Gathering Antipathy: Irish Immigrants and Race in America's Age ofEmancipation
Kelly, B. (2018). Gathering Antipathy: Irish Immigrants and Race in America's Age of Emancipation. In M. Pierse,& J. Trew (Eds.), Rethinking the Irish Diaspora: After The Gathering (pp. 157-185). (Migration, Diasporas andCitizenship). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40784-5
Published in:Rethinking the Irish Diaspora: After The Gathering
Document Version:Peer reviewed version
Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal:Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal
Publisher rights© 2018 Palgrave Macmillan.This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher.
General rightsCopyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or othercopyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associatedwith these rights.
Take down policyThe Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made toensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in theResearch Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected].
Download date:28. Aug. 2020
1
GatheringAntipathy:
IrishImmigrantsandRaceinAmerica’sAgeofEmancipation
BrianKelly,Queen’sUniversityBelfast
Historicalcommemorationisoftenfraughtwithtensionbetweenthedemandfor
afaithfulreconstructionofthepastandtheconflictingpressuresofthepresent.
Inthissense,atleast,thereisnothingexceptionalintheIrishstate’sattemptsto
claimitsplaceinthe‘reminiscenceindustry’thathasgrownuparoundthe150th
anniversaryoftheAmericanCivilWar.InMayof2015TaoiseachEndaKenny,
accompaniedbytheUSambassadorandanentourageoflesserdignitaries,
travelledtoSligotounveilamonumenttosome200,000Irishimmigrantswho
foughtinthatbloodyconflict.Unexpectedly,perhaps,theceremonywasmetby
‘angryscenes’whicheruptedwhenprotestorsincensedoverthegovernment’s
impositionofwaterchargesanditsacquiesceinallowingUSmilitaryflights
throughShannonairportheckledKennyandturnedtheirbackonthespeakers’
platform.Followingclashesbetweenprotestorsandgardaí,localpoliticians
worriedthatthedemonstrationmightspoilplansfor‘annualfestivities’atthe
sitewhere,theyhoped,‘busloadsofAmericantourists’would‘[swell]the
crowds.’FromNewYork,theinfluentialnewspapermanNiallO’Dowdbitterly
denouncedprotestorsfor‘sullyingthegoodnameofIreland’withtheir
‘remarkabledisplayofignoranceandarrogance’indisruptinganevent‘heldto
honorthemostpooranddesperateofIrishpeoplewhofledfamineandmisrule
andendedupfightingagainstslavery.’1
2
ThoughnoneoftheofficialsinvolvedinstagingtheSligocommemorationseem
dimlyawareofit,theirceremonyfor‘soldierswhoservedonbothsides’andthe
monumentthatwilloutlastitrepresentatransatlanticextensionofaquite
specificwayofinterpretingthemeaningoftheAmericanCivilWar—onein
which,asDavidBlighthaswritten,thedemandsfornationalreconciliationand
healingbetweenwhitesnorthandsouth‘overwhelmedtheemancipationist
vision’ofawarthatendedintheliberationoffourmillionslaves.Outside‘the
endearingmutualityofsacrificeamongsoldiersthatcametodominatenational
memory,’Blightinsists,‘anotherprocesswasatwork[:]theattemptederasureof
emancipationfromthenationalnarrative’.(Blight,2001,pps.2,5)Itwasnot
exactlytrue,asorganizersatBallymotesolemnlydeclared,thatthewarwas
universallyregardedas‘oneof[America’s]mostpainfulperiods’.Forthe
country’smostdowntroddenitheraldedinstead‘thecomingoftheLord’—a
reckoninglongoverdueandanessentialpreludetothe‘slaves’jubilee’.
Organisedpublicremembranceisalwaysandeverywhereaselectiveexercise,
andinanalysingcommemorationweneedtobeattentivenotonlytowhatis
includedinnarrativesconstructedoutofabroadrangeofpossiblerenderings
butalsotowhatisleftout.
BeyondthetransparentmannerinwhichtheBallymoteceremonywas
conceivedasanendorsementofincreasingpolitical,economicandsecurity
cooperationbetweentheUSandtheIrishstateduringaperiodofprofound
globalturbulence,theeventdrewuponstockelementsinafacileandwell‐worn,
teleologicalnarrativeofIrishAmericansuccess.Variationsofthishavecirculated
sincetheearly1960s,whentheKennedypresidencyseemedtoconsummatethe
3
ascentofIrishCatholicstothepinnacleofUSsociety,buttodayarenovated
versionperfectlycomplementstheentrepreneurialzeitgeistoftheneoliberalage.
Thefirstofthesethemes,aCelticvariationonthe‘rags‐to‐riches’fablesthat
circulatedwidelyinlatenineteenth‐centurydimenovels,emphasizesthe
famine‐eraimmigrants’triumphoveradversity.Thoughtheyarriveddestitute
andfriendless,muchofthestandardliteratureinsists,hardworkinalandof
opportunitywonfortheimmigrantIrishethnicandreligioustoleranceand
materialprosperity.(MacRaild,2001)Asecondstrandinpopularrepresentation
stressestheIrishcontributiontoAmericanfreedom.O’Dowd’sassertionthatthe
famineIrish‘endedupfightingagainstslavery’fallswithinthiscategory,though
hiscaseisunderminedbythefactthatuptoafifthofthe200,000soldierswhose
serviceisbeingmarkedfoughtinConfederateranks,inanarmyorganizedto
establishaslaveholders’republic.Morethanthat,itrequiresanimaginative
renderingofthehistoricalrecordtosuggestthattheIrishsoldieryinUnion
rankswerecommittedtoendingslavery.Scholarshavedetecteda‘palpable
bitternessandhatredforAfricanAmericans’inthelettersthesemensenthome
fromthebattlefield,andtheirmostprominentspiritualleaderofthetime
explicitlywarnedtheLincolnadministrationthatanyattempttocompelIrish
recruitsto‘fightfortheabolitionofslavery’wouldmakethem‘turnawayin
disgust’.(O’Driscoll,2016,p.4;Zanca,1994,p.247)
EvenasuperficialfamiliaritywiththistumultuousperiodinAmericanhistory
precludesthedepictionofmid‐nineteenthcenturyIrishimmigrantsasardent
fightersforblackemancipationwhorose,asanundifferentiatedbloc,to
prosperityandacceptanceintheaftermathoftheCivilWar.Turningthisfacile
4
storyofhardshipovercomeanddevotiontofreedomonitsheaddoesnotmove
ustowardacloserapproximationofthetruth,however.Thedestitutionand
materialhardshipfacedbythosefleeingfamine‐eraIrelandintheiradopted
homelandwasreal,aswasthepervasiveethnicandsectarianhostilitythat
confrontedthem.RelationsbetweenurbanIrishimmigrantsandthesmaller
AfricanAmericanpopulationsincitieslikePhiladelphia,NewYorkandBoston
werefrequentlytenseandoccasionallyexplosive.TheIrish—whoforreasonswe
willexplorewereheavilyinfluencedbytheintenseracismcirculatinginthemid‐
centuryAmerica—wereprominentinsomeoftheworstracialatrocitiesofthe
era,andwidelyportrayedasembracingaspecialanimustowardblacks.Butlike
allgeneralisationsthisconcealedamorecomplicatedandvariedrecordof
interactionwithAfricanAmericans.Thisessay,focussedontheIrishimmigrant
experienceintheantebellumNorth,exploresthecontextinwhichfamine‐era
immigrants’attitudestoraceandtheslaverycontroversytookshape.
