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Flexible and Strategic Masculinities:

The Working Lives and Gendered

Identities of Male Migrants in LondonDr. Adina Batnitzky , Prof. Linda McDowell & Dr Sarah Dyer

Published online: 12 Aug 2009.

To cite this article:Dr. Adina Batnitzky , Prof. Linda McDowell & Dr Sarah Dyer (2009) Flexible andStrategic Masculinities: The Working Lives and Gendered Identities of Male Migrants in London,

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 35:8, 1275-1293, DOI: 10.1080/13691830903123088

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Flexible and Strategic Masculinities:The Working Lives and GenderedIdentities of Male Migrants in London

Adina Batnitzky, Linda McDowell and Sarah Dyer

It is well established that the workplace provides an important site for the production

of gender identities. However, it is less-well understood how this identity construction

might operate in the context of migrant workers, who bring with them particular notions

of gender from their countries of origin that interact with local gender practices.

Through an in-depth case study of a London hotel and hospital, masculinity and

economic status were observed to be intricately related in the ways in which male

migrants described their work performances in terms of either womens work or lower-

class work. Men originating from middle- and upper-class economic positions were

observed to be flexible with their economic identity and take on work considered lower-class in their country of origin in order to contest their gender identities in the UK. In

contrast, men who migrated for economic gain and had family obligations to send

remittances were observed to be strategically flexible with their gender identities and

often performed what they considered to be womens work in order to be able to fulfil

economic expectations. We suggest that a migrants willingness and/or desire to enact

flexible and strategic masculinities is tied to the perceived trade-offs of his/her

employment in the UK.

Keywords: Masculinity; Migration; Labour; Gender; Class

Adina Batnitzky is Assistant Professor of Geography at the University of Texas at Austin, Correspondence to:

Dr. A. Batnitzky, Dept of Geography and the Environment, University of Texas at Austin, GRG 224, 1 University

Station A3100, Austin, TX 78712, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. Linda McDowell is Professor

in the School of Geography at the University of Oxford. Correspondence to: Prof. L. McDowell, School of

Geography, University of Oxford, South Parks Road, Oxford OX1 3QY, UK. Email: linda.mcdowell@

ouce.ox.ac.uk. Sarah Dyer is Hallsworth Research Fellow in Geography at the University of Manchester.

Correspondence to: Dr S. Dyer, Dept of Geography, School of Environment and Development, University ofManchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK. E-mail: [email protected]

ISSN 1369-183X print/ISSN 1469-9451 online/09/081275-19 # 2009 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/13691830903123088

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

Vol. 35, No. 8, September 2009, pp. 12751293

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Introduction

It is now widely understood that the gender identities of employees are actively

constructed in the workplace (Collinson and Hearn 1996; Guerrier and Adib 2004;

Kerfoot and Korczynski 2005; Novarra 1980). Drawing on earlier work such asPringles study of secretaries (1989), gender is now widely conceptualised as fluid and

mutable in analyses of differential performances in numerous occupations (Acker

1990; Schoenberger 1994). Studies have demonstrated how conventional attributes of

hegemonic gender identity and a dominant version of heterosexuality are performed

and confirmed in daily and institutional practices in workplaces in ways that benefit

certain bodies (Halford 2003; Leidner 1991; McDowell 1997). However, it is less

understood how this identity construction might operate in the context of migrant

workers, who bring with them particular notions of gender from their countries of

origin that interact with local gender practices in the receiving country.

Underlying both the structural and the cultural explanations for how a gender-

segregated UK labour force is maintained is the observation that jobs themselves

embody idealised aspects of masculinity and femininity (Crompton 1999; McDowell

1997). Organisations draw upon particular performances of masculine and feminine

identities which impact on individual constructions of identity (Halford 2003). The

workplace provides an important site for the production of gender identities as it is

there that dominance and subordination are themes of overarching importance

(West and Zimmerman 1987).

An important feature of organisational life involves the management of particular

gender identities and their corresponding bodies (Casey 1995; Du Gay 1996; Sennett

1998). This often takes the form of the management of certain forms of

masculinity*particularly in traditionally male-dominated industries such as banking

and car manufacturing (Collinson and Hearn 1996; Messerschmidt 1996; Roper

1992)*as well as mens attempts to map conventional characteristics of masculinity

onto a range of less-obviously male jobs such as insurance selling (Leidner 1991)

and on to feminine jobs such as secretarial work (Pringle 1989).

Service-sector jobs are typically considered to be feminine because they often

draw on skills related to deference and servility, as well as empathy with others needs.

