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Workers of all lands, unite! For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy ! Bucharest. Organ of the Information Bureau of the Communist and Workers’ Parties No. 9 (225) FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1953
Transcript
Page 1: For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy · Workers of all lands, unite! For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy ! Bucharest. Organ of the Information Bureau of the

Workers of all lands, unite!

For a Lasting Peace,For a People’s

Democracy !

Bucharest. Organ of theInformation Bureau of the

Communist and Workers’ Parties

No. 9 (225) FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1953

Page 2: For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy · Workers of all lands, unite! For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy ! Bucharest. Organ of the Information Bureau of the

Scanned/Transcribed byThe Socialist Truth in Cyprus-London Bureaux

http://www.st-cyprus.co.uk

&

www.directdemocracy4u.ukJune 2016

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CONTENTS

DOCUMENTS EXPOSING CRIMINALS OF GERM WAR.....5FIRST ALL-POLAND CONGRESS OF AGRICULTURE PRODUCER CO-OPERATIVES.......................................10HUNGARY-SOVIET FRIENDSHIP MONTH.......................12PEOPLES’ CONGRESS DECISIONS − TO MASSES!......13

EXPLANATORY WORK AMONG POPULATION IN CZECHOSLOVAKIA...................................................13“PEACE MEETINGS” IN BULGARIA............................14POPULARISATION OF PEOPLES’ CONGRESS DECISIONS IN SYRIA AND LEBANON........................14

ELECTIONS TO LOCAL SOVIETS OF WORKING PEOPLE’S DEPUTIES IN REPUBLICS OF SOVIET UNION................16

Mighty Demonstration of Moral-Political unity of Soviet People..........................................................16

AGAINST RATIFICATION OF BONN AND PARIS AGGRESSIVE TREATIES...............................................19

Powerful Popular Protest in Western Germany........19

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Popular Indignation in France..................................20“Week of Struggle” in Italy......................................20

CRITICISM AND SELF-CRITICISM − MOTIVE FORCE OF SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION IN PEOPLE’S POLAND. R. Zambrowski, Secretary, Central Committee, Polish United Workers’ Party.................................................22COURSES FOR DISTRICT COMMITTEE SECRETARIES IN HUNGARIAN WORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY....................35IN COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’ PARTIES...................37

Works By V. I. Lenin And J. V. Stalin Published In Czechoslovakia.......................................................37Conference Of Communist Party Of Mexico.............37

For Powerful National Democratic And Anti-Imperialist Front...................................................37

District Instructors In Rumanian Workers’ Party......39FROM COMMUNIST AND WORKER’S PRESS................41

For Profound, High-Ideological Propaganda of Economic Knowledge..............................................41

U.S.A. WAGING GERM WAR IN KOREA.........................44First Deposition Of U.S. Colonel H. Schwable, Prisonerof War......................................................................44Directive of the Joint Chiefs of Staf........................45Objectives...............................................................46Initial Stage.............................................................47Operational Stage...................................................50First MAW’s Operations...........................................52

Marine Night Fighter Squadron 513.....................52Marine Aircraft Group 12......................................54Marine Aircraft Group 33......................................54Scheduling and Security......................................55Assessment of Results.........................................56

Second Deposition of U.S. Colonel Frank H. Schwable, Prisoner of War.......................................59Third Deposition of U.S. Colonel Frank H. Schwable, Prisoner of war........................................................68Deposition of U.S. Major Roy H. Bley, Prisoner of War................................................................................72

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PHOTOS EXPOSING AMERICAN AGGRESSORS............81ELECTION RESULTS IN AUSTRIA..................................83TWO CULTURES..........................................................84

Teachers not Wanted Here......................................84Additional Thousands of Teachers for Schools in Rumanian People’s Republic...................................84

REVELATIONS Of WARMONGERS................................85WHO RULES AMERICA................................................86

(Letter from U.S.A.).................................................86FEUILLETON................................................................92

Belgrade Butcher’s Biographer...............................92THE “MODEST OPTIMIST” OR THE GRIM THOUGHTS OF Mr. DULLES ON RETURNING FROM WESTERN EUROPE...................................................................................96BOOK REVIEW............................................................97

Britain Under Heel of her American “Friend”. P. Bolsover’s Book “America Over Britain”..................97

DOCUMENTS EXPOSING CRIMINALS OFGERM WAR

The other day the Hsinhua News Agency broadcast the fulltexts of the depositions made by two senior officers of the U.S.Army taken prisoner by the Korean People’s Army: ColonelFrank H. Schwable, Chief of Staff of the First Marine AircraftWing, and Major Roy H. Bley, Ordnance Officer of the sameWing. These depositions constitute additional irrefutabletestimony to the numerous facts established and documentedway back at the beginning of 1952 about the germ warfarewaged by the U.S. misanthropes against Korea and China.These facts are a devastating exposure of the far-reachingplans, strategy and tactics of the germ war unleashed by theU.S. imperialists.

As is known, an investigation of the facts testifying to the

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use of the bacteriological weapon by U.S. troops against Koreaand China, was carried out in the spring and summer of lastyear, not only by Korean and Chinese scientists and by publicrepresentatives of these countries, but also by the Commissionof the International Association of Democratic Lawyers and bythe International Scientific Commission. As a result of theexamination of the exhibits and of talks with residents of thedistricts in which germ bombs were dropped, theseauthoritative commissions irrefutably established that the U.S.armed forces had actually used bacteriological weapons. TheU.S. aggressors were caught red-handed. The evidencecontained in the Report of the International ScientificCommission for investigation of the facts concerningbacteriological warfare in Korea and China is irrefutable proofof the monstrous crime committed by the American militaristsagainst humanity.

“The peoples of Korea and China”, concluded theInternational Commission, “have indeed been the object ofbacteriological weapons. These have been employed by theunits of the U.S.A. armed forces, using a great variety ofdifferent methods for the purpose, some of which seem to bedevelopments of those applied by the Japanese army during thesecond world war”.

This conclusion, confirmed by the testimony of theAmerican Officers, captured earlier, O’Neal, Enoch, Quinn andKniss, who directly participated in dropping bombs containingtyphus, plague, cholera, anthrax bacteria and bacteria of otherinfectious diseases, is now confirmed to the hilt by thedepositions of senior officers Schwable and Bley.

The depositions made by Schwable and Bley disclose thestrategic plan and aims of the U.S. Command in wagingbacteriological warfare against the valiant people of Korea, themethods and means of this criminal war. Again and again theyexpose before the whole world the U.S. plague-generals, rulers

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and the real masters of the U.S.A. − the Rockefellers, du Pouts,Morgans and Mellons who have waxed rich on the blood andruthless exploitation of millions of people − as hardenedcriminals, sworn enemies of peace and deadly enemies of allpeoples.

Banking on conquering the world, on establishing the ruleof U.S. monopoly capital throughout the world by means ofwholesale extermination of people and fascist terror, the U.S.aggressors, who invaded Korea, extended day by day, andcontinue to extend, the scale of their crimes. For nearly threeyears their air forces systematically and barbarously have beenbombing and raking with gunfire peaceful localities in NorthKorea, destroying public buildings and dwellings, hospitals andschools, children’s homes, educational and publicestablishments, places of worship and relies of culture built bythe Korean people throughout centuries of diligent labour. OnPyongyang and its outskirts alone, where military targets arenon-existent, U.S.A. aircraft dropped 52,380 bombs in 1952 −1,000 bombs per square kilometre of the city’s territory. Duringa raid on Hamhing alone, the U.S. air pirates killed over 2,100civilians, chiefly, women and children.

Cliffs collapse under the impact of the incessant explosionsand napalm, iron and stone burn but the valiant sons of Koreaand the Chinese People’s Volunteers, repeating the immortalexploits of the heroic defenders of Stalingrad, firmly hold theirground. They withstood frantic attacks by an army superiornumerically − the multi-language army of the so-called “Unotroops”, and held out against the ceaseless rain of fire andmetal. They withstood the onslaught because their heroism andstaunchness were, and are, nurtured by a lofty and noble aim-defence of their homeland against the foreign invaders, defenceof their freedom and national independence. The soldiers andofficers of the Korean People’s Army and the ChineseVolunteers have not only withstood the onslaught of the enemy,

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they have inflicted a crushing military and political defeat onthe U.S. invaders.

Enraged by the failure of their bloody gamble, theAmerican imperialists resorted to a still more monstrous crime.Cynically trampling underfoot the fundamentals of humanmorality, ruthlessly violating all norms of international lawthey, with the cold-blood of professional killers, elaborated adiabolical plan − wholesale extermination of the Koreanpopulation by means of the bacteriological weapon. Their plan,worked out by the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, as testified by thedepositions of Schwable and Bley, was elaborated in minutedetail: types of deadly bacteria, disease-carrying insects andinfected articles, means for dropping them, type and number ofaircraft assigned for this purpose, the quantity, the location andnumbers of bases and air units which would carry out the plan,the routes, target and intensity of the germ war, composition ofthe direct executors of the assignment and maintenancepersonnel, extreme measures to ensure stringent secrecy of thepreparations and execution of the “operations”.

The U.S. militarists tried hard to conceal their preparationsfor the bacteriological warfare and the unleashing of it in Koreanot only from world public opinion and from their allies incrime and plunder, but even from their own soldiers andofficers, confiding this black secret only to a select few. Buttruth will out. The germ war became common knowledge to allpeoples in the world.

In face of the powerful wave of wrath, indignation andpassionate protests against the outlawed methods of warfare,which swept all countries, the propaganda machinemonopolised by billionaires, and the U.S. officialrepresentatives in the United Nations Organisation tried andstill try to deny the widely publicized and irrefutably provedfacts of the use of the bacteriological weapon by theAmericans.

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On what do they pin their hopes and whom do the U.S.diplomats seek to deceive by denying, without the slightestproof, the well-known facts? Their cunning attempts merelyshow that they, like the shadow from the sun, are running-away from truth. Cowards that they are, like all liars andhypocrites, they fear to look truth in the face, they fear worldpublic opinion, their own people, their soldiers and officers.

Brazenly denying the use of criminal means for wholesaleextermination of people the U.S. rulers, at the same time, onvarious pretexts have refuted to ratify the 1925 GenevaProtocol banning the bacteriological weapon. In doing so, theyclearly demonstrate that they have no desire to undertakeinternational obligations, and that they intend using thisweapon in the future too.

Pursuing their policy of extending the predatory war in theEast, the U.S. imperialists intensified, and are intensifying now,aggressive actions against the Korean and Chinese peoples.They demonstratively broke off the truce negotiations atPanmunjom as they approached their culminating point andmade still more unbearable the unprecedented terror against thecaptured men and officers of the Korean People’s Army and theChinese People’s Volunteers. They turned the prisoner of warcamps on Koje Island, on Pongam and Chejuda Islands, thecamps in the Pusan, Techjong and Taegu areas and in otherplaces in South Korea into torture chambers, places ofassassination of war prisoners.

This brutality is not fortuitous. It is an integral part of thebrigand policy of U.S. imperialism which not only does notseek a peaceful settlement of international issues, but is seekingin every way to extend the slaughter and to plunge mankindinto a new world war.

Today the U.S. fanatics are driven to the wall by thedepositions of the specially trusted and well informed officersof the U.S. Army. These depositions cannot be denied, ignored

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or evaded! From these there is but one road-the road to thegrim, relentless and great tribunal of the peoples, a tribunalknowing no mercy for the accursed enemies of humanity, atribunal which justly punishes the enemies of peace.

By their rabid aggressive policies the U.S. ruling circlesevoke the burning hatred and scorn of all peoples. Against theAmerican rule, against the cynical diktat of the trans-atlanticmonopolies, against the monstrous crimes of the U.S.militarists there sounds ever louder the indignant voice ofmillions of people in Europe and in Asia, in the Near andMiddle East, in Africa and Latin America.

The depositions made by the officers of the U.S. armedforces concerning the sinister designs for the extermination ofhumanity and the carrying out of these designs touch theconscience of the progressive, forces of all nations. The peace-loving peoples demand an end to the war in Korea. And theywill find the strength to bridle the germ-war criminals.

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FIRST ALL-POLAND CONGRESS OFAGRICULTURE PRODUCER CO-

OPERATIVES

The First all-Poland Congress of agricultural producer co-operatives held in Warsaw on February 21-22 was attended bynearly 4,000 people, among them 2,400 members of producerco-operatives and over 200 workers from state machine andtractor stations.

The speakers showed the striking superiority of collectivefarming over individual farming.

The Congress was addressed by Comrade BoleslawBierut, Chairman of the Council of Ministers, who summed upthe experience accumulated by the agricultural co-operatives inPoland and outlined the vital tasks facing them in theimmediate future.

The tremendous changes that have taken place in the Polishcountryside, Comrade Bierut said, are but the first step alongthe road of effecting a radical transformation in rural life and inthe life of all our people. Our aim, said B. Bierut, is to abolishall exploitation of man by man, to build a new, just socialsystem and this new system can only be Socialism.

A social revolution that stops half way, Comrade Bierutcontinued, creates the possibility for a rebirth of the socialclasses deprived of power, the capitalists and landlords, and,consequently, paves the way for their return. And as we know,the capitalists and landlords have not given up the idea ofregaining power, they still dream of returning to their mansionsand estates and, with this aim in view, grovel before the rabidenemies of the Polish people − the imperialists andwarmongers − and plot against people’s Poland wherever theycan. The working masses in Poland must not relax their efforts

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for the speedy construction of the new, socialist system, sincethe class struggle continues and gains in intensity, because westill have the numerous strata, of kulaks in the countryside andthe profiteers in the towns who strive at all costs to retain thepossibility of exploiting the poor and middle peasants, thepossibility of waxing rich by means of speculative prices.

From the example of the Soviet Union we see thetremendous possibilities opened before the working peasantryby the agricultural producer co-operatives and collectiveagriculture. By utilising the experience of the Soviet collectivefarm the agricultural co-operatives can achieve the samesplendid results.

By combined efforts, and relying on the sincere friendshipand fraternity of the valiant peoples of the Soviet Union andthe countries of people’s democracy, by relying on thesolidarity of all people of good will and under the leadership ofJoseph Stalin − great standard-bearer of peace − we will firmlyguard the interests of the people of town and countryside,guard our beloved country, − concluded Comrade Bierut.

The Congress issued a call addressed to all workingpeasants in the country; the Congress also called on theGovernment to establish an all-Poland Council of AgriculturalProducer Co-operatives, and decided on measures for theorganisational-economic strengthening of the co-operatives, forextending their cultural and educational work, adoptedamendments to the Rules of the co-operatives, adoptedmeasures for strict adherence to the Rules and for a simplifiedsystem of business-accounting.

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HUNGARY-SOVIET FRIENDSHIP MONTH

The Hungary-Soviet Friendship Month in Hungary istaking place amid great enthusiasm.

In the past two years the membership of the Hungary-Soviet Society has risen from 748,000 to over 1,300,000, thenumber of local branches from 2,893 to 8,243. The Societyconducts extensive educational and mass cultural activity.Editions of booklets published by the Society in the past twoyears total nearly 4,000,000 copies. In 1952 alone the Societyheld 38,224 lectures which were attended by 2,314,000. Itsmain photo-exhibitions were attended by 2,690,000; localexhibitions organised all over the country drew more than 5million visitors.

The opening meeting of the Friendship Month, held in theBudapest Opera House on February 18, was attended byComrade Rakosi, leader of the Hungarian people, by membersof the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of theHungarian Working People’s Party and members of theGovernment of the Hungarian People’s Republic. Eventsconnected with the Hungary-Soviet Friendship Month arebeing held all over the country. At meetings in industrialenterprises leading workers relate their production successes asa result of using Soviet methods and urge the furtherintroduction of Soviet experience.

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PEOPLES’ CONGRESS DECISIONS − TOMASSES!

