Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue

7/29/2019 Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue

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Frame Intensity Effects of TelevisionNews Stories About a High-Visibility

Protest Issue

Benjamin H. DetenberSchool of Communication and Information

Nanyang Technological University

Melissa R. Gotlieb and Douglas M. McLeodSchool of Journalism and Mass Communication

University of WisconsinMadison

Olga Malinkina

TNS Gallup Media

This study investigated the effects of the intensity of the protest paradigm frame in

news stories about social protests. In contrast to previous research, this experiment

examined framing effects in the context of a highly visible and familiar issue. The in-

tensity of the application of the protest paradigm frame and its attendant signifying

elements and framing devices were manipulated in television news stories about

pro-choice and pro-life protests. Specifically, the high-intensity protest paradigm

frame conditions were more critical of the protesters. We tested six hypotheses re-garding whether this greater frame intensity would lead viewers to be more negative

toward the protesters. Results showed significant main effects of frame intensity for

some dependent measures but not others. The findings offer more evidence of framing

effects but also suggest limitations on their influence.

Research on the influence of news frames on audience perceptions reveals that

framing effects can and do occur across a range of domains (Reese, 2001;

Scheufele, 1999). In the specific context of media coverage of social protests, past

MASS COMMUNICATION & SOCIETY, 2007, 10(4), 439460

Correspondence should be addressed to Douglas M. McLeod, School of Journalism and Mass


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studies have demonstrated that differences in the way news stories are constructed

can lead to particular audience effects. These studies indicate that, under certain

conditions, variations in frames and the intensity with which they are presented innews stories can influence audience perceptions of the nature of the protest, the

groups involved, and the degree of public support they receive (McLeod, 1995;

McLeod & Detenber, 1999; Shoemaker, 1982).

This study builds on research examining the effects of protest news frames by

first classifying the characteristics of Chan and Lees (1984) protest paradigm ac-

cording to the framework offered by Pan and Kosicki (1993). Thus, in addition to

examining effects of social protest frames on audiences, this study also focuses on

the way in which various signifying elements are manipulated in a news story,

through the use of framing devices, and combined to communicate an overallframe (Pan & Kosicki, 1993; see also DAngelo, 2002; Entman, 1993). Spe-

cifically, we examine how the use of particular elements of the protest paradigm

identified by McLeod and Hertog (1999), including the conflict narrative, the use

of official sources, invocation of pubic opinion, the use of stance adverbs, and the

use of images in the construction of protest stories, affects audience responses. We

further demonstrate the way in which these framing devices can be modified to al-

ter the intensity with which a frame is presented in a news story and the effects this

has on viewers. That is, we examine frame intensity, whichwe conceptualize as the

degree to which the elements of a particular frame (e.g., the protest paradigm) areincorporated into news stories.

In the process of examining the effects of frame intensity, this study also ad-

dresses two specific limitations of past research. First, past studies of the effects of

protest paradigm coverage used issues that were unfamiliar to participants. In other

words, the news stories covered issues for which participants had likely given little

previous thought and involved protest groups with which they may have had little

if any direct experience or preexisting knowledge. Ball-Rokeach and DeFleurs

(1976) Dependency Model of Media Effects suggests that such conditions would

enhance framing effects. Drawing on this theory and Zallers (1992) discussion ofissue intensity and familiarity, we contend that it is possible, and even likely, that

this lack of familiarity and salience may have magnified the observed effects of the

news stories on viewers perceptions. In light of this interpretation of the findings

from previous research, an important question arises: Will similar news effects of

frame intensity occur when audience members are shown news stories about pro-

tests involving familiar issues? To answer this question, this study uses the more

familiar issue of abortion rights, a highly contentious social issue in America and

one that concerns a great many people.

Second, this study addresses the desire for more precise control over the mes-sage stimuli. Past research examining the framing effects of protest news stories

440 DETENBER, GOTLIEB, McLEOD, MALINKINA


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possible confounds, this study creates news stories that hold as much of the content

as possible constant, manipulating only those factors that vary the intensity of the

frame (i.e., adherence to the protest paradigm).