Thus, for men undertaking this type of work, the result is often a form of dissonance,as it challenges their sense of themselves as masculine (McDowell 2003; Pettinger

2005). Scholars interested in the feminisation of customer-service work have most

often turned to studies of flight attendants and call centres as sites where we can

understand the relationship between embodied labour and gender (Callaghan and

Thompson 2002; Durbin 2002; Korczynski 2003; Tyler and Taylor 1998; Williams

2003). The literature on men doing womens work has primarily concentrated on

male nurses, air stewards and tour representatives, but rarely have these studies

included migrant men (Cross and Bagilhole 2002; Floge and Merrill 1986; Guerrier

and Adib 2004; Lupton 2000, 2006; Mills 1998; Segal 1962; Williams 1995).

1276 A. Batnitzky, L. McDowell & S. Dyer


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There has been a rapid growth in the service sector in the UK that has resulted in

the creation of low-paid, part-time, non-unionised and precarious forms of work

(Castells 2000; Green 2006; McDowell 2003). In fact, recent economic growth in the

UK has been largely attributed to a strong service sector (BBC 2006). Yet, this has also

been coupled with high rates of unemployment in the UK, particularly for men.Recent figures document that men are more likely to experience long-term

unemployment than women (EOC 2006). British-born men in the UK have not

entered the service sector at the same rate as women, despite their higher rates of

unemployment. This has not been the case in other European countries such as Italy

and Spain, two countries also experiencing high rates of male unemployment.

According to Meadows (1996), unemployed Italian and Spanish men are willing to

take jobs traditionally held by women, compared with the unwillingness of British

men to do womens work. In Britain, it seems that, rather than large numbers

of British-born men moving into service-sector vacancies, the sector is nowcharacterised by high numbers of male and female migrant workers, occupying the

lower levels of the occupational hierarchy in terms of wage, status and authority.

Migrant workers are employed in increasing numbers in the UK hospitality and

health sectors. For example, over 60 per cent of the total employees in London hotels are

migrants and more than 50 per cent of new nurse registrants in 2001 in the UK were

foreign-trained (Rosset al. 2005; Salt and Millar 2006). However, social scientists have

yet to fully conceptualise what this might mean for migrants gender identities and

work performances. In particular, the interactions between migration and masculinity

have been neglected (Charsley 2005; Gamburd 2000; Osella and Osella 2000), although

it has been recognised that migrant men may be disadvantaged in the growing service-

sector economy in the UK because of issues with skills transfer from their countries of

origin (Raghuram 2004). However, the (lack of) recognition of skills and credentials

affects women migrants too. What has not been widely explored is the extent to which

migration and the resulting position in the labour force challenges or reinforces

migrant mens sense of themselves as masculine. Migration might, on the one hand,

challenge masculine identities as migrant men move into feminised slots in the

workplace. On the other hand, it might permit them to escape dominant or traditional

notions of masculinity inculcated in their countries of origin.

The context of temporary migration offers a particular transitional situation inwhich the opportunity exists for the renegotiation of certain gender identities

through employment or what we refer to as flexible and strategic masculinities.

Temporary migration, in particular, might allow for some aspects of gendered

identities to be put on hold for the duration of stay in the country of destination.

We examine this process among male migrants employed in the service sector in a

West London hotel and hospital.

Our aim is to explore the ways in which migrant men conceptualise the

relationship between their dominant gender identities and their current workplace-

based identities, and to assess how changes in economic status interact with the

renegotiation of gender identities and expectations. In the next section, we suggest a

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 1277


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framework through which to understand the relationship between gender identities,

migration and employment. We suggest that migrant men draw reference points

located elsewhere to reduce the dissonance between their gender and their work

performances; the physical distance between migrant mens current workplace and

their place of birth creates a unique space for the renegotiation and production offlexible and strategic masculinities that allow them to make sense of their temporary

location in low-wage, low-status work in the UK.

Gender Identities, Migration and Employment

Migration creates specific dilemmas and contradictory situations that disturb

established notions about gender, social class and race (Hugo 2000). Conceptualising

migration as a social process that transforms gender relationships is crucial in any

understanding of the labour-force experiences of migrant men and women. This is

particularly important in understanding the workplace location and identities of

men and women who originate from countries with significantly different gender

relations to the UK, where migration results in a transformation of their economic

circumstances and often downward class mobility. Yet, the mechanisms through which

migration transforms, challenges or reaffirms gender relationships, identities,

expectations and practices are not well established. Migration may act as a provider

of agency for men and women, which empowers them to become more autonomous

and independent, or it may disempower them. Migrants may feel stranded or

disoriented; alternatively they may draw on myths and memories of home and its

traditional ideals, and develop material networks of co-nationals to provide securityand reinforce established identities. The notion that migration and adaptation to new

countries with different social and economic conditions inevitably transforms migrants

so they ressemble people in the host country has been clearly challenged by the

extensive literature on transnationalism (Alba and Nee 2003; Glick Schiller

et al. 1995; Portes et al. 2002; Vertovec and Cohen 1999). Contemporary migrants

both adapt to their new circumstances and preserve aspects of culture and social

organisation from their places of origin. We suggest that the context of temporary

migration provides a particularly clear example of this process.