EXPLANATORY WORK AMONG POPULATIONIN CZECHOSLOVAKIA

Czechoslovak peace fighters are carrying out wide-scaleexplanatory work. At hundreds of meetings and talks they areacquainting the working people with the decisions of thePeople’s Congress for Peace and of the Second National PeaceCongress in Czechoslovakia. After the National PeaceCongress, meetings of the regional and district peacecommittees were held at which concrete tasks for furtheractivity were defined. For example, a meeting of the Bratislavaregional peace committee discussed the question ofintensifying explanatory work in the factories and in theproducer co-operatives, of organising family talks, etc. Specialdistrict seminars for activists will be held for the purpose ofintensifying the work of the active peace supporters.

The Presidium of the National Peace Committee has calledon the regional and district peace committees to extend theirwork every day, to take an active part in the forthcoming masscampaigns: in organising International Women’s Day andWorld Youth Week. The peace fighters should work in closecontact with all organisations including the National Front andshould contribute to the further development of socialemulation in honour of May Day and the 8th anniversary of theliberation of Czechoslovakia by the Soviet Army.

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“PEACE MEETINGS” IN BULGARIA

Numerous meetings discussing the reports on the ViennaPeoples’ Congress are being held in town and countrysidethroughout Bulgaria.

The “peace meetings”, as they are called by the people, areattracting general attention and are attended even by peoplewho hitherto rarely attended public meetings. The “peacemeeting” in the village of Dolna’ Kremena (Vrachanskidistrict), for example, was attended by over 320 peasants. Inthe Pavlikenski district the “peace evenings” were attended bynearly 26 thousand people. In the small Elencki district the“peace meetings” resulted in the formation of 12 new peacecommittees.

The “peace meetings” held in towns and villages in thedistricts bordering on Titoite Yugoslavia, fascist Greece andTurkey are distinguished for their great enthusiasm. Thepopulation in these districts stress their determination to keepguard over peace in the name of the flowering of theirhomeland, of the security of millions of people throughout theworld.

The National Peace Committee has published largeeditions of collections devoted to the “Third National PeaceCongress” and the “Peoples’ Congress for Peace”.

POPULARISATION OF PEOPLES’ CONGRESSDECISIONS IN SYRIA AND LEBANON

The Peoples’ Congress decisions have met with a warmresponse both in Syria and in Lebanon. In these countries theAppeal of the Congress and its Address to the Governments ofthe Five Great Powers have been widely circulated.

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A meeting at which Lebanon delegates gave a detailedreport of the Congress was attended by 80 prominent publicfigures, including representatives of the different politicalparties, representatives of the mass organisations and a numberof parliamentary deputies. The meeting unanimously approvedthe Congress decisions and resolved to convene meetingsthroughout the country for the purpose of popularising thesedecisions. In Lebanon the Carpenters’ Trade Union and theExecutive Committee of the Federation of South LebanonPeasants have expressed support for the Congress decisions.Meetings devoted to the Peoples’ Congress are being held inBierut, Tripoli and in many other towns and villagesthroughout Lebanon. Workers, peasants, women and youth,people of different political and religious views wholeheartedlyapprove the Congress decisions. In the Akkar district twohundred peasants signed a resolution supporting the Congressdecisions and expressed themselves against the Middle-Eastaggressive bloc sponsored by the U.S.-British imperialists.Denouncing the aggressive preparation of U.S. imperialismSheikh Ahmed Arif al Zein, well-known Moslem, in Lebanon,said: “I am convinced that the Peoples’ Congress will be awarning to those preparing to kindle the conflagration of a newwar”.

The magazine “Al-Tarik” printed a special Peoples’Congress number. The main Congress documents have beenpublished also by the newspapers “Al-Sarka” and “Al-ThakafaAl-Wataniah”.

In Syria, despite the terror, meetings are being held intowns and villages throughout the country discussing theCongress decisions and outlining measures for strengtheningthe struggle against imperialism and the dictatorial regime ofShishakli, for peace and national independence.

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ELECTIONS TO LOCAL SOVIETS OFWORKING PEOPLE’S DEPUTIES IN

REPUBLICS OF SOVIET UNION

Mighty Demonstration of Moral-Politicalunity of Soviet People

On February 22 elections to the local Soviets of WorkingPeople’s Deputies took place in the Russian Soviet FederativeSocialist Republic, in the Ukrainian, Byelorussian, Georgian,Lithuanian, Moldavian and Esthonian Soviet SocialistRepublics.

Reports in the Soviet press speak of the splendid activityand excellent organisation of the electors who cast their votesfor the candidates of the Stalin bloc of Communists and non-party people.

The elections in Moscow − the capital of the great SovietUnion − were held amidst exceptional enthusiasm. Inspirationand rejoicing reigned in the Stalin electoral district of thecapital where J. V. Stalin was the candidate. The stakhanoviteturner Comrade P. Zhukov, voting for Comrade Stalin, said: “Iam happy to cast my vote for the great candidate of the people,for Comrade Stalin, and from the bottom of my heart wish himmany, many years of life and good health, and the continuationof his work on behalf of mankind”.

In Moscow voting took place for over 7,000 candidates forthe local Soviets. The electorate enthusiastically voted for theleaders of the Communist Party and the Soviet Government,for the leading workers in industry, for Party and publicworkers, men of science and culture − for the loyal sons anddaughters of the Soviet people. The working people of thecapital marked election day with new labour exploits.

Leningrad residents were early at the polling stations.

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Great enthusiasm prevailed and by eleven a.m. polling hadpractically ended in all districts.

The builders of the Stalingrad Hydro-Electric Stationunanimously voted for the candidates of the Communist andnon-party bloc. They unfolded wide-scale socialist emulationbefore polling-day. Many work-teams have already fulfilledmonthly quotas and are now working on March assignments.Dredger No. 510, captained by Comrade Sitnikov, completedthree norms in honour of the elections.

New production successes were registered on election dayby the working people in the Urals. The excavator assemblyshop of the Urals Machine-Building Plant produced, ahead ofschedule, two powerful “Uralets” caterpillar excavators for thebuilders of the Kakhovka Hydro-Electric station.

Polling in the towns and countryside of the UkrainianSoviet Socialist Republic developed into a national festival.The streets of Kiev − the ancient Ukrainian capital − weregaily decorated, with portraits of V. I. Lenin and J. V. Stalin,with colourful banners and red flags. The working people ofKiev voted for the great Stalin, for his colleagues − V. M.Molotov, G. M. Malenkov, L. M. Kaganovich, and N. S.Khrushchev − for the outstanding men and women of theUkraine, such as Stalin Prize holders V. Seminsky, turner; I.Rakhmanin, the best bricklayer, and others. The workersemployed on the great Kakhovka construction site ofCommunism on the Dnieper displayed great enthusiasm onpolling day. Excavator operators Comrades Badenkov, Maslakand Miroshnik doubled their quotas, excavating over 22thousand cubic metres of earth in honour of the elections.

The working people of the Byelorussian Soviet SocialistRepublic went to the polls joyfully. By six in the morningmore than 200 people had gathered at No. 1 polling station inthe Lenin district of Minsk where J. V. Stalin was candidate forthe Minsk City Soviet. Almost all the electors in this area had

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cast their votes in the space of 2 hours. Great festivity prevailed on polling day in the Georgian,

Lithuanian, Moldavian and Esthonian Soviet SocialistRepublics.

The local elections in seven Republics of the U.S.S.R. wereheld in an atmosphere of tremendous patriotic enthusiasm anddeveloped into a mighty demonstration of the moral-politicalunity of the Soviet people, closely rallied round the CommunistParty and the Soviet Government, round the great leader andteacher of the working people, Comrade Stalin.

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AGAINST RATIFICATION OF BONN ANDPARIS AGGRESSIVE TREATIES

Powerful Popular Protest in WesternGermany

The unconditional surrender of the Adenauer Governmentand the West German Social-Democratic traitors to the Dulles’ultimatum that the Bonn and Paris aggressive treaties must bespeedily ratified, their docile promise to effect this by March15 and the intensified repressions against the democraticorganisations in Western Germany that came in the wake ofthis ultimatum have evoked a powerful protest movementamong the population in Western Germany.

Powerful demonstrations, meetings and protest strikesagainst the aggressive schemes of Dulles, Adenauer and theirSocial-Democratic lackeys took place in Munich, Kiel,Stuttgart, Bremen and in other towns in Western Germany. Bytheir resolute struggle and unity of action 13,000 textileworkers on strike in Nordhorn succeeded in securing thewithdrawal of the troops garrisoned in the town.

Numerous deputations from Hamburg, Bremen, Essen,Dortmund, Frankfurt-on-Main, Mannheim, Karlsruhe, Stuttgartand many other towns demanded from the Bonn Parliamentthat it reject the separate military treaties and take action forachieving mutual understanding among all Germans. At ameeting in Munich on February 21, ten thousandrepresentatives of diverse sections of the population declaredthat they would fight with renewed vigour for the Programmefor national Re-unification of Germany.

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Popular Indignation in France

In response lo a call issued by the French CommunistParty, the Peace Movement and other democratic organisationsthe French people are extending on a wider scale their struggleagainst the Bonn and Paris war treaties.

After the special letter addressed by the Peace Movementto all Mayors in the country many municipalities and, inparticular, the Saint-Quen, Villejuif, Cavaillon andChamborigaud municipalities, have taken action against theratification of these treaties. The Mayor and other publicfigures of various trends in Le Boucau (Basses-Pyrenees)called on the population to sign the protest against the projectfor building the aggressive “European Army”.

In many Departments organisations of the war veterans,participants in the resistance movement and former deporteeshave also taken action against ratification of the Bonn and Parisaggressive treaties. In the Isere Department, for example, ameeting of delegates of the French Union of War Veteransembracing 20 war veterans’ associations, and delegates of theunited resistance movement with 22 organisations affiliated,voiced a resolute protest against the aggressive treaties andurged the population to prevent their ratification.

Struggle against ratification of these war treaties is one ofthe tasks of the “Peace Committees National Day” scheduledfor March 22.

“Week of Struggle” in Italy

In connection with the Rome conference of the six foreignministers of the countries belonging to the aggressive“European Defence Community”, the National PeaceCommittee in Italy is conducting a nationwide “week of

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struggle against the European Defence Community”. The aim of the “week” is to make clear to the Italian public

the serious danger threatening the country should theaggressive treaty on the “European Army” be ratified.

Broad masses of the population are already taking part inthe protest movement. The peace fighters will hold hundreds ofprotest meetings and demonstrations in the course of the“week”. Prominent democratic personalities are addressing thegatherings. Addressing a meeting in Genoa Emilio Sereni,Secretary-General of the Italian peace movement, stated thatthe entry of Italy into the “European Defence Community”means that the Italian army becomes part of the “EuropeanArmy”, that the Italian army is subordinated to foreigncommand; − this means that there is a danger of Italy beingautomatically involved in war for interest alien to her; itsignifies the possibility of German troops being quartered onItalian territory.

Numerous delegations, including distinguished politicaland cultural workers, renowned participants of the partisanstruggle, parents of soldiers who fell in battle and war disabled,visited the residence of the President and the conference hall ofthe “European Defence Community” and handed in theresolutions protesting against ratification of the aggressivetreaty.

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CRITICISM AND SELF-CRITICISM −MOTIVE FORCE OF SOCIALIST

CONSTRUCTION IN PEOPLE’S POLAND.R. Zambrowski, Secretary, CentralCommittee, Polish United Workers’

Party

Great and varied are the achievements of people’s Polandin socialist construction. Year by year Socialism develops moreand more and becomes stronger in town and countryside, andthe sphere of action in our country of the basic economic lawof Socialism formulated by Comrade Stalin in his classicalwork “Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”, isincreasingly extended.

Eloquent testimony of this is furnished by the figures onfulfilment of the national-economic plan for 1952.

Compared with 1951 industrial output rose 20 per cent.And compared with the 171.1 figure fixed for 1952 in the Six-Year Plan (taking 1949 as 100), output actually rose to 194.4.

The rapid tempo of socialist industrialisation of the countryis also seen from the following figures: while in 1949 the valueof industrial produce was 62.5 and agricultural produce 37.5per cent of the overall value of the national product, thecorresponding figures for 1952 according to preliminary dataare respectively 75.6 and 24.4.

The sources and levers of the rapid development ofpeople’s Poland are inherent in the people’s-democratic systemitself which has released the huge creative energy, enthusiasmand selflessness of the Polish working class. These sources andlevers are contained in the fraternal and selfless aid renderedconstantly and on an ever increasing scale by the great SovietUnion to our people’s-democratic country in the sphere ofsocialist industrialisation.

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Among the levers of the rapid development of people’sPoland a special role belongs to criticism and self-criticism −the revolutionary method of the work of the Party which stemsfrom the spirit of Marxism-Leninism, the tried weapon forCommunist training of cadres and for consolidating theircontact with the masses, the powerful motive force of ourpeople’s democratic society.

Of decisive significance for the development of criticismand self-criticism in our Party was the smashing of the Right-wing nationalist deviation, the hostile Gomulka group, by theCentral Committee, headed by Comrade Bierut.

In the course of this struggle, which the Party leadershipwaged on the basis of the Lenin-Stalin teaching, awarenessgrew in the Party of how immensely important from everyaspect is bold development of sell-criticism and criticism frombelow as a powerful weapon in the struggle to raise higher andhigher the level of the ideological And political work of theParty, in the struggle to ensure the growth of politicalconsciousness and keener vigilance on the part of the broadmasses of workers and of all working people.

Without this the Party would not have been able to launchits successful offensive against the capitalist elements or itsstruggle for successful development of socialist construction.

Broad popularisation of the brilliant counsel of Lenin andStalin concerning criticism and sell-criticism played a big rolein the development of criticism and self-criticism inside theParty and among the masses. This counsel found favourablesoil among masses of workers who, under the leadership of theParty, are anxious to take a more active part in running thecountry and the national economy.

I.

What role does criticism and self-criticism play on the

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decisive sector of our struggle for Socialism in the sphere ofsocialist production − in carrying out national-economic plans?

The reality of our production plan, teaches Comrade Stalin,is the millions of working people building the new life.

The immense significance of self-criticism and of criticismfrom below emanates precisely from the decisive role played inthe conditions of our system by the popular masses − theheroes and builders of the new life.

Profound changes have taken place in the Polish workingclass who, changing the face of the country, are also changingthemselves.

Life in our enterprises has changed, Our Partyorganisations in the enterprises are being strengthened on thebasis of increasingly broader development of criticism and self-criticism, on the basis of ever more successful realisation bythe Party organisations of control over the administration asenvisaged in the Party Rules; the economic horizons of theParty members are widening and their prestige among non-party workers is rising.

Production conferences and the widespread socialistemulation which, as defined by Comrade Stalin, is anexpression of businesslike revolutionary self-criticism by themasses based on the creative initiative of millions of workingpeople, have become a powerful lever for carrying out thenational-economic plans.

In this sphere − in the sphere of developing bold andevery-day criticism from below − much still remains to bedone.

All the barriers and hindrances in the way of developingwidespread criticism and self-criticism, mentioned by ComradeStalin on numerous occasions, are fully encountered also in ourconditions.

We still have many functionaries who do not want tounderstand that is not only leaders that have construction

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experience, that the millionfold masses, as Comrade Stalinteaches, accumulate day after day tremendous experience inconstruction which is no less valuable than that of the leaders,that mass criticism and rank and file verification are essential,incidentally, in order that this experience of the millionfoldmasses is not wasted, that it is taken into account and put intopractice.

We still have not a few functionaries who not only do notcreate favourable conditions for developing criticism frombelow but who are indignant when sometimes it is not ahundred per cent correct, forgetful of Comrade Stalin’s counselthat such demands in relation to the workers would scare thehundreds and thousands of workers anxious to correct ourshortcomings and drawbacks but who cannot sometimescorrectly formulate their ideas and are afraid to speak aboutshortcomings in our work not only because they might have to“pay for it” but also because they might be “laughed at” forimperfect criticism.