TravelingacrosstheeasternUnitedStatesonalecturetourintheearly1880s,
theOxford‐trainedhistorianandEnglishLiberalpoliticianEdwardA.Freeman
founditdifficulttosuppresshisdisdainforthepromiscuousmixingofblackand
white,native‐bornandimmigrantthatconfrontedhimincitiesandtownsalong
hisitinerary.The‘reallyqueerthing,’Freemanexplainedtofriendsathome,and
thatwhichmorethananythingarousedhis‘Aryanprejudices,’wasthefrequent
sightof‘theniggerswhoswarmhere,’like‘bigmonkeysdressedupforagame.’
Ithadbeenamistake,hethought,tomakecitizensoftheformerslaves:‘Ifeela
creepwhenIthinkthatoneofthesegreatblackapesmay(intheory)be
5
President.Surelytreatyourhorsekindly,’headvised,‘butdon’tmakehim
consul.’2
Bytheearly1880s,Freeman’scoarsedenigrationofAfricanAmericans’capacity
forparticipationinAmericanlifematchedthedispositionamongmanyinhis
hostcountry.WhiteNorthernershadbyandlargerepudiatedtheabolitionist
legacyoftheCivilWaryears,retreatingfromthequalifiedembraceofracial
egalitarianismthathadbegun,tentatively,tounderminenorthernprejudice
duringandjustafterthewar.Butthetraveller’sdiscomfortwithAmerica’s
changingethniccompositionalsoreflectedadeepuneaseoverimmigrationthat
hadpermeatednationallifesincethelate1840s.Inthemobviolencethen
becomingrifeagainstChineseimmigrantsonthewestcoast,Freemanfound‘an
exactparalleltotheJewsinRussia’—aneruptionoftensionsdrivennotby
religiouspersecution,heinsisted,butbythe‘naturalinstinctofanydecent
nationtogetridoffilthystrangers’.Acavalierproponentoftherace‐ladensocial
DarwinismthenbecomingascendantonbothsidesoftheAtlantic,Freeman
proposedaformulaforAmericancitizenshipthatreflectedhisconvictionsabout
Teutonicsupremacy:‘Dutchmen,highandlow’shouldbeadmitted‘atonce’,he
suggested;‘[o]therAryans’afterthreegenerations;and‘non‐Aryansnotatall.’
Likemanyofhispeersthenengagedinconcoctingelaboratehierarchiesofrace
andethnicity,FreemanwasconfusedaboutwhereAmerica’slargeIrish
immigrantpopulationfitalongthisspectrum.Buthisantipathywasclear:‘This
wouldbeagrandland,’hewrotefromNewHaveninDecemberof1881,‘ifonly
everyIrishmanwouldkillanegro,andbehangedforit.’3
6
Inlinkingthe‘lowIrish’withdescendantsofAfricanAmericanslavesas
undesirables,Freemandrewupontropesthathadexertedapowerfulholdover
AngloeliteopiniononbothsidesoftheAtlanticatmid‐century,butwhichbythe
timeofhisvisithadfallenoutoffashionintheUnitedStates.Inthetumultuous
yearsbetweenmid‐century—whenanintensificationofsectionaltensions
inauguratedthelongdescentintocivilwar—andthereturnofthewhiteSouthto
powerinthelate1870s,ethnicandsectarianhostilityagainsttheIrishhad
abated,thoughtheyremaineddisproportionatelyconfinedtotheurbanworking
classandover‐representedintheranksofunskilledlabour.Prejudicelingered,
tobesure,andwouldsurgeagaindramaticallyintheaftermathofWorldWarI.
Buttheintenseaggressionfacedbyfamine‐eraimmigrantsatmid‐century
diminishedoverthewaryears,undercutinpartbytheirmilitaryenlistment.
BlackAmericans,bycontrast,enduredahumiliatingandtraumaticdescent—
fromthehighoptimismoftheimmediatepost‐emancipationperiodtotheterror
attendingtheoffensivewagedbytheReconstruction‐eraKlanand,finally,their
re‐subjugationafter1876ina‘redeemed’,whitesupremacist‐ledSouth.Thiswas
truedespitetheirhavingenlistedinUnionmilitaryranksingreaternumbers
thantheirIrish‐borncomrades‐in‐arms.4Thoughlinkedinmid‐centuryastwin
threatstoAnglo‐Americancivilization,bythelatenineteenthcenturytherelative
positionofblacksandtheimmigrantIrishinAmericansocietydivergedsharply.
Freeman’sgibedrewalsouponthewidespreadperceptionofanunyielding
antipathyamongfamine‐eraIrishimmigrantstowardblackAmericans.Herehis
assumptionsrestedonmoresolidground,thougheventhisgeneralization
obscuresamoreunevenandcontradictoryexperience.Theassertionthatthe
7
Irishprovidedanimportantconstituencyforproslaveryforcesinthelate
antebellumandwartimeUnitedStates,andthatracialantipathytowardAfrican
AmericansduringwartimewasmostpalpablymanifestedamongtheurbanIrish
poor,islargelyaccurate.Fewrecentstudiessucceed,however,inofferinga
convincingexplanationforwhythatsectionofnorthernwhitesocietythatstood
closest,insocialterms,totheslavewasamongtheleastinclinedtotakeupthe
anti‐slaverycauseandthemostreceptivetodemagogicappealsindefenceofthe
South’s‘peculiarinstitution’.Theexplanationwhichhasbecomemostinfluential
overrecentyears,generatedbyproponentsof‘criticalwhitenessstudies’,rests
ontheimmigrantcommunity’spurportedembraceofwhiteracialidentity—
‘becomingwhite’,toborrowfromthetitleofoneinfluentialstudy.Eagertograsp
the‘publicandpsychologicalwage’associatedwithwhiteness,thisliterature
contends,theIrishimmigrantcommunityrejectedthepossibilityofmaking
commoncausewithslavesandfreeblacksandmoved,instead,toalignitself
withthedominantwhite‘race’andassertitsracialsupremacy.(Ignatiev,1995;
DuBois,1935,p.700)
Ataverygenerallevelthisisdifficulttodispute.Certainlythereisnoshortageof
evidenceattestingtotheprevalenceofraceprejudiceamongIrishimmigrants
duringtheyearsstraddlingtheCivilWar.Thoughtheyplayedanegligiblerolein
actualslaveowning,thesmallnumbersoffamine‐eraimmigrantssettlinginthe
Southhadmadetheirpeacewiththeregion’s‘peculiarinstitution’,
demonstratingtheirwartimeloyaltyintheranksoftheConfederatemilitary.In
theNorth,theIrishwereoverwhelminglyloyaltotheDemocraticPartyand
prominent,duringthetenseperiodprecedingtheoutbreakofwar,instreet
8
mobilizationsagainstarisingabolitionistmovement.Duringwartime,Irish
immigrantsinNewYorkandelsewhereengagedinviolentconflictswithblack
NorthernersandexplosiveconfrontationswiththeLincolnadministration—
episodessometimesheavilyladenwiththerhetoricofwhitesupremacyand
unconcealedracialhostility.ThisantagonismbetweentheurbanIrishand
AfricanAmericansoutlivedthewar,moreover,andpersisted—orwasperhaps
resurrected—inclashesoverde‐segregationmorethanacenturylater.