The connections between temporary migration and gender identities*

though stillan under-theorised area*have been explored in greater detail for female than for

male migration. According to Hugo (2000), migration might be both a cause and

consequence of female empowerment through its material outcome*often in the

form of employment*and its normative consequences, characterised by changes in

the norms and values associated with appropriate roles for men and women. Pedraza

(1991) suggests that these changes are contingent on the motivation underlying shifts

in womens employment activities. She argues that female labour-force participation

often reinforces womens primary identities as mothers and wives because their

employment is most often based on need rather than choice in the immigrant

context. This often results in immigrant women assuming what Hochschild (1997)



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refers to as the double shift, in which women have the double burden of work both

outside and inside the home. Hugo, however, asserts that employment, regardless of

the motivation, provides women with a new status that challenges their traditional

roles (2000). In this sense, participating in activities outside the domestic sphere is

portrayed as empowering in itself and its effects may spill over to other aspects ofhousehold life.

Important effects of migration, as a result of increased female labour-force

participation in the country of destination, were observed by Grasmuck and Pessar

(1991) among women from the Dominican Republic, such as them gaining

additional power to make important household decisions. This adjustment in

traditional family relations transformed patriarchal roles in the household: the

womens self-esteem was heightened; their capacity to participate as equals in

household decision-making was enhanced; and they secured more income with

which to actualise their roles. In this sense, migration operated as a facilitator ofempowerment by changing the accessible spaces available to women. We seek to

understand these processes in terms of male migration, examining how migration

might facilitate mens renegotiation of gender identities, expectations and practices.

We suggest that migration may have positive benefits for some men, permitting them

to evade patriarchal controls established in the country of origin as well as to

renegotiate the patterns of male dominance among migrant men that are implied in

the literature outlined above on migrant womens gender identities.

In one of the few studies to focus on men, Lomsky-Feder and Rapoport (2003)

explored how Russian Jewish male immigrants interpret local masculinity in the

context of the Israeli army. They suggest that situations in which masculinity is

uprooted from its indigenous cultural context and placed in contact with other

models of masculinity provide important insights into the issue ofbeing a manand

the construction of manhood(Lomsky-Feder and Rapoport 2003: 114). Their study

is one of the few to examine gender identities in the context of transitional

situations such as migration. Asian-American men have also been the focus of several

studies on masculinity. Chua and Fujinos (1999) study of Asian-American men

found that, in contrast to white American men, Asian-American males did not

conceptualise their masculinity in opposition to femininity. However, other studies of

men doing womens work have shown that such men are often assumed to behomosexual and so positioned as inferior or as a perverse masculinity (Kang 1997,

2003; Manalansan 2003, 2006; Morgan 1992; Williams 1993).

Challenges to established notions of masculinity are perhaps particularly heightened

in the context of migration. It has been suggested that the migration process accelerates

an individuals progress along a culturally idealized trajectory towards mature

manhood (Osella and Osella 2000: 118). In part, this has been attributed to the

significant relationship between masculinity and the accumulation of wealth that

typically occurs through migration (Osella and Osella 2000; George 2000). In their

study of Indian migrants to the Gulf, Osella and Osella demonstrate howdisplays of

substantial cash wealth emerge as important displays of masculine power and agency



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(2000: 119). They describe how the migration process maintains the prestige of male

migrants bysplitting the moment and site of wealth accumulation from its moment of

consumption, enabling and encouraging a focus upon the result, cash earned(2000:

121). Even for men who experience downward social and occupational mobility on

migration, differences in wage levels between home and the receiving country maypermit them to bolster their sense of male identity by displays of conspicuous

consumption.

In this paper we examine the experience of migrant men in the UK, questioning

the relationship between migration, labour-force participation and gender iden-

tities, expectations and practices. In particular, we are interested in whether (and

how) migration allows men to renegotiate their gendered identities, practices and

family expectations. We suggest that the concept of flexible and strategic

masculinities is a way to understand the gendered and class-based performances

of these particular migrant men in the UK. We draw from Chua and Fujinos(1999) use of flexible masculinity as a way to signify a move away from a male-

dominant form of masculinity. However, we take this concept further and suggest

that a flexible masculinity also implies an element of strategy in the context of

migration. Migrant men are able to put aspects of their gender identities on hold

for the duration of their stay in the country of destination, strategically selecting

and emphasising aspects that will benefit them in the labour market. These flexible

and strategic masculinities might take the form of the complicit masculinity,

defined by Connell and Messerschmidt as men who received the benefit of

patriarchy without enacting a strong version of masculine dominance (2005: 836).