On the other hand, there are still some Party organisationswhich lose sight of the fact that what we need is not just anykind of criticism and do not rebuff with the necessaryresolution the distortion of the slogan of criticism and self-criticism when it is used here and there by enemies or elementsunder enemy influence not to strengthen labour discipline butto disrupt it, not to enhance the prestige of the leadership but tolower it.

“Our principle’, said Comrade Bierut at a conference of theParty and economic activists in the coal industry held onJanuary 30, “is that without criticism we cannot keep pace withprogress, that criticism is the school of life that criticism is thecondition for eliminating mistakes. But the nature of criticismis varied. There is constructive criticism and there is inimicalcriticism.

“The former helps in our development, the latter retards it.

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We support the first and will continue to support it, the secondwe combat, and we will continue to combat it. Criticism mustnot undermine the prestige, of the individual, the prestige of thecommander. Criticism must help to elevate the individual, notpush him down.

“This must be remembered by all, all must observe thisprinciple in their work”.

Comrade Bierut’s speech devoted to the tasks of theworkers engineers and leading personnel in the coal industry inthe struggle for fulfilling the plan, to the need to enhance theprestige of the economic and engineer-technical leaders armsParty organisations for rallying the broad masses for thesuccessful fulfilment of the national-economic plans.

This speech has become the basis for wide-scaledevelopment of criticism and self-criticism in many Partyorganisations in the enterprises in connection with the non-fulfilment of the 1952 assignment in a number of branches ofindustry.

The urgency of the need for such criticism and self-criticism is evident, for example, from the fact that manyenterprises do not by a long way make full use of productioncapacities.

Thus, for example, utilisation of blast furnace capacity inour country is 1.6 times lower than in Soviet metallurgy andsteel output pet square metre of the open-hearth furnace isnearly two times less than in the U.S.S.R.

The first few weeks of the current year testified that thestruggle of the Party organisations for the development ofcriticism and sell-criticism helps to reveal production reservesand to make better use of them, that the conscious efforts of theParty organisations and the masses of workers can yieldconsiderable results in this sphere. However, it is necessarytirelessly to remind activists, the Party organisations and themasses of workers about Comrade Stalin’s counsel:

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“Let the Party, let Bolsheviks, let all honest workers andworking elements in our country disclose shortcomings in ourwork, shortcomings in our construction, let them outline waysfor liquidating our shortcomings so that in our work and in ourconstruction there shall be no stagnation, no bogging or decay,in order that all our work, all our construction shall improvefrom day to day and march from success to success”.

II.

The method of criticism and self-criticism plays a big rolealso in Party work in the countryside, particularly in thestruggle for correct implementation of the Party line in thematter of strengthening the alliance of the working class withthe working peasantry and in the socialist reorganisation ofagriculture in Poland.

In the conditions of sharp class struggle, reflected in thefierce resistance of kulak and profiteering elements in thecountryside, the Party and the people’s power, while relying onthe poor peasants, consolidating the alliance with the middlepeasantry and creating an atmosphere of criticism and self-criticism in the rural Party organisations, successfullyovercome the resistance of the exploiters. On this basissubstantial successes were registered particularly in the sphereof obligatory deliveries.

In 1952 the peasantry supplied their people’s state withmore grain than in past years and deliveries were completed inless time.

Successful fulfilment of obligatory deliveries of grain,meat, potatoes and milk enabled the people’s power to abolishrationing and introduce uniform prices.

Big successes were recorded by the Party organisations inthe sphere of consolidating and developing the producer co-operatives in agriculture. During 1952 the number of these co-

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operatives grew from 3,056 on January 1 to 4,904 byDecember 31, that is, by 60.4 per cent.

The growing tempo in developing agricultural producer co-operatives is evident from the fact that over 360 co-operativeswere formed in January this year.

To what is our Party’ indebted for these undoubtedsuccesses?

First of all to the resolute struggle which the CentralCommittee under Comrade Bierut’s leadership has wagedagainst each and every distortion of the political line of theParty in the countryside.

Of particular importance was the struggle of the leadershipof the Party against substituting patient political work amongthe working peasantry by “commandism”, against the leftadventurism which in some instances manifested itself in theform of violating the voluntary principle in organising producerco-operatives.

A big blow was struck at this left adventurism by theCentral Committee statement of May 1951 concerning thedistortion of the Party line in the Gryfice organisation,(Szczecin region). The statement resolutely denounced thecases of substitution of methods of persuasion by methods ofcoercion, of criminal violation of law, of stifling criticism frombelow.

The broad campaign of criticism and self-criticismunfolded in the Party branches after the publication of thisstatement enabled the branches to rectify their mistakes, torestore the confidence of the peasantry where it had beenweakened, and to raise Party work to a higher level. The courseof the campaign furnished the Party branches and the Partyactivists with yet another opportunity of becoming convincedof the profound truth of Lenin’s evaluation of the maturity of aparty which is not afraid to admit and rectify its mistakes. “Toadmit a mistake openly”, V. I. Lenin said, “to disclose its

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reasons, to analyse the conditions which gave rise to it, to studyattentively the means of correcting it − these are the signs of aserious party. This means the performance of its duties...”

No less serious was the danger arising from the sentimentsof opportunist passivity encountered in some localorganisations in relation to the socialist reconstruction of thecountryside, the opportunist waiting for spontaneousdevelopment of producer cooperatives in agriculture.

The Party resolutely combated opportunist tendencies ofthis kind.

Of particular significance for this struggle was the speechby Comrade Bierut at the conference of Party activists held onJanuary 28, 1952, which became the basis for unfoldingmobilising criticism and self-criticism both in urban and invillage branches concerning issues connected with thedevelopment of agricultural co-operation.

“The Patty”, said Comrade Bierut, “will not tolerate arelapse into opportunist passivity on the front of the strugglefor converting the peasant households into collective,mechanised farms…

“Waging struggle on two fronts means combating thedistortions, the bureaucratic administrative methods of formingproducer co-operatives, and, simultaneously, combatingopportunist idleness and the waiting for spontaneousdevelopment”.

III.

The demand for tireless development of criticism and self-criticism − keen weapons in the fight against carelessness andcomplacency, the lever for raising the vigilance of the Partybranches and of the broad working masses − fully applies toour country.

“It is one thing”, Comrade Stalin teaches, “when dozens

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and more leading comrades look out for and find shortcomingsin our work while the working masses either do not want to orcannot see, or notice the shortcomings, in such circumstancesthere is every chance that there is every chance that somethingis certain to be overlooked, not everything is noticed. It isanother thing when together with the dozens and more of theleading comrades hundreds of thousands and millions ofworkers look for and notice shortcomings in our work,disclosing our mistakes, harnessing themselves in the commoncause of building and charting the pathways for improving thecause. In such circumstances there is a greater guarantee thatwe will not be taken unaware, that the negative phenomenawill be noticed in time and timely measures taken for theirelimination”.

However, in order to instil such a critical and vigilantattitude among the broad masses it is essential that the Partybranches and activists look upon criticism and self-criticism asan organic and indivisible part of Party life, as the basicmethod of Party work.

The acuteness and importance of the problem of vigilanceis clear to us from the years of experience of triumphantstruggle against the “fifth column” in the U.S.S.R., a strugglewhich, despite the abolition of antagonistic classes, is still inprogress, as is evident from the exposure of the group ofdoctor-killers-agents of the U.S.-British imperialists, linkedwith the Jewish bourgeois nationalist organisation “Joint” andwith the “Intelligence Service”.

In Poland where there are the kulaks − the class of ruralexploiters which, though being restricted and isolated, isnevertheless an economically strong and numerous class,where there are not a few expropriated capitalists andlandlords, where the reactionary part of the clergy tries todevelop anti-state activity, where the remnants of the old,defeated reactionary and fascist groupings, Zionist and

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Trotskyite elements are still to be found, the question ofstruggle against the “fifth column” is particularly acute.

It is among these elements, elements who hate the people’spower, that the agents of the various imperialist intelligenceservices are active. They try to build and extend a network forespionage, sabotage and subversive activity in our country,which is of particular “interest” to the U.S. imperialist staffs,who assign to this criminal work” a most significant role intheir aggressive designs.

The Marxist-Leninist theses to the effect that the bigger thevictories of socialist, construction, the more the successes ofpeaceful construction cut the ground from under the feet of thecapitalists and of all enemies of the people, the fiercer theirresistance and the more cunning and foul the methods to whichthey resort in their struggle against the people’s power, arefully confirmed in our country.

In these conditions the most dangerous for our cause isthat, under the influence of the achievements of ourconstruction, our functionaries may become politically blindand yield to sentiments of complacency and smugness.

In these conditions those activists who fail to understandthat bur advance to Socialism depends, to a considerabledegree, on how resolutely the Party organisations andindividual functionaries make use of the weapon of criticismand self-criticism of the struggle against the shortcomings andweaknesses, also become disqualified.

In these conditions the Party branches which bluntvigilance and tolerate leaders who fail to see the shortcomingsand defects or who turn a blind eye to them, work badly andinjure our cause.

Wide use of criticism and self-criticism are of exceptionalimportance for successful struggle against bureaucratism andalso for inculcating in the working masses the feeling that theyare masters of the country and for drawing them into the work

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of running the country. In 1950, on the initiative of Comrade Bierut, the State

Council and the Council of Ministers issued a decreeconcerning examination of statements, letters and complaintssubmitted by the population, critical remarks in the press; theCentral Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party alsoissued a decree obliging the regional, district and townbranches of the Party immediately to consider statements andcomplaints submitted by the working people and the criticismspublished in the press and to bring to responsibility those guiltyof stifling criticism and of ignoring the warnings.

The enormous significance of these letters and statementsin the struggle against bureaucratism and as an important formof criticism and self-criticism is shown by the followingfigures: in 1952 the Complaints Bureau of the State Councilreceived 115,463 letters, the editorial board of the peasantnewspaper “Gromada-Rolnik Polski” received 65 thousandletters and the broadcasting bodies over 90 thousand.

Of invaluable significance for us is the counsel of ComradeStalin to the effect that “the Party must not conceal itsmistakes, must not be afraid of criticism, that its should be ableto improve and educate its cadres on its own mistakes”. Only inthese conditions it is possible to mould people of strongcharacter, exacting in relation to themselves and other peoplewho view their successes soberly, staunchly to listen tocriticism and to regard as cowards those who fear criticism.

The sad experience of some district and town Partyorganisations the leadership of which did not develop andappreciate self-criticism and criticism from below showswhither this vicious practice leads. As a rule, political andideological life dies in such organisations, contact with themasses is weakened, cliques and nepotism make theirappearance, young cadres are not promoted and if this state ofaffairs is not changed in time, it leads to failure, to the

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undermining of the prestige of the Party organisation, as wasthe case, for example. with the former secretaries of the Partycommittee in Zyrardov.

The decisions of the XIX Congress of the C.P.S.U. andparticularly the new, higher demands made on Party members,inscribed in the Rules of the C.P.S.U., in relation to the dutiesof Party members in the sphere of development of criticism andself-criticism acted as an enormous stimulus to thedevelopment of self-criticism and criticism in the ranks of ourParty.

Another important conclusion that follows from thedecisions of the XIX Congress of the C.P.S.U. is that onecannot rely on criticism and self-criticism developing of theirown accord, that it is necessary to create favourable conditionsfor their free development, to facilitate the unfolding of self-criticism and criticism and to deepen them, to direct criticismarid self-criticism into the right channels.

Comrade J. V. Stalin’s brilliant work “Economic Problemsof Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”, the decisions and documents ofthe XIX Congress of the C.P.S.U. are inexhaustible sources ofMarxist knowledge and of ideological and political experiencefor all our activists. They act as a stimulus to our Party indeveloping criticism and self-criticism on the ideological front,in resolutely combating distortions in the ideological sphere.

Precisely these decisions evoked an enormous growth ofinterest in theoretical and ideological questions among theranks of our Party:

“The Congress”, Comrade Bierut said, “has given usmaterial of tremendous importance for raising the ideologicallevel of our ranks, for deepening consciousness among thebroad working masses”.

Utilising these sources our activists and our entire Party

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will become still more permeated with the revolutionary spiritof Marxism-Leninism, which is indivisibly linked withcriticism and self-criticism, and will make criticism and self-criticism a still more powerful motive force of socialistconstruction.

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COURSES FOR DISTRICT COMMITTEESECRETARIES IN HUNGARIANWORKING PEOPLE’S PARTY

The Central Committee of the Hungarian Working People’sParty organised a two-week’s course tor secretaries of districtcommittees in Budapest. The main questions confronting therural organisations of the Party, above all the Partyorganisations in the agricultural producer cooperatives andstate-farms, and also questions of Party work in mines andfactories, since there are now industrial enterprises in mostdistricts, were studied in these courses. Main attention wasfocused on the tasks arising from the documents of the XIXCongress of the C.P.S.U.: activisation of the members,unfolding of self-criticism and criticism from below, correctselection of cadres, verification of work, improvingideological-political training of the members, furtherstrengthening of contact with the masses.

Lectures were read by the heads and deputy heads ofdepartments and by heads of sectors of the Central Committee.

After each lecture the corresponding Party decisions werestudied independently, then came seminars under the guidanceof leading Central Committee instructors.

Comrade Matias Rakosi who addressed the districtcommittee secretaries took as his theme the internationalsituation and the vital tasks of the Party organisations.

The district committee secretaries were unanimous insaying that the courses helped not only in raising theirideological level but in acquainting them with the experienceof other district committees. Simultaneously, the courseshelped Central Committee functionaries to become closeracquainted with the problems of the different districts and to

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verify how the regional committees help the districtcommittees.

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IN COMMUNIST AND WORKERS’PARTIES

Works By V. I. Lenin And J. V. StalinPublished In Czechoslovakia

The Czechoslovak state publishing house of politicalliterature has issued in Czech translation Volume IV of V. I.Lenin’s Works in an edition of 80 thousand copies and VolumeX of J. V. Stalin’s Works in an edition of 200 thousand copies.A number of other volumes of V. I. Lenin’s Works will also bepublished this year and publication of the 13 volumes of J. V.Stalin’s Works will be completed.

Conference Of Communist Party Of Mexico

For Powerful National Democratic And Anti-Imperialist Front

The agenda of the conference of the Communist Party ofMexico, held in Mexico City on February 6-8, contained thefollowing items:

1. XIX Congress of the Communist Party of the SovietUnion and our tasks.

2. Forward to new successes by the newspaper “La Voz deMexico.

Speaking on the first item Comrade Manuel Terrazascharacterised the world-historic significance of the XIXCongress of the C.P.S.U., which he attended together withComrade Dionisio Encina, and stated that the entire work of

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the Congress was powerfully influenced by Comrade Stalin’sbrilliant work “Economic Problems of Socialism in theU.S.S.R.”

Turning to the internal situation in Mexico the speakerpointed out that the election and the inauguration of AdolfoRuiz Cortines as President on December 1, 1952, gave rise tothe need for a Patty Conference in order to evaluate and drawconclusions on the present situation. The new President iscontinuing the policy of former President Aleman. “The solecorrect path”, the speaker went on, “is to go ahead withresolute struggle in order to change the situation in the country,to change the ruinous Aleman policy”. “... We, Communists”,the speaker said, “adhere to the view that the decisive factorwhich can change the situation is the rallying, action and unityof the masses; the rallying, action and unity of the workingclass in a united front embracing all sections of the populationready to uphold democratic freedoms, national independenceand peace”.

Comrade Terrazas stressed the need for a powerfulNational Democratic and Anti-Imperialist Front, for all-roundstrengthening of the mass activity of the Party and particularlyamong women.

Comrade Dionisio Encina, General Secretary of the Party,referring to the significance of the XIX Congress of theC.P.S.U. and of Comrade Stalin’s speech, said that the speech“is a special programme for the parties working under the heelof bourgeois draconic laws”.

Touching on inner Party questions, Comrade Encinastressed the enormous importance for the Party of criticism andself-criticism. “The self-criticism contained in the report of thePolitical Commission is correct”, he continued.

