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8/18/2019 Fourth International - July 1940 - Socialis Workers Party
1/16
— 94
Fourth
tern
ation
e Mon t h l y Ma ga z i n e of t h e Soc i a l i s t Wor k er s Pa r
“N TION LUNITY”
d i t or i a l omm en t
P N ND MERIC in the P CIF
r
By J CK WEBER
‘HE UNIONS ND POLI’
By F RRELL DOBBS
FRIC N SL VES OF IMPERI LIS
By SP
THE AMERICANTELEPHONE
By C
CURTISS
TELEGRAPHCO
Twenty
C
8/18/2019 Fourth International - July 1940 - Socialis Workers Party
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Manager’s Column
On t h e m a s t h ea dof t h e J u ne
s uey ou prob ab ly not iced the
“md class mail ingrights
for.” The sa mephra seis
this issue.All of
ch m ea n s t h a t t h e F OU R TH
s a ga in bein g
e dt o y ou a t t h e a l l bu t p ro-
t ive3rd class mail ingrat es .
is im pos sible,of cou rs e, t o
e w hent he P os t O ff iced e-
r t m en tw i ll a c t u pon ou r a p -
i ca t i on ,or even i f the ir d eci -
n wil l be favorableto us. We
on ly h ope t h a t by t h e t im e
tissueis of f the press
w ill h a v e o bt a i nedou r Zn d
s pe rm it .An d in t h e m ea n -
e are desperat elyshort
posta gemoney.
A gr ea t m a jor it y of t ir for -
desa re now una bleto
ntr i buteo the s uppor tof our
An d y et it is ou r d ut y
continuegettingto themeach
wh erethereis an y possibil-
of i t reachi ngthem.And , b e
w e find w a ys a nd
s uppor tof the F O U R THN-
a lk n OW, mOr e
rs of the Ameri cancomrad es
Evidenceof insufficientsup-
r t i s the f act tha t th i s i s suei s
ly 16 pa ges inst ea d of t he
ar32. This mustbe only a
rringimperia liststrikea bar-
n o r n ot , Am er ica i s in for a
dof reaction.The FOURTH
a s w or k t o d o;
t cannotbe d el ay edor
The mostefficientwa y to meet
s c r is is i s b y pa y i n ga l l b un -
orderbills promptlya nd in
l . E v ery b ranch u ts q uare
ac counti f w e are to cont i nue
Somebrancheshave
st otaling 100.If th esecom-
s ma k en o ef for t t o p a y of f
indebtednesshe time wil l
omewhenwe shal lbe forcedt o
set heira ccounts.Don’t a llow
is t o ha ppen E very single
opy of the F O U R THNTE R NA-
I O NALmus t reac h a w orker .
I f t h e n um ber on y ou r
wrapperreads:
N 44 or F 3,
your subscriptionexpires
witht his issue.In orderto
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PublishedbutheNational Committeef the i300kW8tWorkemPorttf
VolumeI
J uly 1940
No. 3 Whole No. S
Publizheclmonth l yb y the S O C I ALI S TORKERS PARTY,1SUni-
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Ed4tot i aJBoar d:
J AME SP . C ANNON
J OSEP HHANSEN
ALB E RTG O~ lKAN
FELIXMORROW
General M anager:
MI CH AELC ORT
TAB L E OF C ONTE NTS :
E D I TORI AL C OMME NT . . . . . . . . . . .
67
J AP AN AND AME RI CA I N TH E P AC IF IC by ] Z k
W eber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70
TH E U N IONS AN D P O LI TI CS
by FuwreuDobbs . 73
AF R I C AN S L AVE S O F I M P E R I AL I S M by SP . . 75
THE AMERICANTELEP HONEAND TELE GRAPH
COMPANY Book R m”ew
by C. Curtiss . . . . 7g
MANAGE R’S COLUMN
InsideFr on t Cover
1s7
4
Ma kethispossibleby pay ingup.
ALLE NTOWN will loseRuth
I t ’s n ot t oo m uch t o a s k
Q. a s lit er at ur ea gen t for t he
Now tha twe’vegottentha tof f
our ches t ,a f ew patson theb ack
a r e i n or d er . Wi t h t h e t h i r d i s -
sueoff the press,it is possibleto
t a k e a m or e ob ject iv e v iew of
t h e r ecen t s ub scr ip t ion d r iv e.
The d r iv ew as d ef in i tel ya s uc-
cess. The party respondedwith
disciplinea ndent husia sma nd a
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NEWINTERNATIONALould be
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t h ey k new t h a t i t s h on or ed ca -
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a n d t h ey k ne w t h a t a s ucces sor
(n ot a com pet it or )h a d t o be
esta blishedwith outthe loss of a
s ing le month .
Directives from
the Nat ionalOff icew ereha rdly
need ed ,f or the b ranchess pon-
ta neouslymobilizeda nd flooded
t h is off ice w i th s ubs cr ipt ion s.
Well done We all deservea lit-
t le s elf-con gr a t u la t i on . . bu t
no rel ax a t i on .
***
FLINT is t he a nsw er t o a
B us i n ess Ma n a ger ’s pr a yer .
Wh il e t h e b ra n ch i s s m a ll, it is
extremelya ggressive.La st w eek
a n ot e ca m e fr om H en r iet t aG .
w h i ch r ea d , “ We t h in k t ha t t h e
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E nclosed is 10 for I O subs.
Morew ill fol low.”And not only
t h a t , bu t F lin t com r a des k eep
th eirbundleorderpa idup.What
m or e ca n b e s a id ?
s ummerand the pa ; ty w i ll mis s
her f ine s erv ices. S he has con-
t ribu ted t o t h e su cces s o f t h e
FO U RTHNTER NATIO NALndshe
en t er s t h e h os pi t a lw i t h a l l t h e
thoughtsan dw ishesof her com-
radesfor a speedyrecovery.
***
ROCHESTERandK.S.should
receivespecialmen tion.Im medi-
a t e ly a f t er t h e s pl it t h er e w e r e
v ery f ew comrad esl ef t to carry
on t h e w o rk of s ellin ga n d d is -
tr ibutinghemagazine.F ar f rom
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actua llybecam emorea ctiveand
mili tant .K.S . has increasedhis
bundleordert w icean dkeepshis
accountsbala nced.He receives
m a n y ex t ra cop ie s of t h e m a g a -
zineandusesthemtomakecon-
tac t w i th the w orkers. There i s
no quest ionbut tha t th eRoches-
t e r b ra n ch w i ll g r ow a n d w i de n
its influencea mongthe workers.
***
N o s um mer s lu mp i n N EW
HAVEN either .Nick L. real izes
tha tpromptbundlepayment s re
vit a ly n eces sa r y. An d I .L . of
Y O U N G S T O t WN keeps a
s t ea d y s t r ea m of n ew s ub scr ip -
tionscomingint ot his office.He
d oes n’t let t h em collect in h is
pock et ,b ut s en d si n a f ew ea c h
w eek. That ’s the properw ay to
handlei t .
***
Thereisa newbranchin MIL-
WAU K E E a n d w e expect big
resu lt son th e FOU RTHNTER NA-
TIONALa lesout th ere.It ’s a fine
proleta riancenteran dth em aga -
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B U F F AL O i s g a in in g s pe ed i n
pa r t y a ct iv it y .We h ope t o r e-
por t soon t ha t t his br a nch
amongthe F.I . ac t iv is tsalso.
***
A fina l w ord a bout loc
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FOURTH INTERN TION L
Th e Mon t h l y Maga z i n e of t he soci al i st w orkers par
—
VOLUME I
JULY 1940
NUMBE
Editorial
The Burning of the Books
T
o CONDEMN t o t he fla m es t he cu lt ur al cr ea t ion of t he
fift een y ea r s of t h e Weim a r r epu blic—t h a t for m a ny
people ba r ed for t h e fir st t im e t h e u tt er ba r ba r ism of
N a zis m. Th er e is lit t le li kel ih ood of s eein g t h a t pa r t icu la r
s pect a cle in t h is cou nt r y
in the next few years. But the
attempt is alreadybeingmade to wipeout from our minds
themost thoughtful and creativecontributionswhich liter-
ary men and historians have made in America during the
period sincethe last war—andwe are not
thinkinghere
of
Marxist writing.We havehad thespectacleof anArchibald
MacLeish,Librarian of Congress,addressingthe American
Library Associationto deplorethe creativewriting of the
last twenty years
—he mentioned Hemingway, Remarque
and a few others, but his remarks really applied to prac-
tically every worthwhile poet and novelist—which,by in-
culcating skepticism and distrust of fine phrases, had
ill-prepareda generation to realize that there were things
really worth fighting for, i.e., American
capitalism.But
MacLeishwas merely a bit clumsyin blurting out what is
quietlybeing done systematically:the schoolsand colleges,
the liberalmagazines,the press, the radio, the movies, are
speedilydivesting themselvesof every particle of critical
intelligencewhich may have adhered to them during the
quarter-centurysincethe last war. They are gettingdownto
fightingtrim by throwingaway everythingtheyonceknew.
Nor is this process an unnecessaryone. Who can read
the novelsof a Hemingwayor a Remarqueaboutthe effects
of the last war and willinglygo through anotherwar of the
samekind?They must get rid of eventhe better text-books.
Consider, for example, the eminent and respectable,the
late Professor Parker
T. M oon ’s, “I mper ia lis m,” a book
u s ed f or cou r ses a t m a n y u n iv er s it i es s i nce i t w a s p ub li sh ed
i n 1925. Th a t
book is dynamitetoday as we approach the
threshold of war. For any intelligentyoung lad can get
enoughout of it to establishconclusivelythat this war is
but a continuationof the last war, both imperialistwars for
re-divisionof the earth, that the declineof the British and
French empires was envisagedon the basis of economic
analysis,and that it was a foregone conclusionthat the
new challenger for world dominionwould have to clash
with the United States.