Alternatively, these masculinities might reflect degrees of divergence from the

hegemonic masculine practices in the country of origin. In both cases, gendered

performances in the workplace interact with class position, articulating loosely with

the practical constitution of masculinities as ways of living in everyday local

circumstances (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005: 840).

It is clear that migrants typically make social and personal sacrifices in the process

of migration, in order to achieve both immediate economic benefits (above all, the

ability to send remittances) and to build future human capital (e.g. learning English,

educational opportunities for children) in a form of trade-off (Shumway and Hall

1996; Tienda and Wilson 1992). This notion of a trade-off or compromise providesan analytical tool for understanding how migrants construct flexible and strategic

gender identities that might seem to contradict beliefs and norms expressed about

masculinity and its attributes. As Gilmore (1991) observed, many societies ask men to

continually prove themselves through a series of tests of manhood. He describes

thesetestsas requiring men to bepublicly on view and having the courage to expose

oneself to risk(1991: 36). Migrant men often have to accept a testthat might seem

to contradict their sense of themselves as men.

To explore these contradictions, we adopt Piores (1979) concept of a dual frame

of reference. Piore suggested that migrants look to their countries of origin and of

destination as part of their process of identity formation. Drawing on his original



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formulation, other scholars such as Waldinger (1986) and Waters (1999) have

employed this conceptual framework to examine immigrant identities and under-

standings of migrantsworking lives in a host country. Following Kerfoot and Knights

(1993, 1994, 1995), we argue that individual gender identities are constructed

through the local organisational discourses of masculinity and femininity, as well asthrough other resources such as social class, family, gender and generation

(Demetriou 2001; Halford 2003) in the country of origin.

Data and Methods

This paper is based on qualitative research conducted as part of a study of the large

NHS West Central Hospital or WCH in West London*a public organisation*and a

non-unionised major branch of an international hotel chain*Bellman International

or BI*

with very high occupancy, selected as the private organisation. These twoorganisations were chosen to enable us to explore the changing working lives of

skilled and unskilled migrant workers from recent and past migrant and settler

communities in West London. The paper draws from a sub-sample of 120 in-depth

interviews, lasting approximately 60 minutes each, with migrant men and women

at all levels of employment at BI and WCH. The recruitment of participants was

undertaken directly with employees or through the assistance of mid-level manage-

ment. Interviews usually took place in a neutralspace, for example in nearby cafes.

A basic interview schedule was followed, but respondents were free to raise any topic

that they felt was relevant. Issues concerning gender identity, expectations and

practices were operationalised in practice through the responses to questions about

family obligations and expectations; gender differences between the countries of

origin and of destination; and attitudes towards the household division of labour. All

interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed.

Table 1 illustrates the migrant composition of the sample. Among the 60 hotel

interviews, 23 countries were represented; the 60 hospital interviewees originated

from 30 countries. This paper, based on 30 in-depth interviews with migrant men

Table 1. Percentage of nationals in total hotel and hospital sample

Nationality Hotel Hospital

Western European 17.2 8.6Eastern European (A8)* 24.1 3.4Eastern European (non-A8) 8.6 0.0Indian/South Asian 29.3 27.6African 8.6 19.0Filipino 0.0 8.6Caribbean 0.0 13.8North American 0.0 10.3Other 12.1 8.6

Note: *A8 countries refer to the eight former Communist states (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Hungary,Czech Republic, Slovakia and Slovenia) which became full EU members in May 2004.



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working in the fields of nursing, cleaning or food preparation, includes men from 12

countries. All respondents migrated to the UK on a temporary basis and explicitly

expressed plans to either return to their country of origin, migrate elsewhere or

remain in the UK on a temporary-visa basis. We selected this sub-set of jobs because

they have historically been occupied predominantly by women in the UK and are thusstill considered as feminine. The names of the respondents have been changed for

purposes of confidentiality.

Main Findings

Masculinity and economic status were observed to be intricately related in the ways in

which the male migrants described their work performances at both BI and WCH.

The motivation for migration and the economic position held in the country of

origin influenced the ways in which respondents talked about their workplaceidentities in the UK. Both class and gender dissonance were common, depending on

whether interviewees constructed their current jobs and their workplace performance

as eitherwomens workor lower-class work. For instance, migrant men originating

from middle- and upper-class economic positions with no financial obligations to

their families in the sending country were observed to be flexible with their

economic identity, able to accept and perform work that would be considered lower-

class back home, but which allowed them to challenge accepted gendered identities

in positive ways. In contrast, lower-class migrant men who migrated for economic

gain and/or who fulfilled family obligations to send remittances were observed to be

strategicallyflexible with their gender identities, performing what they considered to

be womens work in order to meet their economic obligations.