(Formisano,2004)Whilewemightquestionclaimsaboutthespecialdisposition
oftheIrishtoembracewhitesupremacythereisnodisputingitsstrengthor
pervasivenessintheCivilWarera.
Beyondthiscommonacknowledgmentofthedepthsofraceprejudice,however,
thereareproblemsinstudiesconstructedaroundracialidentitythatrender
theirexplanationsfortheIrishembraceof‘whiteness’deeplyunconvincing.
Anxioustodemonstrate‘theagencyofthe[white]workingclassinthesocial
constructionofrace,’(Roediger,1990,p.10)theysystematicallyunderstatethe
muchmoreimpressivepowerofthedominantclassesinshapingthe
environmentinwhichtheirrelativelypowerlessmanoeuvredand,insodoing,
downplayorignorethecontextthatgeneratedsuchpalpablefriction.(Kelly,
2007,pps.xxix‐xlviii)Fewofthesestudies,forexample,payseriousattentionto
pervasiveandvirulentnativism,whichhadtheeffectofalienatingtheIrishfrom
themostimportantcurrentsofprogressivereform—includingthelabour
movementandabolition—duringtheantebellumperiod.Theyseemanxious,as
well,todismisslabourcompetitionbetweenblacksandtheIrishasa
contributoryfactor,thoughit’sbearingoneventsseemsself‐evident.Noel
9
Ignatiev’sseeminglygenerousofferto‘make[theIrishimmigrantworkingclass]
theactorsintheirownhistory’(Ignatiev,1995,p.3)inrealityamountsto
obscuringthegreateragencyofinstitutionsliketheDemocraticPartyandthe
Catholichierarchyinshapingimmigrants’racialattitudes.GregoryMeyerson
notesthepeculiarwayinwhichthefoundationaltextinthewhitenessoeuvre,
DavidRoediger’sWagesofWhiteness,framestheroleofthesepowerful
institutions.AtmosttheChurchcanbechargedwith‘notquestioningthe
whitenessoftheIrish’—‘reflect[ing]theracialattitudesofitsmembers’or
‘reproduce[ing]existingwhitesupremacistattitudeswithoutchallengingthem.’
FramingtherelationshipbetweenpowerfulinstitutionsliketheChurchandits
flockinthisway,Meyersonsuggests,‘biasestheargumentaboutthe
constructionofwhitenessinfavouroftheIrishproletariatthemselves,asifthe
Irishproletariatfirstassertedthiswhitenessandthiswasnot
questioned.’(Roediger,p.140;Meyerson,1997)
Inlightoftheseproblems,thischapterattemptstofollowthroughonKevin
Kenny’sappealfora‘betterhistoricalexplanation[that]shiftsatleastpartofthe
focusawayfromindividualagencyandtowardthewidersocialandcultural
structureinwhichbothIrishimmigrantsandAfricanAmericansoperated,’
(Kenny,2000,p.68)advancinganalternativereadingofthedevelopmentof
deepantipathybetweenblacksandfamine‐eraIrishimmigrantsintheyears
approachingtheAmericanCivilWar.Intheabsenceofotherfeasibleoptions,the
hostilityconfrontingthegrowingIrishimmigrantpopulationfromtheearly
1830sonward—basedinvaryingdegreesonethnicandsectarianprejudice,
anxietyamongnative‐bornAmericansabouttheprofoundsocialandeconomic
10
changesthentransformingtheirrepublic,andplaincontemptforthepoor
amongtheurbanmiddleclasses—compelledaretreatintoethnicpolitics.
Thewithdrawalintotheboundariesoftheurbanethnicghettoencompassed
alsoanembraceoftheimmigrant‐friendlyDemocraticPartyanditsproslavery
outlook,anewidentificationwiththeconservativeleadershipoftheCatholic
hierarchy,and—crucially—anestrangementfromtherisingantislavery
movementandothercurrentsofprogressivereform.Underpinningthiswasa
deepsenseofclassresentment—directedatemployersandurbanelites,
occasionallyduringthewarattheRepublicanPartyanditsdraftagents,butalso
atblackworkers,withwhomtheIrishfoundthemselvesfrequentlythrowninto
competitionatthebottomofthenorthernlabourmarket.Understandablymuch
oftherecentliteraturehasfocusedonthevolatilityofrelationsbetweencity‐
dwellingblacknorthernersandIrishimmigrants,explodingoccasionallyinto
lethalepisodesthatsometimes—aswiththeNewYorkDraftRiotsof1863—
showalltheearmarksofaracialpogrom.Horrificasthisrecordis,itreflects
boththevirulenceofracismandthefactthatmorethananyothersectionof
whitenorthernsociety,itwastheIrishwholivedandworkedinclosest
proximitytoblacks,andwhosedesperatecircumstancessetthemofffrommuch
ofthewhiteNorth.Withoutseekingtocallintoquestionthegeneralperception
ofIrishracialantipathytowardAfricanAmericans,ithastobesaidthat
sometimes,atleast,livingandworkinginclosequartersseemstohave
generatedasubstantialrecordofinterracialism—socialising,camaraderie,and
publicintimacy;loveandoccasionallymarriageacrossthecolourline;andon
rareoccasionsevencombinedresistanceagainstperceivedenemies.
11
Immigrantshad,ofcourse,beenarrivingintotheUnitedStatesfromIreland
sincetheearlycolonialperiod.Theprofileofthepre‐faminemigrantsdiffered
significantlyfromthecommunitiesthatbegantotakeshapeatmid‐century,
however.UlsterProtestantsfigureddisproportionatelyinearlierwavesof
settlement,andbytherevolutionaryperiodmanyoftheScots‐Irishhad
assimilatedwithoutdifficultyintowhatwasinmanywaysafamiliarsociety—
Anglo,English‐speakingandProtestant.AsDavidGleesonsuggests,havingtaken
partintheRevolutionandinthepoliticsoftheearlyrepublic,thesewere‘among
thefirst“Americans”’.(Gleeson,2001,p.5)NewYorkandothergrowingcities
hadseenafurtherwaveofIrishmigrationafterthefailed1798Rebellion,and
manyofthesenewcomers—mainlythoughnotexclusivelyProtestant—hadbeen
influencedbytheegalitarianethosoftheUnitedIrishmen.Inexpandingurban
enclavesupanddowntheeastcoastIrishcommunitylifewasdominatedby
émigrésinfluencedbynon‐sectarianandrepublicanideals.Inseveralkeyurban
areas—NewYork,PhiladelphiaandCharlestonamongthem—aspiritof
ecumenicalcooperationprevailedamongthestillsmallnumberswhotraced
theirlineagetoIreland,andtogethertheassimilatedProtestantandCatholic
middleclassesoversawtheintegrationofnewarrivalsintothelifeoftheyoung
republic.Importantly,whilethenumbersofnewarrivalsremainedlow,this
generationofrepublican‐mindedethnicleadershippromotedassimilationatthe
sametimeitwasabletoprovideabufferagainstnascentanti‐immigrantand
anti‐Catholicagitation—includingsectarianprovocationsbyOrangemobs.