Professor Moon and hundreds of others explained to
their classes,year in year out, the particular difficultiesof
Germany.Having failed to achievethe nationalunification
of Germanybefore 1870,that powerappearedon the inter-
nationalarenaafter the world had beenparcelledout by the
other great powers. Germany could get nothing remotely
Comment
resemblingthe great empireswhichBritain and France
carved out by peacefulmeans, i.e., by subjugation of
European peoples.There was not even left for Germ
what the smaller powers,Belgium,Holland and Portu
had managegto grab. Germanytherefore preoccupiedi
with creating a first-rate industrial machinewhich, u
the lawsof capitalism,had to findnewmarkets,newsou
of raw materialsand new fieldsfor investment.Since t
were none left, she had to try to take those which ot
had, a processwhich led to the first world war. Instea
solvingher problemsby that war, Germanywas defea
thanks to Americanintervention,and driven back into e
narrower confinesthan before.
So much all the more intelligentprofessors told. S
of them also added that the constrictingconfinesin w
German industry found itself after Versailles led to
desperateresort to fascism as a means of atomizing
Germanworking class and re-arming Germany.From
point the intelligentlad could finish the story for him
MacLeishis-perfectlyright. If the Americanpeoplear
fight this war with any morale at all, the elementaryf
ings of Americaneducationmust be abandoned.
The Difference Between
Germany and the “Democracies”
There is a certain note of sincerity in the insistencet
for America, England and France are different than G
many.The real distinctionof coursehas nothing to do w
the “democracy”of the British and French empires. T
genuinelyfriendly feelingfor them felt by Americanfin
cial and industrial interests is based on the inferiority
these empires in competitionwith American imperial
Especiallysincethe first world war, they were never a s
ous
problemin anyof theworld’smarkets.Livingprima
off their coloniesand with no driving need to transfo
their rather archaictechnolo~, their industrialdevelopm
laggedfar behindAmerica’s,which had not reallycom
age until 1914-18when it expandedall the more quic
But the dynamicsof Germandevelopmenttook a diffe
course.Just becauseit had no empire from whichto dr
riches, Germancapitalismhas beendrive since1870 to
velopa technologicalplant far superior to that of Engl
and France. Applyingthis plant to a Europe from whic
has forcibly removed the main national barriers —
United States of Europehad to come,if not createdby
workers whose sloganit was, then by the most reaction
nationalism —Germanyif it had time to organize on
continentalscalewould surpass the United States in ind
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ge 68
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
July 194
ial plant and, hence, outstrip it in the world’s markets.
hat Germany’s Victory Means
American /mperia/ism
The reorganizationof Europe under German mastery
uestionablymeansa sharp drop in Americanexports to
rope itself—and that area has been accountingfor 40-
~0of Americanexports. Hitler, indeed,will bar .4mer-
an products from Europe as completelyas possible,con-
rting the continent into a private preserve. The loss of
arkets in Europe is however, the least of the penalties
Americanimperialismwillpay for a GermanizedEur-
e.In South America, importantnot merely for what im-
rts and capital investmentit has beentaking, but for the
r-greater market it can be if firmlyorganizedby a great
wer, and even more important as a source of vital raw
aterials, a Nazi-dominated Europe will confront the
ited Stateson at least equalterms and willnot submitto
ing shoulderedaside. Meanwhile,on the basis of an un-
rstanding with Germany, Japan will wreak havoc with
merican trade and sources of raw material in the Far
ast; everything that Japan did not dare to do but was
mptedto do against American interests she will now do,
nowAmericanimperialismcannotstop Japan so longas
rmany is triumphant in Europe. A Japanized Asia will
omover the Pacific as a GermanizedEurope will appear
verywhere in the Atlantic. The liberal economistswho
ed to scoffinglyexplain to Marxists that we did not un-
rstandthe minor rolethat foreign trade playedin Amer-
economy—a“mere”
10~0or so of the home trade—
nd that therein lay the root error of our bugaboo tales
out the dynamics of American imperialism,will now
te booksexplainingthat Americaneconomycannot live
to the Western Hemisphere.
osevelt’s New Authority
To prevent this, Germany must not be given time to
solidatethe organizationof Europe. Roosevelthas un-
dlyalwaysunderstoodthis task of American imper-
lism; he was AssistantSecretary of the Navy during the
st war, which America entered to prevent the subjuga-
n of Europeby Germanyand a consequentGermanchal-
geto the new role of Americaas the premierworld pow-
. That Americawouldvery soonbecalledupon to attempt
repeat its crushing of Germany, Roosevelthas under-
dandhasbeenmakingclearat least sincehis “collective
curity”speechof October 5, 1937.
But, as the Administration spokesmen,Alsop and Kint-
r, complainin the
“American White Paper,” Roosevelt
s been forced to limit his activitiesbecauseof the “lag”
“publicopinion.”
It would be comforting at this point
say that by “publicopinion”they mean the deep-seated
red of war felt by theAmericanmasses.Accuracy,liow-
er, necessitatesreporting that what they and Roosevelt
ere concernedabout was the publicopinion of the capi-
list class. During most of the two and a half years that
has beenstriving to organize for war, he has not
d thebackingof a unitedcapitalistclass,and that was his
ncern. Given that, he was not, it must be said in all
nesty, particularlyworried about lining up the masses.
Giventhe supportof the capitalistclass,of its press, radi
movies and spokesmen,he could be sure of driving th
masses into the war. That will be the case as long as th
capitalist class remains in control of the economyof th
country.
T he m ost si gn i fi can t ~ew fact about the si tuat i on
Amer i ca i s t hat n ow Roosev el t h as t he ba ck i ng of a u ni t
capi t ak st cl a ss. T hat means t hat we a t-enow on t he r oad
war .
Basis of Capitalist Unity
The unityof the capitalistclasshas shownitself strikin
ly in the extraordinary majorities rolledup in both hous
of Congress for every one of Roosevelt’sproposals sin
the Nazis overran the LowCountries.Armament approp
ation bills, comprising astronomical figures, have be
adopted by Congress with such rapidity that the avera
citizen,evenif he closelyfollowedthe press, cannot for th
life of him tellyou howmanybills,each for not lessthan
billiondollars,havebeenadopted.Congressionaldebateha
been less than perfunctory; the few hours spent on eac
billas a matter of form have found the House and Sena
half-empty while speakers droned about everything und
the sun exceptthe major issuespresentedby the bills,the
the membershavetroopedin and voted,with at most only
ha~dful of maverickscasting nay ballots. One who gat
ered his information from the CongressionalRecord abo
the opinionprevalent in the country would be at a loss
explain the fact that the latest Gallup poll found 93~0 o
the peopleopposed to American involvementin the wa
but hewouldbe naive.Congressis a forum for the capita
ist class and not for the people.
The most formidable opposition during the last tw
years to Roosevelt’sorientationhad comefrom that secti
of the capitalistclasswhoseholdingsweremainlyboundu
with this continent,with Australia and with the Far Eas
The “peaceful”nature of their “isolationism”was perha
most glaringlyrevealedwhen their mostvociferousspoke
man, SenatorVandenberg, last July successfullysponsor
the resolutionto abrogatethe commercialtreaty with Japa
and thereby plunged Japanese-Americanrelations into
day-to-daycrisis. Their
“isolationism”consistedin a sha
differenceof opinion over which war America wouldhav
to wage first. The liquidationof the differencesbetweenth
“isolationists”and the imperialists represented by Roos
velt was signalizedon June 9, when the sameVandenbe
cameout for signinga new pact with the Japanesebecau
of “our new vicissitudes.”The pact with Japan, he sai
would be worth “half a navy’’—meaning,of course, th
most of the naval forcesbased in the Pacificcouldthen b
transferred to the Atlantic, facing Germany.
Why No Coalition Government
Pulses leapedand hearts beat high when it becamecle
that the capitalist class now stood united. The idea of
coalitiongovernmentand an end to two-party politicscam
to the fore. It is scareclya secret that at that exhilarati
momentColonelKnox and other Republicanleaders cam
to a tentative agreementwith Roosevelt for the entry o
Knox into the cabinetand others into governmentservic
But after the first thrillof the embracesof comradeshipha
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July 1940
FOURTH INTERNATIONAL
Page
worn off, sober second thoughts brought forward very
cogent objectionsto the entry of Republicanleaders into
the cabinet.
Too muchhas still to be donein breakingdown the peo-
ple’soppositionto involvementin war. That Gallupfigure
of 93 ZOmust be drivenway down.A nationalatmosphere
must be created in whichit willbe well-nighimpossiblefor
somanytrade unions to adopt anti-war resolutions—notto
speakof sucha spectacleas the Harvard seniorclassbooing
and hissinga class day speaker for telling the boysto “go
out there and do the job again.” This very difficulttask of
pushing the peopleover the brink would not be facilitated
by a coalition government.The danger is too great that
the stark picture might be all too apparent: the people
versus
the par t ies that are supposed to represent them.
Having decidedagainst a coalitiongovernment,all par-
ticipantsin the discussionproceededto deny that the ques-
tion had beendiscussed(Roosevelt,Knox) or to denounce
the idea (Landon),
Then came the announcementon the eve of the Repub-
licanconventionthat Stimsonwas to be Secretary of War
andColonelKnox Secretaryof the Navy.Theflabbergasted
delegates gathering in Philadelphia for the convention
couldonlycongratulatethe presidenton pickingtwo of the
most eminent Republicans,and bitterly complain that it
wreckedthe party. The first draft of a platform criticizing
Roosevelt’sconductof the preparednessprogram went into
the wastebasket. Whatever the professional politicians
might still do in the way of organizinga Republicancam-
paign for the elections,a powerful sectionof the big bour-
geoisieof the Republicanparty were certain to back the
coalition,whichwould in one form or another endure into
the comingwar.