NEWS FRAMES, FRAME CONSTRUCTION,

AND FRAMING EFFECTS

Communication researchers have defined a frame as a central theme or organiz-

ing idea or story line that provides meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weav-

ing a connection among them (Gamson & Modigliani, 1987, p. 143). As such,news frames provide journalists with recognizable patterns for packaging the

events and issues of a news story (Gamson, 1992; Pan & Kosicki, 1993, 2005; Tan-

kard, 2001). In other words, they provide journalists with guidelines for the selec-

tion, emphasis, and presentation of news stories based on journalists tacit theories

of newsworthiness and the social function of their profession.

The selection of elements, emphasis, and presentation of a news story are all

important factors to consider in constructing and communicating a particular news

frame. Thus, in addition to examining a particular frame, or underlying theme of a

news story, it is equally important to examine the contributing roles of the individ-ual framing devices used to construct, or operationalize, the frame (Pan & Kosicki,

1993; see also Gamson & Modiglianis, 1987, discussion of symbolic devices). In

addition to providing journalists the means to communicate the central frame of a

news story, these framing devices, which may be categorized according to their

contribution to a news storys thematic, script, syntactical, and rhetorical structure,

also provide the audience with concrete elements to process (see Pan & Kosicki,

1993). Thus, in addition to enabling journalists to package and present large

amounts of information quickly and routinely, frames (and framing devices) allow

for efficient processing and recall by audiences. That is, frames not only guidenews production, they also affect audience perceptions (Iyengar, 1991; Price &

Tewksbury, 1997; Shah, Domke, & Wackman, 2001).

Framing effects have been demonstrated in a variety of contexts. For example,

Iyengar (1990b, 1991) has shown that particular frames in news coverage of social

problems like unemployment and poverty influence audience perceptions of the

causes of problems and the responsibility for fixing them. Various dimensions of

news frames have been shown to be influential in the context of political cam-

paigns: strategic versus issue frames (Rhee, 1997), issue versus character

frames (Shen, 2004), ethical versus material frames (Shah, Domke, &Wackman, 1996, 2001), and individual versus group frames (Keum et al.,

FRAME INTENSITY EFFECTS 441


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thought about the issue. Shoemaker (1982) found that the nature of newspaper sto-

ries influences readers perceptions of the political groups legitimacy.

In considering the framing process and resulting effects, researchers have fo-cused on two mechanisms: accessibility and salience. With respect to the former,

many researchers believe that framing effects are a function of construct accessi-

bility (Iyengar & Kinder, 1987; Price & Tewksbury, 1997; Shen, 2004; Zaller,

1992). That is, they believe people are cognitive misers who rely on heuristic pro-

cessing or mental shortcuts to help reduce the load of information processing.

Rather than consciously evaluating all the relevant information, associations, and

feelings one has stored in memory, people make judgments and interpretations and

form opinions based on which constructs are most accessible. In a connectionist or

associative model of cognition, accessibility refers to the readiness with whichconstructs (i.e., knowledge or attitudes) can be activated (Fazio, 1995; Higgins,

1996). The likelihood of accessible constructs influencing perceptions or opinions

has been called both the availability heuristic (Shrum & OGuinn, 1993;

Tversky & Kahneman, 1973) and the accessibility bias (Iyengar, 1990a). In

other words, exposure to news stories and the frames embedded within them make

certain considerations more readily accessible when individuals are called upon to

make evaluations of groups and issues mentioned in the story. In this way, news

frames enhance the accessibility of particular interpretations of characters, events,

and issues in news stories.However, frames may also influence peoples perceptions and judgments by

making specific features of a message or news story salient, thereby increasing the

likelihood that attention will be paid to those features (see Higgins, 1989, 1996;

Taylor & Thompson,1982). These salient features are important to peoples under-

standing and interpretation of news stories and are therefore influential in shaping

their processing and subsequent perceptions and evaluations. Although Nelson,

Clawson, and Oxley (1997) found evidence supporting the roles of both accessibil-

ity and salience in framing effects, the authors conclude, the accessibility of dif-

ferent considerations is not nearly as important as the weightattached to these con-siderations (p. 578). As such, a goal of this study is to show how amplifying the

intensity of a particular frame by manipulating the individual framing devices used

to construct a news story can make the frame and corresponding devices more sa-

lient, thereby rendering certain interpretations more accessible for making subse-

quent judgments related to the story.