Evading the Social Controls of Patriarchy and Economic Class: The Performance

of Flexible Masculinities

For many of the middle- and upper-class men we interviewed, migration facilitated

their ability to renegotiate their gender identities in the UK. Men, like women, can be

empowered through the migration process, perhaps through the absence or loosening

of traditional patriarchal social controls. Henryk, for example, a 21-year-old Polishman working in the kitchen at BI, describes his primary motivation for migration to

the UK as getting away from the social control exercised by his father, especially over

his sons career choice. His father said to him Henryk, you must go to business

school because after, you take over my company. Instead, Henryk wanted to attend

catering school*seen as a feminised choice by his father*and so he decided the only

alternative was to migrate to the UK. He recounts that his desire to work as a chef

started at a young age: When I was a young boy, I want to be kitchen chef so when

I finish my first school, I started kitchen school but my father change it. Henryk

claims that only through migration was he able to construct his preferred version of

masculinity, rather than conform to his fathers version, a class-based masculine



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obligation that involved the inheritance of the family business. He has no plans to

return to Poland and hopes eventually to pursue a career as both a chef and an artist

in Australia.

Mohamed illustrates similar themes. A 29-year-old male catering manager at

WCH, he was born in Algeria and migrated to France during his teenage years. Hehad never worked before arriving in the UK eight years ago because Id been enjoying

life, clubbing, moneys there, I was confronted to that reality of working and my first

job wasnt that enjoyable, I start with Burger King. He describes himself as from an

upper-class family which owns houses throughout France. He attributes his

motivation for migration to the UK to this hunger I had to feed myself with

something new, not with money, but with life. Although he recognised that he could

just as easily have worked at Burger King in France, he explains that the social

controls of his family, and particularly of his father, would not have allowed him to

do so. He told us that he moved to the UK both to delay marriage and to be able toleave university and work in a job that would allow him to use his hands. In this way,

migration to the UK facilitated, though perhaps for a temporary period only, the

performance of a flexible masculinity that was different from the idealised version he

would be expected to perform if he remained in France. His father required

Mohamed to conform to the middle-class ideal of rational and cerebral masculinity

dominant in French professional life and become a banker. Although Mohamed

intends to return to France, his migration experience highlights how complex notions

of ideal masculinity and familial class expectation result in a conflict for individuals

as well as within their families.

Jay, a 24-year-old Indian restaurant supervisor at BI, is also a migrant from a

middle-class family who has reconstructed his sense of masculinity through

participation in low-wage, menial work. He describes the contrasts between his

middle-class lifestyle in India and his current life in the UK.

My social life has come to a standstill. I used to do my body building but everythinghas come down, it actually has affected my social life and my private life you know,its kind of pretty okay, Ive had my good time, these are times that I need toactually work so I dont mind. I worked as a room attendant for a month . . .It wasfun, just to know how, I mean it is a lot of hard work and just to clean the whole

room is a lot of hard work, it was nice.

In exchange for participating in what would be considered lower-class workin India,

through migration Jay is able to accelerate his progress along theculturally idealized

trajectory towards mature manhood, earning what seemed to him high wages for

inferior work (Osella and Osella 2000). He recounts:The idea that at a young age we

could make this kind of money was a new thing for me. So that was the key reason

that pulled me to London.

These three migrant men combine a classed and gendered identity in new and

different ways in the UK which, paradoxically, both challenge and reinforce dominant

views of hegemonic masculinity. It is clear that their migration experiences are a



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complex intersection of class and gender location both there and here, following

Ackers recognition thatWhat looks like class from one conceptual point of view may

look like gender and/or race from another point of view(2000: 211).Migrants often

become particularly aware of the relational and contextual nature of gender as they

attempt to fulfill expectations of identity and behaviour that may differ sharply in theseveral places they live(Donatoet al. 2006: 6). In the context of our study, we argue

that what it means to be a male migrant is based on signifiers tied to class status in

the country of origin. We suggest that changes to economic identity might permit

changes in gender identity for migrant men.

The case of Ali, a 30-year-old Indian man who pushes the catering cart at WCH,

illustrates a less-successful re-negotiation of class and gender identity, as his

employment challenges his idealised notions of middle-class masculine responsi-

bilities. Ali migrated to the UK as part of an arranged marriage. His wife, although of

Indian origin, is a UK-educated British citizen. According to Ali, she tried living in

India but found it too difficult, so they moved to Britain. He shared the story of his

first job which, he said, would be considered lower-class work in India.