Why They Chanced the Coalition
why Wa5the coalition
esorted to, after it had been
abandoned? Its dangerousconsequencesremain: the spec-
tacle of a united capitalistclass, symbolizedby a coalition
government harmoniouslyworking to drag this country
intowar, is themost outrageousprovocationto themasses;
hardly any other singleact would be more likelyto drive
the working classinto outspokenoppositionto war policies
of the government,and into great strikes and demonstra-
tions to back up its anti-war feelings.
Two main factors account, we believe, for the final
decisionto go through with the coalition:
1.
T her e i s n o t im e for
maneuvering.The speedinessof
Hitler’s victory in Europe forces an accelerationof the
American pace. Considerationswhich were weighty two
weeksbefore are now outweighedby the punctuality of
the Nazi blitzkr ieg timetable.If Hitler keeps to his time-
table and is through with England by August 15, and if
Roosevelt’sdeterminationto give Hitler the least possible
time to organizehis European empire, is adhered to, then
all secondaryconsiderationsmustgivewayto the singleaim
of producinga war machinemore powerful than Hitler’s.
Then it is more important to mollify the remaining reac-
tionary die-hards,to center all possiblepower in the gov-
ernment, to secure the most authoritative cabinetconceiv-
able.than it is to worrv about the sentimentsof the ~eode.
2. The zm.stsen t imen t aga inst Amer i can invol vemen t
the war is leader less.
The cold truth is that the coalition government h
about asmuch to fear frmn the massestoday as a power
employerwhose employees,despitetheir many grievanc
haveno union to opposeto the strength of their employ
Since the coalition idea was first discussed,Roosev
has had an opportunityto convincehimselfhow complet
Ieaderlessthe anti-war sentimentis. One has to take Gall
pollsto find it, or carefully gather incidentshere and the
in trade unionmeetingsand weigh their total meaning,N
strong organizationof anykind, no popularspokesmene
press that vast but formless and chaoticoppositionto t
war perspective.
Those politicians in the two major parties who, li
Senator Wheeler,voted for all Roosevelt’smajor propos
but then made a few sharp speechesagainst the gover
ment’sorientation,havehastenedto makeclearhowlimit
their criticismis. Theywouldlovenothingbetter than to
on drawing to themselvesthe attentionof the great mas
through anti-war demagogy; but the times simply do n
permit it. The crisis of Americancapitalismis too deep,t
near to an attempted solutionby force of arms. Wheele
voice dies away in his throat . . . he objects to sendi
armament to the Allies because. . . the American arm
forces need everything possible.
The Labor Movement Lines Up
Nor need the officialleadershipof the trade unions
taken into considerationby Roosevelt-except as recruiti
sergeants.The AFL leadershipis a sheep-dogwhich aut
maticallyleadsthe flockto its capitalistmaster. Scarcelyle
docileis the CIO leadership,includingJohn L. Lewis.
He played longer the game of anti-war demagogyan
as a result has more words to eat, but he is eating the
Hitler’svictory in the battleof Flanders put an end to t
dramatic anti-war speechesof Lewis; forgotten was h
resolutionat the February conventionof the United Mi
Workers demanding that the government “withold t
lendingof anymoney,or the participationeither directly
indirectlyin the wars now going on in Europe and Asia
his defenseof the AmericanYouth Congress“peace”res
lutions against Roosevelt’sscolding, etc. Lewis cancel
the anti-war speechhewas scheduledto makeat the SWO
conventionand instead his lieutenant, Phil Murray, p
thr,oughthe conventiona jingo resolutionbuilt around th
slogan “Our country right or wrong.” Lewis persona
came to heel on May 17 at the Amalgamated Clothi
Workers conventionwherehe whininglyinsistedthat “It
publiclyknownthat laboris fully in accordwith the neces
ty of nationaldefense,”
and raisedbut one demand: “If th
countrywants the cooperationof labor to do the work o
preparing for war, and in t he ez~en tof wa r t o do the nece
sar y d yi ng i n t he w ar what is wrong with a littlecooper
tion on policies?“
This “demand” for labor representati
was accededto with alacrity by Rooseveltwhen he nam
Hillman to the DefenseCouncil; the CIO executiveboa
by resolutiongave“appreciativenotice”to the appointme
Then, in a sullen effort to show Rooseveltthat he cou
still snarl, Lewismadethat unbelievablyfantastic speech
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July 194
ladelphiaon June 18, denouncingRooseveltas respon-
blefor the depressionand . . . defendingHoover
he Stalinists Begin the Turn
If anything could be more absurd than Lewis’ pro-
over speech, it was its handling in the Stalinist Daily
dwr. It got a front-pageheadline:“LewisHits Involve-
nt in War; DemandsUseful J,obsfor All.” Sub-heads:
akesStirring Call for Negro Equality at NAACP Par-
; ReceivesOvation from (Negro) Conventionat Phila-
phia.”The startling statementson Hoover? They could
found in the Dady Worker account,uncommentedupon
enby a sub-head,in the fourth columnof the story
At about the point that keepingone foot in Lewis’camp
oneinStalin’sfieldof Germanorientationbecamewell-
h impossibleeven for acrobats like Br.owder,Moscow
dered a re-orientation which, by degrees, will enable
rowder to put his feet together again—in the camp not
relyof Lewis,but of the coalitiongovernment.The pact
hich was to make impossiblea Nazi war on the Soviet
nion had playedits role in the Nazi conquestof Europe,
alin’spartner was noti free to turn his attention toward
e Soviet Union and, with his policy in ruins, Stalin
enziedly prepared for a new turn. Whereupon Israel
ter told the YoungCommunistLeagueconventionthat
ussia’s move into the Baltic was
“objective aid to
ance”; and William Z. Foster recalled suddenly that
~e Communists always vote to furnish arms to such
gnuine) democraticgovernments,as in the case of the
st popular front government in France, and the demo-
ticpeople’sgovernmentsof Spain, China,Mexico,Chile
d Cuba.” (Daily WorkW,June 20, 1940).Foster forbore
add the Rooseveltgovernmentof a year or so ago, but
will recall that too in a week or two. In a word, the
oblemwhich the Communist party is shortly to present
e Americangovernmentis the sameone which they pre-
nted Rooseveltwith in the last presidentialelection: the
assmentof their support.
By the time this editorial appears the government’swar
rammay also countamong its officialsupportersNor-
n Thomas’ Socialist party. Wisconsin, Massachusetts
d other party sectionsare calling for a formal pro-Ally
larationby their National‘Committee.Thomas’co-part-
ers in the “Keep America Out of War Committee,”the
stoneites,havealready comeout for an Alliedvictory.
any event Thomas does not have to travel far. He has
already adopted the slogan,
“Rational, not hysterical de
fense.” Rooseveltcouldendorsethat with both hands.
It is not a pretty picture Wehave drawn of the labo
movement,but it is a true one. And we expectedit. War
like revolution, burns away all ambiguities.It draws th
line with utter clarity between the capitalist class and i
labor lieutenantsand choir boyson the one side, and on th
other the real,Marxists, the revolutionists, small thoug
they be in number when the war begins, but authentical
expressing the real interests of the masses and certain t
find the way to organizethe masses’oppositionto the wa
in the courseof the war.
We Do Not Fear This War
We stand alone today. Our isolation is painfully appa
ent. The demagogyof Roosevelt,and of his labor lieuten
ants, has disoriented the masses and the processof the
regroupment is a difficulttask. But let there be no mis
understanding.Though irreconcilableenemiesof imperia
ist war, we have no fear of this war. We acceptbattle c
the arena chosenby the class enemy.The Fourth Interna
tional is the onlyorganizationwhich correctlypredictedth
general course of world events, which anticipated the in
evitabilityof a new imperialistcatastropheand prepared it
cadres for it. We are weldedtogether by iron discipline,
movementof tested revolutionistsready for anything an
with an unconquerablewill to victory. The overwhelmi
majority of our comrades in the different countries hav
withstood the first test of the war. In all the major coun
tries the comingconvulsionswill find us ready.
Here as elsewherethe war will burn away the last ve
tiges of workers’ illusionsand the passivityengenderedb
previous defeats. Our proletarian armies are soon to b
mobilized by Roosevelt; the millions of youth hithert
lockedout of industry and hencedispersed,will be organ
ized into regimentsand brought together in the armame
factories. Inexorablehistoricalnecessitydrives them in ou
direction,as it did during the lastwar. Then there was on
the smallemigre group around Lenin to begin the strugg
for world revolution. Today, possessingin numbers an
especiallyin preparation infiniteadvantagesover its pred
cessorsat the beginningof the last war, the Fourth Inte
national exists, As our comradesare firmly united acro
the national barriers and battle-fronts, so we shall uni
the soldiersand workers on the oppositesidesof the wa
We shall bring peace to the cottages, war to the palace
Japan and merica in the Pacific
By J CK
H E J AP AN E S Ea ce a m om en t ou s d eci si on in t h eir im -
per ia l is t l oot in g of t h e F a r E a s t . S h a ll t h ey b eg in t h eir
lon g-a w a i t ed expa n s ion s ou t hw a r d s or is t h e t im e n ot
t op por t u n e? Th e n ot or iou s Ta n a k a m em or a n d um t o t h e
ka d o set for t h t h e in ner mos t u rg es of J a pa n es e ca pit a l-
m a nd la id dow n a long-ra nge pla n of conq uest . Ma n-
was to be the first victim,to be seized,if necessary,
WEBER
evenat the risk of war with SovietRussia. In the courseo
this war, if it occurred,the MaritimeProvincesof Siber
were to becomethe next prey. From Manchuria, Japa
wouldthen proceedat its leisureto swallowup allof Chin
But the ambitionsof nationalist imperialism,of whatev
country, are boundless.Hence after landing China in h
net, Japan would then fish in the troubled waters of th
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Sotlth Pacific. Faithfully the militarists of Nippon have
adhered to this plan. Their intention is clear. The “New
Order” in Asia, the Monroe Doctrine of the Far East,
meanscompletedominationby Japan and the ousting of all
rivals.
