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BEYONDECOFASCISM?FARRIGHTECOLOGISM(FRE)ASAFRAMEWORKFOR
FUTUREINQUIRIES
BalšaLubarda
DepartmentofEnvironmentalSciencesandPolicy
CentralEuropeanUniversity
Email:[email protected]
ABSTRACT
Theenduringandconsistentriseofthefarrighthasenableditsrepresentativestoaffect
environmentaldebatesatalargerscale.Althoughsuchincursionsareoftenlabeled‘eco-
fascist',thetermitselftermmaybeinsufficienttoaccountforthecomplexityofthis
intersection.Buildinguponexistingattemptstoorganizesuchdiscoursesinacoherent
sub-ideologicalset,‘farrightecologism’(FRE)issuggestedasanoverarchingnotion,
derivingitsmorphologyfromfascism,conservatism,aswellasnational-populism.
Therefore,valuesemanatingfromthesestrands,suchasnaturalism,spirituality,
mysticism,authority,organicism,autarky,nostalgiaandManicheanism,constituteFRE
asaheuristicdevice.\
KEYWORDS
Farright;ecologism;fascism;conservatism;nationalism
Thetwomanifestosauthoredbytheperpetratorsofrecentterroristattacksin
ChristchurchandElPasorevealedthattheideasof‘ecofascism’remainconspicuousin
thefarright1imaginary.Thismayhavetakenabackthosewhofindtheconcernforthe
1 I use the term ‘far right' to refer to radical and extreme nationalist actors, including (but not limited to) right-wing populists, (neo) Nazis, ethnopluralists, identitarians, white supremacists, alt-right, and clero-fascists. There is a number of works on the far right or its different aspects (to name a few: Eatwell, 1996; Carter, 2005, 2018; Mudde, 1995, 2000, 2011; Rydgren, 2017),
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naturalenvironment2incompatiblewithsuchworldviews,buttheselinkshavealong
tradition.Althoughitisgenerallycontendedthattheright-wing(includingthefarright)
ishostiletotheenvironmentalagenda(Krange,Kaltenborn,Hultman,2018;Lockwood,
2018;McCrightandDunlap,2000),greenthoughtwasoriginallyimbuedwith
romanticist,conservativeandevennationalisttropes(Ditt,1996:1-28;Dobson,2016).
However,ecofascismitselfmaybeinadequatetocapturethebreadthofdiscourseson
thenaturalenvironmentcomingfromthefarrightactors,rangingfrompopulistto
radicalandextreme.Thenationalistsentimentsinformingfarrightenvironmental
discoursedonotnecessarilyentaileschatologicalfascistinclinationsnordothe
conservativetropesofstewardshipandresponsibility,alsopresentinsomefarright
discourses,pointtoecofascism.Moreover,studiesofthefarrightconvergencewith
ecologicalthoughtaremanifold,goingbeyondecofascism.3
Departingfromthisinsufficiencyofecofascism,bothconceptuallyand
methodologically,Iaskwhether(how)thenexusoffarrightandecologismcanbe
groupedinacoherentframeworkforprospectiveempiricalinquiries.Apartfromits
methodologicalcontribution,thisarticleaimstoelucidateseriousconceptualconcerns
overthe‘unacceptablelackofprecisionwhichmakesecofascisman‘embitteredtaunt’
(Griffin,1991:2).Thisnotwithstanding,discardingthelabel‘ecofascism’as‘the’
signifierforthefarrightdiscursiveengagementwithnaturalenvironmentinthefuture
isstillveryunlikely,givenitspopularityinbroader(particularlynon-scholarly)circles.
Yet,foran(sub)ideologytooccupytherequiredspacebetween‘deductiverationalism
andadhocempiricism’(Freeden,1996:18),itneedstoretainthebalancebetweenits
morphology-internalconsistencyandthedevelopmentsinthesocialworld.Apartfrom
theinterwarera,ecofascismhardlyeverhadanyofthetwo.
2 The terms ‘ecologism’, ‘ecological’ and ‘environmental’ are operationalized in accordance with Dobson’s (1999: 235) distinction, where ecologism refers to an attempt to address the fundamental causes of environmental change through holistic, ideological or value-based underpinnings, whereas ‘environmentalism’ is focused on a rather managerial approach to the problem. Ecologism and ecology are used interchangeably, the former being operationalized as an ideological format of the latter, referring to the abovementioned value-based, holistic, and political positions (as opposed to using the term ‘ecology’ strictly as a branch of biology). 3 Other than eco-fascist forms or ‘right-wing ecology’ (Olsen 1999, 2000a, b) originated in Germany (see Bruggemeier et. al., 2005; Blackbourn, 2006; Geden, 1996; Jahn and Vehling, 1980; Uekoetter, 2006; Woelk, 1992), but also Italy (Armiero, 2014), Portugal (Saraiva, 2016), and United Kingdom (Coupland, 2017, More-Collyer, 2004, Stone, 2004), there are analyses of ‘green nationalism’ in the Baltic countries (Galbreath, 2010; Galbreath and Auers, 2010; Lubarda, 2017), and again the UK (Fowler and Jones, 2005, 2006), as well as ‘white nativist environmentalism’ in the United States (Bhatia, 2004). For a number of cases, see also Forchtner, 2019a.
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Indeed,farrightvaluesonthenaturalenvironmentcanbeconsidereda
subcomponentofecologism,astheyofferadistinctivesocialimaginary(Taylor,2004),
asubstitutetothecurrent(decaying)order.Intimesofupsurgeoffarrightpartiesand
movements,where“nature”isdiscursivelyassociatedwithissuesofimmigrationand
nationalidentity(Voss,2014),suchnexusesaresalienteventomainstreamactors.For
instance,articulatingnature(e.g.forests)as‘nationaltreasure’canbeenmeshedwith
claimsrelatedtoimmigrationorreligion(IsaevandKorovin,2013),whichisnotrare
evenamongthosewhodonotconsiderthemselvesnationalists.