PROTEST PARADIGM AS A FRAMING DEVICE

AND ITS INFLUENCE ON AUDIENCE PERCEPTIONS



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promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation,

and/or treatment recommendation for the item described (p. 52). News coverage

of social protests illustrates this particular function of news frames. Specifically, indefining, interpreting, and morally evaluating social protests, news coverage tends

to adopt a loosely defined set of characteristics that has been referred to as the

protest paradigm (Chan & Lee, 1984). As a whole, the protest paradigm pro-

vides the central organizing idea (see Gamson & Modigliani, 1989, p. 3) as well

as a template that guides the construction of news stories for print and broadcast

journalists.

Regarding frame construction, Entman (1993) explained that frames are mani-

fested by the presence or absence of certain key words, stock phrases, stereotyped

images, sources of information, and sentences that provide thematically reinforc-ing clusters of facts or judgments (p. 52). With respect to the protest paradigm,

McLeod and Hertog (1999) identified several of these elements, or framing de-

vices, including narrative structure and story themes, reliance on official sources

and definitions, and the invocation of public opinion. The presence of these fram-

ing devices serves, though perhaps unintentionally, to delegitimize, marginalize,

and demonize the protest and protesters (McLeod & Hertog, 1999). As a result, the

protest paradigm contributes to the maintenance of the status quoa characteristic

of the mass media resulting from the biases of individual journalists, professional

conventions and practices, organizational goals, ideologies, economic consider-ations, and sociocultural world views (Dimmick & Coit, 1983; Herman &

Chomsky, 1988; Hertog & McLeod, 1995; Shoemaker & Reese, 1996; Tichenor,

Donohue, & Olien, 1973). In terms of thematic structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993),

protest stories may adopt several subthemes including crime, where the emphasis

is on arrests and legal violations, and the depiction of a riot scene, where the em-

phasis is on the resulting chaos. However, most prevalent is the depiction of con-

frontation. That is, the narrative theme of news stories adhering to the protest para-

digm inherently depicts a confrontation between the protesters and police

(McLeod & Hertog, 1999). Specifically, news stories tend to cast participants asadversaries and emphasize any violent acts associated with the protest (Gitlin,

1980; McLeod & Hertog,1992). Negative portrayals of social protests focus on the

violent actions of a few while ignoring the peaceful actions of the majority of pro-

testers (Hertog & McLeod, 1995). Protesters often engage in violence to get media

attention, which in turn shifts the focus of the news stories from the issues of the

protest to the clash between the protesters and police (McLeod & Hertog, 1992).

Another important feature of the protest paradigm is journalists reliance on of-

ficial sources and definitions of the protest situation. By using official sources,

journalists add importance to the news stories, increase efficiency of news produc-tion, and ultimately support the status quo (Fishman, 1980; Sigal, 1973; Soley,



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The protest paradigms third characteristic is the invocation of public opinion.

News stories communicate cues to public opinion in different ways: through opin-

ion polls, by making generalizations about public opinion, by referring to socialnorms and laws, and by including comments from bystanders. These representa-

tions of public opinion help to locate the event in the broader landscape of the pub-

lic sphere and serve as cues for audience interpretations of the protest (McLeod &

Detenber, 1999). Frequently, public opinion is used to comment on the deviance of

the protesters. For example, it is common for protest coverage to focus on viola-

tions of norms and laws (embodiments of the social consensus), accentuating the

protesters deviance (McLeod & Hertog, 1992).