First when I came here, I tried to get a job. First I got the job in a chicken shop . . .in India we are a very rich family, my father has a lot of money and my brothersthey are doing very well in business and just enjoying life. When I came here andwent for job, the manager, he said Okay, take a mop go outside, clean all tables and

just take the rubbish bags, and I was shocked. We are, in our country, if youre richyouve got a lot of people to work for you . . .but here you have to do everythingyourself. We are different culture, different things, I was very surprised.

Paralleling the splitting process described by Osella and Osella (2000), Ali

concealed the details of his job from his father in India and initially attempted to do

the same with his wife. She worked in a professional occupation before the birth of

their child and, at the time of the interview, was upgrading her skills though a

computer training course. Her economic success challenges Alis version of masculine

responsibility to provide for the family and required a negotiation between husband

and wife in which Ali decided to concede to his wifes decisions, despite her

willingness to compromise.

She [his wife] knows whats going on. She come to me and she sayWhat happened,why you so upset, anything wrong? I said No; she said No, I know why youreupset, . . .you didnt do anything like that, thats the reason isnt it? I said Yeah.I dont like that, she said,what you think you want to go back (India) with us? Its

your choice, whatever you want, this is hard. I said No. Im gonna do becauseI know youre fond of it here.

Charsleys (2005) study of Pakistani men describes how marriage migration might

limit a migrant mans ability to fulfil his masculine roles. Like the Pakistani men

Charsley describes, Ali felt it was his duty both as a son and a husband to do whatever

it takes to support his family, even if the work challenges his class identity. As Ali

explains clearly:



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. . . so I start working and I said to my father . . .he ask me What you doing?,I said, Dont ask me what Im doing here, and he say Its life . . . I was doingeverything for you but now you got your family and you are responsible person, sodo your responsibility like me, I do for you so if you want make me happy then do

your responsibility nicely, Ill be happy.

Masculinity and Remittances: The Performance of Strategic Masculinities in

Exchange for Economic Gain

In this section we further explore the gendered connections between low-wage work

and migrant mens sense of identity. Whereas Ali emphasised the negative con-

sequences of downward social mobility, other men whom we interviewed focused on

the positive and negative gendered consequences of doing what they recognised is

constructed as womens work in the UK. Drawing on Castells (2000) concept ofgeneric labour, we argue that some migrant men are prepared to perform any type of

job, even if it is consideredwomens work, in order to facilitate their initial migration

to the UK, economically survive there and/or send remittances to their country of

origin. This flexibility results in the performance of a strategic masculinity that differs

from the versions of masculinity that are more usual in the country of origin.

The narrative of Hafid, a French-university-educated Moroccan man aged 40 who

is working as a supervisor in the domestic department at WCH, illustrates the

strategic trade-off that becomes possible through the performance of a flexible gender

identity in exchange for the ability to fulfil his family obligation to send remittances.

Hafid initially worked as a domestic in the same department and has worked his wayup the promotion ladder. He recalls that, when he worked as a cleaner at the hospital,

the satisfactory performance of his work tasks was in direct conflict with his concept

of masculinity. He recounts that in Morocco the women in his family would not have

allowed him to clean:

They wont allow it and especially in the kitchen, they will say the kitchen is meantfor women, if you go in the kitchen and try to cook or try to wash plates, they willtell you Can you come out of my space? because its their own space.

Yet, like some of the other men whose gender identities in the UK are not congruentwith those in their countries of origin, Hafid now holds a more egalitarian attitude

towards the gender division of household labour. As he jokes,First of all I have to say

that Im not in Morocco at the moment!.

According to Hafid, before migrating he knew that cleaning would be the type of

work he could find easily in the UK. Even before I come to this country, in Morocco,

they said Listen, if you go to Europe, like a domestic or sweeping the roads or

whatever, you will find a job quickly [respondent snaps his fingers] because the

English people they dont want to do this type of job. Despite possessing post-school

credentials, he was able to rationalise his work as a cleaner by asserting We need

money to survive so it didnt matter what type of job. Like the other migrant men we



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spoke with, working as a cleaner was not part of Hafids planned career trajectory;

instead, he wanted to be a teacher. However, in the UK Hafid is willing to perform

what would be considered womens work in Morocco in order to be able to send

remittances home and so fulfil an aspect of his masculine identity that is constructed

through notions of familial obligations. In addition, because he regards his work inthe UK as temporary, he compromises his gender identity in the short term.