Iarguethatarticulatingtheessentialfeaturesof‘farrightecologism’requires
lookingatthewiderspectrumofpoliticalthoughtfromwhichitsideasandvaluesare
derived,includingecofascism.Iwilldepartfromtheexistingattemptstoarticulatethe
intersectionsofthefarrightwiththenaturalenvironment(andtheirlimitations),
buildingontheoreticalexplorationsinthefieldofideologystudies.Theseexplorations
willenableofferingasetofcoreandperipheralvaluesofFREbylookingathistorical
overlapsoffascism,conservatism,andnationalpopulism.
InsearchforamorphologyofFRE
Thesubstantiveallureofecofascismasatermisinitslatter,fascistcomponent.
Amidclaimsthatfascismisa‘beehiveofcontradictions’(Eco,2002)ora‘proteanlabel’
(Mann,2004:365)devoidofitsideologicalcore,the‘fascistminimum’–asetof
emblematicfeaturesbelongingtoa(fairly)coherentideologyhaslongbeendefined
(Eatwell,1996).Asamostlyhistoricalphenomenon,generallyassociatedwiththeNazi
regime,ecofascismisparticularlyinterestingfortributariesofBegriffsgeschichte,orthe
conceptualhistory(Koselleck,2002).True,Naziswerenotanentirelyhomogenous
entity,butacomplexandoftendisarrayedassemblageofsub-groups,individuals,
interests,andvalues.Thisexplainsperhapsunimaginableassociationsforopportunistic
purposes,e.g.animalrightsrhetoricandanti-semitism(Uekötter,2005:55),
highlightinganessentialconceptualfeatureofecofascism:inconsistency.Thesamecan
bearguedaboutItalianfascism,withenvironmentally-harmfulpoliciessuchas
“Mussolini’slaw”:thedrainingofthePontineMarshes(Snowden,2006),conjoinedwith
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aprofoundengagementwith‘reclaiming’ofnaturethrough(sometimesconflicting)
notions,suchasrace,landscape,history,modernityandruralism(Armiero,2014:242).
Inaddition,takinganempiricalperspectiveintoaccount,ecofascismisnota
termusedinself-ascriptions:adherentsofsuchideasgenerally(thoughthe
Christchurchshooterisanexceptiontothisrule)avoidreferringtothemselvesaseco-
fascists,eco-nazisoranysimilarterms.Thisisparticularlythecasewiththefarrightin
thosecountriessuchasPolandinwhichnationalismhasaprofoundantifascist
tradition,andwasjuxtaposedtoGermanexpansionism.Eventhoughsomeauthors
(Olsen,1999;Staudenmaier,2011)useterms‘ecofascism’and‘right-wingecology’
interchangeably,theclearassociationoftheformerwithasubstantiallydiscredited
ideologicalframeworkoffascismposesyetanother,normativeproblem.Referringto
ecofascismmightseemconducivetopreventingtheproponentsofsuchworldviews
frompermeatingthemainstream.However,contemporaryfarrightecologicalvalues
arefarmorecomplexandelusivetobebroughtdownto(neo)fascism.
Notwithstandingthesedeficienciesofecofascism,someauthorshavealready
attemptedtoexpandthisnotionthroughdifferentanalyticalframeworks.Aspreviously
mentioned,JonathanOlsen(1999,2000)suggested‘right-wingecology’,consistingof
eco-naturalism(natureastheblueprintforsocialorder),eco-organicism(natureand
societyviewedasanorganism),andeco-authoritarianism(illiberalpoliticsasthebest
solutiontotheenvironmentalcrisis)asitsfoundationalelements.However,right-wing
ecologyisamisnomer–thethreecategories,aswellasthepartiesanalyzedwithin
Olsen'sframework,allillustratecasesoffarrightenvironmentalisminGermany,
lackingreferencetocountriesoutsideofWesternEurope,ortheconservativepolitical
tradition.
Anotherframework,proposedbyForchtnerandKolvraa(2015),focusedonthe
dimensionsof‘natureinnationalism’:aesthetic,symbolic,andmaterial.Theaesthetic
dimensionentailsideasofpreservationassomethingunspoiledandbeautiful,aswellas
therightorprivilegeofnationalsubjectstoenjoytheircountrysideorlandscape
(ForchtnerandKolvraa,2015:204).Thesymbolicaspectfocusesonabstractvalues,
suchasthenotionofsovereigntyoveraparticularland–culturaldifferentiationfrom
othercommunities(ForchtnerandKolvraa,2015:204-5).Conversely,thematerial
aspectofthenature-nationalismnexusputsanemphasisontherelationshipwith
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modernityandrationalism:howaneco-nationalistconcerncanbejustifiedinrational
terms–natureasaninstrument,aresource.Whilethethreedimensionscoalescein
manyways,thisframeworkassuchmakesnosubstantialreferencetothesocial
imaginaryofthefarright,withwhichOlsensomewhatengaged–howthesociety
shouldbeorganizedinordertonurtureandprotecttheenvironment,andthevalues
andpositionsitupholds.