Comrade Encina pointed out that the tactical position of thenational Party leadership since December 1, “had beenerroneous and sectarian. It led to the Party giving up work for a

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united front of the democratic forces’’ despite the fact that thecreation of such a front is the central task of the Party. ComradeEncina concluded with the words: “Comrades, the slogan ofbuilding a National Democratic and Anti-Imperialist Frontretain its validity”.

Comrade J. Encarnacion Valdez, speaking on the secondquestion on the agenda, dwelt on the tasks connected withtransforming the “La Voz de Mexico” from a weekly into thedaily organ of the Communist Party of Mexico.

District Instructors In Rumanian Workers’Party

The Central Committee of the Rumanian Workers’ Partywith a view to further strengthening the contact between theDistrict Committees and branches has obliged the firstsecretaries of the District Committees personally to direct thework of the instructors, to verify their work and help them. Asa rule, the District Committees hold meetings of instructorsevery fortnight, at which 2-3 instructors make reports ondifferent aspects of Party work. The District Committeesecretary sums up the discussion on the reports and givespractical directives.

The District Committee instructors study decisions of theCentral Committee of the Party and of the Council of Ministersand also the decisions of the Regional and District Committees.All instructors are also involved in the system of Partyeducation. Close attention is devoted to ensure that theinstructors study the historic decisions of the XIX Congress ofthe C.P.S.U.

The District Party Committee in Petrosani now gives moreconcrete leadership to the Party branches and has raised thelevel of political and organisational work. It strives to ensure

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that each instructor is permanently attached to a definite groupof Party branches. For example, one of the instructors of thedistrict Committee attached to the branch in the Petrila pit drewattention to the fact that in one of the sectors of the pit theproduction assignment had not been fulfilled for a long time.He noticed, first of all, that the Party members were notproperly allocated to the teams working in the sector; that insome of the brigades there were no Communists, and, secondly,that the technological process was not properly organised. Theinstructor succeeded in eliminating these shortcomings with theassistance of the Party branch and now all 33 teams arefulfilling and overfulfilling the production assignments.

In the main the shortcomings in the work of the instructorscan be summed up as follows: studying the work of the Partyorganisations they sometimes register drawbacks which theymerely report to the District Committee instead of investigatingthe reasons for them and helping to eliminate them.

It often happens that Party members with no experience inParty work are appointed instructors. Some DistrictCommittees do not as yet give attention to constantly helpinginstructors and to verifying their work.

The Central Committee of the Party has decided to sendduring the current year for work in rural District Committees4,000 Party members drawn from factory workers with at leasta 5-Year status as workers. Some of these comrades recentlyfinished Party schools and are undergoing special trainingbefore being sent to work. Most of them will work as DistrictCommittee instructors.

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FROM COMMUNIST AND WORKER’SPRESS

For Profound, High-Ideological Propagandaof Economic Knowledge

“RABOTNICHESKO DELO” − organ, Central Committeeof Communist Party of Bulgaria

Profound study by Communists of J. V. Stalin’s brilliant work“Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.” is in thecentre of Party education in the Communist and Workers’Parties. In this connection the Party press systematicallyexplains the vital problems of political economy.

The regional newspaper “Otechestven Glas” published inPlovdiv (second city of Bulgaria), has opened a special column“To help those studying ‘Economic Problems of Socialism inthe U.S.S.R.’”. However, the paper having begun anexceptionally valuable undertaking, did not tackle it with thenecessary seriousness and responsibility. On February 13,“Rabotnichesko Delo”, organ of the Central Committee of theCommunist Party of Bulgaria, published an article in which itsharply criticised the “Otechestven Glas” for superficial andconfused presentation of the vital problems of politicaleconomy, for serious theoretical mistakes and generally forpoor quality of the printed material.

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In the article devoted to the nature of the economic laws ofSocialism, “Otechestven Glas” states, for example, that alleconomic laws are allegedly short-lived and operate only forthe duration of a single social-economic formation. WhereasComrade Stalin in his “Economic Problems of Socialism in theU.S.S.R.” distinctly and clearly points out:

“The various social formations are governed in theireconomic development not only by their own specificeconomic laws, but also by the economic laws that arecommon to all formations, such as, for instance, the law thatthe productive forces and the relations of production are unitedin one integral social production, and the law governing therelations between the productive forces and the relations ofproduction in the process of development of all socialformations.

According to “Rabotnichesko Delo” the serious theoreticalmistake in the newspaper is that the author did not fullyunderstand the essence of the question about which he wrote.Moreover, he took the liberty of abridging individualquotations from the work by Comrade J. V. Stalin and in doingso distorted vital theses of Marxist economic science.

The author likewise vulgarised and simplified in animpermissible way the question of the dialectics of the gradualtransition from Socialism to Communism.

“Rabotnichesko Delo” writes that the article in“Otechestven Glas” contains other incorrect points andmistakes.

Displaying great concern for absolute clarity andexactitude in popularising J. V. Stalin’s work “EconomicProblems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.”, for propaganda ofeconomic knowledge on the highest ideological level,“Rabotnichesko Dele” correctly advises “Otechestven Glas”not to let its pages be used for such confused and theoreticallyincorrect articles which simply misinform readers. Propaganda

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of economic knowledge should be entrusted only to peoplewell-trained theoretically. But even when authors are quitecompetent, such responsible articles should be discussed beforepublication.

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U.S.A. WAGING GERM WAR IN KOREA

First Deposition Of U.S. Colonel H. Schwable,Prisoner of War

Colonel Frank H. Schwable, Chief of Staff of the U.S.First Marine Aircraft Wing.

Hsinhua Photo Agency

The Hsinhua Agency has issued the full text of a signeddeposition made by Colonel Frank H. Schwable, Chief of Staffof the U.S. First Marine Aircraft Wing, disclosing the strategicplan and aims of the American Command in waging germ

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warfare in Korea. The deposition reads. I am Colonel Frank H. Schwable, 04429, and was Chief of

Staff of the First Marine Aircraft Wing until shot down andcaptured on July 8, 1952.

My service with the Marine Corps began in 1929 and I wasdesignated an aviator in 1931, seeing duty in many parts of theworld. Just, before I came to Korea, I completed a tour of dutyin the division of aviation at Marine Corps headquarters.

Directive of the Joint Chiefs of Staf

I arrived in Korea on April 10, 1952, to take over my dutiesas Chief of Staff of the First Marine Aircraft Wing. All myinstructions and decisions were subject to confirmation by theAssistant Commanding General, Lamson-Scribner. Just beforeI assumed full responsibility for the duties or Chief of Staff,General Lamson-Scribner called me into his office to talk overvarious problems of the Wing. During this conversation hesaid: “Has Binney given you all the background on the specialmissions run by VMF-5l3?” I asked him if he meant “Suprop”(our code name for bacteriological bombs) and he confirmedthis. I told him I had been given all of the background byColonel Binney.

Colonel Arthur A. Binney, the officer I relieved as Chief ofStaff, had given me, as his duties required that he should, anoutline of the general plan of bacteriological warfare in Koreaand the details of the part played up that time by the FirstMarine Aircraft Wing.

The general plan for bacteriological warfare in Korea wasdirected by the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff in October,1951. In that month the Joint Chiefs of Staff sent a directive byhand to the Commanding General, Far East Command (at thattime General Ridgway), directing the initiation of

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bacteriological warfare in Korea on an initially small,experimental stage but in expanding proportions. This directive was passed to the Commanding General, FarEast Air Force, General Weyland, in Tokyo. General Weylandthen called into personal conference General Everest,Commanding General of the Fifth Air Force in Korea, and alsothe Commander of the 19th Bomb Wing at Okinawa, whichunit operates directly under F.E.A.F.

The plan that I shall now outline was gone over, the broadaspects of the problem were agreed upon and the followinginformation was brought back to Korea by General Everest,personally and verbally, since for security purposes, it wasdecided not have anything in writing on this matter in Koreaand subject to possible capture.

Objectives

The basic objective was at that time to test, under fieldconditions, the various elements of bacteriological warfare, andto possibly expand the field tests, at a later date, into anelement of the regular combat operations, depending on theresults obtained and the situation in Korea.

The effectiveness of the different diseases available was tobe tested, especially for their spreading or epidemic qualitiesunder various circumstances, and to test whether each diseasecaused a serious disruption to enemy operations and civilianroutine or just minor inconveniences, or was containedcompletely, causing no difficulties. Various types of armamentor containers were to be tried out under field conditions andvarious types of aircraft were to be used to test their suitabilityas bacteriological bomb vehicles.

Terrain types to be tested included high areas, seacoastareas, open spaces, areas enclosed by mountains, isolated areas,

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area relatively adjacent to one another, large and small townsand cities, congested cities and those relatively spread out.Every possible type or combination of areas were to be tested.

These tests were to be extended over an unstated period oftime but sufficient to cover all extremes of temperature foundin Korea.

All possible methods of delivery were to be tested as wellas tactics developed to include initially, night attack and thenexpanding into day attack by specialized squadrons. Varioustypes of bombing were to be tried out and variouscombinations of bombing, from single planes up to andincluding formations of planes, were to be tried out withbacteriological bombs used in conjunction with conventionalbombs.

Enemy reactions were particularly to be tested or observedby any means available to ascertain what his counter-measureswould be, what propaganda steps he would take, and to whatextent his military operations would be affected by this type ofwarfare.

Security measures were to be thoroughly tested − bothfriendly and enemy. On the friendly side, all possible stepswere to be taken to confine knowledge of the use of thisweapon and to control information on the subject. On theenemy side, every possible means was to be used to deceive theenemy and prevent his actual proof that the weapon was beingused.

Finally, if the situation warranted, while continuing theexperimental phase of bacteriological warfare according to theJoint Chiefs of Staff directive, it might be expanded to becomea part of the military or tactical effort in Korea.

Initial Stage

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The B-29s from Okinawa began using bacteriologicalbombs in November, 1951, covering targets all over NorthKorea in what might be called random bombing, One night thetarget might be in North east Korea and the next right in Northwest Korea. Their bacteriological bomb operations wereconducted in combination with normal night armedreconnaissance as a measure of economy and security.

Early in January, 1952, General Schilt, then CommandingGeneral of the First Marine Aircraft Wing, was called to theFifth Air Force headquarters in Seoul, where General Everesttold him of the directive issued by the Joint Chiefs of Staff andordered him to have VMF-513 − marine night fighter squadron513 of Marine Aircraft Group 33 of the First Marine AircraftWing − participate in the bacteriological warfare program.VMF-513 was based on K-8, the Air Force base at Kunsan ofthe Third Bomb Wing, whose B-26s had, already begunbacteriological operations. VMF-5J3 was to be serviced by theThird Bomb Wing.

While all marine aircraft (combat types) shore-based inKorea operate directly under the Fifth Air Force, with the FirstMarine Aircraft Wing being kept informed of their activities,when a new or continuing program is being initiated, the FifthAir Force normally has initially informed the wing as a matterof courtesy.

Towards the end of January, 1952, marine night fighters of513 Squadron. operating as single planes on night armedreconnaissance, and carrying bacteriological, bombs, sharedtargets with, the B-265 covering the lower half of North Koreawith the greatest emphasis on the western portion. Squadron513 coordinated with the Third Bomb Wing on all thesemissions, using F7F aircraft (Tiger Cats) because of their twin-engine safety.

K-8 (Kunsan) offered the advantage of take-off directlyover the water, in the event of engine failure, and both the

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safety and security of over-water flights to enemy territory. For security reasons, no information on the types of

bacteria being used was given to the First Marine AircraftWing.

In March, 1952, General Schilt was again called to FifthAir Force headquarters and verbally directed by GeneralEverest to prepare Marine Photographic Squadron 1 (VMJ-lSquadron) of Marine Aircraft Group 33, to enter the program.VMJ-l based at K-3, Marine Aircraft Group 33’s base atPohang, Korea, was to use F2H-2P photographicreconnaissance aircraft (Banshees).

The missions would be intermittent and combined withnormal photographic missions and would be scheduled by FifthAir Force in separate, top-secret orders.

The Banshees were brought into the program because oftheir specialized operations, equipment, facilities and isolatedarea of operations at K.3. They could penetrate further intoNorth Korea as far as enemy counter-action is concerned andworked in two-plane sections involving a minimum of crewsand disturbance of normal missions. They could also try outbombing from high altitudes in horizontal flight in conjunctionwith photographic runs.

During March, 1952, the Banshees of Marine PhotographicSquadron 1 commenced bacteriological operations, continuingand expanding the bacteriological bombing of North Koreantowns always combining these operations with normalphotographic missions. Only a minimum of bomb supplieswere kept on hand to reduce storage problems and the Fifth AirForce sent a team of two officers and several men to K-3(Pohang) to instruct the marine specialists in handling thebombs.

The navy’s part in the program was with the F9Fs(Panthers), ADs (Sky-raiders) and standard F2Hs (Banshees),as distinct from photographic configuration, using carriers off

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the east coast of Korea. The Air Force had also expanded its own operations to

include squadrons of different type aircraft, with differentmethods and tactics of employing bacteriological warfare.

This was the situation up to my arrival in Korea.Subsequent thereto, the following main events took place.

Operational Stage

During the latter part of May, 1952, the new commandinggeneral of the First Marine Aircraft Wing, General Jerome, wascalled to the Fifth Air Force headquarters and given a directivefor expanding bacteriological operations. The directive wasgiven personally and verbally by the new commanding generalof the Fifth-Air Force, General Barcus.

On the following day, May 25, General Jerome outlined thenew stage of bacteriological operations to the Wing staff at ameeting in his office at which I was present in my capacity asChief of Staff.

The other staff members of the First, Marine Aircraft Wingpresent were: General Lamson-Scribner, AssistantCommanding General; Colonel Stage, Intelligence Officer (G-2); Colonel Wendt, Operations Officer (G-3) and ColonelClark, Logistics Officer (G-4).

The directive from General Barcus, transmitted to anddiscussed by us that morning, was as follows:

A contamination belt was to be established across Korea inan effort to make the interdiction program effective in stoppingenemy supplies from reaching the front lines. The marineswould take the left flank of this belt, to include the two cities ofSinanju and Kunuri and the area between and around them. Theremainder of the belt would be handled by the air force in thecentre and the navy in the east or right flank.

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Marine Squadron 513 would be diverted from its randomtargets to this concentrated target, operating from K-8(Kunsan), still serviced by the Third Bomb Wing using F7Es(Tiger Cats) because of their twin-engine safety. The squadronwas short of these aircraft but more were promised.

The responsibility for contaminating the left flank andmaintaining the contamination was assigned to the commanderof Squadron 513 and the schedule of operations left to thesquadron’s discretion, subject to the limitations that:

The initial contamination of the area was to be completedas soon as possible and the area must then be recontaminatedor replenished, at periods not to exceed ten days.

Aircraft engaged on these missions would be given astandard night armed reconnaissance mission usually in theHaeju peninsula. On the way to the target, however, theseplanes would go via Sinanju or Kunuri, drop theirbacteriological bombs and then complete their normalmissions. This would add to the security and interfere leastwith normal missions.

Reports on this program of maintaining the contaminationbelt would go direct to the Fifth Air Force, reporting normalmission number so-and-so had been completed “via’ Sinanju”or “via Kunuri” and stating how many “super-propaganda”bombs bad been dropped.

Squadron 513 was directed to make a more accurate “truckcount” at night than had been customary in order to determineor detect any significant change in the flow of traffic throughits operating area.

General Barcus also directed that Marine Aircraft Group 12of the First Marine Aircraft Wing was to prepare to enter thebacteriological program. First the ADs (Sky-raiders) and thenthe F4Us (Corsairs) were to take part in the expanded program,initially, however, only as substitutes for the F7Fs. When calledupon, these planes were to fly out of K-5, their base at

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Pyongtaek, Korea, and bomb up at K-8, the Air Force base atKunsan. Later, if formations were involved with special bombs,planes could then rendezvous with the remainder of theirformations on the way to the target. This was to delay as longas possible, the need of establishing a bacteriological bombsupply at K-6.