Hafiz, a 40-year-old man born in Afghanistan and currently working as a domestic

at West Central Hospital, provided a similar narrative. He, too, described how he is

willing to do any job in the UK, even those considered womens workin Afghanistan

because:

I have a lot of problem . . .my wife, shes working very nicely . . . shes workingthere also doing cleaning, domestic and she take a salary and I take a salary, butreally madam, I can tell you the money . . .we cant save because all the money is

going for rental and for clothing, for the food and for the credit card, we pay that,all the money.

He explains that he has no choice but to work in two jobs at the same time because of

his duty to provide for his wife, herself a migrant, although from the Philippines.

Because I must do it because I love my wife, because she also works really hard, so we

want to finish our financial problem to make our life easy, this is my mission . Hafiz

explains that he does not feel fulfilled as a man because he cannot have a child due to

his poor financial situation. Nevertheless, he says that he is very happywith his job

as a cleaner, stating enthusiastically, I like this job, I love this job!. He is also aware

that his lack of education leaves him with few alternatives in the UK labour market.

I didnt go for study, if I take some education or something, so I can also, I can havesomething about the office work, but the problem because we didnt go for schoolwhat can I do, this is my job I can do it . . .I dont know anything so must I do iscleaning because I dont have a choice to go some other job.

Marvin, a 26-year-old male occupational therapist (OT) from the Philippines,

strategically chose to enter a traditionally female-dominated department in the health

sector in order to fulfil his masculine obligation to financially support his family.

He noted that, although being an OT is not considered a good job in the Philippines,it is a reasonably-high-status occupation in the UK. Nevertheless, Marvin recounts an

ongoing process of resistance, negotiation and accommodation between gendered

discourses from the Philippines that construct both nursing and health-related

semi-professions such as OT as gender-inappropriate careers for men, and his

attempts to construct a stable gender identity. A co-national colleague, Karen (age 28)

similarly confirmed Marvins belief that being an OT in the Philippines is not

considered a good job for a man:

For example, if youre a man they would think like engineer, architecture,

accountancy, something like that would be the very, very good job for a man.When you say occupational therapist, What is occupational therapist?, so not



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many people I have to say are aware of what we actually do, so I wouldn t say formen they would say that its a really good job, so no.

Being a minority at work, surrounded by women, is a challenge to Marvins daily

performance of masculinity.

I can say that OTs actually a womans world but this is just how this system isworking here, its kind of strange, well, I can adjust and I have adjusted so I haveadjusted, and then at first I was really like a bit shy, especially the experience withme in the dressing room because here in this building, male and female have thesame dressing room so its strange when youre changing.

To assert his gender difference, and masculine superiority, Marvin chose to wear a

different uniform from his women colleagues. Even here, however, his uncertain

masculine identity is challenged, this time because of his size rather than his gender.

Marvin is slightly built compared to British men and the uniform he was initially

given was too big for him. He hesitates to use the word small in his description of

his size, but he notes:

I was medium and I think Im still medium, Ive got the medium size but the length

is quite long because they have it based on the British size which is very tall, and soits like really huge for me, up to here, and then the sleeves are up to here, so I dontwant to be wearing that one . . .Id rather not wear it.

Instead he wears the green tunic and trousers which he feels place him at a

disadvantage in his department. By not wearing the proper uniform, patients mightassume he is just a technician or an assistant.

Yet, Marvin is able to fulfil one aspect of his masculine identity as a good sonby

sending money to his family in the Philippines:

Yeah, I do send money back home, its kind of hard to say but its like part of my

obligation . . .its my time to help them (parents) since my father is not workingany more, he has retired, although hes receiving his pension but I still wanted togive him.

Marvin chose to enter OT because it is a shortage sector in the UK. Thus, despite itbeing considered womens work in his country of origin, his decision was based on a

rational trade-off, illustrating Simpsons (2005) category of seekers or men who

actively choosefemaleoccupations. As Marvin commented,back home, they (men)

wanted to go abroad, so one of the reasons why they studied allied health professions

and nursing, the reason why is because they want to go abroad . Thus he chose OT,

despite really wanting to become an accountant; however, accountancy would not

have facilitated his migration to the UK and his ability to support his family.

A similar story of strategically entering nursing despite it being considered

womens work in their countries of origin was told by Reza and Vassilis, two male

nurses at WCH from Iran and Greece respectively. Vassilis, aged 36, notes that



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nursingis considered to be a female profession, I still see advertisements for female

nurses and Im just thinking whether those advertisements, they mean both sexes,

they didnt mean only female nurses. Yet he also claims that, in contrast to Greece,

Yes, I feel respected as a nurse in this country. Vassilis also acknowledges that For

some reason I think that some patients they still consider that male members of staffmight be doctors or they might be more senior or something like that, because they

still feel that nursing is a female profession. He is able to draw some of his status and

validation of his masculinity from assumptions such as these.