Buildingontheseexistingattempts,identifyingpropertiesofanideological
varietysuchas(farright)ecologismrequiresacomprehensivemethodological
roadmap.ThestartingpointforsuchinquiriesistheworkofMichaelFreeden,the
leadingscholarofcontemporaryideologystudies.Movingawayfromapproaches
framingideologiesassolid,manipulativesystemsdeconstructedbyfree-floatingand
detachedanalysts,Freeden(1994,1996)envisagesideologiesasubiquitousyetvolatile
formsofpoliticalthinkingorganizedinconceptualclusterswithadistinguishable
hierarchy.Thisnominalisthierarchyor‘ideologicalmorphology’,consistsofan
ineliminablesetofproperties(Freedendeliberatelyavoidstheterm‘core’),coupled
withadjacentandperipheraldimensionsaccountingforcontextualdifferences.To
explainhisabstractmodelbasedonindeterminacyandambiguityof‘essentially
contestable’concepts(seeKoselleck,2002),Freeden(2003:51)pointstoametaphorof
themodularunitsoffurniture(concepts)assembledinaparticularway.Through
diversearrangementsoffurniture,differentroomscanbecreated.Appliedtogreen
ideologies,holism4representsthecentral‘pieceoffurniture’,whereasbiodiversity,
community,control,decentralization,democracy,development,emancipation,equality,
harmony,organicism,participation,andself-sufficiencystandforadjacentconcepts
(Freeden,1996:529).Togetherwiththeadditionallogicaladjacenciestotheseconcepts
(equilibrium,thestate,bioregionalism,rationality,andplanning),Freeden(1996:545)
identifiesparticular‘culturalconstraints’(e.g.thepreponderanceofagricultureor
culturalromanticism)attheperipherythatmaybeofuseinidentifyingecofascist
utopia.Moreover,theconceptualthicknessaddstothecomplexityofhis
‘morphological’approach.Whileboththickandthinideologieshaveidentifiable
4 Freeden (1996: 527-8) defines holism as “the interdependence or harmony of all forms of life” comprising “organicism, interdependence, and equilibrium as desired ends as well as prerequisites for viable life and for human flourishing”
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morphology,thelatter(including‘greenideologies’)borrowtheirconceptualcontent
fromsubstantive,thickerideologies(e.g.fascismorsocialism)tosupplanttheir
conceptualambiguities(Humphrey,2001:504)
AlthoughFreedenrightlyrecognizesthefluidityand‘essentialcontestability’asa
definitivefeatureofconcepts,henceideologies,hisinsistenceonthethreefoldvisionof
morphologyappearsneedlesslyrigid.Capturinglogicalorcontextualadjacencies
analyticallyisultimatelyonlyportrayingthepaucityofthe(green)core.The‘thin’
ineliminablesubstanceofanyecologismsusceptibletothickerideologies(includingthe
farright)rendersperipheryasparamount.Sinceclosureisalwaysa‘matterofdegree’
(Freeden,1996:18),insistingondistinctionswithinadjacentandperipheral
dimensionsunderminestheinternalcomplexityanddynamismofthemorphology
itself.Representingcontextasadjacentorperipheraltacitlyassumesimaginedheuristic
andevenontologicalorder.However,conceptsandvaluesacquiretheirmeaning
throughhistoricallytransferredandcontextuallymoldeddiscursivetraditions
(Freeden,1996:54).Thus,Iwillexaminethewiderpoolofright-wingideologies
informingfarrightenvironmentalimaginary.Thesuggested,substantivemorphologyof
FREconsistsofasetofprincipalfeaturessupplantingholism,derivedfromecofascism
(butpresentinbroaderright-wingthought),witha‘greenperimeter’(adjacentand
peripheralconcepts)articulatedinconservativeandnationalistwritings.Without
exploringthewiderideationalclusterfromwhichmostofthefarrightargumentsin
relationtoenvironmentemanated,prospectiveempiricalcasesmaybedevoidof
nuancedanalysisduetotheconceptualshort-sightednessandlackofclarity.
FromBloodandSoiltospirituality,organicism,andnaturalism:carvingoutthe
keyelementsofFRE
Historically,thefirstassociationthatcomestomindwithecofascism(andfar
right)conceptuallyisthenotionofBloodandsoil(BlutundBoden)(Bramwell,1985,
Bassin,2005).EmergedinthewritingsofWaltherDarré,thisideaisatthecoreofFRE,
outliningaholisticworldviewthroughthreefundamentalelements:spirituality,
organicismandnaturalism.Rootedinpaganisticinterpretationsand‘strongspiritual
readiness’intheNaziGermany(BruggemeierandZioc,2005:7),ecofascismreliesonits
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mythicsubstance.5Althoughthespiritualcomponentisnotonlyimmanentto
ecofascism,asthesubstantialimpactofBuddhismandTaoismoncontemporary
environmentalthoughthasbeennotedbymany(Cheng,1986:351-70;Goodman,1980:
73-80;Nash,1992:113–16;Nelson,2009),farrightmysticismstandsoutwhen
comparedtootherformsofecologicalthinking(Biehl,1995:134).Thisspiritual
elementofthefarrightimaginaryconformstoecocentrism(Wall,2006),servingthe
caseofcritics,mostlytributariesofsocialecology(seeZeegers,2002),toassume
commonontologicalgroundingsofdeepecologyandfascism(BiehlandStaudenmeier,
1995),thoughfailingtorecognizeastrongorganicistbentatthecoreofsuchclaims.
