Feminism

and the loss

of traditional

knowledge

Paula Wangberg

Esben Leifsen

EDS 111 Social anthropology

May 12th, 2011

1

INTRODUCTION

Ancient religions and traditional Cultures have always recognized the

existence of two opposite and different forces represented by

masculinity and femininity. Through history men and women have had

different roles according to their different needs and capabilities.

Women, for example, have had a very important role in the transmission

of traditional knowledge indispensable in the support of their

communities. They have been in charge of all the domestic

responsibilities, health and nutrition of their families.

The modernization paradigm set the

framework for the development of

feminism and women were encouraged

to get out of their homes and join

the labor market, indirectly pushing

them away from their traditional

roles, including the one as

transmitters of traditional

knowledge.

Equality of opportunities eventually turned into equality of genders,

and by displacing women from their traditional roles in an effort to

occupy masculine roles we might be losing important traditional

knowledge women used to be responsible for.

2

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

For a better understanding of the influences of feminism (within the

the development theory of modernization) in regards to the loss of

traditional knowledge, I would like to guide you through different

concepts developed by different authors towards the Functionalism

paradigm.

The English sociologist Herbert Spencer (1820-1903), influenced by the

ideas of Auguste Comte (1798- 1857), compared the human body to the

society resulting in one of the first referents of the Functionalist

perspective (Macionis and Plummer 2008: 102). Functionalism can be

defined as “a framework for building theory that envisages society as a

complex system whose parts work together to promote solidarity and

stability” (Macionis and Plummer 2008: 24). Spencer explained this

complex system as independent body parts each with a particular

function working together to preserve society (Macionis and Plummer

2008).

Marx Weber (1864-1920) contrasted the tradition of pre-industrial

societies and the rationality of modern,

industrial societies and feared that that

rationality would suffocate human creativity

(Macionis and Plummer 2008: 102). He also

introduced the term “disenchantment” to

describe how in modernized western societies

scientific understanding is more highly

valued than belief (Macionis and Plummer

2008).

In 1887 Ferdinand Tönnies (1855-1936)

produced the theory of Gemeinschaft

(community) and Gesellschaft (society) to

explain the progressive loss of Gemeinschaft

in modern societies (Macionis and Plummer

2008). Tönnies noticed that the Industrial revolution undermined the

strong fabric of family and tradition by promoting individualism and

resulting in rootless and impersonal societies (Macionis and Plummer

2008). Traditional societies built on kinship and neighborhood

nourished collective sentiments, virtue and honor while modern

3

societies are based on individualism and selfishness (Macionis and

Plummer 2008).

In the United States of America functionalism had its representatives

through Talcott Parsons (1902-1979) and Robert K Merton (1910-2003). In

1968 Morton was among the first functionalists that recognized

limitations to the functional paradigm. On his book “Social theory and

social structure” Merton describes how conventional families may

provide crucial support for the development of children, but they also

confer privileges on man while limiting opportunities of women (Merton

1968)

Through the idea of “stages of economic growth” Walter Rostow (1916-

2003) associated the concepts development with economic and

technological growth giving birth to the Modernization theory (Schafer

et al. 2009) which identified traditional societies as the main problem

for development.

The modern values of modernization were adopted by feminist approaches

such as the Women-in-development within liberal feminism which is

grounded in the classic liberal thinking that individuals should be

free to develop their own talents and pursue their own interests

(Macionis and Plummer 2008).

The women-in-development approach supports that women must be “brought

into” the development process through access to employment and the

market place. It is concern about women’s practical gender need to earn

a livelihood and places considerable emphasis on economic independence

as synonymous with equity (Moser 1993)

Equal opportunities for women became one of the most important themes

of this approach with a development focus in women's productive labor

rather than social welfare and reproductive concern (Razavi et al.

1995).

From traditional societies to modern societies the role of women

continues on changing towards gender equality while traditional

knowledge might be losing more and more of its value.