General Jerome further reported that the Firth Air Forcerequired Marine Photographic Squadron 1 to continue theircurrent bacteriological operations, operating from K-3(Pohang). At the same time, Marine Aircraft Group 33 at K-3was placed on a standby, last-resort, basis. Owing to thedistance of K-3 from the target area, large-scale participation inthe program by Marine Aircraft Group 33 was not desired.Because the F9Fs (Panthers) would only be used in anemergency, no special bomb supply would be established overand above that needed to supply the photographicreconnaissance aircraft. Bombs could be brought up fromUlsan in a few hours if necessary.

These plans and the ramifications thereof were discussed atGeneral Jerome’s conference and arrangements made totransmit the directive to the officers concerned with carryingout the new program.

It was decided that Colonel Wendt would initially transmitthis information to the commanders concerned and that detailscould be discussed by the cognizant staff officers as soon asthey were worked out.

First MAW’s Operations

Marine Night Fighter Squadron 513

The next day then, 26th May, Colonel Wendt held aconference with the commanding officer of Squadron 5I3 and,I believe, the K-8 air base commander and the commanding

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officer of the Third Bomb Wing and discussed the variousdetails.

The personnel of the Fifth Air Force were alreadycognizant of the plan, having been directly informed by FifthAir Force headquarters.

Since the plan constituted, for Squadron 513, merely achange of target and additional responsibility to maintain theirown schedule of contamination of their area, these were no realproblems to be solved.

During the first week of June, Squadron 513 startedoperations on the concentrated contamination belt, usingcholera bombs. The plan given to General Jerome indicatedthat at a later, unspecified date − depending on the resultsobtained, or lack of results − yellow fever and then typhus inthat order would probably be tried out in the contaminationbelt).

Squadron 513 operated in this manner throughout June andduring the first week in July that I was with the wing, withoutany incidents of an unusual nature.

An average of five aircraft a night normally covered themain supply routes along the western coast of Korea up to theChong Chon River but with emphasis on the area fromPyongyang southwards. They diverted as necessary to Sinanjuor Kunuri and the area between in order to maintain the ten daybacteriological replenishment cycle.

We estimated that if each airplane carried twobacteriological bombs, two good nights were ample to coverboth Sinanju and Kunuri and a third night would cover the areaaround and between these cities.

About the middle of June, as best I remember, the squadronreceived a modification to the plan from the Fifth Air Forcevia the Third Bomb Wing. This new directive included an areaof about ten mile surrounding the two principal cities in thesquadron’s schedule, with particular emphasis on towns or

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hamlets on the lines of supply and any bypass roads.

Marine Aircraft Group 12.

Colonel Wendt later held a conference at K-6 (Pyongtaek)at which were present the commanding officer, Colonel Gaylor,the executive officer and the operations officer of MarineAircraft Group 12. Colonel Wendt informed them that theywere to make preparations to take part in the bacteriologicaloperations and to work out security problems which wouldbecome serious if they got into daylight operations and had tobomb up at their own base, K-6. They were to inform thesquadron commanders concerned but only the absolute barestnumber of additional personnel, and were to have a list of alimited number of handpicked pilots ready to be used on shortnotice. Colonel Wendt informed them that an air force teamwould soon be provided to assist with logistic problems, thisteam actually arriving the last week in June.

Before my capture on July 8, both the ADs (Sky-raiders)and the F4Us (Corsairs); of Marine Aircraft Group 12 hadparticipated in very small numbers, once or twice, in daylightbacteriological operations as a part of regular scheduled,normal, day missions, bombing up at K-8 (Kunsan) andrendezvousing with the rest of the formation on the way to thetarget. These missions were directed at small towns in westernKorea along the main road leading south from Kunuri and werea part of the normal interdiction program.

Marine Aircraft Group 33.

Colonel Wendt passed the plan for the Wing’s participationin bacteriological operations to Colonel Condon, commanding

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officer of Marine Aircraft Group 33, on approximately 27th-28th May.

Since the Panther (F9Fs) at the group’s base at Pohangwould only be used as last resort aircraft, it was left to ColonelCondon’s discretion as to just what personnel he would passthe information on to, but it was to be an absolute minimum.

During the time I was with the wing, none of the aircrafthad been scheduled for bacteriological missions though thephotography reconnaissance planes of the group’s VMJ-1Squadron continued their missions from that base.

Scheduling and Security

Security was far the most pressing problem affecting theFirst Marine Aircraft Wing, since the operational phase ofbacteriological warfare, as well as other type combatoperations, is controlled by the Fifth Air Force.

Absolutely nothing could appear in writing on the subject,The word “bacteria” was not to be mentioned in anycircumstances in Korea, except initially to identify “super-propaganda” or “suprop”.

Apart from the routine replenishment operations ofSquadron 513, which required no scheduling, bacteriologicalmissions were scheduled by separate, top-secret, missionorders (or “frag” orders). These stated only to include “super-propaganda” or “suprop” on mission number so-and-so of theroutine, secret “frag” order for the day’s operations.

Mission reports went hack the same way, by separate, top-secret despatch, stating the number of “suprop” bombs droppedon a specifically numbered mission.

Other than this, Squadron 513 reported theirbacteriological missions by adding “via Kunuri” or “viaSinanju” to their normal mission reports.

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Every means was taken to deceive the enemy and to denyknowledge of these operations from friendly personnel, thelatter being most important since 300 to 400 men of the wingare rotated back to the United States each month.

Orders were issued that bacteriological bombs were only tobe dropped in conjunction with ordinary bombs or napalm, togive the attack the appearance of a normal attack againstenemy supply lines. For added security over enemy territory, anapalm bomb was to remain on the aircraft until after therelease of the bacteriological bombs so that if the aircraftcrashed it would almost certainly burn and destroy evidence.

All officers were prohibited from discussing the subjectexcept officially and behind closed doors. Every briefing wasto emphasize that this was not only a military secret, but amatter of national policy.

I personally have never once heard the subject mentionedor even referred to outside of the office, and I ate all of mymeals in the commanding generals’ small private mess wheremany classified matters were discussed.

Assessment of Results

In the wing, our consensus of opinions was that results ofthese bacteriological operations could not be accuratelyassessed. Routine methods of assessment are by (presumably)spies, by questioning prisoners of war, by watching the nightlytruck count very carefully to observe deviations from thenormal traffic, and by observing public announcements ofKorean and Chinese authorities, upon which very heavydependence was placed, since it was felt that no large epidemiccould occur without news leaking out to the outside world andthat these authorities would, therefore, announce it themselves.Information from the above sources is correlated at the

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Commander-in-Chief, Far East level in Tokyo but the overallassessment of results is not passed down to the wing level,hence the wing was not completely aware of the results.

When I took over from Colonel Binney, asked him forresults or reactions up to date and he specifically said, “Notworth a damn”.

No one that I know of has indicated that the results areanywhere near commensurate with the effort, danger anddishonesty involved, although the Korean and Chineseauthorities have made quite a public report of earlybacteriological bomb efforts. The sum total of results known tome are that they are disappointing and no good.

I do not say the following in defence of anyone, myselfincluded, I merely report as an absolutely direct observationthat every officer when first informed that that the UnitedStates is using bacteriological warfare in Korea is both shockedand ashamed. I believe, without exception, we come to Koreaas officers loyal to our people and government and believingwhat we have always been told about bacteriological warfare −that it is being developed only for use in retaliation in a thirdworld war.

For these officers to come to Korea and find that their owngovernment has so completely deceived them by stillproclaiming to the world that it is not using bacteriologicalwarfare, makes them question mentally all the other things thatthe government proclaims about warfare in general and inKorea specifically.

None of us believes that bacteriological warfare has anyplace in war, since of ail the weapons devised bacteriologicalbombs alone have as their primary objective casualties amongmasses of civilians − and that is utterly wrong in anybody’sconscience. The spreading of disease is unpredictable and theremay be no limits to a fully developed epidemic. Additionally,there is the awfully sneaky, unfair sort of feeling dealing with a

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weapon used surreptitiously against an unarmed and unwarnedpeople.

I remember specifically asking Colonel Wendt what wereColonel Gaylor’s reactions, when he was first informed and hereported to me that Colonel Gaylor was both horrified andstupefied and said he’d like to “turn in his suit”. Everyone feltlike that when they first heard of it, and their reactions are whatmight well be expected from a fair-minded, self-respectingnation of people.

Tactically, this type of weapon is totally unwarranted − it isnot even a marine corps weapon − morally it is damnationitself; administratively and logistically as planned for use, it ishopeless; and from the point of view of self-respect and loyalty,it is shameful.

F. H. SCHWABLE, 04429, Colonel, U.S.M.C., 6thDecember, 1952.

Concluding lines of first deposition and personal signature of Colonel FrankH. Schwable, Chief of staff of the U.S. First Marine Aircraft Wing

Hsinhua Photo Agency

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Second Deposition of U.S. Colonel Frank H.Schwable, Prisoner of War

The Hsinhua Agency has issued the full text of the secondsigned deposition made by Colonel Frank H. Schwable, Chiefof Staff of the U.S. First Marine Aircraft Wing. The depositionreads :

Brigadier General Jerome, Commanding General, FirstMarine Aircraft Wing, called a conference of staff officers ofthe Wing on 25th May, 1952. This was on the day after GeneralBarcus, Commanding General of the Fifth Air Force, haddirected General Jerome to extend the bacteriological warfareconducted by the First Marine Aircraft Wing into itsoperational stage.

This conference was held behind closed doors in theCommanding General’s office at Wing Headquarters. No noteswere taken nor written material involved and discussion was inmoderate tones of voice. Present, in addition to GeneralJerome, were: Brigadier General Lamson-Scribner, AssistantCommanding General; myself, Chief of Staff; Colonel Stage,intelligence officer: Colonel Wendt, operations officer andColonel Clark, logistics officer.

The conference was extremely informal. As I have said, nonotes were taken, but the following is a substantially correctaccount of what took place as best as I remember it sevenmonths later.

General Jerome opened by saying: “Yesterday I talked forsome time with General Barcus, with only Colonel Mason(Fifth Air Force operations officer) present. What I have to tellyou will shock you as it did me; nevertheless we have to

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continue to carry out Fifth Air Force orders while shore-basedin Korea”.

He then checked whether everyone, present was familiarwith the current bacteriological warfare program of “super-propaganda” (or “Suprop’’) bombing of random targets. Allhands either nodded or said, “Yes. sir”, and he went on:

“You are aware that. F7Fs (Tiger Cats) have been carryingout a “suprop” program since early this year, and that thisspring our F2Hs (photographic reconnaissance, Banshees)entered the program as well as certain other Air Forcesquadrons with which I am not familiar. The program, up tothis point, has been using random bombing in an effort to coverall types of terrain features”.

“Now a radical shift of operations has been directed!General Barcus stated that a contamination belt is to beestablished across the central part of North Korea with the FirstMarine Aircraft Wing assuming responsibility for the left flank,to include Sinanju and Kunuri, and the area around andbetween these cities. The Air Force will take the larger centerarea from Kunuri to within about thirty miles of the east coast,and the Navy will take the right flank. Gentlemen, this meanswe are shifting to the operational stage in this miserable kind ofwarfare!”.

The General paused for a moment and no one uttered aword. He went on to describe the details, which went like this:“The Marine part of this program will be conducted initially byVMF-513 − for them, it is actually only a shift of target, frommiscellaneous bombing to bombing in a concentrated area.They have the additional responsibility of maintaining therecontamination of the area at intervals not to exceed once inevery ten days.

“VMF-513 will be responsible for maintaining thisschedule on their own and specific missions for thiscontamination program will not show up on ‘frag’ orders. (Frag

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orders are merely fragments of a complete operation order, butcontain the detailed missions for individual units). VMF-513mission reports for these routine flights will merely report theirnormal night armed reconnaissance, adding the words, ‘viaSinanju’ or ‘via ‘Kunuri’, for those missions which includespecial weapons. VMF-513 is to commence these operations assoon as possible using all the normal facilities at K-8B (AirForce base at Kunsan) as they have been doing, andcoordinating as necessary with the Third Bomb Wing. Onlytwin-engine F7Fs (Tiger Cats) will be used and all previoussafety precautions will continue in effect, like flying over waterwhere possible and dropping “suprop” bombs only inconjunction with other bombs and so on”.

General Jerome continued, in effect: “that part of theprogram presents no particular problems. It is a shift of targets.The F2H (Banshees) aircraft will continue to be assignedintermittent missions in the program in the ‘frag’ orders as inthe past.

“The real problems, while not immediate, are neverthelesscritical and are occasioned by the fact that this hithertoconfined program will now involve the groups, their air basesand the many personnel concerned”. There was a decidedstirring around by all officers present as this information of themeaning of extended bacteriological warfare hit like a bolt oflightning.

General Jerome then outlined the further arrangementsneeded to carry out the part of the expanded bacteriologicalwarfare program assigned to the Wing. He said that MarineAircraft Group 12 had to prepare to take part with a limitednumber of ADs (Sky-raiders) and F4Us (Corsairs) but that,until otherwise directed, these planes would only be used assubstitutes for the F7Fs. As to Marine Aircraft group 33, theywere to be placed on a standby basis to be called on only in anemergency as a last resort.

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“For the time being”, General Jerome said, “our operationswill continue at night, but daylight operations are in the offingand we may be called on to include ‘suprop’ bombs in daylightstrikes later. In this connection, General Barcus specificallysaid to me: ‘If the Government decide to announce the use ofbacteriological warfare publicly, then it will become a part ofall major strikes, and will be so announced in an effort to keepworkers away from repairing bomb damage through fear ofentering contaminated areas’. So you can see for yourselves thepossible extent of such operations and preparations necessary”,

“However”, General Jerome went on, “I do not believe wehave to worry about such large seals actions for some time andwhat I have outlined to you is the essence of the new program”.Then he turned to Colonel Wendt and said:

“As I have pointed out, VMF-513’s operations becomeroutine with responsibility for their execution in the hands ofthe Squadron CO. He has been, or will be, notified of the newplan direct by Fifth Air Force and warned that the ‘frag’ orderswill make no mention of it. However, I want you to go and seethe CO personally and tell him that I have been informed andthat, while I do not relish the program, it must be carried out asdirected. Tell him that he has been given special responsibilityfor seeing that the contamination of the area is maintained inthe ten-day cycles, and if he runs into any trouble and needshelp, he is to call on the Wing”.

Still addressing Colonel Wendt, he said: “Then as soon as convenient, I want you to talk to both,

Gaylor and Condon so that if they get a ‘frag’ order specifying‘suprop’ some day, they won’t, be caught short”. ColonelsGaylor and Condon were the then Commanding Officers ofMarine, Aircraft Groups 12 and 33 respectively.

This was the main substance of General Jerome’s openingremarks on the new program and they were followed by anopen discussion.

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General Lamson-Scribner inquired whether the program ofmaintaining the contamination of the area would not interferewith Squadron 513’s normal night armed reconnaissancemissions which were so important. Colonel Wendt said that hefelt it would ease up 513’s problems because formerly 513 hadconducted bacteriological bombing missions all over theSouthern half of North Korea, clear over to the east coast attimes, while still trying to maintain patrols over the HaejuPeninsula. Now, he said, although more special bombs wouldbe involved, all the efforts of 513 would be concentrated in thesouth-western part of North Korea and this should producemore- efficient results.

Colonel Wendt estimated that, after the initialcontamination by 513 Squadron, if five aircraft each carriedtwo bacteriological bombs a night, they could maintain thereplenishment of the area with bacteria in about three or fournights out of each ten, leaving the remaining nights free fromthe bother of “suprop”, Even on those nights the aircraft wouldonly be temporarily diverted from the main routes they had tocover.

General Jerome intervened at this point to stress thatGeneral Barcus had slated that the establishment of acontamination belt across Korea “would assure the success ofthe interdiction program”. This implied that, far frominterfering with the armed reconnaissance flights, thebacteriological operations would increase the effectiveness ofthe total effort to stop the lines of supply.