(Walsh,1996,p.65;Gleeson,pps.15‐16;Rockman,2009,pps.31‐32)
12
Astheinfluxbegantoaccelerateintheearly1830s,however,andasthe
compositionoftheimmigrantcommunitybegantoreflectincreasing
desperationamongpoorerCatholicsfromtheruralsouthandwestofIreland,
nativisthostilityintensifieddramatically.Wellbeforetheonsetoffamine,the
menof’98hadlosttheirholdoverurbanIrishimmigrantcommunities,and
amongnewcomersaretreatwasunderwaytowardamoredefensiveethnic
politicsthat‘reliedincreasinglyontheroughandtumblestreettacticsof
machinepolitics.’(Gilje,1996,p.79;Gleeson,pps.14‐16)Thepartingofways
reflectednotonlysectariandivisions,butalsogrowingsocialandeconomic
cleavagesbetweenaprosperous,establishedeliteandanincomingfloodofrural
poorwhowould,inmanyurbanareas,findthemselvesconfinedtolivingin
deplorableslumconditionsandearningameagrelivingatthelowerendofthe
unskilledlabourmarket.Significantly,tensionsarosenotonlybetweenthe
immigrantpoorandmiddle‐classProtestants,butbetweenthelabouringclasses
andCatholicelitesaswell:bitterconfrontationeruptedbetweenchurchtrustees
andthe‘lower‐classIrish’overthesellingofpewsinManhattan’sSt.Peter’s
Church,forexample.(Gilje,p.73)
Regionaldifferencesshapedtheevolutionofimmigrantcommunities,andthese
becamemorepronouncedwiththefloodofnew,mostlydestituteimmigrants
drivenacrosstheAtlanticbyfamine.Ofthe1.2millionIrish‐bornlivinginthe
UnitedStatesontheeveoftheCivilWar,lessthan7percentmadetheirhomes
intheslaveSouth.(Gleeson,p.2)NorthandsouththeIrishconcentrated
overwhelminglyinlargetownsandcities,thoughthedemandforrailroad,canal
andmininglabourbroughtsignificantnumbersintotheruralinterior,the
13
MidwestandeventheboomingfarWest.Theirpresenceasacohesiveethnic
group,however,wasfeltmostacutelyintheexpandingindustrialand
commercialcitiesoftheNortheastandtheportcitiesoftheSouth.NewYorkhad
earnedareputationbythemid‐1840sas‘mostIrishcityintheUnion’,though
proportionallyitlaggedbehindbothBostonandJerseyCity,withPhiladelphia
notfarbehind.NewOrleans,Savannah,CharlestonandMemphisintheSouth
wereeachhometoestablishedIrishcommunitiesbymid‐century.Throughout
theantebellumperiodtheregion’sgrowingobsessionwithabolitiontempered
nativistaggressionbelowtheMasonDixonline,butrelationsbetweennative‐
bornsouthernwhitesandIrishimmigrantsremainedvolatile,withtensions
explodingintostreetfightinginNewOrleansduringthemid‐1850s.(Gleeson,
pps.107‐120)
Famine‐inducedmigrationwroughtdramatictransformationsinthesizeand
socialweightofIrishimmigrantcommunities,testingthealreadystrained
relationsbetweenmostlyAngloandProtestantcityfathersandthenew,
overwhelminglyCatholicIrishintheNorth.Thearrivalofsomefiftythousand
destituteIrishimmigrantstothecityofBostonduringthedecadeofthe1850s
inauguratedafundamentaltransformationinthatcity’seconomicandcultural
profile.Before1830,newarrivalshadneverexceededtwothousandannually.In
1840theirnumbershadincreasedtojustunderfourthousand,butby1849—
justtwoyearsaftertheonsetofthepotatoblightinIreland—thatnumberhad
multipliedseven‐foldto29,000.Anoverwhelmingmajorityoftheseimmigrants
wereIrish‐born,sothatby1855Boston’sIrishpopulationhadgonefromamere
handfulbeforethefaminetooverfiftythousand,orathirdofthecity’stotal
14
population.ItwasthismeteoricrisethatledTheodoreParkertocomplainthat
thecityofthePuritanfatherswasbeingtransformedinto‘theDublinofAmerica.’
(Handlin,1959,p.56;Mulkern,1990,p.14)NewYorkexperiencedsimilar
growth:between1847and1851some1.8millionimmigrantsdisembarked
there,ofwhomnearly850,000wereIrish.By1855Irishimmigrantsmadeup28
percentofthepopulationofManhattan,andacrosstheEastRivertheIrish
settledintoBrooklyninsimilarnumbers.Philadelphiagrewbymorethan
165,000between1850andtheeveofthewar,withIrishimmigrantsmakingup
thebulkofthatexpansion.(Diner,p.91)
Thoughaconsiderablenumberofnewarrivalseventuallyfoundtheirwayinto
theinterior,settingoutonoverlandroutesforPhiladelphiaandotherinterior
citiesandtowns,canalandrailroadworkcampsandcoal‐miningdistricts,many
foundthemselvesconfinedinovercrowdedurbansettingslackingthebasic
infrastructurenecessaryforabsorbingthem.Conditionswereespeciallydismal
intheovercrowdedslumhousingofManhattan’snotoriousSixthWard—
describedbyonejournalistasa‘greatcentralulcerofwretchedness—thevery
rottingSkeletonofCivilization’where‘thescattereddebrisoftheIrishnation’
washerdedintowretchedtenementhousing.5InBostonaselsewheretherapid
influxoftensofthousandsofimmigrantsoverwhelmedthehousingsupply.In
thecity’sNorthEndandinFortHill,vacantwarehousebuildingswerehastily
partitionedtomakeroomforthenewcomers.Dankundergroundcellars
previouslydeemedunfitforhumanoccupancybecamehometoextended
families,withflimsy“sheds”and“shanties”thrownuphastilytohousethose
unabletosecureproperhousing.‘Thiswholedistrict,’theCityHealth
15
Commissionerwrotein1852,‘isaperfecthiveofhumanbeings,without
comfortsandmostlywithoutcommonnecessities.’Ontheeveofthewar,
authoritiesobservedthatnewcomerswere‘huddledtogetherlikebrutes,
withoutregardtosex,ageordecency’inneighbourhoodswhere‘despair,or
disorder,intemperanceandutterdegradationrulesupreme.’6Philadelphia,by
contrast,seemstohaveofferedsomerelief:beyondtheslumsatthecity’score,a
patchworkofneighbourhoodsservedas‘cloisteredwaystationsbetweenurban
andruralliving,’where‘gardenplotsandasmatteringoflivestockcameas
standardaccoutrementtothecityscene.’(Wiebe,1967,p.3)
Healthandsanitaryconditionsbarelyfiguredintheconversionofcommercial
buildingsandotherstructurestomakethemsuitableforaccommodation,with
theresultthatthemostdepressedimmigrantneighbourhoodswereinevitably
hardesthitbyillnessanddisease.Of2742NewYorkerswhosuccumbedto
cholerain1850,1086wereIrish‐born.OverallthedeathrateamongIrish
immigrantsbetween1850and1859—mainlyfromconsumption—was21per
cent,whileamongnon‐Irishitstoodatjust3percent,leadingBishopJohn
Hughestolabeltheillness‘thenaturaldeathoftheIrishemigrants.’