Beyond the reinforcement of social norms, a variety of presentational tech-

niques effectively delegitimizes, marginalizes, and even demonizes protesters(McLeod & Hertog, 1999). For instance, print journalists engage in the strategic

use of quotation marks to draw certain ideas into question without compromising

journalistic objectivity (Tuchman, 1978). Gitlin (1980) provided an example from

the coverage of antiwar protests in which journalists used quotation marks when

using the protesters self-designated label of peace march. The reliance on offi-

cial sources, invocation of public opinion, and strategic use of quotation marks

correspond to the framing devices that Pan and Kosicki (1993) classified as con-

tributing to the syntactical structure of a news story. They explained that practices

such as citing empirical data, linking certain points of view to authority by quot-ing official sources, and marginalizing certain points of view by relating a quote or

point of view to a social deviant are indicative of attempts to provide balance or

impartiality to the story (p. 60).

Also inherent to the protest paradigm are framing devices that provide rhetori-

cal structure (Pan & Kosicki, 1993). In the protest paradigm these include the use

of stance adverbs and visuals. Stance adverbs (e.g., allegedly, presumably,

or supposedly) undermine credibility or convey a preferred interpretation of

events (Lipari, 1996). In broadcast news, voice inflections, facial expressions, and

body language can convey a reporters feelings or position on an issue (McLeod &Detenber, 1999). Engaging in these activities provides the opportunity for a kind of

editorial commentary within the bounds of hard-news reporting. Similarly, the se-

lection and juxtaposition of visual content can reflect a particular stance or ideo-

logical orientation. Indeed, the very nature of images (i.e., their analogic quality,

their indexicality, etc.) makes them less obtrusive as framing devices than linguis-

tic constructions, and the use of images, especially those dealing with race, to com-

municate a particular frame has been well documented (Messaris & Abraham,

2001).

Although ample research demonstrates media support for the status quo and il-lustrates the characteristics of the protest paradigm, very few studies have specifi-



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are likely to respond to the framing devices within the story when formulating

thoughts about the groups and issues involved in the protest. Although they did not

examine the protest paradigm per se, Nelson et al. (1997) found that news coverageof a Ku Klux Klan rally presented with a free speech frame led to greater tolerance

for the group than when a public order frame was imposed. This suggests that news

stories adhering to the protest paradigm (in this case, we consider the public order

frame as indicative of the protest paradigm) are more likely to demonize protesters

in the minds of viewers.

Along this line, experiments by McLeod (1995) and McLeod and Detenber

(1999) found that participants exposed to a news story that was slanted against a

group of protesters were more critical of the group than participants who saw a

more balanced story. These studies revealed that relatively subtle differences in theframing of a protest story (i.e., the extent to which story content marginalizes the

protesters) can affect the audiences perceptions of the protesters legitimacy. In

this study, we refer to differences in the degree to which a news story adheres to the

protest paradigm as differences in frame intensity.

INDIVIDUAL AND MESSAGE-LEVEL MODERATORS

OF FRAMING EFFECTS

Research on the influence of news on public opinion reveals that effects on audi-

ence perceptions depend on both individual- and message-level factors. With re-

spect to individual-level factors, Zaller (1992) explained that political awareness

and political predispositions are key variables to consider when predicting whether

an individual will receive and accept a particular message. However, he also ac-

knowledged the equally important role of message attributes in message reception

and acceptance. In particular, Zaller highlighted the importance of the intensity, or

penetrating power of a message, as well as individuals familiarity with the issue:The greater the concern and initial knowledge, the more likely they are to notice

and comprehend additional information that comes their way (p. 152). However,

he further explained that in the case of familiar issues large stores of preexisting

considerations act to dilute the effects of any news message (p. 152). Thus, news

coverage of familiar issues is more likely to be received but not necessarily likely

to have an effect.

As mentionedpreviously, one limitation of past studies examining the influence

of the protest paradigm applied in varying degrees was the use of an issue (the an-

archy movement) that was relatively low profile (i.e., few study participants hadprevious knowledge of the issue or the groups involved). From Zallers discussion



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ment with the issue may have been responsible for the strong observed effects of

the news stories on viewers perceptions.