The present situation seemsas if created by destiny for
the fulfillmentof Japanese aims. With the European im-
perialistsbleedingeachother to death, the coast is left clear
for Japanese capitalism. The tremendous strain on her
economicand human resourcesentailedby the invasionof
China, did not deter Japan from seizing Hainan Island,
whichdominatesthe coast of Indo-China,with the obvious
purposeof making ready to oust France at the earliest op-
portunity. England is engagedin a life and death struggle
in whichher entire empire
i s at stake.The English imper-
ialistsare completelyhelplessto counterany blowdelivered
against their interests by the Japanesein the Far East. So
the latter havesucceededin allbut taking Hongkong,which
has beenmademore or less uselessas a naval base by the
dispositionof Japanese forces around it. Now comes the
seizureof Holland by Germanywhich leavesthe most im-
portant equatorialcountry in the world, the largest insular
empire,the Dutch East Indies, suspended,politicallyspeak-
ing, in mid-air. The temptation for the unappeasableappe-
tites of the expansionists-on both sides of the Pacific—
maybeguagedbya brief surveyof these islands.
Economic Importance of Ecist Indies
Dutch Borneo alone is as large as France and it is less
than ‘one-thirdthe total area of the islands. Sumatra is
larger than California.The eightmillionDutch in Holland
ruled over sixty-fivemillion slavesin the East Indies, of
whomforty millioninhabit the Island of Java, perhaps the
most denselypopulatedcountry in the world.The economic
importanceof theEast Indieshas risen byleapsandbounds
in the twentieth century. Besidestheir status in supplying
sugar and rubber, these isles produce 95fZ0of the world’s
quinine, 50% of its tobacco,20~0 of its tin, 10~0 of its
petroleum,50~0 of the world’s cocoanutoil, 70~0 of its
pepper, 60 70of its sisal.Add to these products, rice, tea,
coffee, iron, silver, gold, teakwood, ebony, sandalwood—
and one begins to understand the stakes of imperialismin
this one sectionof the Pacific area alone.The Dutch had
over four billion florins invested in this portion of their
empireand they squeezedeachyear half a billionflorinsof
profit (at an averagerate wellover twenty percent) out of
their Indonesianslaves.The Netherlandsreceiveda yearly
tribute of some one hundred and fifty millionsof dollars
from the Dutch East Indies.
But the problemof these islandsof the MalayanArchi-
pelagois boundup with all the economicand strategicprob-
lemsof the Pacific.Oncethe East Indiesare in the hands of
the Japanese, the innumerableislands that dot the South
Pacific would pass under Japanese control one after the
other. The Philippines,alsopart of the MalayArchipelago,
wouldbe flankedon both sides and couldbe taken at will.
From the Dutch East Indies the way would be open for an
assaulton the entireBritish Empire in the East. The great
naval base at Singaporelies at the eastern end of the long
Strait of Malaccabetween t~:eEnglish Straits Settlement
and the Dutch Sumatra. At Malaccaand Sunda Strait (
tweenSumatar and Java) all the trade routes from Eas
West converge,the routes from India, from all of E
Africa, from Australia, from the China Seas, Japan
Malaya. Here the English built Singapore to defend t
colonialloot, includingHongkong,Malaya and, more
tantly, Australia. In a world of capitalistrobbery and
ploitation, the fate of Singapore determines the fate
Malayafirst of all.Acre for acreBritish Malayais the r
est English possessionon the faceof the globe.Its ann
foreign trade is over one-half billion dollars. It produ
half the world’s rubber, a third of its tin. Japan take
milliontons of iron ore a year from this possession.In
these islands of the Pacificand on the mainlandof A
Japan seeks raw materials and also a vast market for
ton goods. No wonder the Japanese imperialistscovet
Dutch East Indies They would be a cornerstone for
empire in the South Pacific to include all of the Ma
Archipelago,British Malaya—andat a later stage, A
tralia and India
Japanese Imperial Ambitions
It was the first World War that set Japan on her path
empirein China. In 1913,just before that war broke
Edward Greybargainedwith AmbassadorKato for Jap
ese support in the comingstruggle.The pricedemande
Kato so alarmedGrey that he did his best to prevent Ja
from enteringthe war at all. But in the end he was for
to give Japan a free hand in China. In the secondWo
War Japan need no longer seek British support. On
contrary the Mikadois on the other sideof the fencethr
ening to cut off vast slicesof the French and British
pires. In the period between the two wars, England p
pared to defend her colonialloot by building tremend
naval bases at Colombo,Singapore and Hongkong.
thesebasescannotbe mannedby the English fleetwhic
entirelyoccupiedin the Atlantic. In the first World W
England paid a price for assigningto Japan the defens
her empire in the East. Since the break with Japan, E
land has had to seek new politicalalliancesto try to
a new defender for her empirein the Pacific.Naturally
turned to theUnited ‘States.The more Japan encroache
the mainlandof Asia, elbowingaside all competitors,
closer England and the United States were driven on
world arena. Thus when Singapore base was form
openedin January, 1938,the only other country invite
participatewas the United,States. Three Americancrui
not only participated in the exercisesbut, followingth
in joint maneuverswith the British forces in the Pac
under British command.Shortly afterwards it was sta
openlyin the House of Commonsthat in the eventof w
England would “lease”her bases in the East to the Un
States.
This is one of the prices necessarilydemandedby
United States for aid to the British Empire. It is the en
situation in the stormy Pacific that determines the ma
policies of American imperialism. For g en er a t ion s
U n it ed S t a t es h a d ca st it s ey es t ow a r ds C hin a a n d t h e E
pr epa r in g t o la y t h e fou nd a t ion s of em pir e a cr os s t h e P
fic. N ow , w h en m or e t h a n ev er befor e, t h e cou nt r y w it h
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atest forcesof production in the world seeksmore out-
s, when these forces clamor for expandedmarkets and
ds for investment,.the American capitalists see them-
lves frustrated by Japan: Short of actual war, United
ates diplomacyhas done everything possibleto hinder
thwart the Japanese.In the most recent period loans
d supplieshave gone to Chiang Kai-shek to encourage
resistanceto the Japanesewar lords.The cancellationof
e trade agreementwas a clear threat of a completeem-
goagainstany trade with Japan, So largelydependentis
pan on this countryfor her raw materials and for her
arkets, that such an embargo would tend to strangle
paneseeconomy.For that very reason it would result in
briefesttime in openhostilities.
merican and Japanese Rivalry
The preparationsfor the comingwar in the Pacifichave
deof that oceana tremendousbattlefield.Feverishlythe
tedStatespreparesdefensesalongthe route overwhich
expectsto transport men and supplies.The Pacificis now
tted with airplane bases, including Midway and Wake
lands on the direct route to Japan and to the Philippines.
e myth of Philippineindependencewill be quicklydis-
lled the moment hostilities commence.The discussion
erthe fortificationof Guamhas to do not in the slightest
ith any oppositionto the oncomingwar, but with a dif-
rencein judgment as to whether Japan would permit its
rtifying without at onceacting to seize it as well as the
lippines,or as to ,whetheroncefortified, it couldbe de-
nded from attack. The Panama Canal has vast strategic
ortancefor war purposes.Hencethevast sumsallocated
its defense.But since Panama cannot be safely used to
s throughbattle~ips of forty-fivethousandtons, shortly
becomecommonplace,preparations are under way for
dinga newand widercanalthrough Nicaragua.
But as was stated, the United States lacks the greatest
entialof all to conductwar against Japan for the con-
estof vast spoils.In the Far East she has no main bases
thoutwhich a navywould be helpless.BecauseEngland
eeds United States help in Europe, as well as in Asia,
ingapore, perhaps Hongkong, may go to the United
ates.For that very reasonJapan wouldliketo seizethese
sesbefore they can fall into the hands of America.The
mptation for her to swallow the Dutch East Indies is
erefore all the greater. Fearful that Japan would act in
itzkrieg fashion with respect to this rich plum, Roose-
lt dispatchedthe entire fleet post-haste to Hawaii, and
erhaps also to Guam, to act as a Pacific Maginot Line
ainst any Japanese fleetmovement.It seems fairly cer-
in that war will result in this fundamental imperialist
ash of interests if either fleetmoves towards seizure of
Dutch eastern empire. Perhaps the only declarationof
ar will havebeen Hull’swarning to Japan to keephands
alin’s Role
The United States has made little pretenseof being neu-
al in the secondimperialistWorld War. Her imperialist
akes in the Pacific bring her temporarily together with
ngland on the world arena. For that reason Germany,
anxious lest America enter the European struggle quickly
and weigh the scales in favor of the Allies, encourages
Japan to take the Dutch East Indies. That would keep
America too busy to exert a preponderant influence in
Europe. Hitler has also attemptedto act as the broker be-
tween Russia and Japan. Stalin would not mind seeing
Japan involvedin war with the United States since Japan
could not then attack Siberia. It is an interestingspecula
tionwhether Stalinwouldnot try to playthe samerole in a
war of thePacificthat he playedin Europe; namely,giving
Japan assuranceof benevolentneutrality.Certainlywithout
such assurance the Japanese militarists would hesitate to
becomeinvolvedin war with theUnited States. The war in
China has tended also to exhaust Japan economically.It is
doubtful therefore whether the Mikado’s generals would
dare to take the risk of immediatewar by trying to annex
the Dutch East Indies, consideringthat the United States
will probablynot now take the initiative for such annexa-
tion herself. The situation may thus developa temporary
“stalemate”as on the Western Front before the “real” war
opened.