Thespirituality-organicismnexuspromptsexplorationsonthevalueof
‘rootedness’infarrightimaginary.Theideaofrootedbeingsassumesanindivisible
unityoflivingcreaturesandtheenvironmentinwhichtheydwell(orofthebloodand
soil),forgedundertheinfluenceoftheanti-enlightenmenttraditionalism,disparaging
Christianity,capitalism,economicutilitarianism,hyper-consumptionandrampant
tourism(Staudenmeier,2011:5-6).Rootednessisnotonlyimmanenttofarrightvision
ofecologicalpolity:itcanbefoundine.g.bioregionalism.Conceptionsofaregionas
one'shomelandcanresemblenationalistregionalismwhenaregion'straditionsand
languagearespirituallytiedtoan'ancestral'landscape(Biehl,1995:34).Certainly,the
devotionofbioregionaliststodemocraticprinciplesandnotidentifyingbioregional
communitieswithanation-stateornationalbordersrenderstheminapplicableto
nationaliststandards(Olsen,2000:75),butorganicismisanoverarchingvalueacross
differentideologicaldomains.
Theholisticoutlookreflectedinspiritualityandorganicismimplicitlyassumes
theunityofnaturalandsocialworld,pointingtothecentralityof(social)naturalism.By
thinkingofhumanculturesasrootedinlandscapes,theaimofnaturalistsistoprotect
theintegrityofbothhumanandnon-humanagents,realigningthetraditional,
Enlightenmentarticulationofhumanrationality(SommersandBlock,2014:8).The
‘natural’worldbecomestheblueprintforsocialworld,eradicatingtheartificial
distinctionbetweenthetwo.Inethnopluralistview,thepresumedwholeness
5 The relationship between fascism and religion is a complex one, ranging from "cosmotheism" of William Pierce's National Alliance, to clero-fascism (e.g. in Croatia): including everything in between (see more Griffin, 2005).
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(organicism),articulatesculturesasseparablecontainers(deBenoist,1980),indicating
thatsomecultures,alientothehabitat,areincompetentforprotectingtheenvironment.
Hence,thefarrightutilizesthelogicofsocialnaturalismtoadvocatefortheexpulsionof
foreignspecies,e.g.anti-immigrationpolicies(Neumayer,2006)tomaintainthe
compositionalequilibrium.However,thecentralproblemofnaturalismisits
incompatibilitywithChristianity’sideaofhumanbeingsasdominant,stewardsof
nature.TheChristiantradition,supplantingmostofthe(particularlyEuropean)far
rightthought,isatoddswithecocentricandnaturalisticstandpoints,causingmajor
inconsistenciesinfarrightenvironmentalthinking.
Anapt(albeitextraordinarilyrare)exampleofecocentric,eco-fascistfarright
organizationisGreenlineFront,aninitiativeemanatedinUkraine,endorsingdeep
ecologistsbutalsovölkischwriters.GreenlineFrontfosterscontemporaryeco-fascist
mysticism,withtheirfundamentalgoalofpromotingan“ecologicalwayofthinking”,
and“comprehensionofthefactEarth'sbeingnotjustalifelesspieceofstone,butthe
Motherofeverycreaturealive,motherofhumanity,aswell."(GreenlineFrontOfficial
Blog,2019).
However,thisdistinctivespiritualityandmysticismarenotonlyimmanentto
(eco)fascism,assuchvaluescanbefoundacrosstheChristiansideofthefarright
spectrum:forinstance,intheirenvironmentalprogram,entitled"InHarmonywith
Nature",Jobbik,theHungarianfarrightparty,arguedthatitsgoalis:
…strengtheningtheroleofcommunitiesthatarelivinginharmonywiththeir
surroundings,thataremoreandmoreself-sufficientintermsofenergyandfood,and
thatarestrong,andrich,bothmateriallyandspiritually.
(Jobbik,2010:23,inKyriazi,2019:7)
Thisquoteintroducesanother,rather(logically)adjacentelementtothe
morphologyofFRE:thatofautarky.Toexploreandunderstandvaluesthatcouldbe
consideredadjacenttothecorevaluesofspirituality,organicism,andnaturalism,itis
necessarytoexpandthescopebylookingatother,conservativeandnationalist
interventionsinecologicalthought.
ThegreenperimeterofFRE:utilizingthewiderideologicalscope
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AutarkyisnotanineliminablevalueofFRE,asitreferstopredominantly
economicsetofarguments,adjacenttoenvironmentalimaginary.Commonlyassociated
withthemoralsuperiorityofpeasantproduction,autarkyisenvisagedasthepathway
totherevitalizationofboththeeconomyandthenationalpride.Manyconservative6
intellectualssincethe18thcenturyidealizedthepristine,self-sufficientandvirtuous
ruralworldasopposedtoongoingindustrializationandculturaldecadence.Infact,the
fundamentalsetofstatementsuponwhichpioneereco-philosophyemanatedcomes
fromaconservativepoliticaltradition,criticalofmodernity,Enlightenmentand
rationalism.Autarkybuildsonthe‘rootedness’principle,recallingaprofound
relationshipbetweenthepeopleandthelandinwhichtheylive.
Theautarkicelementalsobearsanaestheticstylizationofwhatwasperceivedas
naturalbeautyintoacharacteristicofaregionor'tribe',oreventuallythenational
culturalheritage(Ditt,2000:13-24).Essentiallyderivedfromromanticism,itenvisages
atomized,self-sustainablecommunities,the‘caretakers’ofthelandincontroloflocal
resources.Thisistiedtoanaturalist(andnationalist)viewofculturesinherently
soakedinthelandscape,the‘ethnoscape’(Smith,2009).Sincelandissymbolically
weddedtotheideaofhome,itappearsnaturalforonetohaveprofoundfeelings
towardsit,formingalogical,albeitsymboliclinkbetweenthepast,presentandthe
future(Palmer,1998).This‘nationalizationofnature’highlightsthe‘passiverolethat
natureplaysinthisfamiliarizedconceptionoflandscape’(Kaufmann,1998:667).The
‘nationalized’Naturecanalsobearticulatedaswildanduntamed,nostalgicallyharking
backtothespiritualnostalgiaofvastanduntouchedlandscapes–natureasthe“symbol
ofhome,ofsacredfatherland,andtheidyllicpast.”(Hunka,deGroot,andBiela,2009:
432).