(Hershkowitz,1996,p.21)WhenacholeraepidemicseizedBostonin1849,it
leftitsmarkalmostexclusivelyamongtheimmigrantpoor.Morethanfive
hundredofthesevenhundredfatalitiesinthatyearwereamongtheIrish.Sea
StreetintheNorthEndaccountedfor44deaths,andoneparticularaddressinan
adjacentstreetsuffered‘nolessthanthirteencasualties.’Anotherwaveof
cholerafiveyearslatershowedthesamepattern,thoughwithfewercasualties,
16
andthedifferenceattributedbyauthoritiestothevacatingofcellars‘whichin
theformeryearswerecrowdedwithinhabitants.’7
Onthewholetheirpoverty,theirdenseconcentrationinslumdistrictswithfew
amenities,andtheprecariousnessoflifeatthebottommadenewimmigrants
predictablyvulnerabletoarangeofsocialills.InNewYork’sslumstheIrish
‘succumbedbythethousandstotheilleffectsoflong‐termpoverty,suchas
crime,insanity,domesticviolence,prostitution,andalcoholism.’(Vodrey,2003)
Irish‐bornwomenmadeupalargeproportionofthecity’s50,000prostitutesin
1850—manyofthemintheirteenyearsandearlytwenties.Inproportionfar
greaterthantheiractualnumbers,theIrishfilledthehospitalsandalmshouses,
jailsandlunaticasylums,theworkhousesandthemorgues.(Hershkowitz,p.21)
By1850immigrantsaccountedfor97percentoftheresidentsatBoston’sDeer
IslandAlmshouse,75percentoftheprisonersinthecountyjail,97percentof
thecity’struantsandvagabonds,and58percentofitspaupers.Newspaper
accountsattributedtheleapincrimeratestothearrivalofthefamineIrish,and
thenewcomerswerecastigatedasimmoralanduncivilised.Thepressuresof
acculturationinunfamiliarandincreasinglyhostilesurroundingstookitstollon
thementalhealthofmanyimmigrants,forcingMassachusettstobuildtwonew
hospitalsandthecityofBostontofundanew‘asylumofitsown,largelytocare
forIrishlaborers,foramongothergroupstheincidenceoflunacywasmuch
lower.’(Ryan,1983,p.23;Handlin,p.126)
Anoccasionallyraucousanti‐immigrantcampaignthathadbeenpercolating
sincethe1830sneededlittleencouragementtoseeinthesefiguresdirect
17
confirmationofitsworstfearsthatnewcomersposedathreattotherepublic.
Nativismaroseoutofcomplexcircumstances,coincidingwithanddrawingupon
anintoxicatingwaveofevangelicalrevival(andamoresoberingturnto
temperanceagitation),butitalsorepresentedareactionagainstdeepstructural
changesremakingtheantebellumUSeconomy.Thedecliningstatusof
(overwhelminglyProtestant)skilledartisansandtheriseofapermanentclassof
wageearnersinarapidlyindustrialisingNorthunderminedpopularconfidence
thatthenewrepublicwasimmunetothestarkinequalitiesthatriddledold
Europe.InMassachusettsaselsewheretheKnow‐Nothingmovementdrewits
strengthfromtheranksofnativeworkersandmechanicswho‘hadtolivecheek
byjowlwithimpoverishedforeigners,anddailyfacethechallengethattheIrish
Catholicsposed,’blamingtheIrish,alongwith‘thepoliticiansandwealthyelites
forhavingblocked“truereform”andforhavingforcedAmericanworkingpeople
toseekemploymentunderdisadvantages.’(Mulkern,p.67)
Steepedinpopulismandtakingtheirstandinsecurelyonthebridgebetweenthe
pastoralidealoftheartisan’srepublicandthecreepingrealityofindustrial
capitalism,nativistsdirectedtheirvenommorefrequentlyagainstimmigrants—
asthemostvisiblemanifestationofrepublicandeclension—thanagainstnative‐
bornelites.Therewas‘adispositionintheUnitedStatestousetheimmigrants,
andespeciallytheIrish,muchasthecatisusedinthekitchentoaccountfor
brokenplatesandfoodwhichdisappears,’theBritishhistorianJamesBryce
observed,though,asheacknowledged,NewYorkandtheurbanNorthwere‘not
anEdenbeforetheIrishcame.’(Bryce,1920rep.,p.241)Thepresenceofa
militantOrangeconstituencyinmajorcitieslikeNewYorkandPhiladelphia
18
enhancedtheoddsthatincomingIrishCatholicswouldfindthemselvesatthe
receivingendofmobviolence;bothcitieswereroiledbyriotingandviolent
streetconfrontationsfromthemid‐1830sonward.
SeriousriotingbetweennativistsandtheIrishhaderuptedinNewYorkduring
electionseasoninthefallof1834,coincidingwiththeburningoftheUrsuline
ConventjustoutsideofBoston’scitylimits.AdecadelaterPhiladelphiawas
rockedbyintenseviolencethroughoutMayandJuneof1844,andinthesame
yearnativistssucceededinelectingoneoftheirown—JamesHarper—tothe
mayoralofficeinNewYork,where‘gangsofnativistbrawlersfoughtoftenwith
theIrish.’(Vodrey,2003)Intheperiodapproachingmid‐century‘theno‐Popery
presssprangtolife’(Walsh,p.69)acrosstheurbanNorth:asteadystreamof
xenophobicpamphletsandbroadsheetsfilledwithluridexposésofCatholic
debaucheryandpapistdesignsagainstrepublicanlibertycirculatedwidely.
Streetviolencerepresentedtheextremeendofagrowingspectrumofnativist
sentimentthatnotonlygaverisetoapowerfulnewpoliticalcurrent—the
‘Know‐Nothings’—butwhichshiftedthetermsofpoliticaldiscussionacrossthe
North,injectingthe‘immigrantquestion’intomovementsforsocialreform.
By1850thisgrowingpolarisationhadbeenaggravatedincitieslikeBoston,New
YorkandPhiladelphiabothbytheshatteringoftheirearlierethnicandreligious
homogeneityandthepressuresthatthefamine‐erainfluxbroughttobearonan
alreadyoverstretchedsocialandeconomicinfrastructure.BostonandNewYork
werefinanceandcommercialratherthanindustrialcentres,andneithercity
couldoffernewarrivalseconomicstability,letaloneprosperity.Withagrowing
19
industrialeconomyandexpandingopportunitiesforemploymentintheoutlying
coaldistricts,Philadelphiaseemedtoofferbrighterprospects,buteventherethe
vastmajorityofIrishimmigrantsmadetheirlivingthroughmeniallabouronthe
fringesoftheeconomy.Formanynatives,theexpansionofslumdistricts,the
visibleincreaseindesperateurbanpovertybecameconflatedwiththe
immigrantsthemselves:theIrishwerepoorbecausetheylackedthe
rudimentaryelementsofacivilizedpeople.Itwastheirdeficiencies—perhaps
intrinsicracialdeficiencies,someinsisted—thatexplainedthemoraland
economicdeclineondisplayinthecities.‘Thegreatandcontinualinfluxof
ForeignPaupersamongus,’Bostoncityofficialscomplainedin1852,‘has
becomeanalarmingevil,andonewhichshouldarresttheattentionofall
citizens.’Thecity’sfathersdrewadistinctionbetween‘thehonestpovertyofour
ownorouradoptedcitizens’andthe‘poor,theviciousandthedegraded,who
areconstantlybeingshippedlikecattletoourshores,tobecomeobjectsof
charityandsupport.’Thereportendedwithalamentthatthecitydidnothave
theauthoritytodeportthesepaupersback‘fromwhencetheycame.’8
Oneofthecollateraleffectsofnativismwastheatrophyitinjectedintostill‐
fragileshootsofworking‐classorganization.Evenwithouttheriseofanti‐
immigranthostilitytheantebellumlabourmovement,suchasitwas,suffered
severedisadvantages.LabourreformduringtheperiodbeforetheCivilWarwas
pre‐eminentlyanexpressionofartisandiscontent,expressingthebackward‐
glancingfrustrationsofrelativelyprivilegedwhitemalecraftworkersunableto
holdofftheoncomingwaveofdeepchangebroughtonbyindustrialization.Even
withouttheinfluxoftheIrish,craft‐rootedorganisedlabourdisplayedadeep
20
ambivalence—borderingonoutrighthostility—towardtheswellingranksof
womenworkersandunskilledfactoryhands.Thepopulistsensibility
underpinningtheKnow‐Nothingmovementdirecteditsirebothupward,against
Whigpoliticiansandthebusinessintereststhoughttodominatethem,and
downwardagainstvulnerableimmigrants.TheeffectsinMassachusettswere
profound.AccordingtoDavidMontgomery,‘[t]hestate’slabormovementwas
thoroughlydestroyedbythepittingofnativetradeunionistagainstimmigrant
factoryhandandthedivorcingofbothfrommiddle‐classreformers’.