What then of the Dutch East Indies? There is one factor
that the imperialistsdo not take into account: the natives
of the Indies. A strong many-millionednationalist move
mentexists in theDutch colonies.Just after the first World
War this movementwas not only proletarian in composi
tion, but it was in closealliancewith the communistmove
ment. A communistparty was organized in Java in 1919
before that of the United States. In January of 1927there
occurredan uprising under the leadershipof the Red Pro-
letarianLeague.The revok was put downwith bloodysup-
pressionand severalhundred leaders were deported to the
wildernessin New Guinea.Sincethen the nationalistmove
ment has taken the road of reformism. It is, however
closelyin touchwith the Hindu nationalistmovement,send
ingdelegatesto the Hindu Congress.It was closelyin touch
with theChinesenationalistmovementin the revolutionar
phase of its development.The first World War saw the
tremendousgrowth of the East Indian nationalist move
ment. The secondWorld War willhavea similar influence
particularly in viewof the threat made by both Japan and
Americato establishdominationoverthesecoloniesin plac
of the Dutch. It is to be expectedthat the compactpopula
tion of Java (with as manypeopleas England or France)
with a proletariat, fearfully exploited,organizedinto trade
unionsof considerablepower,and with a nationalistmove
ment one wing of which demandscompleteindependenc
will not remain quiescentunder new threats of enslave
ment. A movementtowards independence,for throwing of
the imperialistyoke, in any sectionof the Far East, wil
have profound repercussionseverywhereelse in the colo
nies. This is the factor that the imperialistswill have to
take into accountbefore their war for spoilsis over. The
imperialistswho hope to profit in the break-upof English
French, Dutchempires,willhavefirst of allto prolongtheir
war into one of suppressionof vast colonialrevolts. This
willbe no easytask, particularlyif the workingclassmove
ment at homerevivesin one or more of the great capitalis
countriesin Europe, or in the United States.A revoltin the
colonieswould aid in bringing such a revival, particularl
in the defeated imperialistcountries.
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The Unions and Politics
By RRELL DOBBS
ATEOONONESID Eof the conference ta ble are worker
r epr es en t a t i vesof a t r a d e u ni on , H a n d ica p ped b y la ck
of a ca d em ic t r a in in g, la b or iou sly com pu t in g f ig ur es
w it h t he st ub of a pen cil, t hey m ake t heir a rgum en ts for
h i gh er w a g es , s h or t e r h ou r s, a n d b et t e r w o rk in g con d it i on s .
Th ey m u st d epe nd a l m os t en t ir el y u pon t h eir ow n p er son a l
exper ien ces a n d ob ser va t ion s f or t h e f a ct s w h ich s uppor t
t h e ir a r g u men t s .
They know w ha t t hey ha ve t o pa y t he la ndlord, t he
g rocer , t he clot hier s for t he n ecess it ies of life. An d h ow
h a rd it is t o m a ke en ds m eet on t he w a g es t hey a r e get t in g.
Th ey kn ow t he h a un tin g fea r of u nem ploy men t. B u t t heir
kn ow led ge of econ om ic t ren ds bey on d t h e scope of t heir
ow n d ir ect ex per ien ces i s m or e or l es s l im it ed .
S ea t ed a cross ‘t he t able a re t he em ployers a nd t heir
s killed a i ds —t r a in ed la w y er s, a ccou nt a n t s, s ta t is ticia n s.
B e tt er ed uca t ed t h a n t h e w or ker s, w ell in for m ed on loca l ,
r eg ion a l a n d n a t i on a l e con omi c con d it i on s , t h e y a r g u e g li b-
1y , u s in g a s li d e-r u le i n st e a d o f t h e w o r ke r’s p en ci l s t u b a n d
pa per . Th ey a r e a r med w it h im posin g st a t ist ics obt a in ed
t h rou gh t h e s er vice of t h e em ploy er s’ v a st n a t ion a l or ga n -
i za t i on s cr ea t e d t o com ba t la b or . All t h e t es t ed m et h od s of
b ea t i n g d ow n t h e w or ker s h a v e b ee n p rev iou sl y s t ud ied b y
t hem . Th ey ju ggle t he fig ur es t o s uppor t t heir cla im t ha t
t hey h ave lost m on ey sin ce t he fir st da y t ha t t he busin ess
w a s l a u n ch ed . Th ey h ol d t h e w o r ke rs r es pon s ib le f or con d i-
t ion s elsew her e. Th e w or ker s ca nn ot a sk for a r aise in a
S t . L ou is p la n t t h e y con t e nd b eca u s e t h e e mpl oy er i s a l r ea d y
pa yin g m or e t ha n is r eceived by t he w or kers in a sim ila r
pla n t in B ir min gh a m, Ala ba m a or ev en in B om ba y , I nd ia .
Th e w or ker s kn ow t ha t if t hey a r e for ced t o g o on st rike
t h ey w ill h a ve t o d epen d la r gely on t h eir ow n r es ou rcef ul-
n ess t o fin d m ea ns of subsist ence, They a re a w a re of t he
fa ct t ha t m a ny ot her t ra d e u nion ist s w ill m a ke ev er y pos-
s ib le e ff or t t o a i d t h em . B u t exper ien ce h a s a l so s how n t h a t
t he t ra de union movement ha s not found a w ay t o gea r
it self t o present a solid front in t hese st rike st ruggles
a g a i n s t t h e e mp loy er s .
The boss, on t he ot her h an d, is a ssur ed in a dva nce n ot
on ly of t h e s olid s uppor t of t h e b os s cla s s it self , b ut a l so of
t h e pol ice a n d t h e l a ck ey s of t h e em pl oy er s i n t h e a p pa r a t u s
of g ov er n men t . H e w i ll ea t r eg ul a rl y w h i le t h e g ov er n men t
does his fight ing for him. I f he is a big boss he ma y hire
his ow n priva te t hugs t o help. I f h e is a lit tle b oss he w ill
m er ely h ir e sca bs t o d o t he w or k a n d lea v e t h e r ou gh st uff
i n e xcl us ive ch a r g e of t h e p ol ice .
Th e f or eg oin g is s ym bolic of t h e r ela t iv e p os it ion of t h e
w or ker s a n d t h e e m ploy er s in t h e d a y t o d a y cla s s s tr ug gle.
S om et im es t he w or ker s a r e a t les s d isa d va n ta g e. Aga in ,
t h ey m a y b e u nd er ev en g rea t er h a nd ica ps . Ta k en in it s en -
t ir et y , t h is i s a n a ccu r a t e r ef lect i on of t h e r el a t ion of f or ces .
I n g en er a l t h e b os ses a r e m uch b et t er pr epa r ed t h a n t h e
w or ker s in em ploy er -u nion con flict s. Th e r ea s on s d o n ot
l ie in a n y i nh er en t w e a kn es s i n t h e w or kin g cla s s. Act u
t h e w or ker s a r e m uch m or e pow er fu l t h a n t h e b os ses . T
w ea kness of t he w orkers lies in a lea dership w hich
fa iled t o r ecogn ize t he cla ss st ruggle in it s r ea l sign
ca n ce a n d t o pr epa r e t h e fig ht a ccor din gly . To pu t it m
a ccur at ely, t he officia l t ra de un ion lea der sh ip h as s
or din a t ed it self t o t h e lea d er sh ip of t h e polit ica l a g en t
the employers.
B e gin nin g w it h t h e v a st m a jor it y of t h e n a t ion a l l ea d
of t he t r a de u nion s, r ea ch in g fa r d ow n in t o t he s econ d
s tr a t um of t h e u nion lea d er sh ip a n d in clu din g a s ect ion
t h e m or e p ri vi leg ed t r a d e u n ion m em ber sh ip, t h er e exi s
por t ion of t he w or kin g cla ss w h ich looks w it h fa v or u
t he syst em of in dividua l en ter pr ise. C om pa r ed w it h
con d it i on s of t h e m a n y poor ly -p a id a n d u n em pl oy ed w o
ers, t hey fin d t hem selves in fa ir ly com for ta ble cir cu
st a nces. Th ey see a br igh t s id e t o t hin gs a s t hey a r e. T
a r e ca p a b le o f v iew i ng s ocia l a n d econ om ic pr ob lem s f r
t he g en er a l poin t of view of t he em ploy er s. S in cer ely
plor in g t he plig ht of t he les s-for tu na t e w or ker s, t hey
m en ta lly in ca pa b le of t a kin g d ecisiv e a ct ion t o a id t h
Th ey d eclin e t o r isk t heir ow n pr ivileg ed posit ion in
i nt er es t s of t h is s t ru gg le.
Th e em ploy er s, u n der s t a n din g t h i s, h a v e pu r su ed a c
s ci ou s pol icy of n ur t ur in g a con t en t ed s ect i on i n t h e of fi
t r a d e u n ion m ov em en t . Th er e a r e com pa r a t i vely f ew co
m u nit i es i n t h e cou nt r y , in clu di ng t h e s ma l les t , t h a t d o
h ave a t ra de un ion gr oup, ba sed on t he r ela t ively bet
p a id s ki lled w or ker s, w h ich en joy s v er y g ood r el a t ion s w
t he loca l C ha mber of C om merce. These groups ext
t hem selv es in to t he g ra d ua lly t hin nin g r a nks of t he sm
m in or it ies of s killed w or ker s in t he m a ss pr od uct ion
dustries.
AF of L Policy
The AmericanFederation of Labor was built up int
substantialnationalorganizationprimarily on this foun
tion. Its officialdomis dominatedby those whose ideol
and outlook is that of the individualwho enjoys a cer
degreeof comfort and who therefore findsno serious fa
with the present socialstructure.