Apartfromthenostalgiaforautarkiccommunities,theideaofstewardship
logicallystemsoutofistheconservativeappreciationofresponsibility,restingonan
assumptionthatanoptimalstateforconservingnatureandnurturingtheloveforone’s
homeisahomeostaticsystem(Scruton,2013).Toelaboratethisorganicistidea,
6 There have been plenty of works on conservative political tradition and philosophy (writings of Edmund Burke, Michael Oakeshott). Here, I operationalize conservatism mainly from the writings of classical conservative writers (with an exception of Roger Scruton), as an ideology that advocates for autonomy, hierarchy, traditional social institutions, and property rights.
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Scruton(2012:227)usestheconceptofoikophilia–theloveoftheoikos,notonlythe
homebutthepeoplecontainedinit,thesurroundingsettlementsthatendowthathome;
‘Theplacewhichisours,where“italltakesplace”’.Again,commercializingheritageis
deplored,asoikophiliaisalivinginheritance,towards‘embellishmentandrenewalof
theplotoftheearthtowhichoneisattached’(Scruton,2012:412).Goingbackin
history,thesocialcomponentofstewardship(oikophilia)isembodiedinSirArthur
Tansley’spost-warideaoftrusteeshipforlandsandindividualsincapableofself-
preservationbydesigning‘homeregions'inordertoinstillthesenseofcareamong
thosewhoweredisplacedduringtheSecondWorldWar.Inthisway,thepeople
inhabitingtheareaneartothenationalparkwouldberesponsiblefornature
conservation,whichwouldsimultaneouslyprovideasenseofhomeandanopportunity
forarenewalofculturalvalues(Anker,2001:227).
Suchideationsare,inFreeden’sterms,culturallyadjacent–framinglandowners
as‘caretakers’ofthelandandtheancestry,virtues,andtraditionsofthelandis
particularlypopularinsocieties(suchastheEnglish)whereaconsiderablecultural
valueisplaceduponthelandscapes,butalsothegenerationalbondsassociatedwiththe
land(Hay,2002:180).Thus,itisnowonderthatScruton’swritingsonstewardshipand
thelogicof‘responsibleToryism’intheenvironmentalspherehaveproliferatedinsuch
settings.
Theautarkiccommunityresembledintheideaofstewardshipposesaquestion
abouttheroleandnatureofauthoritywithinthefarrightimaginary.Ononehand,a
numberofgreennationalanarchistgroups,particularlythoseassociatedwiththealt-
rightintheUS,disparagestatistconnotations,insteadadvocatingforadecentralized,
racializedconceptionofsocialism(Taylor,2019:12).Ontheotherhand,returningto
theconservativepoliticalthought,eco-authoritarianismhasbeenassociatedwiththe
neo-Malthussianthinking,championedbysomepoliticalconservativesandnature
conservationists,integratedwithinthecontemporaryenvironmentalmovementsince
the1960s.7
7 The role of influential conservatives in the development of green parties should also not be ignored: from figures such as Herbert Gruhl in Germany to Pennti Linkola in Finland, or the interesting case of Brice Lalonde in France, who only later turned towards more conservative ideological positions. While these generally remained on the fringe of the wider movement, many conservative thinkers, such as Edward Goldsmith, found themselves to be supporters of neo-Malthusian thinking, now one of the key elements of far right discourse.
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Thefundamentalcontentionofneo-Malthusiandoomsdayersistoarguethat
liberaldemocracy,duetoitsbrokeragebetweencompetinginterests,isunfittoaddress
theimminent,ecologicallywroughtdisaster.Thedireprescriptionsofsuchauthors
revealedaconspicuousdistrustofhumannature,arguingfordraconian,authoritarian
frugalityinsolvingtheenvironmentalproblem(Goldsmith,1972:277-90;Hardin,1968;
Heilbroner,1974).Althoughclaimingthatsuchthinkerswereinnatelyconservative
wouldbeanoverstatement,thesharedskepticismofthecapabilityofordinarypeople
tosolvethe‘environmentalriddle'isvivid.Eventhoughthisenthusiasmof
conservativesfortheprotectionoftheenvironmenthasgenerallyfadednowadays,itis
oftenforgottenthatmanyAmericanconservativepoliticiansandthinkers(Buckley,
Goldwater)untilthe1980swereenvironmentalists(Farber,2017).
However,itisworthnotingthattoday,proponentsofthe‘neo-con’position
argueforafree-marketresolutiontotheenvironmentalcrisis,whichisfundamentally
atoddswiththevaluesupheldbythefarright(AndersonandLeal,2006;Austinand
Phoenix,2005;BennettandBlock,1991;Jacques,Dunlap,andFreeman,2008;Tranter,
2017).Conversely,traditionalconservatives,basedontheworksofBurkeand
Oakeshott,promoteasocietybuiltonresponsibilityandcontinuitythroughthe
stewardshipoftheenvironment(Ujj,2013).Itsoppositiontosocialandpolitical
experimentationanditsendorsementofhierarchicalauthorityputsconservatismat
considerableoddswiththetypologypresentedbyHumphrey(2002:504)(namelythe
‘radicaldemocratization’component).Althoughinstarkoppositiontotheideasof
fascism,conservatismremainsopentointerpretationsofitsconnectionwiththeland.