(Montgomery,1967,p.120)Whenin1856IrishlabourersinBostonorganiseda
tradeuniontheydidsooutsidetheranksofestablishedlabourmovement,and
althoughlargelyexcludedfromthecraftorganisationsthatdominatedthelocal
scene,theIrishfiguredprominentlyinanumberofstrikes.Eventheultra‐
conservativeBostonPilotfeaturedregularstrikecoverage,anditsletterspage
wasoftenfilledwithexchangesoverthe‘labourquestion’,withonereader
penningavigorousdefenceofLynnshoestrikersagainst‘themonopolistsofthis
enlightenednineteenthcentury[who]considerthepooronlyasasteppingstone
topalacesofgrandeurandluxury.’9
Increasingcompetitionbetweennativeandforeign‐bornworkersandthe
loweringofwagesduetoafloodedlabourmarketreinforcedtheperception
amongmanythattheIrishweretoblamefortheprecariouspositionthatnative
mechanicsfoundthemselvesin.Everywhereinthe1850stheIrishfound
themselvesconfinedtounskilledmeniallabourattheprecariousmarginsofthe
economy:gruelling,low‐payingandunsteadyphysicallabourformen;lower‐
paiddomesticworkforwomen.Moreover,theprominentroleassumedbythe
21
Churchhierarchyinblockingprogressivelegislationreinforcedthepopular
associationofCatholicismwithdespotism,andprovidedthepretextforan
aggressiveassaultupontheIrishcommunity.Theprominentnativistminister
LymanBeecher,whosebellicoseanti‐immigrantsermonin1834wasthoughtby
sometohaveinspiredtheburningoftheUrsulineConvent,referredtotheIrish
asa‘deadmassofignoranceandsuperstition’and‘priest‐drivenhuman
machines’.Othernativistscomplainedthatmen‘freshfromthebogsofIreland’
were‘leduptothedesklikedumbbrutes,theirhandsguidedtomakeastraight
mark’to‘votedownintelligentandhonestnativecitizens.’(Wittke,119,116)
IfthefledglinglabourmovementseemedanundependableallyforIrish
immigrants,sotoodidthemostimportantreformmovementoftheage:
abolition.Whileitisunfairtolumpantislaveryactivistsinwithnativistsas
consistentlysectarian,therewasenoughofanelementoftruthinthistoprovide
conservativeCatholicclericswithameansofimmunisingtheirflockagainsttheir
perniciousinfluence.Northernabolitiondrewitsmoralstrengthandearly
fervourfromProtestant‐ledsocialreform,andwhileaminorityinitsranks
labouredvigorouslytoovercomethegulfdividingthemfromnewimmigrants,
otherswerelessenergetic,resignedtoacceptthechasmasinevitable,or
positivelycontentwiththeexclusionofCatholics.WilliamLloydGarrison,editor
oftheBoston‐basedLiberatorandaseverecriticofChristiancomplicityinthe
“sin”ofslavery,wasoneofthosetroubledbytheantagonismbutunableto
divineapathtowardhealingtherift.AfteraseriesofriotsinPhiladelphiain
whichIrishimmigrantswereconspicuousfortheirroleinattacksonBlacks,
Garrisonnotedthe‘strangeandshockingspectacle’ofseeing‘thosewhohave
22
beenforcedbyoppressionandwanttobecomeexilesfromtheirnative[land]
combiningtocrushanddriveoutofourbordersaportionofthenative
population.’By1845,exasperatedatthefailureoftheIrishinAmericato
respondtoDanielO’Connell’spowerfuldenunciationofslavery,Garrison
concludedthattheIrishwerea‘mightyobstacle...inthewayofnegro
emancipationonoursoil.’(Osofsky,1975,pps.900,906)
Garrison’sfrustrationovertheantislaverymovement’slackofsuccessin
recruitingIrishimmigrantsupport—widelysharedbyotherabolitionists
untaintedbynativism—isunderstandable.Butintheirzealtodefendnorthern
societyagainstperniciousattacksfromdefendersofslaverymanyofthemseem
tohavebecomedefensiveaboutitsdeficienciesandunwillingtoacknowledge
thattheNorth,too,sufferedincreasinglyfromglaringinequalities.Thisrendered
abolitionistsunreceptivetovalidcritiquesemanatingfromthelabourmovement,
andhostiletoanyattemptstocomparetheplightoftheslaveswiththatof
impoverishedandoverworkednorthernfreelabourers,includingtheimmigrant
poor.Ineffectthisleftagitationoverclassinequalityintheexclusivehandsof
DemocraticPartydemagogueswho,astheescapedslaveFrederickDouglassput
it,‘harpeduponthewrongsofIrishmen,whileintruththeycarenomoreabout
Irishmen...thantheycareaboutthewhipped,gagged,andthumb‐screwed
slave.’10
Northernworkersdiscernedacontradictionbetweenabolitionistsympathyfor
slavesintheSouthandtheirindifferencetowardthepoorintheirmidst,and
someantislaveryactivists,atleast,werewillingtoacknowledgethis.‘Ibelieve
23
thatonereasontheworkingclassesofthewholecountryhavenotcomeupby
instinctandinmasses,tothesupportof[black]Freedom,’onespeakerexplained
toaBostonaudiencein1850,‘isthatourAnti‐Slaveryfriendshavenotgonefar
enoughinshowingthatmanismaneverywhere.Theyhavenotcarriedtheir
doctrineofequalityinitsapplicationtooursocialusages.’Anothersuggested
that‘iftheworkingpeopleofthestatescouldbebrought,bylecturesdeliveredto
thembyworkingmen...tounderstand[slavery’s]encroachmentupontheirfair
earnings,howfewamongthem,especiallytheIrishportion,wouldbytheirvotes
sanctionthelongercontinuanceofslavery.’ThehistorianBruceLauriewrites
that‘itwaspossibleforsomeordinarymenandwomentobeawareofthe
injusticeofthemillandoftheplantation—tosupportoneanotherandto
sympathisewiththeslaves,’butthepossibilityseemstohaveescapedeven
advancedantislaveryactivists.(Kelly,2007,p.xxxix)
Themostobvious,ifunanticipatedeffectofpervasivenativisthostilityhadbeen
topushIrishimmigrantsintothecloseembraceoftwopowerfulinstitutions:the
CatholicChurchandtheDemocraticParty.Theimpulseamongan
overwhelminglyruralpeopletohangontotheChurchasafamiliarpointof
referenceinadisorientingnewcontextmayhavebeenstrongeveninthe
absenceofanti‐immigrantmobilisation,butnativistagitationpowerfully
reinforcedthattendency.AsHasiaDinerhaswritten,oneofthestockelements
ofchurchdiscourseinpre‐famineNewYorkCitywasitsdisappointmentwith