4

DEFINING TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE

The search for the personal and spiritual elements that has been

missing in scientific ecology has developed different lines of thought

that take a broader holistic view of the earth as a system of

interconnected relationships (Berkes 2008). Concepts like “The Land

ethics” (Leopold 1989), Arne Næss' “Deep ecology” and Lovelock's “Gaia”

theory are only some of the philosophies that set the base for the

study of Traditional knowledge by re-appropriating the long-standing

traditions and practices of indigenous peoples(Berkes 2008).

The scientific study of the way different groups of people in different

locations understand ecosystems around them, the environments in which

they live and their relationship with these was first carried out by

anthropologists within the ethno ecology approach (Berkes 2008) who

defines traditional knowledge as “tacit knowledge embodied in life

experiences and reproduced in everyday behavior and speech” (Cruikshank

2005).

Fikret Berkes examines the various

meanings and elements of the concept

of “Traditional knowledge” in his

book “Sacred ecology” and concludes

that traditional ecological

knowledge is “a cumulative body of

knowledge, practice and belief,

evolving by adaptive processes and

handed down through generations by cultural transmission, about the

relationship of living beings (including humans) with one another and

with their environment” (Berkes 2008)

5

After respectful consideration of ownership and intellectual rights,

traditional ecological knowledge can be of great use in biological

information and ecological insights, resource management, conservation

of protected areas, biodiversity conservation, environmental

assessment, social development and environmental ethics (Berkes 2008).

By examining traditional ecological knowledge in terms of providing an

understanding, not merely information and exploring the diversity of

relationships that different groups have developed, traditional

ecological knowledge can help us develop a more acceptable relationship

with the environment (Berkes 2008)

6

WOMEN AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE

WOMEN PASTORALISTS

Pastoralism is a form of agriculture in which its practitioners obtain

their primary subsistence from domesticated animal species such as

cattle, horses, sheep, llamas, alpacas, goats, camels, reindeer and

similar animals (Sutton and Anderson 2004). Millions of the world’s

poor survival depends upon pastoral systems. (Hannah 2007)

Women around the world play a key role in pastoralism. They are in

charge of livestock, land and household responsibilities which have

allowed them to develop an intimate knowledge of natural resource

management, benefitting both their communities and the environment

(Hannah 2007). Their experience with natural resource management and

food security is very extensive (Hannah 2007)

Woman pastoralists are agents of change and guardians of knowledge

systems and practices that help prevent land degradation (Hannah 2007)

but unfortunately have not received the attention they deserve and

women as a source of information

on livestock production have

been ignored. They not only

remain the hidden hands of

production but constitute also a

neglected source of indigenous

knowledge (Kohler-Rollefson

1994).

It is possible to find hundreds

of examples of women pastoralists and their importance in the survival

of their communities. Raika women, for example, play a key role in

terms of food production, maintaining agro-biodiversity and providing

7

labor (Hannah 2007) to the largest pastoralist group in India. They are

generally acknowledged as the ones pulling the strings behind the

scenes (Hannah 2007) and described as the family finance ministers who

manage and understand money, interacting with traders and middlemen who

come to purchase animals since the men are usually grazing the herds

during the day. Raika women also manage and sell manure to the farming

communities, do the milking and take on the responsibility of nursing

young and sick animals (Hannah 2007). All around the world, the

survival of traditional pastoralist systems depends on the presence,

skills and traditional knowledge of women.

NATURAL MEDICINE

Women represent the primary healthcare providers for the family and the

community in many regions in the developing world as it had,

historically, among native communities in North America (Terrie 2006;

Voeks 2007). If a child or adult becomes ill, the local female healer

will be called for assistance. Many rural and small communities depend

on their women to diagnose illness and identify the appropriate herbal

remedy (Voeks 2007).

There seems to be an evident difference in the

ethno botanical knowledge maintained by women and

man in rural communities. With few exceptions,

women tend to be more informed about plants and

herbs in home gardens and swiddens (Voeks 2007)

Women in the town of Lençóis, Brazil (Voeks

2007), in the island of Flores (Pfeiffer 2002; Voeks 2007), Indonesia

(Pfeiffer 2002), rural mestizo communities in the Peruvian Amazon

(Stagegaard et al. 2002; Voeks 2007), indigenous groups in northwest

8

Amazonia (Reichel 1999; Voeks 2007)007) are significantly more proficient

than are men in identifying, naming, describing and using the medicinal

properties of plant species (Voeks 2007).