Thepresenceofsurvivalistandneo-Malthusiantraditionsinecopoliticalthought
capitalizingonideassuchasoikophiliamakestheseconservativevaluessusceptibleto
farright,illiberalmomentumconcealedbehindnationalist,right-wingpopulism.
Unlikefascismandconservatism,seenas‘thick’right-wingideologieswith
illustrativefeatures(Rydgren,2017),theconceptualobscurityofpopulismand
nationalismas‘thin-centered’ideologies(Mudde,2004)convolutesarticulatingcore
valuesofthesecategories.However,theabilitytoemployManichean,binary
representationsinpolicydebatesallowsright-wing,nationalpopuliststoengagewith
environmentaltopics(CapstickandPidgeon,2014;Carvalho,2007;Farstad,2017;
Forchtneret.al.2018;FrauneandKnodt,2018).Therefore,notallright-wingpopulists
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are‘anti-environmental’:MatteoSalvini,theinfamousleaderofLegaNordandthe
MinisterofInternalAffairsintheItalianGovernment,spokeabout“defendingourseas,
ourmountains,ourlakes,ourrivers,ourseas”(Italiambiente,2018),alludingtoa
paramountsignificanceofspacefornationalistrhetoric.Landscapeisaplacefor
contestedidentitiesandnostalgia,butalsoforinsider/outsidertropes–itisthrough
thelossofaccesstotheland,throughitsabsence,thattheplacegainsitsspecialvalue
(CederlofandSivaramakrishnan,2011:9).Therelationshipbetweennationalismand
theland(Motherland,HomeCountry,orNativeSoil)becomesmediatedthrough
connectingdistinctpeoplesindistinctspaces,articulatingthelatteras‘sacred’(Smith,
1991).Amidclaimsthatenvironmentalistnationalismisaprerequisiteforan
emancipatorymoveagainstcapitalism(Gare,1995:144),thenostalgicelementmakes
environmentalismandnationalismoddbedfellows.Nationalisthistoricalendorsement
ofruralismhampersendeavorstomakeenvironmentalismmoreappealingtoawider,
urbanaudience(de-Shalit,1996:82).
BasedontheempiricalcasesofTrumporBolsonaro,populisteco-nationalism
doesnotseemplausible,norarethosewhoconsiderthemselveseco-fascistsinterested
inobtainingsupportofthemasseslikepopulists.Theallegedeco-centrismof
ecofascismishardlyapplicabletonationalist,evenlesspopulistanthropocentric
postulates:the‘people’aretheonesindanger,theonesthataregivenpriority.Still,
therearecasesofright-wingpopulistparties:JobbikandMiHazánkinHungary,orthe
LatvianNationalAlliance,offarrightanthropocentricenvironmentalism:promoting
common-senseresponsibilityforthehomelandincludingcirculareconomy,organic
farming,andclimateaction.Departingfromtheconceptualexplorationacrossthe
‘green’elementsoffascism,conservatism,andnationalpopulism,itwillbepossibleto
illuminatewhatthecontemporaryfarrighthastakenupfromtheseideologiesin
construingitsownecologicalstandpoint.
ThemorphologyofFRE:essentialcontestabilityatthecore
Theongoingstrugglefordominatingthediscourseontheenvironmentby
assertingthevalueslinkedtoheritagesymbolismand/ornationalidentityhas
attendantimplicationsforprospectiveempiricalinquiries.Notwithstandingtheoften-
eclecticnatureofthefarright(suchastheproblemsregardingself-ascription),an
additionalobstacleinassemblingthevaluesoftheexaminedideologicalstrandsare
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12
contradictionsvisibleinspecificenvironmentaldebates
(anthropocentrism/ecocentrism,animalwelfareandhunting).Forinstance,thefar
rightusuallyutilizestwomajorargumentsformoraljustificationofhuntingderived
fromecologicalethics:a)thathuntingisusefulasawildlifemanagementtool;b)it
induceslessdamagethanfarming(fordetails,seeCahoone,2009).However,someeco-
fascists,departingfromantimodernistandevenmore,anticapitalistconvictionsare
stronglyagainsthuntingandcarnivorediet,since“…vegandietisawaytoopposethe
animalindustry,fullofimmensesufferingandpromoterofthedestructionoftheplanet,
alsoraisingthisdietasameansofpurificationandphysical-spiritualascent.”(Greenline
Front,Blog,2019).
Inspiteofthesevariations,themorphologyofFREcanstillbeconsideredan
ideal-typebecauseitassistsinterpretationsoffarrightsupportforenvironmentally-
friendlypolicies.Suchanundertakingisinevitablyarbitrary,sinceanyheuristicdevice
requiresappendingdiscerniblefeaturesanddisregardingotherpotentiallypresent
elements.Thefarright,regardlessofitsvariegatedmodality,almostunanimously
departsfromradicalnationalistpositions,whichultimatelymolditsecologicalagenda.
Thismanifestsinthecallsfor‘rerooting’ofnationinnature(Voss2014:53),asserting
theintimateandintricatevalueofplaceandnatureoverall,originatedinromanticist
writings(seeHinchmanandHinchman,2007).Moreover,thisprofoundnessappealsto
theoikophillicsenseofresponsibilityforfuturegenerations.Forinstance,theFreedom
PartyofAustria,initspoliticalprogramsuggeststhisdutycuttingacrossdifferent
generations:"Weareawareofourattachmenttoourforefathersandourresponsibility
toourdescendants,andwanttopreserveahomelandforfuturegenerationsthat
facilitatesautonomouslivinginanintactenvironment…"(FreedomPartyofAustria–
PartyProgram,2011).Torecapitulate,FREbringstogethervaluespresentedacrossthe
ideologicaldomainsoutlinedinthisarticle,namely:naturalism,spirituality,mysticism,
authority,organicism,autarky,nostalgia,andManicheanism.