To better explain the persuasive effect of news coverage that features lessprominent issues on peoples perceptions, we draw on research from the

cognitive-processing literature, which explains that peoples perceptions are

based on information from the environment (external stimuli) and knowledge

stored in memory or schemas (Berkowitz & Rogers, 1986; Higgins & King,

1981; Neisser, 1976; Sanbonmatsu & Fazio, 1991). In situations in which no rel-

evant or available schemas exist or the pertinent knowledge structures are under-

developed due to a lack of direct experience or involvement with the subject

matter, information from the environment (e.g., news stories) is likely to be more

influential in shaping perceptions.To examine whether news coverage presenting viewers with familiar issues will

still produce effects, we apply the protest frame to the more familiar issue of abor-

tion.Few social issues in recent history have polarized public opinion in the United

States like the abortion issue. Abortion has been a central issue in presidential elec-

tion campaigns for many years. It has become a key criterion in official, media, and

public discourse surrounding the nomination and confirmation processes for Su-

preme Court justices. Ferree, Gamson, Gerhards, and Rucht (2002) provided a

comparative analysis of how various actors shaped the evolution of abortion dis-

course in the United States and Germany. In tracing the historical evolution of me-dia frames, the authors clearly demonstrated the salience of the abortion issue to

contemporary political discourse.

HYPOTHESES

This study builds on past research and examines the effects of the protest para-

digm, when applied in varying degrees, in covering a social protest involving an is-sue that is familiar to participants. Specifically, it examines the effects of news cov-

erage of social protests relating to the abortion issue on audience perceptions and

attitudes toward the protesters and their message.

In addition to framing effects on audience expression of criticism toward pro-

testers (McLeod, 1995; McLeod & Detenber, 1999; Shoemaker, 1982), the mass

communication research literature suggests some other important areas in which

to examine potential framing effects including support for expressive rights

(Andsager & Miller, 1994), perceptions of public opinion (Mutz, 1994), and the

newsworthiness of a news story (Galtung & Ruge, 1981). This study examines theframing effects of protest stories, and more specifically the intensity with which



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H1: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-

digm news story covering social protests will express greater criticism of

protesters than will those who are presented with a low-frame-intensityversion.


digm news story covering social protests will exhibit lower levels of identi-

fication with the protesters than will those who are presented with a

low-frame-intensity version.


digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to see the pro-

test as being effective than will those who are presented with a low-

frame-intensity version.H4: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-

digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to support the

protesters expressive rights than will those who are presented with a



digm news story covering social protests will estimate public support for

the protest group as being lower than will those who are presented with a


H6: Viewers presented with a high-frame-intensity version of a protest para-digm news story covering social protests will be less likely to see the pro-

test as being newsworthy than will those who are presented with a


METHOD

Participants

Two hundred fifty-six undergraduate students at the University of Delaware partic-

ipated in this study. They received partial credit toward the research participation

component of their introductory communication research methods course or extra

credit in another introductory communication class. Consistent with the student

demographics of the department, nearly three fourths of the participants were

women (n = 186). The number and gender of participants were balanced across

conditions.

Stimuli



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lected from a similar group of respondents to those who were the focus of this

study. These data showed that respondents perceived themselves to be signifi-

cantly more knowledgeable about the abortion issue than about environmental is-sues or issues of government oppression, the issue used in two past studies of the

framing effects of protest news stories (McLeod, 1995; McLeod & Detenber,

1999). In addition, respondents were significantly more likely to talk and think

about the issue of abortion rights than about the other two issues. These respon-

dents also indicated that they felt significantly stronger on the abortion rights issue

than the other two issues.