In a study conducted in two small communities in Patagonia, Argentina

it was found that transmission of traditional plant knowledge begins at

an early age, as a family custom, in which women play a predominant

role (Eyssartier et al. 2008).In the case of the Pilcaniyeu community,

the transmission of traditional knowledge related to horticultural

practices begins in the early stages of childhood, when accompanying

their parents to cultivate the land. In this family tradition, women

seem to play a predominant role. In the Cuyin Manzano community, wild

plant gathering practices are transmitted by family members during

childhood as well. Mothers are again considered the principal

transmitters of this knowledge. This fundamental role of women has also

been found in other studies. For example, it has been observed that

wild fruit gathering is an activity mainly conducted by women, who

transmit not only their traditional knowledge but also certain values

of respect and connection with nature, generation after generation

(Parlee B, Berkes F as cited in (Eyssartier et al. 2008). Similarly,

women are generally the ones in charge of home-gardens, as well as of

the transmission of traditional knowledge related to horticultural

practices like following moon cycles, elaboration of natural

herbicides, collection of seeds, etc. (Salick J, Cellinese N, Knapp S,

Vogl-Lukasser B, Vogl CR and Pilgrim S, Smith D, Pretty J as cited in

(Eyssartier et al. 2008). Moreover, other studies emphasize female

participation in projects destined to sustainable management practices

in forests, due to their thorough knowledge of the area (Bingeman K as

cited in (Eyssartier et al. 2008)

9

Unfortunately several factors threaten this traditional knowledge.

Western missionaries continue to school rural converts to abandon the

use of medicinal plant recipes, arguing that “the occult powers of

magical and medicinal plants are thinly veiled manifestations of

paganism” (Voeks, 1997; Caniago & Siebert, 1998; Voeks & Sercombe, 2000

as cited in (Voeks 2007)).

The displacement of women from their traditional roles into modern

working roles is another factor that is already affecting the health of

many traditional communities such as the ones settled in the Bolivian

Amazon where the loss of traditional knowledge leads poorer child

health (McDade et al. 2007). Measures should be put to avoid that

cultural and economic transitions associated with globalization

threaten the traditional knowledge that has been keeping traditional

communities healthy for generations.

BREASTFEEDING AND BABYWEARING

Infant feeding among traditional peoples includes up to three to four

years of breastfeeding with very few exceptions (Wickes 1953).

Wickes explains in his article that

“Prolonged lactation would seem to be

encouraged by maternal love, the

pleasurable sensation experienced,

economy, and belief in its

contraceptive property. There would

appear to be no moral content for, in

breast feeding, the wife of primitive man has no feeling of merit or

duty; she simply does what she cannot help doing” (Wickes 1953: 151).

Prolonged breastfeeding, which is considered the most effective way of

children feeding, was probably possible because of the practice of

10

different ways of baby carrying. The first baby carrying devices

appeared 50,000 years ago (Hrdy 2000) and allowed mothers to carry food

as well as their babies, leading to a new division of labor between men

and women. Traditional women started carrying their children concerned

with the safety of leaving them with other care takers while working

and afraid they would not return in time to feed them (Hrdy 2000).

Short wrap-around slings have been used in many cultures. The Mexican

or Guatemalan Rebozo is one of the most popular but similar ways to

carry children have been found in many other places like Peru, Bolivia,

Tahiti, Borneo, Kenya, South Africa, Papua New Guinea, Bali, China,

Thailand, Laos, Vietnam, Myanmar, North America, etc. (Rose 2010).

