Woodruff et al, 2005).
During the first year of research, MSAG identified through a literature review seven
barriers hindering students of color from study abroad. They included finances, fear, cultural
barriers, academic concerns, and lack of marketing and materials expressly for minority
students. The following year, the group started surveying sophomore and senior students to
study if these barriers existed amongst students at the University of Minnesota (ibid).
The survey research and outreach resulted in "the curriculum integration approach,"
which involves including study abroad in degree programs and promoting an active
partnership among faculty, advisors, and campus study abroad offices (Woodruff, 2009).
MSAG created a brochure for students of color, advising materials to inform parents of
students of the benefits of study abroad, and another brochure to highlight study abroad
programs with a multicultural focus. In addition, MSAG initiated increased outreach to
incoming students, new minority student study abroad scholarships, and information sharing
between study abroad advisers and on-campus multicultural groups (Woodruff et al, 2005).
MSAG also reached out to the American Indian studies faculty in order to increase
American Indian student participation in study abroad. In 2002, the University of Minnesota
Duluth campus sponsored a three-week exchange between their own American Indian studies
and the Center for Aboriginal Studies at Curtin University in Perth, Australia. Four U of M
students participated in the exchange in Perth, where they visited Aboriginal communities
and cultural sites (University of Minnesota, 2002). The U of M Learning Abroad Center
created a brochure for American Indian studies majors with information concerning
36
scholarships and study abroad programs offering courses related to their major (Learning
Abroad Center, 2009b).
In 2003-2004, the efforts of the curriculum integration approach began to show in the
statistics collected by the University of Minnesota, Twin Cities. The number of students of
color enrolled in study abroad jumped from 106 in 2002-2003 to 212 students in 2003-2004.
The Multicultural Study Abroad Group credited this significant increase to the efforts of the
General College, a freshman-admitting college directed at minority, first-generation college,
and at-risk students, whose approach became a role model for other units in the University
system. The General College on the Twin Cities campus provided well attended workshops
and site visits for advisers and faculty on the benefits of study abroad. The advisers learned
how to address concerns and open up discussions with students of color concerning study
abroad. A committee in the General College, called the Learning Abroad Initiatives, was
created to sustain the effort and award a $15,000 scholarship for students in the college
(Woodruff et al, 2005).
The Multicultural Study Abroad Group remains an active research and outreach group
at the University of Minnesota. Group members speak at conferences, continue to produce
materials and training models, and do active outreach to academic departments (Learning
Abroad Center, 2009a). Study abroad rates among minority students at University of
Minnesota continue to rise. For example, on the Twin Cities campus in 2008-2009, the
number of minority students abroad had more than tripled since the curriculum integration
program started in 2001 (University of Minnesota, 2008). The success of the efforts at the
University of Minnesota offer transferable models to other higher education institutions
across the United States.
37
5.1 Overview
Chapter Five
Study Findings
This thesis examines which factors influence American Indian students’ decision on whether
to study abroad in light of the following variables: finances, family needs, opposition of
friends or family members, fear of racism abroad, previous travel abroad, and lack of
information on study abroad. The researcher compared responses of American Indian
students who participated in the University of Minnesota Global Programs and Strategy
Alliance surveys in October 2004, 2005, and 2006. The researcher has then compared the
American Indian student responses from the three data sets to the responses of African
American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino American participants. Through these
comparisons, the researcher has uncovered both similarities and differences between the
student groups.
5.2 American Indian Students Survey Findings
5.2.1 Finances
The cost of study abroad has been found to be a barrier for minority students in previous
studies. Therefore, the researcher compared how American Indian students responded to two
questions related to study abroad cost and finance in the survey: “How important is cost in
considering study abroad?” and “How important is disruption of work/internship experience
in considering study abroad?” The students were given a Likert scale from “not a factor,”
“somewhat important,” “very important,” and “most important” for both questions.
In the three surveys, American Indian students overwhelmingly agreed that cost was
either “very important” or “most important,” with an 87% combined response between the
two categories. Of the three surveys, the American Indian students from the October 2006
senior year survey had the highest rate: 72.7% found cost to be “most important” when
considering study abroad.