This leadership continually reminds the workers t
they “must learn to crawl before they can walk.” M
emphasisis placedon lobbyingfor “liberal”legislationa
means of struggle for improvedwagesand working con
tions. Direct strugglesagainst the employersthrough str
actions are subordinatedto this program and, in gene
discouragedif not sabotaged.
The traditionalpoliticalpolicyof the AFL in promo
favorable legislation is to reward political “friends” a
punish political
“enemies’’by votes. The term “frien
doesnot mean representativesof theworkers.The “frien
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not always vote for the bills endorsed by the unions.
ey are considered“friendly” if they vote for the major-
of them.
AFL officialdomrejects independentworking class
iticalaction. They advise the workers to confinethem-
essolely to trade union activity and let the bossesor-
zethe political parties and run the government.The
iends”maybe Republicans,Democratsor so-called“In-
w that the mass productionworkers havebroken the
ngle-holdof the craft unionsand have successfullyes-
shedtheir industrial unions, a new pressurehas devel-
n the politicalfront. The bosseshave few crumbsto
r to these great layersof the working class.The mem-
hipof the industrial unionsfind themselvesin constant
lictwith the bosses,They have the grave problemsof
housing,unemployment,ndustrialdiseases
he most aggravated form. They are little impressedby
time-worndictumabout the “long road” to the realiza-
n of their aims. Especiallywhenthose “aims” are only a
centsmorean hour or a few hours lesswork per week.
re is little satisfactionin “progressing” from starvation
meremalnutrition.They want action.And on the polit-
wellas the economicfront.
and Labor’s Non-Partisan League
e leadershipof the Congressof Industrial Organiza-
nspretendedto give the industrialworkers a vehiclefor
endentworking classpoliticalaction through Labor’s
npartisan League.But it isonlya pretense.The LNPL
not an independentworking-classpoliticalparty. It is
thingbut a new methodof applyingthe hoary AFL “re-
rd your friendsand punish your enemies”policy.
typicalexampleof the policiesof the LNPL is found
recordof theLabor Voter,a publicationissuedby the
L of Illinois.This publicationwas launchedduring the
presidentialcampaign.Seven issues appeared,giving
ualifiedendorsementand support to Rooseveltand the
w Deal. Publicationwas then suspendedfor a period of
o years. It was revived again during the 1938 election
aignwith the publicationof issueNo, 8. This time the
r endorsed94 Democratsand 33 Republicansfor seats
the United States Congressand the Illinois legislature.
publicationwas again suspended.
n examinationof the record does not speak well for
sepolitical“friends” who are backedby the officialdom
the AFL and CIO. Few workers can remembera time
enoneof these “friends” appearedbeforea unionmeet-
to urge the workers to go cmstrike and use their eco-
mic power in the struggle for their rights. But many
kers can recallincidentswhere the “friends” havegone
fore meetingsof the workers urging them not to go on
ike, or to call off a strike already in progress, to say
hingabout statementsissuedby them against the work-
They havemany,manytimeshelpedthe bossesto cram
unfair contractdowntheworkers’throats or to forcethe
kersto acceptan insincerebosspromiseand no contract
all.
When the time comes for a show-downthese “friends”
labor show that their real allegianceis to the bosses.
eir promisesto theworkerswerenot madein good faith.
In fact, the record shows that the policy of supporting
“friendly” politiciansis in reali~ a matter of supporting
thosewho are least host i le.
Some of the most serious defeats have been suffered
where the unions dependedon “friendly” governmentoffi
cials insteadof militant class strugglepolicy.For example
in Little Steel, the CIO workers got a large scaledemon-
stration of betrayalby the very peoplethey had worked so
hard to elect into posts in the government.
When a politiciantakes a more or lessboldcoursein op-
position to the workers or piles up too long a record of
anti-labor actions the workers turn sharply against him.
The alibi-artistsin the trade unionmovementfind it difficul
to apologizefor him and sometimeshe doesnot survive the
next election.
However,he is replacednot by a workers’representative
but by another slickpoliticianwho is alsosubservientto the
bosses. He, too, is palmed off on the workers as their
“friend.””The union leadershipmust be put on record as
approving or disapprovingall action of these “friendly”
politicians.Nothing must remain unmentionedor covered
up.
They will try to evade this responsibility,claimingthat
there is danger of embarrassingthe “friends” and risking
the electionof “enemies.”The workersmust insist upon an
end to such “friends” and the electionof governmentoffi
cials from the workers’ranks by the workers’ own party.
The workers do not electbossesor boss stoogesto lead
the unions. Such an actionwould be patently foolish.It is
done only in companyunions. It is just as ridiculousfor
them to electsuchpeopleto politicaloffice.The theory that
the workers are not capable of governing themselves is
falseto the core.Unthinkingpeoplein the trade unionswho
repeat this prevarication do an injustice to their class
Every worker who has participated in trade union life
knowsthat theworkingclasshas a tremendouscapacityfor
efficientadministration.
Thosepartieswhichhaverepresentedthemselvesas labo
parties are only substitutes for the real article. They con
fine themselvesto competition for political posts of the
lower rank. They do not seriouslychallengethe boss’ po-
liticalparties for the key positionsin the government,Occa
sionally they elect a mayor; very rarely a governor or a
congressman.They avoidputting up workers as candidates
Lawyers,drug storeproprietorsand professionalpolitician
have been more popular with them as standard bearers
They buckleunder just like theRepublicansand the Demo
crats whenthe bossesreallyturn on the heat.
For an Independent Labor Party
An independentlabor party, sponsoredand launchedby
the trade unions,will representthe politicalpower,not only
of the organizedworkers, but also of a broad strata of the
unorganized industrial and agricultural workers who wil
give it their support.
Farmers, smallmerchants,professionalpeopleand othe
middle-classelementswill also in large numbers followthe
independentpoliticalleadershipof a dynamicworking clas
as opposed to the present leadership of a decayingbos
class.
‘Classcollaborationistleaders of the workers have.been
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and will continueto be, in politicalofficesas timid before
the bossesas they are in the unions.The independentlabor
party will no doubt elect to politicaloffice,among others,
many class collaborationist, Their performance in office
willhelp showthemup in their true colorsbefore the eyes
of the workers.They can thus be compelledto changetheir
policiesor be eliminated entirely from leadership in the
workingclassmovementin any capacity.
The class consciousworking class leaders will fight as
militantlyin politicalofficefor the rights of the workers
they do in the unions.They will givea new meaningto th
struggle of the workers for their rights. The workersw
find powerfulnew weaponsat their command.
The electingof workers’ representativesto politicalof
ceswill surely not solvethe basic problemsof the workin
class.But whenthe workers begin to participatein polit
as a class,through an independentparty of their own, the
willhave taken a long step forward toward their goal.
frican Slaves of Imperialism
By
SP
T
F I IZN E G R O n t h e u nit ed S t a t es k now s lit t le a b ou t t h e
B a nt u in S out h Afr ica , but t he B a nt u kn ow s st ill less
a bou t h is bla ck br ot her in t he N ew Wor ld . Th er e a r e
m a ny r ea s on s for t his. Th e S ou th Afr ica n n a t iv es a r e, in -
cr ed ible a s it m a y soun d, m uch m or e oppr essed t ha n t he
Am er ica n Negr oes. Th er e is n o d aily pr ess in t he n a tive
la ngua ge, a nd even if t here w ere, only a t iny minorit y
cou ld a flor d t o bu y it , a n d n ot m a ny m or e could read it, for
educationis deliberatelydeniedto a great majority of the
Bantu. The backwardnessof life in the Reserves (the so-
callednative territories) is artificiallymaintained,the con-
ditions in the mine compoundsare prison conditions,and
the blackworkers on the white men’s farms are slaves in
all but name.And in any caseall the information about the
AmericanNegro that the Bantu gets in “his” weeklies(all
of coursebelongingto an imperialistpublishingconcern) is
about the successesof Joe Louis or Paul Robeson,with
an occasionalarticle in this strain:
“Wit hin for ty -5ve y ea r s
of his
emancipation
he had risento the highest level that merica could afford its inhabitant
“Negrodevelopmentis now at par with that of other sections
of the merican community ”
The problemsconfronting the Negro in the States and
the Bantu in South Africa are the same. Compare the
urbanised Bantu to the lowest strata of the Negro in the
North, and the rural Bantu to the Negro in the South, and
youhave the essenceof theseproblems.
Let us look first of all at the statistical aspect of the
Bantu problem.The latest censusof 1936gives the popu-
lationof the Union of South Africa as 9,588,665,madeup
of 6,597,241Bantu, 2,003,512Europeans, 767,984mixed
Colored,and 219,928Asiatics.Of the Europeans1,307,000
live in urban areas and 696,000 in rural areas. Of the
Bantu 1,150,000live in urban areas (town locations) and
5,448,000in rural areas. (The scope of this article does
not permit us to deal with the other non-Europeans.) If
weconsiderthe millionurban Bantu as permanentor casual
workers, domesticservants and some petty-bourgeois,we
are left with nearly 5j4 millionpeasants.But most of these
peasantsare without land. Accordingto statistics3 million
of themare crammedinto the Reserves,and the remainder
are altogether landless,living as farm laborers, labor ten-
ants and squatters on the European-ownedfarms. The ac-
tual position becomes clear when we place beside these
figures the correspondingdistributionof land. Out of the
total area of 143 million morgen* the Europeans ha
seized126million,and the Bantu are left with 17millio
which is partly individualproperty and partly in commu
tribal ownership.While the density of the rural populati
in the Union is 14.07per squaremile,in the Transkei (R
serves) it is 71.46 per squaremile.Today the Reservesa
denudedterritories in which only the women,childrena
old peoplelive,becauseat any one time 60 per cent of
able-bodiedmen are absent, either in the mines or on t
farms of the white men. The Reserves export only o
commodity—laborpower.