Modern studies might have been able to find a logical explanation to

the traditional practice of child wearing. PhD Benjamin Ben explains

that a hundred years ago, about 99% of babies in orphanages in the

United States died before they were seven months old. Babies would not

die from infectious diseases or malnutrition but simply wasted away in

a condition called “marasmus.” Sterile surroundings or having enough

food made no difference. These babies died from a completely different

kind of deprivation: lack of touch. When babies were removed from these

large, clean but impersonal institutions to environments where they

received physical nurturing along with formula, the marasmus reversed,

they gained weight and finally began to thrive (Benjamin and Werner

2010)

Many experiments with lower mammals have been conducted to explore the

connection between the touch they receive in infancy and their adult

behavior. The results are clear: the way an infant is touched, even in

its first few hours of life, influences whether it survives, and how it

copes in the world as an adult. Skin to skin contact stimulates the

physiological reactions necessary for survival, without the stimulation

11

of touch, babies die. Recent research also shows that baby rats, taken

away from their mothers, suffer measurable brain damage. Furthermore,

baby rats that are removed from their mothers will in turn not mother

their own offspring: early nurturing through touch is vital to the

survival of the species (Benjamin and Werner 2010).

Consistent nurturing touch in infancy has also been shown to influence

later coping skills. When nurtured young monkeys, who have previously

been placed in stressful situations, approach new situations they do so

with curiosity and security. Baby monkeys that are raised without

comforting, nurturing touch don’t have that source of security and

assurance. They are easily overwhelmed by new experiences. Placed in an

unfamiliar environment without a sense of safety, they simply collapse

in hysterical screams. They can’t cope with the situation. (Benjamin

and Werner 2010).

Many other studies show that children who are welcomed with lots of

physical touch and tactile stimulation tend to grow into well-adjusted,

capable and loving adults. Children who are touch deprived in infancy

show tendencies toward aggressiveness and violent behavior (Benjamin

and Werner 2010).

Unfortunately, carrying a baby is often still associated with low

social and economic status, not to mention that our current lifestyles

make it difficult to be able to bring our wrapped baby to work or

breastfeed for a long time. As the global culture becomes more

westernized, carrying a baby becomes less common and is replaced by

carrying in objects such as strollers, baby swings and baby seats.

Mothers and babies spend long hours away from each other and

breastfeeding becomes either a struggle for the working mother or

replaced by formula feeding.

12

WOMEN AND LABOUR

“Women’s increased involvement in the economy was the most significant

change in labor markets during the past century” (Goldin 2006). Goldin

identifies various exogenous changes affecting this process that

include the increased relative demand for female office workers in the

early twentieth century and the growth of educational institutions at

the secondary level from the 1910s to the 1940s which greatly increased

the supply of those potential office workers (Goldin 2006). Changes in

household production technology from the 1920s to the 1940s and

institutional changes that made part-time work readily available also

increased female labor supply. (Goldin 2006).

In the 1970's donor

agencies, governments and

NGO's brought a wide

range of activities

concerning women in the

developing domain (Razavi

et al. 1995). The 1975

World conference of the

International women's

year at Mexico City and

the United Nation's

decade for women (1976-1985) gave expression to different concerns of

woman, including improved employment opportunities, giving birth to the

woman-in-development approach.

Efforts were successful, different studies show a dramatic

incorporation of women into the labor force.

13

“Labor Market Statistics: Labor Force Statistics by Sex and Age:

Indicators,” published by The Organization for Economic Cooperation and

Development (OECD) in 2010 showed that 75% of the countries show an

increase in female labor force participation in the period 1980-2008:

Statistics Norway also confirms the increasing female participation in

the labor force including data from 1972 until 2009.

14

Referring to the US, Claudia Goldin also presented data confirming the

dramatic increase of female participation in the labor market:

15

CONCLUSION

Throughout this paper I have presented the relationships between women

and traditional knowledge and women and the labor force with the hope

to find a correlation between the loss of traditional knowledge and the

increasing incorporation of women into the labor force.

Even though the loss of traditional knowledge can be explained through

the analysis of various different factors, I present this paper to

invite the reader to reflect on the specific relationship between

traditional knowledge and feminism.

If women are participating more and more in jobs outside their houses

(as described before) we cannot expect them to be able to maintain

their participation in the transmission of traditional knowledge, at

least not to the same extent. I believe that it’s important to observe

this tendency in order to find ways to preserve traditional knowledge

in spite of the increasing participation of women in the labor market.

Women in developed countries are starting to be able to be respected in

their traditional roles and practices (as much as their modern roles

and practices) but more needs to be done to make sure that traditional

knowledge is not lost in the work towards gender equality.

16

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