thelaxreligiousdevotionoftheir‘unchurched’Irishflock.(Diner,1996,pp.102‐
104)Thecomplaintbyonepriestthat‘halfourIrishpopulationhereisCatholic
merelybecauseCatholicitywasthereligioninthelandoftheirbirth’givessome
24
indicationofthefrustrationsenduredbythehierarchy.Thefamineyears,Diner
writes,markedthetransformationofthechurchfromafolkinstitutioninIreland
toanecclesiasticaloneintheAmericansetting.JayP.Dolanconcurs,arguingthat
thefamineIrisharrivedintheUS‘asreligiousorphans—notwellgroundedin
officialRomanCatholicismanduprootedfromtheirtraditionalpopular
Catholicism.’(Dolan,1975,p.57;Dolan,2000)
InNewYorkattheNorthandinCharlestontothesouthBishopsHughesand
JohnEngland‘succeededinmakingtheIrishdevout’throughtheirsympathetic
defenceofpoorimmigrantsagainstexternalhostilityand—inNewYork
especially—thesystematicconstructionofanarrayofChurch‐runinstitutionsto
overseetheirspiritual,educationalandmaterialneeds.Oneneednotsubscribe
tothemonolithicrepresentationoftheIrishcommunitypopularisedbyBeecher
andotherstoallowthattheChurchhierarchyexertedtremendousinfluencein
shapingthesocialoutlookoflayCatholicimmigrants;butthatpowerderivedin
partfromtheclosingdownofotheroptionsbynativists.Dinerconcludesthat
‘theeffortsoftheclergyalone’cannotaccountforthistransformation;the‘shrill
anti‐Catholicism’ofthenativists‘heightened[immigrant]devotiontothe
Church’.(Diner,p.103)
CriticswerejustifiedinchargingthattheCatholichierarchywasconsistentinits
oppositiontomid‐nineteenthcenturysocialreform.NorthandSouththeChurch
urged‘acceptanceofhumaninstitutionsasGod’srevealedwill.’Crucially,their
acquiescencetothestatusquomadetheChurchcomplicitinslaveryand
opposedtothe‘mischief’ofabolition.Hughesinsistedthat‘theabolitionistshave
25
nottherighttotouchslaveryintheUnitedStates,’andthehierarchy’s
acceptanceofslaverywasbutoneelementinathoroughlyconservative
worldview.CriticswhofollowedthetumultuouseventsinEuropeduringthe
1840swereawarethattheChurchhadpositioneditselfonthesideofreaction
andagainstattemptsbyrepublicanstosecuredemocraticreform.Bishop
Hughes—inhisearlyAmericansojournaforthrightopponentofslavery—
denouncedreformersas‘infidelsandheretics’andtheeditoroftheCatholic‐
controlledBostonPilotwarnedreadersin1851that‘whereveryoufindafree‐
soiler,youfindananti‐hangingman,women’srightsman,aninfidelfrequently,
bigotedprotestantalways,asocialist,aredrepublican[.]’Churchoppositionto
freepubliceducationbrandeditanenemyofprogressintheeyesofmany,and
onoccasiontheofficialresponsetoProtestantchargesofCatholicintolerance
onlyfuellednativistfears.‘TheChurchisofnecessityintolerant,’aCatholic
newspaperinSt.Louisacknowledgedin1851.‘Heresysheendureswhenand
whereshemust,’itwarned,butifCatholicsshouldgainasufficientmajority,
‘religiousfreedominthiscountryisatanend—sosayourenemies[and]sosay
we.’11(Gleeson,92;Wittke,129,118)
IrishloyaltytotheDemocratslikewiseresultedfromadearthofrealoptions.
Theabstentionoftheexistinglabourmovementfromundertakinganyaction
thatmightpulltogethernativeandforeign‐born,skilledandunskilled,andthe
strengthofanti‐immigrantprejudiceamongboththeWhigsandtheirKnow‐
NothingchallengerslefttheIrishwithlittleinthewayofaviablepolitical
alternative.ThebarrierwhichnativismerectedbetweentheIrishandsocial
reformersledIrishimmigrantsintoasemi‐formalalliancewiththemost
26
conservativecurrentinAmericanpolitics—embodiedintheDemocraticParty,
andmoreparticularlyinitspatronage‐wieldingurbanpoliticalmachines—
whichcombinedproslaveryapologeticswithanexplicitappealtoimmigrants
anddemagogicappealstowhiteworkingmen.InPhiladelphiaandNewYorkthe
Irishservedasthe‘pawnsoftheurbanDemocraticmachine’.(Diner,102)In
Massachusetts,wheretheKnow‐Nothingswieldedpower,they‘initiatedan
attackon[immigrants]’that‘wentbeyondanythingfoundelsewhereinthe
country’—initiatingahighlysensationalisedinvestigationinto‘Nunneries’and
deportinghundredsofIrishpaupers‘acrosstheAtlanticwithlessceremonyand
formality...thangoestothesendingofatubofbutter,orbarrelofapples,from
FitchburgtoBoston’.(Mulkern,p.103)‘Abused,hounded,attackedbytheir
neighboursinthenameofsavingthelandfrom“Catholicbigotry”,’David
Montgomerywrites,‘theIrishwithdrewasfaraspossiblefromthecommunity
aroundthemanddealtwithitonlythroughthemediationofthepriestandthe
HunkerDemocrat.’(Montgomery,p.166)
InBoston,atleast,thiswithdrawalfromtheostensiblepluralismofAmerican
life—theturntoa‘counterculturalseparatism’,(Walsh,p.96)asonescholarhas
putit—meantvoluntaryphysicalsegregation,ofteninethnicallyhomogenous
neighbourhoods.After1850,Boston’sIrishcommunitywasgeographically
confinedinseveraldenselypackeddistricts.Theinsularityofthesecommunities
isillustratedbythefactthatatmid‐centurytheBostonIrishmarriedoutsidein
theirownranksevenlessfrequentlythanAfricanAmericans.Bythemid‐1850s,
‘[t]wodistinctculturesflourishedinBostonwithnomorecontactthanifthree
thousandmilesofocean...stoodbetweenthem.’(Handlin,pps.182,146)Some
27
havearguedthatthecity’ssmallerAfricanAmericanpopulation(lessthan2000
in1850)faredbetterthanthenewimmigrantsinthelocaleconomy,andone
historianrecountsthat‘NegroesjoinedYankeesincondemningtheIrishfor
beingPriest‐ridden,paupers,drunkards,andrioters,andinanefforttoprotect
whatlittlepropertytheyowned[onBeaconHill]someofthemsignedapetition
inthe1850stokeeptheIrishfromencroachingontheirneighbourhood.’(Ryan,
p.130)NoneofthemajorstudiesofBostontellusmuchaboutthoseworkand
residentiallocationswherethelivesofAfricansandIrishimmigrants
overlapped.