In contrast, American Indian respondents were not as concerned with a disruption of
work or internship experience when considering study abroad. Between the three surveys,
only 24.1% of American Indian students indicated that disrupting work or an internship
would be “most important” to them when considering study abroad.
38
5.2.2 Family Needs
The needs of family members can also weigh on a student’s decision to study abroad. The
University of Minnesota asked two questions related to this variable: “How important is time
away from family and friends in considering study abroad?” and “How important is family
needs my support in considering study abroad?”
There were considerable differences between the responses to this variable by
American Indian students. In the October2005 survey responded much higher on the Likert
scale on both questions (61.9%) than the senior year students of 2004 and 2006. Overall, only
31.2% of students responded that time away from family and friends was “most important”
and 27.8% felt that their families needing their support was “most important.”
5.2.3 Opposition of Friends or Family Members
The opinions of family and friends regarding study abroad have shown to influence students’
decision to study abroad. The University of Minnesota survey asked students how important
opposition of family or friends was in their decision to study abroad. American Indian
students on all three surveys unexpectedly agreed overwhelmingly that the opinions of family
and friends were not a factor in deciding to study abroad. Fully 68.9% responded that such
opposition was either “not a factor” or merely “somewhat important.”
5.2.4 Fear of Racism Abroad
Studies of African American students have found that a fear of racism abroad can deter
students from studying abroad (CIEE, 1991). Among the American Indian students surveyed
at the University of Minnesota, however, 81% of students did not find racism to be a
contributing factor in their decision to study abroad.
5.2.5 Previous Travel Abroad
Students who have traveled abroad have been found to be more likely to participate in study
abroad during their university studies. Though traveling and living abroad are very different
life experiences, the familiarity with being in another country can help make study abroad
less daunting for prospective students (Simon, 2007).
The American Indian students in the three surveys presented inconsistent results
regarding travel abroad before attending university. Only 27.3% of American Indian seniors
39
in the October 2004 survey had traveled abroad, while 42.9% and 36.4% of American Indian
senior year students had traveled abroad before entering the university in the October 2005
and October 2006 surveys. Overall, 35.2% of American Indian students indicated the y had
traveled abroad before studying at the University of Minnesota.
5.2.6 Lack of Information on Study Abroad
Historically, study abroad has been dominated by European American students. Some
scholars argue that institutional racism has contributed to t he low numbers of minority
student participation in study abroad. Previous research has uncovered that university and
college staff are less likely to encourage African American, Asian American, and
Chicano/Latino students to study abroad or offer them information about such study
opportunities (Carroll, 1996).
In order to examine this variable, the researcher decided to look at the responses of
American Indian students in four different questions: “Have any of your advisers ever talked
with you about study abroad?”; “Have you ever received a ‘Study Abroad in [your Major]’
advising sheet from your college?”; “Have any of your professors ever mentioned study
abroad to you during class?; and “Have any of your professors ever mentioned study abroad
to you outside class?” The students had been given options of “yes” or “no” to answer each of
these questions.
Generally, between the three surveys and all four questions, more American Indian
than other students responded they had not received information from their adviser, college,
or professor regarding study abroad. Table 1.6 demonstrates, however, that students’
responses to the 2004, 2005, and 2006 surveys do vary.
40
Table 1.6: American Indian Student Responses: Lack of Information
Survey Question
October 2004
Senior Year Survey
October 2005
Senior Year Survey
October 2006
Senior Year Survey
Combined
American Indian Student Response
Have any of your advisers
ever talked with you about
study abroad?
Yes 6 (28.6%) 7 (33.3%) 7 (63.6%) 20 (37.7%)
No 15 (71.4%) 14 (66.7%) 4 (36.4%) 33 (62.3%)
Total 21 (100%) 21 (100%) 11 (100%) 53 (100%)
Did you receive a “Study
Abroad in [your Major]” advising sheet from your
college?