Comparison: Bantu and Negro in South
The Negro reader will findnothing new in an article
the strugglesof the Bantu.He needonly turn to his Sou
to findall the familiar features—slavery,peonage,segreg
tion, color barriers, and terror against the blacks. In bo
countriesthe life of a blackman is worth next to nothin
The periodicallynchingsmay attract more attention a
arousemore“liberal”indignationthan the periodicalsho
ings in South Africa, but there is no essential differen
betweenthem. They arise from the samecause-the bla
man’shelplessposition;they are both intendedto teacht
“Nigger” or the “Kaffir” where his place is; and in bo
casesthe results are the same-the blackman loseshis li
and the white assailantescapeswith a fineof a few doll
or a few pounds.Classjustice is classjustice, whether it
in Alabamaor in Vereeniging.Aren’t they both democra
states? Haven’twe the samewestern capitalistcivilizatio
Slavery is supposed to have been abolished in Sou
Africa as far back as 1834.But it still exists, though it
not becomingto say so, as the Speaker in Parliament
marked.Youmaycall it “adscri~tiglebae.”It doesn’tsou
so bad. But in spite of the industrial revolutionthat h
taken place sincethe Great Trek, in spite of the discov
of gold and diamonds,in spiteof the Boer War, in wh
feudalismwas defeatedby capitalism,the Voortrekkerw
refused to acceptthe Abolitionof Slavery Act of 1834
stillthemajor forceconfrontingthe Bantu in SouthAfric
The gigantic centenary celebrationsof the Voortrekke
lasting a wholeyear (1938), showhowthe decaying,co
ardly capitalismof the 20th century is ready, here as el
* A m or g en is e qu iv a le nt t o 2 1/9 E n gi is h a cr es .
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ere, for any foul compromise with feudalism at the
nseof the exploitedand oppressed.
licy of Segregation
e history of South Africa since 1834is the history of
ggles and rotten compromisesbetween capitalismand
lism,in which the Bantu’were invariablythe pawns,
the struggles centered chiefly around the question of
pnative labor. It may be briefly characterizedas the
to~ of Segregation.The questionof Segregation,more
n any other question,has dominatedthe politicalarena
exercised the ingenuity of white South Africa. The
has variousmeanings,dependingon the economicin-
sts of the several socialstrata of the population.Some
uldlike to have it bothways, to havetheir cakeand eat
theywouldliketo havea “purewhite South Africa” and
the same time to live on the labor of the black man.
is from the universityprofessors and students, from
poor whitesand from the predicants (clergymenof the
tch ReformedChurch) that the cry comes for complete
egation—’’SouthAfrica must be made safe forever as
eman’scountry.”
It is thosewho do not livedirectJy
the profits and super-profitsderived from native labor
are demanding that the Bantu be completelysegre-
d, driven out of the country somewhere,north to the
alahariDesert, where he could “lead his own life and
rk out his own destiny” The South African Labour
rty, the party of the white labor aristocracy, joins the
lenboschprofessors in this demandfor completesegre-
n,or completeseparation,as the party programputs it.
ideahas alsotaken root in certain sectionsof the Bantu
lligentsiaas a logical reaction to the “total absenceof
communityof interest betweenblackand white.”
the other hand the industrial capitalists,who need a
e labor force and a developedinternal market, are op-
ed to the extension of segregation beyond the social
ere.A white South Africa is all very well, but it must
t interfere with the supplyof cheapnative labor and the
ationof super-profits.
idway between these two is the feudal class of the
te landowners,who would like to have it both ways.
e white farmer hates the Bantu with the hatred of the
ve-ownerfor the slave. He hates his presence on the
, remindinghim alwaysof who is the rightful owner.
d becausehe’knows that the hatred is mutual, he fears
Bantu. He therefore concentratesall his activitieson
visingways and means to keepthe “Kaffir” in his place,
perpetuateand ensure the enslavementof the Bantu.The
islationof South Africa sincetheUnion was founded in
0,and especiallyduring the last fiveyears, the reign of
Fusion Government,*marks the victory of these feudal
downers, and the capitulation of capitalism in this
re, or what Hertzog calledthe “final solution of the
equestionin South Africa.”
f the extremesegregationpolicyof the Stellenboschpro-
ors,the predicantsof the Dutch ReformedChurch,the
iteLabour Party, etc., has not beenadopted,it is not be-
heFus ionG o\-wn men tesultedmm an
a l li a nce b et w e en t h e ol d
on alist P a rt y, led by t he t hen P r im e Min ist er , G en er a l H er tz og ,
t he S ou th Afr ica n P a rt Y, led by t he pr es en t P r im e Min ist er , G en -
l S mut s. Th e Na tiona list P a rt y r epr esen ted t he int er est s of t he
a l l an dow n er s, w h il e t h e S ou th Afr ica n P a r t y r epr es en t ed ch iefl y
r es t s o f t h e C h a m ber of M in es , t h a t i s, B r it is h I mp er ia l is m.
cause the
ma jor it y of t he w hit e ruling cla ss t hink it t oo
ext rem e—t hey h a ve n o m or a l object ion s t o t h e policy of
com pl et e ex t er m in a t i on a d op t ed b y t h e con q u is t a d or s 300
y ea r s a g o-bu t beca u se it is u topia n , beca u se l ife pr oves it
t o b e im pos sible. Th ey h a t e t h e n a t iv es , b ut t h ey m us t h a v e
h im . Wi t hou t h im t h ey ca n n ot w or k t h e f ie ld s a n d or ch a r d s,
t h e m in es a n d fa ct or ies . Th is ch ea p n a t iv e la b or —it cos t s
n ext t o n ot hin g —is t he fou nda t ion of t he w hole of S out h
Af rica n a g ricu lt u re, t h e w h ole of t h e m in in g in du st r y (t h e
per son n el in clu des on ly 10 per cen t of w h it es , w h o a r e em -
ploy ed a s s uper vis or s a n d s killed w or ker s), 60 per cen t of
in du st ry a n d 40 per cen t of t ra n spor t. C a n t he ca pit a list
a n d la n d ow n er s t h in k of com plet e s eg reg a t ion w h en 400, -
000 nat i v emi ners rece iv e three-q uar ters of the amount pa i d
t o 47,000 E ur opea n m in er s, w h en s om e fa r mer s pa y a n a -
t i ve l ab orer
t h r ee sh i l l i ngsper mon th and ten shillingsper
month is consideredby them to be a decentwage, worth
boastingabout in Parliament?
Break-up of Bantu Tribal System
The first invaders could not be satisfiedwith defeating
the Bantu,robbinghim of his landand pushinghim further
north into Reserves,but had to subjugate and enslavehim
and compelhim to work the land for the benefit of the
conquerors.The followinggenerationshad to pursue more
and more this policyof enslavementto securecheapnative
labor, for presently a powerful competitor came into the
field.The discoveryof diamondsand gold, and the indus
trial revolutionwhich followedit, the developmentof rail-
way transport, of coal mining and engineering,upset the
pastoral-agricultural economy of South Africa. The re-
sulting rush from the country to the fast-growing towns
and the ever-growingand insatiabledemand for cheapna-
tive labor threatenedthe very existenceof the white land
owners,who until then had been the solemasters and em
ployers of Bantu slaveand serf labor. The farmers cam
intoconflictwith the miningand industrial capitalists,with
whom they have ever sincebeen struggling for control of
native labor. The Bantu could no longerbe enticedto the
farms by the pretense of satisfying his hunger for land
and so other methodshad to be adopted to teach him the
“dignity of labor.” Taxation proved the most successfu
and this was strongly supplementedby the forcing of in-
dustrial productson the natives,and bya mighty recruiting
system to eliminate individual competition and preven
wages from rising. The results were highly successfulfor
imperialismand the land-owningclass. The ruling classe
became richer; their standard of living rose higher and
higher. On the other hand it resulted in a breaking up of
the old Bantu life. The tribal systemwith all the old Bantu
traditions and customs (good and bad) has disintegrated
The Bantuhas beenuprootedfrom his oldtribal and family
life, from his economy,without receivingin compensatio
any of the benefitsof the so-calledEuropean system and
civilization.
The fast breaking up of tribal life, and the increasin
migration of the Bantu from the Reserves and the farms
to the townsalarmedthe slave-owners.At all costsmust the
Bantu be kept in subjectionand slavery and ignorance.At
all costs must he be excludedfrom town life, from Euro-
pean civilization, from knowledgeof the class struggle
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P a
fr om des tr uct ive C om mu nism . B a ck t o t riba lis m, ba ck t o
t he .Reser ves a n d fa rm s, t o “develop on h is ow n lin es.”
Th is b eca m e t h e ba t t l e c ry of t h e la n d ow n er s. S eg reg a t ion
a cq u ir ed a n ew m ea n in g.
Hertzog’s Native Policy
F us ion r epr es en t ed a vict or y for t h e la n dow n er s on t h e
q uest ion of na t ive policy . H er t zog ha d his na t ive B ills
r ea dy a s ea rly a s
1925
but he ha d t o w a it for t en y ea rs be-
f or e F us ion g a ve h im t h e oppor t un it y
t s
them through .