Naturalism.Thefarrightpositionsonbiodiversityareultimatelyshapedbythe
ideaofa“nationalecosystem”(Forchtner,2019c)–sharingthenaturalistpostulatesof
thenationasindivisiblefromnaturallaws.Thisservestopointtothosewhoresemble
out-of-place,invasive,evenexoticspecies(seePeretti,1998,andHettinger,2001for
debatesonbiologicalnativism),whichinasociobiologicalsense,justifiestheexclusion
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ofnon-nationals.Yearningfor‘natural’borders,referringtogeographicalunities(such
asbasins)imbuedwithnostalgiaforlong-lostterritories,isanotherexampleofthe
synthesisofnaturalismandnationalism.Thus,respectforeverything“natural”arises
fromintrinsicqualitiesofnatureratherthanamoralduty.However,thehierarchy
withintheman-nation-naturerelationisnotfirm,asitdiffersacrossthefarright
spectrum:thepopulistradicalrightbeingusuallyanthropocentric,whilethemore
extremeelementspurporttheeternalbondbetweentheseoverlappingentities,
veneratingnatureforitspowerandauthenticityinrelationtofrailtyofnation-states.
Spiritualityandmysticism.Eventhoughitisdifficulttoaccountforauniversal
religiouspositionofthecontemporaryfarrightgivenitspatchynature,farright
ecologismindisputablyrestsonsomeformofspirituality.Forthosebelongingtothese
groupsincountrieswithaChristianmajority,natureisa"God-givengift",andthus
responsibilityforitsprotectionliesuponhumanbeings.Thiscanbeseenasconflicting
withtheeco-centricnaturalistpostulate,sometimesreflectedinthefarrightecological
activism,asariftbetweendynamismandfatalism.Forinstance,somefarright
organizationsbelongingtowidercirclesofaccelerationismandfuturism,advocatefora
hypermoderntechnologicalsolutionstoproblemscreatedbyunenlightenedmasses
(Taylor,2004:17).Tothefarright,environmentaldegradationisasymptomofa
“spiritualdeficit”,inducedbymodern“ideologiesofprogress”.ThisinvokesDurkheim’s
ideaofanomie,asenseofagonizingrootlessnesspermeatingrationalizedhumanity,
devoidofitsperennialcravingfornatureastheatavisticsourceofstabilityin
tumultuoustimes.Becauseofthisspiritualerosion,eventhosewhoconsider
themselvesasgreenstoday‘nolongerfeelamysticalconnectionwithnature,withthe
earth,withtheirhomeland,withthenation.’(Koziel,1991).
Organicismandautarky.Regardlessofinnertensionswithinthefarright,
fosteringcommunalresponsibilityforenvironmentalcareisnottobetakenasasimple
sumofindividualresponsibilities.Evenifideallyautarkicandself-sustainable,aself-
reliantindividualisultimatelyembeddedinthe(national)community.Eachhuman
communityandcultureisuniqueandauthentic,formingacommoneco-system,abiome
withotherorganicandinorganicelements,fromwhichkinshiptieswithothercreatures
areextrapolated.Inthisholisticyetcyclicalimageryofboomsandbusts,nationsand
theirnaturedevelop,degenerate,andfinallyfadeaway.AsFriedrichRatzel,oneofthe
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14
foundingfathersof(German)geopoliticsreportedlyargued,“[t]heunionbetweenman
andtheearthisanorganicbond;notmerelyananalogy,asinthevariousbiological
organictheoriesofsociety,butasarealunion,ascientifictruth.”(Ratzel,1911:2,in
Neumann,1966:39).Thosewhoarerootedinthesoilaremoreself-dependent,butalso
morecognizantoftheprofoundnessoftherelationbetweenamanandtheland,as
opposedtonomadic–uncivilized,feralorcosmopolitanlifestyles.
Authority.Thefarrightholdsaprofoundcontempttowardsdemocracybutalso
pointstowardsthemorefundamentalissueofconsistencybetween
nonanthropocentrismanddemocracy(seeMichael,2019).Itssociallyconservativeand
“anti-globalist”natureconditionsthecallsforlocal-basedinitiatives.Duetothe
imminentnatureofthethreat,thismulti-leveledchangehastobeanti-democraticand
instigatedbyacentralauthority–forPenttiLinkola,aFinnishdeepecologistmuch
admiredbythefarright,evenanincompetentdictatorhastobesmarterthanthewillof
themajority(PenttiLinkolaWebsite).Eco-authoritarianismisnotanovelty:notonly
that(togetherwithnaturalism),itwasusedbyOlseninhisframeworkofright-wing
ecology,butithasalsobeenlongobservedinenvironmentalthought(seeHay2002:
184).However,thenatureofthatauthorityisunclearandhasnotbeenadequately
problematizedinpreviousframeworks.Whileauthoritariantendenciesin
environmentalthoughtarenotexclusivelytiedtothefarright8,theycansometimesbe
relinquishedbyeco-fascistsorthealt-right,asseeninthecaseofthedecentralized
GreenlineFrontorNationalAnarchists.Intheserenderings,theideaofauthorityis
oftentransposedtoanon-anthropomorphicentity.Thisisoftenjustifiedthroughthe
ineptnessofhumanleadershiptoadapttotheprospectiveecologicalchange–implying
thesupremevalueofspirituality.