Yes 2 (9.1%) 6 (28.6%) 2 (18.2%) 10 (18.5%)
No 20 (90.9%) 15 (71.4%) 9 (81.8%) 44 (81.5%)
Total 22 (100%) 21 (100%) 9 (81.8%) 54 (100%)
Have any of your professors ever mentioned
study abroad to you during
class?
Yes 11 (50%) 10 (47.6%) 4 (36.4%) 25 (46.3%)
No 11 (50%) 11 (52.4%) 7 (63.6%) 29 (53.7%)
Total 22 (100%) 21 (100%) 11 (100%) 54 (100%)
Have any of your professors
ever mentioned study abroad to you outside class?
Yes 7 (31.8%) 9 (42.9%) 4 (36.4%) 20 (37.0%)
No 15 (68.2%) 12 (57.1%) 7 (63.6%) 34 (63.0%)
Total 22 (100%) 21 (100%) 11 (100%) 54 (100%)
(Data Property of Global Programs and Strategy Alliance, University of Minnesota)
American Indian students did receive information from advisers during the three survey
years. Very few American Indian students, however, received information sheets from their
college. Overall, individual faculty members provided American Indian students little
information about study abroad in class and even less outside of class. Lack of information,
then, can be seen as a contributing factor for American Indian students’ under-representation
in study abroad.
5.3 African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino Students Survey Findings
5.3.1 Finances
Between the October 2004, October 2005, and October 2006 University of Minnesota
surveys, 89.9% of African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino ranked cost as
“very important” or “most important.” African American students ranked cost higher than the
other two groups, and Chicano/Latino ranked it the lowest.
In relation to the survey question on how important is disruption of work/internship
experience in considering study abroad, 49.6% of all African American, Asian American, and
Chicano/Latino responded that it was “very important” or “most important”. African
Americans also ranked this highest and Chicano/Latino students ranked it lowest among the
41
three groups. The results of the survey were consistent with previous research done on
African American students which found that cost and loss of income to be the main barriers
to study abroad (CIEE, 1991).
5.3.2 Family Needs
The researcher studied the responses of African American, Asian American, and
Chicano/Latino students in relation to how important time away from family and friends and
how important their families needing their support was in considering study abroad. Among
the three groups, 38.5% of minority students ranked time away from family and friends as
“very important” or “most important.” African American students were found to respond the
strongest to their families needing their support. In contrast, Asian American students, at
42.8%, were most concerned with spending time away from family and friends. This result is
consistent with previous studies that have found family ties to be significant for Asian
American students’ deciding to study abroad (Van Der Meid, 2003).
5.3.3 Opposition of Friends or Family Members
The opinions of family and friends regarding study abroad can influence students’ deciding
whether to study abroad; however, 79.2% of U of M African American, Asian American, and
Chicano/Latino students surveyed answered that opposition of friends or family members
regarding study abroad was either “not a factor” or merely “somewhat important.” Overall,
students felt that their family and friends would be supportive of them studying abroad.
5.3.4 Fear of Racism Abroad
The African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino student survey participants in
the October 2004, October 2005, and October 2006 University of Minnesota surveys did not
fear racism abroad. In fact, only 21.6% of students indicated that it was “very important” or
“most important” to their decision to study abroad. This contrasts with studies that have
found that minority students have been concerned with how they will be treated, based on
their race, in other countries (Salisbury, Paulsen & Pascarella, 2011).
5.3.5 Previous Travel Abroad
Before attending the University of Minnesota, 59.3% of African American, Asian American,
and Chicano/Latino students surveyed had traveled abroad. African American students were
42
found to have traveled the least and Chicano/Latino students, the most, among the three
racial/ethnic groups in the study.
5.3.6 Lack of Information on Study Abroad
Merely 42.4% of African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino students reported
having had a conversation with an adviser about study abroad. Both Asian American and
Chicano/Latino students showed an increase in receiving information from an adviser, while
African American students indicated that the received less information.
Very few (32.5%) of the minority students had received a “Study Abroad in [your
Major]” advising sheet from their college. Again, African American students reported the
lowest rate, at only 21%, of receiving information.