This remark of General Barcus started a whole field ofdiscussion by all hands in the use of bacteriological weapons inan interdiction program. If my memory is correct, I led off thisdiscussion. Anyway, I said that the Air Force was getting prettyhard up if they had to turn to special weapons to make theirinterdiction program work. I expressed frankly my ideas that acontamination belt could easily be countered by a determined

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enemy; that it was a prostitution of a strategic weapon to use ittactically; that it was a dreadful thing to use uncontrollablegerms and sickness against large manufacturing areas in amajor war, but it was even more ruthless and wanton to spreaddisease clear across the width of a whole country with themeagre and indefinite hopes of stopping truck traffic.

Finally, I said that if we established an effective diseasearea, I believed the enemy would rush their supplies throughwith whatever safeguard they have, but with the effect that thedisease might well spread to our side since an epidemic is quiteimpersonal as to whom it affects.

Colonel Wendt added that two large conventional bombs,in place of two “suprop” bombs, on the wings of our nightfighters, could do much more effective work if they could bedropped accurately on a bridge, than the whole Squadron’sefforts to spread disease in Korea. Colonel Clark argued that any concentrated use of “suprop’’bombs in an area could only lead to complete exposure of themyth that the United States was not using bacteriologicalwarfare. We would make liars out of ourselves and get nothingworth while in exchange.

Everybody started to talk at one time. It was pointed outthat Marine aviation is neither organised, trained, nor equippedto use bacteriological warfare since it is not a part ofamphibious operations, and that it did not, therefore, seem rightthat we should be required to use it here in Korea merelybecause we were under the operational control of the Fifth AirForce temporarily. Finally General Jerome held the floor to saythat he honestly felt the Air Force was desperate over theinterdiction program.

Several officers added that if we had to use the stuff here,our Government should admit it since through POWs, theenemy would find out soon enough. To use Korean people andtowns to test bacteriological materials was bad enough, but to

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progress to the operational stage in a war the size of the Koreanwar, was simply outrageous because bacteriological warfare isa strategic weapon, directed solely on human mass populations− that means mostly civilians − in an effort to stop warproduction, which does not apply in Korea.

It was about this point that General Jerome reminded usthat we were not there to discuss the pros and cons of usingbacteriological warfare in Korea − that decision having alreadybeen made “higher, up” − but we were to discuss the plan itselfand the measures required of the Wing to implement it.

Then Colonel Clark asked what were the intentionsregarding bomb supplies and facilities for the ADs (Sky-raiders). General Jerome reported that he had told GeneralBarcus he would do all in his power to avoid large-scalebombing-up at K-6 (Marine Aircraft Group 12’s base atPyongtaek) and hoped that General Barcus would keep that inmind when “frag” orders were written up. He had askedGeneral Barcus for a trained team from the Air Force to handlethe bombs initially from K-6. He said that if Marine AircraftGroup 33 was only to be used as a last resort and was near thebasic bomb supply area at Ulsan, he was not going to establishany bomb supply at their base at K-3 (Pohang) over and abovethat which was being used by the F2Hs (Banshees).

Colonel Wendt added that if single Sky-raiders weresubstituted for Tiger Cats at night, they would have to go toK-8 (Kunsan) for briefing anyhow and could bomb up there.Even in daylight strikes of a small number of aircraft therewould be no strain in sending them to K-8 for theirbacteriological bombs and then having them rendezvous withthe rest of the planes en route to the target.

General Jerome said that a very small number of MarineAircraft Group 12’s staff officers were to be made cognizant ofthe possibility of the Sky-raiders entering the program, and ahandful of specially qualified, hand-picked, reliable and loyal

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pilots informed, so that they could participate at a moment’snotice without confusion. As to Marine Aircraft Group 33, hewould leave it up to Colonel Condon as to whom he wouldinform but that the number must be small and a list of speciallyqualified pilots must be kept current.

Colonel Wendt asked as to whom on our own staff shouldknow and referred particularly to the medical officer. I opposedviolently letting the medical officer know on the basis that hedid not have a real “need-to-know” in order for the program tofunction properly. I proposed that no one not present beinformed without specific individual clearance by me and theCommanding General, except that both the operations officerand logistics officer, but not the intelligence officer, should beauthorised to inform the barest minimum number of officersrequired for efficient functioning of their own sections; thatthese officers must be majors and above, regulars and notreserves if at all possible and officers who had some time stillto do in Korea.

This brought up the matter of security in general which weall recognised as being one of the main problems.

General Jerome said: “Tell all those involved thateverybody from the top on down, including Barcus and nowme, says that this is a matter of national policy, not just militarysecurity”. He reported that General Barcus had said thatnothing must appear in writing of this program and that the useof the words “bacteriological or germ warfare” or similarterms, was forbidden except for initial identification with theprogram.

The discussion on security was long and detailed andended by General Jerome saying that security was an “all handsaffairs”, that everybody was responsible and everybody had toplay their part − that it was a chain of many links and onebroken link could destroy the chain. Some officer pointed outthat the Chinese had already claimed that the United States

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were using bacteriological warfare and that since the early daysof its use by the B-29s, many pilots had become prisoners ofwar and that surely, therefore, the enemy must know by now ofits use.

We all recognised this truth but, the General pointed out, ifthe Government chose to deny its use, we in the military hadno choice other than to do our best to try to maintain thisfiction. He said that, with 300 to 400 men of the Wing beingrotated back to the United States each month, it was only aquestion of time before the truth would be known, andmeanwhile, every effort was to be made to make thepropaganda fiction as realistic as possible.

It was generally agreed in this instance that security, as sooften, is the case, was more to keep knowledge from our ownpeople than it was to conceal facts from the enemy.

The General closed the conference with a directivesummary that went about like this, as best I can remember:

Speaking to Colonel Wendt, he said: “You will see VMF-513 tomorrow and tell them that

Barcus has cut me in and to go ahead at the earliest on theprogram. Stress security but, above all stress the necessity ofmaintaining the ten-day contamination cycles because thisresponsibility is being passed directly to them. See Gaylor andCondon as soon afterwards as you can so that they can startthinking the problems over. Impress Gaylor with the fact that Ithink that his part will be a small-scale effort for some time tocome”. To Colonel Clark he said: “You check with Gaylor andsee what help he needs in getting a small bomb facility ready”.His last words, addressed to Colonel Stage were: “Keep youreyes wide open, security is essential”.

F. H. SCHWABLE, 04429, Colonel, U.S.M.C., 19thDecember, 1952, North Korea.

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Third Deposition of U.S. Colonel Frank H.Schwable, Prisoner of war

Hsinhua News Agency reports: Following is the full text of the third deposition made by

Colonel Frank H, Schwable, Chief of Staff of the U.S. FirstMarine Aircraft Wing, on security matters in wagingbacteriological warfare in Korea.

When the bacteriological warfare program was expanded,all security matters were reviewed at General Jerome’s May25th conference.

The one thing that was emphasized in every stags ofbacteriological warfare was security and this constituted one ofthe major problems confronting the First Marine Aircraft Wing.While we-had no operational authority, security is anadministrative matter for which we were responsible to theFifth Air Force.

Every means possible was taken to mislead the enemy andto deny knowledge of these operations to our own personnel.

Among our own personnel, should they become curious,the aim was to create the impression that the special missionswere strictly a form of highly specialized propaganda whichcould not be disclosed because of the loss of value ifprematurely released, and because the sources had to besafeguarded.

On the enemy side, bacteriological bombs were to bedropped only in conjunction with ordinary bombs so that thespecialized nature of the attack could not be detected − or ifdetected, could not be proved. Any evidence found on theground, would be claimed by our side to be either legitimatepropaganda material or flare parachutes and cases.

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At the conference on 25th of May, 1952, General Jerome,assisted by General Lamson-Scribner, went over the securitymeasures that would be enforced unless specifically modified.

Absolutely nothing was to appear in writing referring to theprogram in its true nature. “Bacteria”, “germ”, etc. were wordsthat we were forbidden to use as well as the type names of thediseases except to identify them initially with the program.Official conversations substituted such words as “super-propaganda”, “suprop”, special weapons, special bombs,special missions, etc .

Mission reports were handled in two ways: The routine flights, made by Squadron 513 after the

commencement of the concentration on the contamination belt,were covered in the squadron’s normal, secret, mission reports− by despatch − reporting the targets covered, missionnumbers, times, and damage assessed. Then the words wouldbe added “via Sinanju” or “via Kunuri”, whichever waspertinent. This would convey to the proper authorities thatSquadron 513 had conducted one of its recurring, standardmissions to maintain the bacteriological contamination in itsassigned area in the ten-day cycle.

The other units, whose missions were intermittent, werescheduled by indicating “suprop” for, say, mission number so-and-so in top-secret orders, and would use the “suprop” codefor their reports. They would send in their standard, secretdespatch staring mission numbers, type of aircraft, targetcoordinates, time over “target, bombs dropped (conventionaltype) or photographic exposures made, flak encountered andany other information. Immediately after, a top-secret despatchwould also be sent to Fifth Air Force by the unit reporting,which would say: “Mission No so-and-so, so many ‘suprop’”.By this method they reported in code, the number of specialbombs dropped on an otherwise normal mission.

Any reports of aircraft performance, tactics, etc, relative to

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the bacteriological program, would be reported verbally to theoperations officer (G-3) and bomb difficulties to the logisticsofficer (g-4) who would further report verbally to thecommanding general who would then decide whether he oranother appropriate staff officer would report to Fifth AirForce.

Only those who absolutely needed to know about theprogram to ensure its efficient functioning, were to beinformed. Normally a staff officer and his assistant arecognizant of all matters within their section, so that if oneofficer is absent, the other can attend to any pertinent matters.It was not so with this program. It the cognizant officer wasabsent and an urgent matter came up, the question was to betaken, to the chef of staff, executive officer, commandingofficer or other senior staff officer. The reason I opposedinforming the Wing medical officer was that the program couldfunction without his knowing about it.

The entire subject was mentioned only in official businesswhen it was necessary to discuss it, and then only behindclosed doors and in guarded tones and terms. No “suprop”mission was mentioned in the general’s daily staff’ briefing.

Violations of security in this matter, like violations ofsecurity of any regulation of equal importance, were to be thesubject of a general court-martial.

Only twin-engine aircraft were to be used until the FifthAir Force scheduled the use of ADs (Sky-raiders).

Only night operations and high-altitude photographicreconnaissance flights would employ special weapons until theADs were ordered to participate in daylight.

Flights would be made to the maximum extent over waterand avoiding friendly territory, and bombs were to be jettisonedonly in deep water at sea. Bombing-up would be confined tothe minimum number of fields − in our case K-B (Squadron513’s base at Kunsan) and K-3 (Marine Aircraft Group 33’s

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base at Pohang) only, until large-scale operations were orderedfrom K-6 (Marine Aircraft Group 12’s base at Pyongtaek).

Where practicable, a napalm bomb would be carried on theattacking aircraft and retained until the bacteriological bombswere away, in order to ensure the destruction of the plane byfire, if it had to crash.

General Jerome further directed that only a very limitednumber of pilots in the operating units were to be involved and[hey should be the more senior, mature, responsible men; thatthey should preferably be regular officers making the servicetheir career, and above all must be men of unquestionedloyalty.

He also stressed that officers and men involved must beimpressed with the vital nature of the security problem, itseffects on national prestige and its effects on current enemyaction. Pilots must be made to feel that they were a very selectgroup, hand picked for capability and reliability. The point wasemphasized to: “forget it in Korea whenever you can, and whenyou go home, you never heard of it”.

Pilots were to be assured of their personal safety from theeffects of the materials used in order to avoid a possible breachof security through fear of personal contamination.

For the same reason, pilots were to be given a briefsummary of the general operations to date, to avoid possiblebreaches of security because of the moral factor if they shouldthink they were the first ones to use this unorthodox form ofwarfare.

Dropping of a “suprop” bomb on the wrong target was tobe reported immediately. Pilots were to be made to feel thatthis was a vital responsibility − not so that disciplinary actionwould or could be taken, but to keep an accurate record of whatareas had been contaminated.

Breaches of security were to be reported immediately andverbally. Any officer or man who appeared to be persistently

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curious about the propaganda program, was to be watched verycarefully and reported direct to the general. Any pilot includedin the program who appeared to be “breaking” in any manner,that is, who appeared to become careless, rebellious,frightened, hesitant, etc, through combat fatigue or for anyother reason, was to be removed immediately from the flightschedule and reported to the General. Any person whoappeared to be, acting in suspicious or unnatural manner, waslikewise to be reported to the general.

F. H. SCHWABLE, 04429, Colonel, U.S.M.C., 19thDecember, 1952, North Korea.

Deposition of U.S. Major Roy H. Bley,Prisoner of War

Major Roy H. Bley, Ordnance Officer of the U.S. First Marine

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Aircraft Wing. Hsinhua Photo Agency

Following is the full text of a signed deposition made byMajor Roy H. Bley, Ordnance Officer of the U.S. First MarineAircraft Wing as issued by the Hsinhua Agency.

I am Roy H. Bley, Major, U.S. M.C., serial number010450, age thirty nine, married, with two children. My homeis at 1333 Orange Avenue, Santa Ana, California, U.S.A. Forapproximately five weeks, until I was shot down in NorthKorea on the 8th of July, 1952, I was Ordnance Officer on theFirst Marine Aircraft Wing Staff in Korea.

The facts which I relate about germ warfare are written bymy own free will.

I arrived in K-3, Korea on the 28th of May, 1952, and wasassigned as First MAW Ordnance Officer on the following day,the 29th. The previous Wing Ordnance Officer had departed forthe States in the early part of May, 1952, leaving the job to behandled by a Master Sergeant, McGarry, the Ordnance NCO,who had worked for him, and who had been on that job forseveral months.

On the night of the 2nd of June, McGarry and I wereworking alone in the Ordnance Section of the G-4 (logistics)Office discussing normal, routine ordnance matters, and hebriefing me on the details, problems and procedure, of my job.That night he told me the main facts about germ warfare asconducted by the Wing at that time.

He reported that VMF-513, Marine Night FighterSquadron 513, located at K-8, was dropping germ bombs forthe Third Bomb Wing there, They had started dropping themearly in 1952. The ordnance men from VMF-513 had beentrained and assisted in the use of germ bombs by specialweapons personnel of the Third Bomb Wing and theSquadron’s supply of the weapons was made directly from the

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K-8 bomb dump, operated wholly by air force personnel. Later, in March, 1952, VMJ-l, (Marine Photographic

Squadron one of Marine Aircraft Group 33) also begandropping germ bombs. Ordnance men had been assigned to theSquadron from the group for that specific purpose, forming aspecial weapons unit, and had been given two weeks trainingprior to the Squadron’s first use of the bomb by an air forcespecial weapons team sent to their base from K-8. This teamconsisted of two officers and six enlisted men and hadinstructed the ordnance men on handling procedure, storageand security methods. Then the team had remained with theSquadron for two or three weeks after the Squadron hadinitiated its use, to supervise and continue their instructions.

The first supply of germ bombs for Squadron VMJ-1 hadbeen ordered from the 6405th Air Support Wing of the AirForce located in Taegu, and picked up at their UlsanAmmunition Supply Squadron (543rd) Dump by the ordnancemen of VMJ-l accompanied by members of the air forcespecial weapons team.

Security methods, especially in its first stage of use in K-3(Marine Aircraft Group 33’s base at Pohang, Korea) were verystringent. The only persons who knew of its use were somemembers of the Wing Staff, the Group and Squadroncommanders, pilots flying the missions, the Group bomb dumpofficer and ordnance men who made up the special weaponsteam and who actually handled all the transportation and didthe loading of the aircraft.

The supply of the germ bombs was handled by the VMJ-1special weapons unit who went directly to the 6405th ASW,with a priority secret despatch.