NostalgiaandManicheanism.Thefarrightissituatedin-betweenthethrustfor
rebirthandtheessentiallyconservativeappreciationofnatureandtraditional
livelihoodslosttothealienencroachmentsonthenationalbeing.Thisdegreeof
confusiontraversesacrossthefarrightdiscourse:althoughnostalgiaisusually
articulatedinimagesofpristinenatureandidylliccountryside,italso‘potentiates
8 Shahar (2015) mentions the example of the Soviet Union or the socialist China as the applications of distinct forms of eco-authoritarianism.
Forthcoming in Environmental Values. ©2019 the White Horse Press www.whpress.co.uk
15
attainablefuture’(SedikidesandWildschut,2016,p.319).Thus,movingbeyondmere
escapism,nostalgiaisaproactivenotion,deployedinvariousdimensionsof
environmentalgovernance(Howell,Kitson,andClowney,2019).Promotingorganic,
family-farmingasameansforrevivingtraditionalvaluesisanexampleofhowthese
valuescanberealized.Thepersistentanti-cosmopolitansentimentbringsabout
absolutedistinctionsandpopulistManicheanisminadvocatingtheradicalchange(and
appealingtoauthority).Theclaritythroughwhichthefarrightrenderstheworld
separatesregressiveforcesofenvironmentalismtermedas‘liberal’or‘globalist’
(internationalorganizationsincluded),fromtheauthenticnationalistcarefornature.
Theabovementionedfeaturesoffarrightecologismasaconceptareallderived
fromthebroaderstrandsinformingfarrightthought.Still,itisimportanttonotethat
ideologiesandsub-ideologicalconcepts(suchasFRE)constitute‘illusionarywholes’
(Freeden,2001:95).SinceFREisanideal-type,itisnotdesignedforbox-tickingof
discoursesontheenvironment.Thepresenceof‘movingparts’withinfarright
ecologicalpositions,suchastheambivalencetowardsanthropocentrism,pointtothe
needforutmostcautionwhenapproachingempiricalcases.Itsmodularstructure
craftedthroughtheoreticalexplorationsultimatelydependsonthepublicperceptionon
howconceptsarebeingdismantledandreassembledbythefarright.Therefore,despite
identifyingtheineliminablecluster(spirituality,organicism,naturalism)derivedfrom
ecofascism,the‘adjacent’andperipheralfeaturesconstitutingthe‘greenperimeter’can
beequallyrelevant.Itisthe‘WolfofContext’(Latour,2005:177),thatdeterminesthe
extenttowhichthesevaluesarepresentorrealizedinfarrightdiscourseandpractice.
AsKoselleck(2001:36)argued,whilethespeechactsandactualacts(Tathandlungen)
areintertwined,thediachronicchangeonthetheoreticallevelmaynotoccuronthe
sametemporallevel.Thus,itisthejobofFREtocapturethischange,afterecofascism
depleteditsmethodological(ifnottheoretical)potential.
Conclusion
Farrightattemptstoinfluenceenvironmentalthoughtandconfigureauthentic
valuesarecomplexandappearinmultifariousways,transcendingmereecofascism.
Valuingtheceaselessencounterofthegenerationsandtheenvironmenttowhichthey
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16
areweddedhascomealongway,beginninginthelinkagebetweentheagrarian
imageryandtheethnicsubstanceprovidedby19th-centuryromanticnationalism.9Far
rightecologismalsopointstotheconceptualproblemswithintheideological
morphology,particularlytherelationshipbetweenthecore-periphery.Farfrombeing
marginal,farrightecologismpresentsadistinctivesetofvalues,althoughintertwined
withmoremainstreamgreenideologies.Itsfoundationalelements:spiritualityand
mysticism,organicism,andnaturalism,substitutethevaguenessofFreeden’sholism.
The‘greenperimeter’(althoughthetermisunjustasitisnolessrelevantthanthe
‘core’):autarky,authority,nostalgia,andManicheanworldview,areallpresentinthe
widerright-wingthought,albeitincontrasttotheclimateskepticismoranti-
environmentalmarketfundamentalismalsoassertedbysometributariesof
conservatismorpopulism.Moreover,FREenhancestheexistingframeworks
addressingfarrightvaluesontheenvironmentbypointingtoadistinctivesocial
imaginaryaswellasinconsistencies,notbeenemphasizedinexistinganalyses.Assuch,
FREstandsforanideal-type,aheuristic‘exaggeration’(Weber,quotedinBurger,1976:
127-8),nonethelessimportantforassessinghowthecontemporaryfarrightvaluesthe
naturalenvironment.Normatively,farrightecologismstandsin-betweenitsradical
impetusandnormalizingeco-politicsina‘post-ecologicalsociety’(seeBlühdornand
Welsch,2007).Simultaneously,FREchallengesthewin-winlogicofsustainable
developmentwithindemocratic,consumercapitalism,yetstillverymuchrelyingonthe
‘symbolicindustry’ofBeck’srisksociety.However,thesuggestedcategoriesofFRE
orientthoseundertakingempiricalinquiriestowardstheseinconsistenciesand
ambiguitiesoffarrightdiscourseandvalues,allowingforprospectivetheoreticaland
normativeexplorations.
9 Some authors (see Kaufman, 1998) point to the pre-romanticist tradition of ‘wild landscapes’, to which romanticist political thought is clearly linked.
Forthcoming in Environmental Values. ©2019 the White Horse Press www.whpress.co.uk
17
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
IamthankfultoBernhardForchtner,AlanWatt,AlexiosAntypas,MarkoLubarda,and
twoanonymousreviewersfortheirvaluableandcontinuousfeedbackindeveloping
thisarticle.Allmistakes,ofcourse,remainmyown.
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