Between the two questions regarding conversations with a professor about study
abroad, more minority students had heard about study abroad from a professor during class
(51.4%) than outside of class (28.9%). Interestingly, fewer African American (49.6%)
students had heard a professor speak about study abroad during class, while fewer Asian
American students had a conversation with a professor outside of class (26.8%).
The responses of African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino students
from all three surveys demonstrates a definite lack of information provided to the students
from advisers, their college, and facult y.
5.4 Common Threads
Common to all four ethnic/racial categories is concern regarding the cost of study abroad,
students’ flexibility in being able to be away from family and friends, the support of friends
and family in choosing to study abroad, students’ lack of fear of racism abroad, and the little
information on study abroad students had received from advisers, their college, or faculty.
American Indian joined African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino
student survey participants in ranking the cost of study abroad as being their main concern in
considering study abroad. They were also not concerned about spending time away from
family and friends. Though more African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino
students than American Indian students indicated that their family needed their support, all
four groups’ responses suggest that families needing support does not figure into the
43
students’ deciding whether to study abroad. Neither was racism abroad nor substantial
opposition of family or friends significant to any of the four groups in this study.
The low number of American Indian, African American, Asian American, and
Chicano/Latino students who had received information regarding study abroad from advisers,
their college, or faculty is an area in which the University should improve. Though American
Indian, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino students showed an increase in receiving
information from an adviser during the three survey years, the numbers receiving information
from their college and professors were very low.
5.5 Uncommon Threads
American Indian students and African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino
American students differed in their concerns regarding (a) taking time off from a job or
internship experience to study abroad and (b) traveling abroad before entering the University
of Minnesota. American Indian students were not as troubled about taking time off from their
job or internship as African American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino student survey
participants. Finally, American Indian students had traveled abroad less than other minority
students before beginning at the University of Minnesota.
44
Chapter Six
Discussion
6.1 Expectancy-Value Theory and the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance Survey
The American Indian students who participated in the Global Programs and Strategy Alliance
October 2004 senior year survey, October 2005 senior year survey, and October 2006 senior
year survey identified prohibitive cost and lack of information provided by their advisers,
colleges, and professors as the most significant variables affecting the students’ ability to
study abroad. In addition, American Indian respondents had the least experience with
traveling abroad among the four categories of students surveyed.
Expectancy-value theory argues that a person can change an attitude through
accessing new information. The theory, therefore, suggests that if American Indian students
are provided more information regarding financial aid for study abroad, more programs that
relate to their field of study, or increased opportunities to study abroad, their attitude towards
and actions regarding study abroad could change. Faculty outreach and information from the
students’ college of study were especially low and should be the first area colleges could
strengthen. Including study abroad information in lectures or office hour visits could also be
effective interventions. Providing students with hard copy study abroad advising materials
once a term as well as reminding them periodically via e-mail about online resources could
also strengthen American Indian students’ access to study abroad.
The recommendations of Larimore and McClellan (2005) for improving American
Indian student retention in higher education are consistent with Expectancy-value theory as
applied here to study abroad. Larimore and McClellan’s arguments for improving retention
through student services outreach and mentoring would seem readily applicable to improving
American Indian involvement in study abroad.
6.2 Concluding Remarks
Internationalization and globalization are expanding, and they require college graduates to
have a global-mindset both at work and when analyzing day-to-day information. The skills
gained through study abroad are vital for college graduates’ success amid ever-expanding
knowledge and ever closer contact with cultures other than their own. Employers are looking
for individuals with experience abroad who can adapt internationally.
45
U.S. higher education has historically been accessible disproportionately to European
Americans. American Indian students’ lack of involvement in higher education can be traced
to European Americans using education as a tool for assimilation and religious conversion
soon after arriving in the Americas. Poverty among American Indian families and
communities has proven to contribute to the low rates of high school graduation and therefore
low college matriculation rates. As a result, American Indians have joined only marginally in
the growing diversity of U.S. higher education.