Th e leg is la t ion t h a t w a s pa s sed du rin g t h e la s t fou r y ea r s
w as not only t he crow ning of H ert zog’s ca reer (he w as
r igh tly celebr a ted a n d h a iled by t he r ulin g cla sses a s t he
s a viou r of w h it e S ou th Afr ica , t h e g ua r dia n of w h it e civil-
iza tion), but it a lso dea lt a sha tt er ing blow t o t he old
B a n t u or ga n iz a tion s a n d lea d er s, w h o w er e lea n in g on t h e
i mp er ia l is t s a n d t h e l ib er a l s, a n d r el yi ng on t h ei r p rom is es
of gra dua l reform s t hrough t he en light enm en t of w hit e
pu blic opin ion . At t h e s a m e t im e t h e a t t em pt ed r es is t a nce
of t he “left ” gr ou pin gs a n d t he All-Afr ica n C on ven tion
w as frust ra ted by t he S t a linist s, w ho a t t ha t t ime w ere
d es per a t ely clin gin g t o t h e P e ople’s F ron t w it h t h e w h it e
liber a ls a n d t he w hit e ch a uvin ist ic L a bour P a r ty -t ha t
s a me pa r t y w h ich com pla in ed t ha t H er tz og ’s B ills d id n ot
g o fa r en ou gh .
H er tzog’s n a tive policy , w hich w a s a dopt ed by P a r lia -
m en t a l mos t w it h ou t oppos it ion , is em bod ied in h is N a t iv e
Act s a n d r es t s cm fou r cor n er s t on es : ( 1 ) polit ica l s eg reg a -
t ion , (2) t er rit or ia l s eg reg a tion , (3) econ om ic a n d s ocia l
segr ega t ion , a n d (4) educa t ion a l segr ega t ion . Th e fir st
t hr ee a re secur ed by t he t hr ee Act s, t he four th by a n a d-
mi ni st ra t i v e meas ure.
Native Representation ct Destroys
Political Rights of antu
Th e pur pose of t he Na tive Repr esen ta t ion Act w a s t o
d epr iv e t h e B a n t u of t h e la s t v es t ig es of polit ica l r ig ht s t h a t
h e st ill en joy ed in t he C a pe P r ovin ce fr om t he t im e w hen
t his w as a ‘C row n C olony. I t is not only t he Negro in t he
S t at es w ho ha s a Nort h a nd a S out h. U nt il recent ly t he
B a n t u a l so h a d s uch a d iv is ion , a l th ou gh per h a ps i t w a s n ot
so
s ha r ply d efin ed . O nly h er e t h e S ou t h w a s t h e liber a l, t h e
N or th (Tr a nsva a l, Or a ng e F ree S t a t e a n d N a ta l) t h e r ea c-
t ion a ry sect ion . Wh en t he fou r pr ovin ces w er e u nit ed t o
for m t h e U n ion of S ou th Afr ica , t h e m or e “liber a l” policy
of t he C ape ha d t o give w ay t o t he undisguisedly brut al
N a tive policy of t h e old B oer R epu blics . At lea s t t h e t h eo-
ret ica l prin ciple of Rh odes-eq ua lit y for a ll ‘ CiVilized”
men sout h of t he E qua tor—ca me int o conflict w it h t he
p ri nci pl e o f t h e B o er R ep ub li cs : “ n o e qu a l it y b et w e en w h i t e
a nd bla ck in S ta te a nd C hurch.” S till, up unt il 1936 t he
B a n tu in t he C a pe en joy ed som e polit ica l r igh ts, even if
t hese right s w ere illusory. H e ha d t he right t o vot e for
P a rlia m en t a n d t he P r ovin cia l C ou ncil, pr ovided h e h a d
cer t a in ed uca t i on a l a n d pr oper t y q u a lifica t ion s. B u t s uch
w a s t he oppr ession u nder w hich t he B a n tu suffer ed t ha t
ou t of on e a n d t h ree-q u a rt er s m i llion n a t iv es on ly 10,700
h a d t h e v ot e. Yet t h es e 10,700 v ot es exer cis ed a cer t a in in -
flu en ce in t en or t w el ve con st it u en cies , a n d m or eov er t h ey
w er e a sour ce of in spir a tion a n d h ope for t he B a n tu in t he
ot h er pr ovin ces. I n a d dit ion t o t h e fr a nch is e t h er e w a
r igh t t o bu y la n d, t o occu pa t ion of pr oper ty in t he t
et c. I t w a s t h es e r ig ht s, t og et h er w it h t h e r esis ta n ce o
M un icipa l it ies , t h a t w r eck ed t h e old L a n d Act of 191
t h e old U r ba n Ar ea s Act , a n d pr ev en t ed t h e a p plica t i
t h e P a s s L a w s t o t h e C a pe. NO u nifor m s eg reg a tion p
cou ld be a d opt ed a s lon g a s t h es e r ig ht s a n d pr ivileg
ma ined. Th ey ha d t o be r em oved first , a nd t hey w er
m ov ed b y t h e fir st of H er zog ’s m ea s ur es , t he N a t iv e R
sen t a tion Act , w h ich d is fr a nch is ed t h e B a n t u in t h e
giv ing hi m i nstead i ndi rect representa t i onby three E u
a n s in t h e low er h ou se a n d on e in t h e u pper h ou se. Th
t ives in t he rest of t he U nion w er e given t hr ee E ur
r epr es en t a t iv es i n t h e u pper h ou se, on e for ea ch pr ov
Wit h t he fa ll of t his la st ba st ion of t he libera l C a pe i
t hen ea sy t o put t hrough t he La nd Act , t he Na tive
Amend ent Act , e tc. S egrega t i on w a s complete. NO l oo
r em a i ne d by w h ich t h e B a n t u cou ld e sca p e.
Th e idea beh in d t his policy of “t rust eesh ip” is si
The B ant u must rema in forever a minor. This ca
a ch ieved if h e i s out side of t he la w , if a s a m in or he h
polit ica l r ig ht s, if h e h a s n o ot h er m ea n s of livelih oo
cept by a d min ist er in g t o t h e n e ed s of t h e w h it e m a n, a
h e r eceives a n ed uca t ion t h a t is su it a ble on ly for a s er
N a t ur a lly “ he m us t d ev el op a l on g h is ow n lin es ,” t h a t
m ust live a s lit t le a s pos sible in t h e t ow n s, w h er e h e m
be “t ra nsformed in t o a bla ck prolet ar ia t” ( ), w he
m igh t com e in to con ta ct w it h da n ger ous su bver siv
m en t s a n d a cq u ir e h a bit s a l ien t o a B a n t u civ iliz a t ion
old “bea u t ifu l” B a n t u cu st om s, t h e a u th or it y of t h e c
in t r ib a l life, m us t b e g iv en fu ll s cope—t o d ev elop h is
B a n t u cu lt u r e
antu Driven from Land and Towns
to Reserves
To t his en d it w a s im pera t ive t ha t t he B a nt u shou
deprived of a ll r ight s a nd pla ced a s a minor out sid
or din a ry la w of t h e la n d. Th e R epr es en t a t ion Act d id
I t w a s necessa ry t o dr ive a ll t he B a nt u st ill living o
la n d of t h eir fa t h er s a s la bor -t en a nt s a n d s qu a tt er s of
la nd. Th is w a s don e by t he L a nd Act , w hich pr ovide
for a lim it a tion in t he n um ber of la bor -t en a nt s (n o
t ha n five t o a fa rm), w it h w rit ten cont ra ct s a nd fees
pa id for ea ch , (b) for such a pr oh ibit ive t a x on sq u
t ha t in a few yea rs t hey must disa ppea r, a nd (c) for a
cr ea se in t he a moun t of free la bor given by t he t ena
t h e fa r mer fr om 90 d a ys in t h e y ea r t o 180 d a ys . Th e
of t h es e pr ov is ion s w ill b e t h a t on ly la b or er s w i ll b e le
t he fa rm s, for w hen t he sq ua t ter s a n d la bor -t en a nt s
a re smoked out from t he fa rms go t o t he Reserves,
w ill discover t ha t t her e is n o n ew la nd for t hem. H u
a n d t a xa t ion w ill do t he r est , a n d t hey w ill be w illin g
ba ck t o a ny fa rm er , even if it is on ly for a lit t le m ea li
(corn).
Th e t h ir d Act com pl et e s t h e p roces s b y d r iv in g t h e B
ou t of t he t ow ns a n d in to t he R eser ves. I t gives t he M
t er for Na tive Affa ir s t he pow er t o procla im a ny t o
cl os ed a r ea . Th e m un icipa l it y m us t in for m t h e N a t iv e
fa ir s D epa r t men t of t h e n um ber of n a t iv es it r eq uir e
n a t ive m a y live in t ow n except on pr em is es w h er e a c
8/18/2019 Fourth International - July 1940 - Socialis Workers Party
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FOURTH
INTERNATIONAL
July 194
dationis providedfor himby hismaster. No nativemay
in a t ow n location (the usual placewhere Bantu live)
ministers
t o t he
white man’sneeds.As
soon a s h e
employmenthe becomesin the eyesof the law
a n ex-
native,whomust be “repatriated”back
t o t he
Reserves,
if hewasborn in the town.
Thus
in a
nutshellthemeaningof this segregationpolicy
t o turn back the stream of the natives from the land t o
towns, and t o transform the Reservesinto a huge cen-
recruiting reservoir and distributing center for native
r, with
a
quota for the
t ow ns, a
quota for the mines,
d the balancefor the farms. The pass system,which
re-
res the Bantu
t o
carry on his persona poll-taxreceipt,a
rtificateof labor
or
contract pass,
a n
exemption pass,
various specialpasses allowinghim
t o
travel, to be
t at night, to work
a s a
casuallaborer,
etc.,
willmake it
for him
t o
choosefreelybetweentown labor and
rm labor.And the taxation system,whichtoday results in
,000natives a year being
s en t t o
jail, together with the
odification”of the prison system, will complete the
elopmentof the Bantu “on his own lines.”
ntu Mis/eaders Reformists and
linists Smash Militancy
The questionwill surelybeput: Was there
no
opposition
the part of the Bantu,
no
support for them on the part
the white workers? At first a st