Reza, aged 32, acknowledges that, in Iran, nursing is not regarded as an appropriate

profession for a man. Comparing the UK and Iran, he says:

Actually here [UK] I think its much more open than back home because backhome nursing for men is not a very good job . . .you dont have a specific tag here,

just all theyre calling nurse, and its not very different for someone who is qualified,

who will study four years in nursing than someone just coming in after six monthsstarting as a nurse, but here I think theres much more pressure than back home.

Yet, he is able to construct his professional identity in light of the ways in which

some of his patients perceive him. I think the patient prefers to see (a woman) but

not all of them; for example, I had two patients today here, they came with a catheter

problem and it was a blocked catheter, and they were very happy with a man. Thus it

is clear that he is able to construct an occupational niche in nursing that is congruent

with his sense of masculinity.

For Hafid, Marvin, Vassilis and Reza, their current occupations were not their

first choice. Thus, the fact that they were not able to pursue their first career

choice was part of the reason why they had to or were able to adopt a flexible and

strategic version of masculinity in the UK. Reza, for example was unable to train

as a doctor. As he recounts, . . . in Iran, its very difficult, you should have a top

degree in secondary school to be able to study medicine and it s a very difficult

test . . . my nursing subject, that wasnt my top list. Based on Luptons concept of

a process of realignment (2000), we argue that these men reconstruct and interpret

their occupations in ways that are congruent with their sense of masculinity, part

of which is located in the fulfilment of economic obligations in their country of

origin.

Conclusion

This paper challenges understandings of identity as invariable or as a means through

which individuals are able to act consistently across places. Instead the narratives of

the migrant men in our case study demonstrate that identity is not an essential

attribute (Gibson-Graham 1996). Rather, gender identities are (re)negotiated in the

context of migration, often resulting in the production of flexible and strategic

masculinities distinct from those performed in the country of origin. This paper



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illustrates the complex process of negotiation and resistance that occurs as migrant

men construct, perform and (re)evaluate their particular gender identities, through

reflection on, reaction to or affirmation of gender identities in their countries of

origin in contrast to dominant gender systems in destination countries.

Gender is, of course, not independent of class and so different notions ofmasculinity among migrant men are also related to their past and previous economic

positions. For the men in our sample who had family obligations to send remittances,

migration allowed them to meet economic imperatives that were part of their

construction of an acceptable gender identity, while at the same time challenging

some of their previous assumptions about appropriate work for men. In this way, our

work supports other findings which have suggested thatWhat helps make migration

particularly relevant to masculinity is an enhanced relationship with money, a

detachable form of masculine potency and means of exerting agency at a distance

(Osella and Osella 2000: 128). We add to this observation that migration might alsobe relevant to masculinity in its ability to facilitate the renegotiation of gender

identities even when money is not directly involved. This was exemplified by the

narratives of middle- and upper-class men who migrated to the UK in order to evade

patriarchal social controls through, for example, an arranged marriage or entry into a

particular career. We have shown how multiple forms of masculinity are performed in

the daily working lives of migrant men, and how their labour-market experiences

provided them with an opportunity to display what Guerrier and Adib (2004: 336)

call a different masculinity.

These findings do not account for all the experiences of the migrant men in our case

study, but rather serve as a springboard from which we can begin to better conceptualise

the heterogeneity of migrant mens labour experiences in the UK and the ways in which

migration might create new spaces of social change. New questions emerge from our

findings that need further investigation. How, for instance, does the presence of

co-nationals in the workplace influence the ways in which individuals construct their

gender identity? In both organisations, we observedenclavesof particular national-

ities at different levels of employment. For example, Polish women generally worked as

maids, Indian-born men worked as waiters, whereas migrants from Western Europe

were more likely to enter professional and management positions in the hotel. At WCH,

we observed Caribbean-born women working as both nurses and domestics, Indian-born men employed as doctors, and Indian-born women filling administrative

positions. Does working and migrating with co-nationals perhaps create a third point

of reference to class and gender in the identity formation process among migrant

workers?

Questions such as these call upon social scientists to more rigorously theorise

concepts of transnational gender identities and their appropriate empirical measure-

ments. How migration operates to produce social change and what the practical

and symbolic effects of migration are as people move across different structures

and institutions of social control require additional attention from researchers.



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An examination of the cultural and symbolic effects of migration, as well as the

politico-economic consequences, is necessary in order to capture the full impact of

migration as a source of social change. It is precisely these types of social

transformation, often in the form of changing gender identities, expectations and

practices, which social scientists are only now beginning to consider in the context ofmigration.

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