On the morning of the fifth, of June, 1952, colonel Clark,logistics officer of the First Marine Aircraft Wing, called meinto his office where, he was alone and asked about myprogress in becoming familiar with the ordnance job. After

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discussing several routine ordnance matters he hesitated for awhile, shuffled through some papers on his desk, walkedaround his desk a couple of times and then said: “Now, Bley,for the main reason I called you in here. It’s to discuss theWing’s special weapon, project, the use of the germ bomb”.After he sat down again at his desk he asked: “Has McGarrydiscussed it with you?” I replied that he had, briefly. He thensaid: “In order to bring you up to date on its use out here, I’llgive you a brief history regarding its previous use”.

The air force started dropping the bombs, upon order fromtheir High Command in Washington in the early winter of1951, first with the B-29s based in Okinawa, followed by theThird Bomb Wing’s B-26s at K-8 (Kunsan Korea). Thenfighter types were also included into the use of them too, andthat included Marine Squadron 513, also based at K-8.

This Squadron, attached to MAG-33, using F7F (TigerCats) aircraft, was included in the project by the Air Force forthese reasons: they were a Night Fighter Squadron and coulddrop the bombs with a great deal of security; they were basedat K-8 where the supply of bombs was available; and the AirForce High Command decided that some experimentation andfamiliarization work by a Marine Squadron would be veryhelpful to marine aviation and themselves should the germbomb be used on an increased scale. This experimentation andfamiliarization would not only afford experience to flight crewsbut also to the ordnance men who would help the Air Forcespecial, weapons personnel in handling details and procedures.

Squadron 513 started using germ bombs right after the 1stof the year, 1952, and then Squadron VMJ-1 also was added tothe program, by the air force in March, first, because they werea utility outfit doing mostly photographic work and could dropthe bombs without being suspected, second, during theirnormal work they covered all parts of North Korea, and third,special weapons personnel were available at K-3, their base, to

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form a nucleus of handling personnel required. Then he paused and asked: “What do you think of the use

of the germ bomb?”. I said: “Sir, it’s not only against my ownprinciples but it would also certainly leave a black mark againstthe Marine Corps’ reputation”. The colonel said he didn’tapprove of its use either, nor did anyone else in the Wing butwe were ordered to do so by higher authority and there wasnothing to do but obey our commands.

Colonel Clark then told me that General Jerome,Commanding General of the First Marine Aircraft Wing, hadattended a conference at the Fifth Air Force Headquartersduring the latter part of May and a plan had been introduced tohim where the First Marine Aircraft Wing was to participatemore fully in the use of germ weapons. Then when GeneralJerome returned to K-3 he had called a staff meeting includingthe Assistant Commanding General, Lamson-Scribner; theChief of Staff, Colonel Schwable; intelligence officer, ColonelStage, to the best of my memory; operations officer, ColonelWendt and himself. General Jerome had discussed the plan indetail and had outlined the tasks and missions for the variousG. sections to do. During this conference it was decided that I,as Wing ordnance officer due to arrive three days later, wouldhave to be informed of the plan, for I would have to handlemany of the details for the logistics section.

Colonel Clark then pointed out that during the conference,the target areas were also discussed. It was decided by JOC(Joint Operational Center) that a contamination belt was to beestablished deep behind the enemy lines, across the peninsulaof Korea and covering the enemies main routes oftransportation.

So both of our Groups, Marine Aircraft Group 33 andMarine Aircraft Group 12, were included in the plan,Squadrons VMJ-l and VMF-513 of MAG-33 were to continueon an increased scale, and the F9F (Panthers) Squadrons of

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MAG-33 were to get prepared to use germ bombs and be on astandby status, ready should they also be ordered to drop themby JOC. The ADs (Sky-raiders) of MAG-12 were to startimmediately on a small scale by flying to K-8 for their supplyof germ bombs and operating from there until some specialdispensers arrived from the States and then they would operateon a large scale with their supply of bombs to be from thebomb dump of their own base, K-6 at Pyongtaek.

Colonel Clark then outlined several items he wanted me toaccomplish for him as soon as I could:

To contact the 6405th Air Support Wing, at Taegu, andarrange for a conference with them regarding the increasedusage supply of bombs at K-3 and to make arrangements foreventual supply to K-6.

To check on the storage facilities at both K-3 and K-6. I was also to check on the security methods in the MAG-33

bomb dump where the germ bombs were stored and to have theMAG-12 bomb dump officer to prepare for increased securitywhen his supply of bombs was established. Colonel Clarkstressed the fact that utmost caution was to be used in security.He stressed that nothing was to be issued from the logistics orordnance sections in writing, that all instructions andsupervision, was to be made verbally with the exception of therequired requisitions and reports. Colonel Clark’s final remark,before I left his office, was: “Bley, I know this is an unpleasant Assignment, but I expect you to carry out your part of theproject to the best of your ability”.

On the 9th of June, McGarry and I drove to see the MAG-33 bomb dump officer and inspected his facilities for the germbombs which were satisfactory. He explained to me that thebombs were requisitioned by the special weapons unit directfrom the Air Force.

I advised him to make more storage space availablebecause the usage rate was to be increased and will probably

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have to handle two or three times as many bombs as hepreviously had.

On the 13th of June I went to K-6 to inspect the MAG-12bomb dump and to talk to the group ordnance officer about hisplans for his eventual storage of germ bombs there.

I asked him if he knew of the proposed use of the specialweapon, the germ bomb, by MAG-12. He replied that he hadbeen told of it by Colonel Gaylor the Group Commander aboutten days before. Colonel Gaylor had told him that the supply ofbombs was not to be established yet for a few weeks. Beforethe supply of bombs were to be handled at K-6, the Groupwould have to have some men trained in handling procedures.Colonel Gaylor had ordered him to select about ten men fromhis bomb dump crew, men who were reliable and who heconsidered would be able to pass a secret security classificationcheck, but not key men in his regular bomb handling crew, andsend them to K-8 where they could be given on-the-job trainingby the Third Bomb Wing. These men had been sent to K-8 onthe 11th of June for a period of about four weeks.

I checked on storage arrangements and security ofinformation. I reported how Squadron VMJ-1 drew their germbombs but said I’d have more information on that after ColonelClark and I conferred with the Air Support Wing personnel inTaegu in a few days.

Finally I gave him instructions to go down to K-3 and seethe set-up there and also to go to K-8 when he found time tosee their storage methods.

On the 16th of June I flew to Taegu to confer with the6405th Air Support Wing regarding the increase in supply ofgerm bombs to the First MAW. Colonel Clark was unable tocome with me. The conference was held in the office of theCommanding Officer of the 6405th ASW, where I also met theordnance officer.

I learnt that the 6405th ASW had been supplying the germ

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bombs to the Third Bomb Wing at K-8 since December 1951,at first in small quantities and then in larger deliveries.Delivery to K-3 had commenced in March of 1952.

The Commanding Officer stated to me that FEMCOM (FarEast Material Command) had notified him about the first ofJune that the First Marine Aircraft Wing was to increase its useof germ bombs at K-3 and was also to establish a germ bombsupply at K-6.

I went over all the details of requisitioning and delivery,coding, types and reports.

We agreed that Squadron VMJ-1 would continue to sendtheir own requisitions for germ bombs until the germ bombdump was established at K-6, anti-then all requisitions for bothGroups would be made by me from First MAW Headquarters.That would be around August. I passed all these decisions on toColonel Clark and the other officers concerned verbally.

On the 7th of July, Colonel Clark notified me that he wascalling a conference of MAG-12 and MAG-33 logistics andordnance officers and some officers of the special weapons unitof Squadron VMJ-1 to be held on the 10th of July to discussthe problems arising out of the increased use of germ bombs.Next day I made a trip to K-6 with the First MAW Chief ofStaff, Colonel Schwable and had a preliminary talk with theGroup 12 ordnance officer. He told me that he would be readyto establish a germ bomb facility there as soon as the learn tohandle them had completed their training at K-8. This would bearound the 12th of July.

On the same day, July 8th, 1952, on my way back to K-3from K-6 with Colonel Schwable, we lost our course and wereshot down by ground fire behind the front lines in North Korea.

ROY H. BLEY, Major, U.S.M.C., 0104150, North Korea,21st January, 1953.

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Concluding lines of deposition and personal signature of Major Roy H.Bley, Ordnance Officer of the U.S. First Marine Aircraft Wing

Hsinhua Photo Agency

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PHOTOS EXPOSING AMERICANAGGRESSORS

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The American aggressors are waging a criminal bacteriological war inKorea and North-East China, applying barbaric means of mass

extermination of the population. Photos 1. Bacteriological bomb most

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frequently dropped in Korea by the U.S. aircraft. It is a cylinder with asmall parachute attached to the nose and a time fuse at the tail end. 2.One type of U.S. bacteriological bomb which splits in two on impact

and releases the disease-infected insects inside. These bombs containinginsects infected with bacteria of epidemic diseases were dropped byU.S. aircraft on the territory of the Chinese People’s Republic. 3. A

member of the Anti-Epidemic Corps of the Chinese People’s volunteersgathering bacteria-infected flies and mosquitoes, discovered near a

bacteriological bomb dropped by U.S. aircraft. Chinese Photo Agency

ELECTION RESULTS IN AUSTRIA

The general election in Austria on February 22 revealedthat the progressive electoral alliance − “the People’sOpposition of Austria” with the Austrian Communist Party asits leading force − strengthened its position and gainedapproximately 7 per cent more votes than polled by the leftbloc in the 1949 election. Thus the attempt of the pro-Americangovernment parties to undermine the growing influence of theopposition forces has been frustrated.

Although this time the “People’s Opposition” receivedmore votes than the left bloc did in the previous election, itloses one seat, that is, it will be represented by four deputies, asa consequence of the reactionary electoral law enacted by theRight-wing Socialists together with the bourgeois People’sParty, which abolished the principle of equality of votes.

According to this law the “People’s Opposition” needed

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57,057 votes in order to get one seat while the governmentparties needed only 24,081 votes.

A statement issued by the Central Committee of theCommunist Party after the election and addressed to all itsmembers and activists, points out that the Party will continue todo its utmost to rally all sincere Austrian democrats andpatriots for struggle against the danger threatening the country.

TWO CULTURES

Teachers not Wanted Here

The Italian press reports mass unemployment amongschool teachers because of the serious shortage of schools.There are now 99,854 candidates for the 7,571 vacancies inelementary schools. For every vacancy in the Viterbo provincethere are 20 unemployed teachers, in Latina province − 16, inPescara province − 17, and 57 in the Rome province.

Two facts alone reveal the plight of education in Italy: inNaples one third of the children of school age do not attendschool; in some districts in the South the number of illiteratesas high as 40 per cent of the population.

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Additional Thousands of Teachers forSchools in Rumanian People’s Republic

Public education in the People’s Republic of Rumaniareceives close attention. Although the number of teachers isgrowing year by year, more and more are needed for theextending school network. In 1952 teachers’ colleges graduated8,630 teachers and tutors − 84 per cent more than in 1951.

The state annually allocates enormous sums for publiceducation. The 1952 expenditure on education amounted toover 2.2 billion lei.

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REVELATIONS Of WARMONGERS

“New week”, mouthpiece of the U.S. warmongers, in itsissue of February 2, 1953, cynically writes that “theEisenhower Administration plans to rely heavily on subversionand sabotage in its stepped up cold war against the Soviets”. Itgoes on to say that, for instance, the U.S. “already has beengoing in for this in an important way” against “the Reds on theChina mainland”. Having decided, evidently, to how still morecandour the “Newsweek” goes on: “A reason it has beenhushed up: official Washington fears the U.S. public would beshocked by disclosure that the country resorted to such ‘dirty’methods.”

Cynical revelation indeed! For the peace-loving peoples itwill be yet another proof that they must whet their vigilance inevery way again the enemies of mankind − the U.S.imperialists.

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WHO RULES AMERICA

(Letter from U.S.A.)

I am writing this letter two weeks after the day when,simultaneously with Eisenhower taking the office of President,the direct representatives of the finance dynasties, the U.S.millionaires and billionaires − the uncrowned kings − steppedinto the ministerial seats. Thus the big monopolies, which evenbefore dictated their aggressive policy to Americangovernments, used the victory of their stooge in thePresidential election for still more open subordination tothemselves of the State apparatus.

It is known that the leaders of the Republican Party in thecourse of the election campaign sought to make out that thecause of all the difficulties both in the realm of foreign andhome policy was the “incompetence” and corruption of theTruman Government and that, with the Republicans in thecabinet, an era of general “prosperity” will set in for America.Demagogic declarations of this kind and particularlyEisenhower’s promise to go to Korea and to bring the war to anend played no small role in ensuring victory for theRepublicans .

However, with the passage of time, increasing numbers ofAmericans who had been deceived by the Republicandemagogy, are beginning to see whose prosperity will be theconcern of the Government of tycoons. The journal“Newsweek”, a monopoly mouthpiece, blurted out, that thevery first appointments and actions by Eisenhower better revealthe nature of his Government than all the election speechestaken together.

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Who, then, comprise the new Government of the so-called“free, democratic” America?

Although the State Department even in the past wasregarded as a “fortress” of Rockefeller’s “Standard Oil”, todayRockefeller and Co. feel themselves in the State Department asin their own bailiwick. The post of Secretary of State of theU.S. has been placed in the hands of one of the directrepresentatives of the Rockefeller finance oligarchy − JohnFoster Dulles − an evil warmonger, one of the architects of“Operation X” which, as is known, calls for sending spies andsaboteurs into the U.S.S.R. and the countries of people’sdemocracy. Dulles is directly connected with the biginternational trusts including such cartels of the former HitlerGermany as “I. G. Farbenindustrie”. As co-author of the DawesPlan, way back in the twenties, Dulles was one of the zealousadvocates of the secret rearmament of Germany and ofinstalling the fascist regime there.

To all progressives in America, as in all other countries,Dulles is known as one of the organisers of the war in Korea,as the misanthrope who advocates a “liberation war” in Europeand war against China. Dulles’ speeches on foreign policy bothprior to the presidential election in the U.S. and after hisappointment to the post of Secretary of State, are replete withcalls for a still more aggressive American policy.

On a par with Dulles is his right hand − Winthrop Aldrich,foreign policy adviser, brother-in-law of John D. Rockefellerjunior, who has been appointed the U.S. Ambassador to Britain.As the chairman of the “Chase National Bank”, Aldrich,through his representatives, prevented the liquidation of theHitler concerns and helped in bringing back Hitlerites toleading posts in Western Germany.

Herbert Brownell, the new Attorney-General, is also anintimate of the Rockefeller group. This new minister of the“cold war” against the American people maintains close ties

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with the owners of restaurants and hotels and is a member ofthe General Council of the Hotel Owners Association.

No less typical is the figure of the present Secretary ofDefense. As is known, the previous government made it a pointto have an important representative of big business as Secretaryof Defense. But, he came, as a rule, from the intermediatemonopoly capital groups. On the other hand, Charles ErwinWilson is one of the biggest industrial tycoons who untilrecently headed the powerful U.S. monopoly corporation“General Motors”, controlled by the du Pont dynasty whichsupports the most reactionary forces in the U.S.

“General Motors” is the biggest supplier of war materials:tanks, armoured cars, trucks, etc. In the third quarter of 1952alone “General Motors” netted 117 million dollars in profitsfrom the sale of the war materials against 92 million dollars forthe corresponding period of 1951. Since the beginning of thewar in Korea it has been given war contracts worth nearly 5.5billion dollars. “General Motors”, known here as the “mostprofitable” corporation, has extended its aggressive tentaclesfar beyond the borders of America. It owns five plants inCanada, four in Britain, two in Australia and two in France, aswell as plants and shops in many other countries.

Incidentally, Wilson’s appointment once againdemonstrates that the bourgeoisie, whenever it thinks fit,violates its own laws: Wilson was appointed notwithstandingthat, according to U.S. law, no one having financial ties withcompanies fulfilling Government orders can qualify for cabinetpost.

The two other members of the Eisenhower Government arealso direct representatives of the powerful du Pont dynasty:Mackay, Secretary of Interior, big “General Motors” dealer,and Arthur Summerfield, Post Master General, also a big“General Motors” dealer.