However, to ensure that any effects would be the result of the intensity of the

protest frame and not the protesters position on the issue, separate news stories

were constructed featuring coverage of either pro-choice or pro-life protests.These were constructed using video footage from actual news stories on pro-

choice and pro-life protests. The scripts for the constructed stories were also

adapted from the voice-overs of actual protest stories. The protest story was em-

bedded in a mock newscast that presented four news stories, a commercial break,

and an opening and closing sequence by professional newscasters, with the target

news story placed in the second story slot. All stories were approximately 2 min-

utes long, and all of them featured a reporters voice-over, assorted footage or

b-roll of the protest, and interviews. The complete newscasts with the embedded

target stories ranged in length from 10 to 11 minutes.These news stories were also constructed to present high or low intensity of the

protest paradigm frame. For the purpose of this study, the high-frame-intensity

stimulus was more critical of the protesters presented in the news story. The high-

and low-intensity stimulus stories were very similar in factual content. Both the

pro-choice and pro-life stories were about protests in response to a Supreme Court

decision that went against the interests of the protesters. The protests included

marches in downtown Washington, speeches outside the White House, and some

arrests. In addition, many of the events and voice-over phrases were shared be-

tween the pro-life and pro-choice stories.The high- and low-intensity stories were operationalized by varying the degree

of adherence to the protest paradigm through the manipulation of the individual

framing devices. Specifically, the high- and low-intensity stories differed in terms

of word choice by the reporter, whether the protesters were allowed to speak on

camera, and the nature of characterizations of public opinion embedded within the

stories. For example, the two versions of the pro-choice stories used different terms

to refer to the protesters: feminist protesters (high intensity) and citizens

groups (low intensity). In the parallel passage of the pro-life stories, the protesters

were called activist protesters (high intensity) and citizens groups (low inten-sity). Another difference between the versions was the motivating factor behind



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whereas the low-intensity story stated, The groups were motivated by the pros-

pect of losing the civil rights that they had fought so hard for. All four stories de-

scribed the purpose of the speeches outside the White House. The high-intensitystories explained that the protesters gathered to shout their objections and ex-

press their demands. The low-intensity stories said that the protesters wanted to

have their say and express their concerns. Such differences in phrasing were

found throughout the stories. Allowing protesters to state their views on camera

accords them a certain status; for the purposes of the news story, showing protest-

ers speaking on camera treats them as legitimate sources of information or com-

mentary. The low-intensity stories had protesters speaking into the camera,

whereas the high-intensity versions of both protests did not. Rather, the

high-intensity story used the voice-over to paraphrase the protesters views. Rep-resentations of public opinion also differed between the high- and low-intensity

versions. All four stories reported the results of call-ins to the White House phone

banks in response to the Supreme Court decision. Phone calls were characterized

as overwhelmingly supporting the position of the protesters in the case of the

low-intensity stories and as opposed to the position of the protesters in the

high-intensity stories. The portrayal of bystander reaction was another key differ-

ence in the representation of public opinion. In the high-intensity stories, it was

noted that many [bystanders] were frustrated by the traffic jams caused by the

protest. In contrast, the low-intensity versions reported that many of the bystand-ers joined in the march.

As part of a manipulation check of these stimuli, a panel of 25 participants rated

each of the four stories (pro-choice, low intensity; pro-choice, high intensity;

pro-life, low intensity; pro-life, high intensity) in terms of the extent to which the

stories were critical, sympathetic, hostile, and supportive of the protesters. For

both the pro-life and pro-choice protest stories, the high-intensity story was signif-

icantly more critical, less sympathetic, more hostile, and less supportive of the pro-

testers than the low-intensity story at the .001 level.

Design and Procedure

This study used a 2 (high vs. low intensity) x 2 (pro-choice vs. pro-life) be-

tween-subjects design with random assignment of participants to treatmentgroups.

Aside from the stimulus materials used, the procedures followed were identical to

those used by McLeod and Detenber (1999). Upon arriving at the research lab, par-

ticipants wereprovided with a briefdescription of the stimuli andquestionnaire and

then signed an informed consent form. In a modified classroom, the participants

were seated in a semicircle positioned approximately 3 meters in frontof the televi-sion (a Sony 27-inch color monitor). They watched one of the four versions of the



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seen. After completing the questionnaire, the students were verbally debriefed and

thanked for their participation. The entire experiment lasted 30 minutes.