The establishment of tribal colleges and the desegregation of education have resulted
in the American Indian student population growing slightly at the collegiate level. American
Indian students, however, remain the smallest minority group in higher education and exhibit
the lowest participation level in study abroad. The absence of study abroad programs at most
tribal colleges is but one factor contributing to the low numbers of American Indian students
studying abroad.
This secondary analysis of the University of Minnesota senior surveys from 2004,
2005, and 2006 found that all four groups of respondents, American Indian, African
American, Asian American, and Chicano/Latino, were flexible about being away from
family and friends, enjoyed support from friends and family in choosing to study abroad, and
were not deterred by fear of racism abroad, but all four judged that their colleges, advisers, or
faculty had not provided adequate information on study abroad. American Indian students
stood out from the other minority group respondents in lacking previous travel abroad
experience and lacking concern over being away from internship or employment
opportunities.
With information regarding study abroad targeted to complementing American
Indians’ fields of study, their inexperience of being abroad, and their need for scholarships to
support study abroad, more American Indian students could experience the enrichment of
international study. The high rate of poverty among American Indian communities suggests
that colleges should provide information about and financial aid resources for study abroad.
Such information that various intermediaries such as advisers, college staff, and faculty
disseminate has shown to be successful at the University of Minnesota. Faculty and other
college staff can share such information effectively and should share it regularly in class as
well as outside.
46
6.3 Suggestions for Future Research
This study focused on variables that have already been determined to contribute to minority
students’ attitudes towards study abroad. The meager research generally available about
American Indian students’ attitudes towards study abroad and the promising results of
research based interventions at the University of Minnesota suggests more should and can be
done.
Continuing to administer at Minnesota the University of Minnesota’s survey, perhaps
supplemented with interviews and open-ended questions, and extending its use to other
mainstream campuses with large numbers of American Indian students promise to determine
more precisely what helps and what hinders American Indian students’ decisions to study
abroad. The American Indian College Fund could perhaps identify resources for this effort
and, in cooperation with Minnesota’s Multicultural Study Abroad Group, coordinate the
research.
The Tribal Colleges and Universities as a group provide a useful field for research.
Though TCUs seem to offer study abroad opportunities infrequently and may have challenges
to including study abroad in their typically two-year programs, the tribal colleges provide a
more concentrated pool of American Indian students potentially interested in studying abroad
than American Indian populations at mainstream universities. The absence of TCU study
abroad opportunities on the American Indian Higher Education Consortium website suggests
research is needed about any opportunities that are available at TCUs in its network and how
best to present them to students both on the AIHEC website and on those of individual TCUs.
Information on TCU student attitudes toward study abroad, of course, is basic. For
example, administering the University of Minnesota survey to American Indian students at
the five largest tribal colleges—Haskell Indian Nations University, Diné College, Oglala
Lakota College, Salish Kootenai College, and Sinte Gleska University—may uncover study
abroad barriers and opportunities unique to tribal institutions.
The smaller size and relative homogeneity of TCUs should make interventions easier
to implement more promptly and comprehensively. For example, the International Education
Committee at Haskell Indian Nations University, which seems to be the only tribal institution
with study abroad initiatives, might establish a Multicultural Study Abroad Group (MSAG)
such as Minnesota’s to collect data on how effective the University of Minnesota Curriculum
47
Integration approach might be with Haskell students. Haskell could use the results to extend
current efforts, and its MSAG could readily share the results with other TCUs through the
American Indian Higher Education Consortium.
No data seems to exist on the experiences of American Indian students that have
studied outside the United States while pursuing degrees at either mainstream higher
educational institutions or TCUs. After determining which higher educational institutions
send most American Indian students to study abroad, a researcher might survey these students
after returning from abroad about what prompted them to go abroad, how their experience
could have been improved, and what could enrich their experience once returned. Here, too,
the American Indian College Fund could perhaps identify resources for this effort, coordinate
the research, and help disseminate the findings.
Finally, no data either seems available on the post-graduation effects of study abroad
on the career and personal development of American Indian students. Gathering such data
entails surveying graduates who have studied abroad after they have been out of college or
university, for example, five and then ten years.
48
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