Mackay is notorious for his active role in the fascist

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organisations − Veterans of Foreign Wars and AmericanLegion.

Whereas in the Truman Government the post of Secretaryof Treasury was, so to say, held by a banker of a smallercalibre, his successor George Humphrey is a directrepresentative of the steel and coal magnates. Humphrey is theowner of a whole industrial-finance empire with a leading rolein the Cleveland monopoly group closely linked with theRockefeller and Mellon finance-industrial empires. He isPresident of many big monopoly corporations. After the secondworld war Humphrey, as head of one of the committees of theEuropean co-operation administration encouraged therestoration of war-industrial potential in Western Germany.Humphrey, whose annual income is in the region of 500,000dollars, is a rabid reactionary, organiser of strike breakers andtrade union wrecker.

Sinclair Weeks, the new Secretary of Commerce, is alsoone of the industrialist-billionaires, representing chiefly theinterests of the so-called Boston financial group connected withMorgan. He is a director of the “First National Bank ofBoston”, one of the biggest in the country, and director ofnumerous companies.

The most important state posts outside the cabinet havebeen given to representatives of the main monopoly circles −the instigators of war, enemies of freedom of the nations,enemies of peace and democracy.

It can be said than this is the first time in the history ofAmerica that the big capitalists so openly and on such a scale,discarded their agents − the professional politicians − and havethemselves taken the key seats in the state. In other words,there has taken place something in the nature of centralisedcontrol by monopoly capital over the state as a whole, sincekey positions have been seized by the most aggressiveRockefeller and du Pont monopoly groups and also by

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representatives of the Morgan empire. The monopoly press boasts that in the near future, the

excess-profits tax will be abolished and other measures carriedout in the interests of big business.

Only recently “Business Week”, organ of the monopolists,that is, organ of the American rulers, openly called for breakingoff the peace talks and prolonging the war in Korea, declaredthat “a truce will make the predicted business slide almostcertain”. “Business Week” explained that breaking off the trucetalks in Korea would mean a bigger demand for manpower andarmaments and would result in improving the situation in thesphere of business activity and thus stave off the anticipatedrecession.

The very first steps of the new administration dearlycontradict the election pledges of the Republicans: they showthat the Eisenhower Government intends to seek a solution tothe economic and political difficulties by way of extendingimperialist aggression. Both in his inaugural speech on January20 and in his State of the Union message to Congress,Eisenhower favoured stepping up the aggressive foreign policyof the U.S.A. The new U.S. Government openly advocates a“liberation war” in Europe and the extension of the Americanaggression in the Far East.

Eisenhower’s order to “deneutralise” the island of Taiwanaims at giving a free hand to the Chiang Kai-shek brigands inattacking the Chinese mainland. Deciphering Eisenhower’s“deneutralisation” order, Willey, Chairman of the SenateForeign Relations Committee, stated that the U.S. policy givesthe hope that Chiang Kai-shek, using U.S. aircraft, could bombrailway objectives in the Chinese People’s Republic. Theimport of the “deneutralisation’’ order was described in a morepopular way by a Washington “Times” correspondent whostated that the U.S. would take action against the ChinesePeople’s Republic should it rebuff the Chiang Kai-shek

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aggressors. The new plan elaborated by the Pentagon military strategist

and approved by the Washington political adventurers to use“Asians against Asians” pursues a double purpose: whilecontinuing and extending aggression in Korea to ensure moreprofits for Wall Street and to lull the rising indignation of theAmerican people against the aggressive war in Korea, againstthe loss of American lives.

Our people have paid dearly for the intervention in Korea:it has taken a toll of tens of thousands of our young men and isa heavy burden on the shoulders of the working people. Voicesof protest are resounding louder and louder against prolongingthe sanguinary and futile adventure in Korea.

Today millions of Americans who voted for theRepublicans on the basis of the promise to end the war inKorea realise that they have been rudely deceived; they arebeginning to see that the new Government threatens to extendthe war in the Far East, threatens a further attack on thestandard of life and on democratic rights.

Our people are becoming increasingly conscious of the factthat only the broadest democratic front can frustrate the designsof the “general staff” of the monopolies and reaction, that sucha front alone can deliver our country from the horrors of warand the menace of fascism.

H. B. BROWN New York, February.

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FEUILLETON

Belgrade Butcher’s Biographer

Eager for slander and falsification the reactionary press inthe United States and Western Europe, like “Life” magazine,the newspaper “Figaro” and their like are boosting the vileconcoction which passes for a biography of Josip Broz Tito.The Washington sponsors of this peculiar panegyric dedicatedto the avowed provocateur and agent of many imperialistintelligence services used this opportunity for emitting anotherstream of anti-Soviet slander.

Who is the scribe that has taken upon himself the far fromeasy task of glorifying baseness and treachery, of lauding thebutcher of his people? His name is Vlado Dedijer. Byprofession and nationality a spy without country or race, longsince exposed by the progressive public in the democraticcountries. His mother was an “influential lady” in monarchistYugoslavia, closely associated with Queen Marija. M-meDedijer-Kicivac attended to all foreign guests in the royalhousehold. This lofty mission of hers did not pass withoutleaving a trace: one of the guests − a visiting American −happens to be the father of her two sons − Steva and Vlado. Toavoid their being an “eyesore” in the royal household the boyswere sent abroad for education at an early age. Thus VladoDedijer, an accidental offspring of a visiting foreigner and alady of the court, found himself in a British school supervisedby the Intelligence Service.

In 1936, having acquired solid espionage training, hereturned to Belgrade as a “progressive youth”. Here Dedijerworked on the newspaper “Politika” − a branch of the Britishsecret service − and then made a good match, marrying the

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daughter of Popovic, butcher of the Yugoslav people, thenMinister of the Interior. All this, however, did not prevent thisscoundrel from “joining” the Communist Party of Yugoslavia:already then Tito tried to surround himself with the scum anddegenerates, traitors and spies.

In the summer of 1941, when occupied Belgrade, wasterrorised by Gestapo-ites, when scores and hundreds ofCommunists and other patriots were shot, Vlado Dedijer,together with Tito, Rankovic, Pjade and Djilas, resided in thefashionable district of the capital, made merry in cafes andrestaurants. The Gestapo, regarding Dedijer as one of theirown, not only did not persecute him but even furnished himwith documents and a permit to leave Belgrade for the partisanbattle area.

Having become Tito’s secretary, this avowed spy, acted asa liaison between the gang of traitors and representatives of theU.S. and British intelligence services who, under the guise ofadvisers of military missions were attached to the General Staffof the partisan forces. Scoffing at and scorning the genuineheroes of partisan battles, Dedijer colourfully described thesham exploits of the traitors and butchers. This vile scribecunningly screened all the crimes of Tito and his gang duringthe years of the people’s liberation struggle in his “PartisanDiary” which he fabricated after the war. This absolutely false“diary” lauds the “aid” rendered by the U.S. and Britain and, ofcourse, completely ignores the decisive role played by theSoviet Army in routing the fascist hordes on Yugoslav territoryand in liberating the country from Hitler tyranny.

When the mask of “friends” of the camp of peace,democracy and Socialism was ripped from the Belgrade cliqueand it openly joined the camp of imperialism, Tito entrusted toVlado Dedijer the noisome kitchen where anti-Soviet slander isfabricated. Simultaneously he was appointed chief of theInformation Department of the Titoite government and head of

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the Press Department of Tito’s Central Committee. VladoDedijer recruited under his leadership a clique of rabid penbandits, mercenary hack-writers, professional slanderers andfalsifiers. On his instructions they, slavishly serving the Titofascist clique and grovelling before the U.S. masters, pour outdaily and hourly streams of vilifications against the SovietUnion, People’s China, the countries of people’s democracy,the peace movement, against all that is honest, advanced andprogressive.

Such in brief is the biography of the biographer. It isunderstandable why the choice of the State Department fellprecisely on Dedijer when the need came to manufacture abiography of Tito, the ringleader of the fascist gang: utterlydirty hands were needed for such an utterly dirty job.

As for the biography he has written all one can say is thatin places it was written ten with the saliva of a mad dog − thatis, when he talks about the progressive forces, about the campof peace and democracy. But when depicting the adventures ofhis master the author switches to the style of the cheap cowboystories of U.S. origin. Exerting himself to the utmost in anattempt to represent the foul bird of passage as a “worldcelebrity” the biographer-falsifier describes his life soperseveringly and in such detail that one wants thoroughly towash his hands after the reading.

The spy-biographer studiously describes the touchingfriendship between Tito and Winston Churchill already in thewar years. This old-time strangler of the freedom of the peoplessent Fitzroy Maclean − one of his tried agents − at the head of amilitary mission to Tito’s Staff. In his wake Churchill’s son,Randolph, went to the Yugoslav mountains. Some time laterRandolph Churchill in an article in the press described hiscarousals with Tito on Vis Island in the Adriatic, far from thepartisan battle areas, referring to him time and again as his“good friend”.

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The merits of’ the concoction by Vlado Dedijer can begathered from the fact that Hollywood has expressed a desire touse it for filming. True, enough it is really good material for agangster film. The biography of the bloody butcher of theYugoslav people is a real crime story, well-stuffed with thedoings of an adventurer and provocateur, in the mask of aCommunist. Prior to World War II this same face was seen inmany European cities under various names: Ivan Kostajnek,Croat; Slavko Babic, Serb; John Alexander Carlson. Swede;Spiridon Mekas, a Canadian citizen of Greek origin. Andalthough always in dire straits, “fortune” helped Josip Tito outof the fix. On one occasion, while travelling under the name ofSpiridon Mekas, i.e. as a Canadian citizen, a Danish borderofficial examining his passport addressed him in the Englishlanguage. “Spiridon Mekas” could not pronounce a singleEnglish word. in reply. Returning the passport with a “pleasantsmile”, the official remarked: “I advise you to adopt anothernationality next time or learn the English language”.Describing the “valour” of the chieftain of the fascist gangVlado Dedijer, for the sake of emphasis, quotes Himmler: “I’dlike to have a dozen Titos in Germany”. This shows that theGestapo chief highly appraised Tito’s espionage ability.

There arises the obvious question: why did the Americanand English imperialists consider it necessary to make such afuss about the biography of butcher Tito whom even U.S.ruling circles openly call a swine and a wolf in sheep’sclothing. The fact is that the adventurist foreign policy of theU.S. needs more and more foul betrayers, traitors and assassinssuch as Tito. It is precisely Tito who supplies them with thefoulest slander about the camp of peace and democracy and allprogressive forces. That is why the State Department and theForeign Office, in an attempt to boost in every way theBelgrade provocateur, stop at nothing, not even at falsifying thebiography of its Belgrade puppet.

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But as the folk saying goes, “you can’t scrub a black dogwhite, no matter how hard you try”.

John SMITH

On returning to the U.S. from his lightning tour of Western capitals where,by means of the big “ stick” threats and ultimatums, he tried to accelerate

building up the notorious “European army” and rearming Western Germany,Dulles told correspondents that he appraised the results of his tour as

“moderately optimistic”.(Press Item)

THE “MODEST OPTIMIST” OR THEGRIM THOUGHTS OF Mr. DULLES ON

RETURNING FROM WESTERN EUROPE Drawing by J. Novak

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BOOK REVIEW

Britain Under Heel of her American “Friend”.P. Bolsover’s Book “America Over Britain”

One of the direct results of the imperialist preparations foranother war is the virtual conquest of Britain by her American“ally”. The technique of this conquest, which has reduced aformer Great Power to the status of a dependent country, is laidbare in the book “America Over Britain” by Philip Bolsover, ajournalist on the staff of the London “Daily Worker”.

The “cold war”, as was the case in the second world war,

“America Over Britain” by Philip Bolsover, Lawrence and Wishart LTD, 1953.

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has produced its “men of Vichy” and its quislings, the traitors,among the ruling classes in Western Europe who barter therights and independence of the nation for dollars and hand overthe keys of the fortress to the American imperialists. TheAmerican themselves, while making full use of these creatures,actually despise them. Bolsover quotes the scathingcharacterisation of them by Drew Middleton, one of thetroubadours of American imperialism: “This species hasdeveloped in Europe since the war. Its members’ portfoliosvary but each could be called the ‘Minister for AmericanAffairs’. They are men like Jean Monnet in France or KonradAdenauer in Germany.”

And Bolsover points out that one has only to go to theHouse of Commons during any foreign affairs debate to seethese stooges “fawn on the United States” and in this“Churchill is one with Attlee”. He quotes the sarcastic rejoinderby a Labour M. P. after Churchill pleaded with the membersnot to find fault with America: “Mr. Churchill used to beportrayed as the British bulldog sitting on the, Union Jack; hehas now become a lapdog sitting on the stars and stripes”.

The “aid” received by Britain under the Marshall Plan,amounts to £800 million. “But”, writes Bolsover, “under U.S.pressure, Britain is spending… £1,490 million on warpreparations every year”. And to make sure that the “aid” isspent in the Wall Street way, almost every dollar is, as thereactionary Financial Times put it, “accompanied and guardedby an American inspector”. For example, the United StatesEmbassy in London has a staff of 1,298 persons, headed byAmbassador Aldrich, one of the chief rulers of the Rockefellerfinancial empire. Then there is the Mutual Security Agencyoffice with the special function of “keeping an eye on Britain’sforeign trade and industrial production”. Other offices include“U.S. Military Advisory Group and the Military AssistanceAdvisory Group”, and behind these there is “the great system

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of U.S. air bases in Britain”. The direct American military occupation of Britain is

effected through their 34 bases. In July 1949 there were 6,000American troops in Britain. By the end of 1952 the number hadgrown to 50,000. The facts leading up to the occupation werekept a close secret from the British people by both the Labourand Conservative Governments. Little bits of the betrayal ofBritain’s national interests by the Right-wing Labour leadersand by the leader of the Conservative Party creep out in thepublished diaries of Forrestal and Vandenberg.

In June 1948 the U.S. Ambassador in London wasinstructed to “explore the possibility of basing B-29 aircraft inEngland”. The Labour Government’s acceptance was soslavishly eager that the astonished Americans, according to theForrestal diary, could hardly believe their ears.

By mid-July, 1948, the Americans, seizing the opportunityafforded them, jumped at the treacherous acquiescence of theRight-wing Labour leader, to “give the Air Force experience...and accustom the British to the necessary habits and routinesthat go into the accommodation (read occupation − Ed), of analien even though an allied power”.

Chapter V. headed the “Fifth Column Among theWorkers”, is one of the most interesting chapters in Bolsover’sbook. He quotes the admission made by an Americanreactionary in 1950 that the Right-wing trade union leaderswere “worth a hundred divisions” to United States foreignpolicy.

Washington now appoints Labour attaches to the staff ofnearly every U.S. embassy. The U.S. embassy in London,writes Bolsover, “is extraordinarily careful to cultivate goodrelations with British Right-Wing leaders.

Pointing out that the policy of seizure is characteristic ofthe imperialists alone and, above all, of the U.S. jackals, andcontrasting this with the peace-loving policy of the countries of

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the socialist camp, Bolsover writes: “No socialist governmenturges its people to invest millions of roubles in countries allover the world. There is no flood of investment capital surgingfrom the socialist countries to reap profits in colonial and semi-colonial countries. Therefore no socialist country need sendtroops all over the world to protect investments and property”.

“America Over Britain” with its convincing facts exposingthe U.S. occupationists and their stooges in the leadership ofthe Tory and Labour parties, reveals a number of reasons thatlead to the sharpening of contradictions between Britain andthe U.S. It is a keen weapon in the hands of all peace fighters inBritain, of all true British patriots anxious to see their countryfreed from the shackles of dollar enslavement and Americanoccupation.

John GIBBONS

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______________________

EDITORIAL BOARD

______________________

Journal “For a Lasting Peace, for a People’s Democracy” isprinted and published in Bucharest, Rumania, and appears

every Friday. Address of Editorial Office and PublishingHouse: − 56, Valeriu Braniste, Bucharest, tel. 5.10.59

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