Measurement

All items used to create the dependent variables were measured on 5-point

Likert-type scale unless otherwise noted. Seven items were used to create the Criti-

cism of the Protesters scale (Cronbachs a = .81, M= 2.54, SD = .68).1 The Identi-

fication With the Protesters scale consisted of six items (a = .73, M= 3.23, SD =

1.11), one of which (How close are your beliefs to those of the protesters) was

measured on a 9-point scale.2 Perceived Protest Effectiveness was measured using

six items (a = .76, M= 3.41, SD = .63).3 Support for the Protesters Expressive

Rights consisted of three items (a = .72, M= 4.30, SD = .63).4 Estimated Public

Support for the Protesters was a single item that asked participants to estimate the

percentage of the population that agree with most of the protesters viewpoints (M

= 50.27, SD = 14.55). Perceived Newsworthiness of the Protest was measured us-

ing seven items (a = .80, M= 3.41, SD = .62).5

Three covariates were included in the analysis. In addition to controlling for

possible gender effects, we also controlled for political awareness and political

ideology, variables that Zaller (1992) considered to be important in predicting

message reception and attitude change. Specifically, in the case of familiar issues,

political awareness has been found to moderate attitude change such that individu-


1This index was based on responses to the following statements: The protesters were violent, The

protesters were troublemakers, These protesters were disrespectful, These protesters were annoying,

These protesters are out to cause trouble, Ive heard all that I want to about these protesters, and The

protesters views were very radical.2This index was based on responses to the following statements: I share some of the protesters

viewpoints, I would consider getting involved with a group whosupported causes similar to the protest-

ers, The protesters actions were justified, I felt sorry for the protesters because of the way they were

treatedby this news story, I agree with most of what the protesters stand for, and How close are your be-

liefs to those of the protesters?3This index was based on responses to the following statements: This protest was an effective way

to influence politicians, This protest was an effective way to influence public opinion, This protest was

waste of time (reversed), These protesters offer new insights on the abortion issue, These protesters pro-

vide a useful service to our democracy, and These protesters could bring some issues to my attention.4This index was based on responses to the following statements: These protesters have a right to

protest, These protesters should not be allowed to protest in public places [reversed], and These protest-

ers have the right to be heard.5This index was based on responses to the following statements: The media should not encourage

there protesters by giving them attention [reversed], The media should provide these protesters with themeans to be heard, It is the medias obligation to cover this protest, News stories about this protest

arent of interest to the public [reversed], The news story about this protest is relatively important com-


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als low in political awareness are more likely to yield to a given message, whereas

those high in awareness may be more resistant. Political interest, a proxy for politi-

cal awareness, was constructed from two items that asked participants about theirinterest in politics and about their interest in the outcome of the next presidential

election. Each was measured on a 9-point scale ranging from not at all interestedto

very interested(interitem correlation = .74, M= 5.23, SD = 2.01). Political ideol-

ogy was constructed from two items that asked participants to rate themselves on

social and economic issues. Each was measured on a 7-point scale ranging from

very liberal to very conservative (interitemcorrelation = .63,M= 3.19, SD = 1.22).

RESULTS

To examine the influence of frame intensity, separate analyses of covariance

(ANCOVAs) were run for each of the six dependent variables. The protest context

(pro-choice vs. pro-life) was included in the analysis to account for possible effects

of the protesters position on the issue. For each 2 2 factorial model, gender, con-

servatism, and political interest were included as covariates. Estimated marginal

means and standard errors for all experimental groups after controlling for the

three covariates are reported in Table 1.

H1, which predicted that participants presented with a high-intensity protestparadigm news story would be more critical of the protesters than those presented

with a low-intensity news story, was supported (see Table 2). The ANCOVA

yielded a significant main effect for level of intensity, F(1, 249) = 6.97, p < .01,

such that participants who saw the high-intensity version (Estimated Marginal

Mean [EMM] = 2.65, SE= .07) expressed more criticism toward the protesters than

those who saw the low-intensity version (EMM= 2.43, SE= .06). The ANCOVA

also produced a significant main effect for protest context, F(1, 249) = 26.16, p

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Frame Intensity Effects on Television News Story About a Hight Visibiity Protest Issue

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