ElsewhereintheurbanNorthandperhapsevenmoredramaticallyinthe
seaportSouthcircumstancesprecludedthesharpdelineationofimmigrantturf
fromtherestofthecity,makingpromiscuousinteractionbetweenBlacksand
theIrishroutineratherthanexceptional.TheSixthWardinMobile,Alabama,
includedthelargestIrishandthelargestslavepopulationinthecity,David
Gleesonremindsus.Railroadexpansionfromtheearly1850sbroughtaninflux
ofIrishtoMemphis,untilbytheoutbreakofwarIrishimmigrantsconstituteda
thirdofitswhitepopulation.(Gleeson,p.124;Robinson,1982,p.79)InNew
York’sdenselypackedSixthWardwhere‘blacksandIrishbrushedregularly
againstoneanother,’aturbulent,ambiguousinterracialismdevelopedonthe
squalidedificeofthecity’sworstslums.InthenotoriousFivePoints
neighbourhood,GrahamHodgesargues,relationsbetweenAfricanAmericans
andIrishimmigrantswere‘polyvalent:’despitelivingcheek‐by‐jowlin
sometimesintenseeconomiccompetition,‘Irishandblackcoexistedfarmore
peacefullythanhistorianshavesuggested.’Despitetheregularitywithwhich
28
riotingeruptedinthedistrict,‘strikinglylittleviolenceoccurredbetweenIrish
andblacks,’andonatleastoneoccasionbothgroupsfoundthemselvesthe
victimsofanincursionemanatingfromoutsidetheneighbourhood.In
Philadelphia,aswell,manyoftheIrish‘settledinneighbourhoods…populatedby
AfricanAmericans,’andwere‘oftencloselyassociatedwithfreeblacks,bothin
termsoftheirperceivedracialattributes[and]theirpatternsofwork.’12
(Hodges,1996,pps.112‐113,124,115‐116)
Workplaceinteractions,thoughfrequentlymarkedbyracialantipathyand
violence,weremorecomplicatedanduneventhanstudiesconstructedaround
theIrishembraceof‘whiteness’suggest.Whiletherecentscholarshiphas
focusedonIrishimmigrants’defenceof‘their’jobsfromAfricanAmerican
competitorsintheNorth,inmanyplacestheIrishstakedaclaimonparticular
sectorsofthelabourmarketonlybydrivingoutthe(farlessnumerous)black
workerswhohadoccupiedthempreviously.InantebellumNewYorkand
Boston,AfricanAmericanshaddominatedtheservicesectorandmenial
labour—workingaswaiters,domesticservants,cooksandcommonlabourers—
untilaninfluxofimmigrantswillingtoundercuttheirwagesbegantodislodge
them.(Diner,p.100)Someoccupations—portersandwasherwomen—remained
fairlymixed,andinothers—notablyalongthedocks—controloverspecific
wharveschangedhandsfrequentlyamongcompetingethnicandracialblocs
(Germans,Irish,AfricanAmericans),andoftenunderthedeliberate
manipulationofemployers.EvenintheslaveSouth,therewerecontextsin
whichIrishfreelabourersandblackslavesworkedside‐by‐side:universally
theirpathscrossedwhileperforming‘monotonousphysicallabor’—unskilled
29
work,oftenalongthedocksoringruellingditch‐digging,leveebuildingandcanal
labour.AtNewOrleansandatSavannahIrishdockworkersorganisedthecities’
firsttradeunions,whichinanewpost‐emancipationcontextfollowingthewar
wouldbetransformedbythesheernecessityofinterracialcooperation.Among
whiteartisansattheSouth,however,wherevertheycouldtheireffortswere
aimedatexcludingslavecompetitors.Theessentialpointinunderstandingthis
recordofconflictisthat,asJamesBarretthasargued,the‘functioningofthe
market,carefullycultivatedby[employers],virtuallyguaranteedethnic[and
racial]competitionoverjobs[.]Whateverconflictsroseoverculturaltensions,
employers’habitsofhiringoutsidersatlowerwagesandbreakinguplabor
organizationsreinforcedIrishhostilitytowardnewcomers’.(Barrett,2012,p.??)
Onthewhole,blacklabour’sholdoveroccupationswhichthey’dpreviously
dominatedwasnotdislodgedbyforceorintimidation(thoughthatcertainly
occurred)somuchasoverwhelmedbysheernumbers:just12,000Blackslived
inallofManhattan(population630,000)in1855,forexample,ascomparedwith
over175,000Irishimmigrants.InBostonatthesametimetwothousandAfrican
Americanssharedthecitywithmorethan50,000newcomersfromIrelandwho
bythenmadeupathirdofthecity’spopulation.(Gleeson,pps.123‐124,52,46;
Starobin,1970,pps.211‐214)
BothaspectsofthiscontradictoryrecordofinteractionbetweentheIrishpoor
andAfricanAmericansintheworkplacesandneighbourhoodsoftheurban
Northareworthbearinginmindasweconsiderthehardeningofracialdivisions
thatcoincidedwiththedescenttowardwar.TheChurch’soppositionto
antislaveryagitationwaswellestablishedbytheoutbreakofhostilities,though
30
thehierarchybent,temporarily,toaccommodatethepopularoutragethatshook
theurbanNorthinthewakeoftheConfederateattackonSumterinApril1861.
TheDemocraticPartycarriedonarelentlesscampaignduringthebuild‐upto
warandwellintotheconflicttoinoculatewhiteworkersintheNorthagainst
supportforemancipation,withitspresswarningincessantlyofthespectreof
blackhordescomingnorthwardwithemancipation.(Man,1951)Suchfear‐
mongeringwasaimeddirectlyatexploitingtheinsecuritiesoftheirimmigrant
supporters:‘[H]undredsandthousands,ifnotmillionsof[freed]slaveswillcome
NorthandWest,’theCincinnatiEnquirerwarnedreaders,‘andwillbeeither
competitorswithourwhitemechanicsandlaborers,degradingthembytheir
competition,ortheywillhavetobesupportedaspaupersaspublicexpense.’
(McPherson,1982,p.274)
Togethertheirdesperateeconomicpredicament,theirestrangementfromthe
mostprogressivecurrentsoftheday,andtheircontinualexposuretotheanti‐
abolitionistpropagandaoftheDemocraticPartyandtheCatholichierarchy
generated,amongfamine‐eraIrishimmigrants,atoxicantipathytothecauseof
theslavesandtheirfreeblackalliesintheNorth.Theywereeasyfodderforthe
designsofproslaveryDemocratsintheurbanNorth,whoagitatedthroughout
theearlystagesofthewaragainsttheLincolnadministration.Ifweaddtothese
conditionstheinequitiesofthedraftandtheaddedprivationsofwartime,itis
unsurprisingthattheirearlysupportfortheUniongavewayamongthe
immigrantpoortoseething,unfocusedresentment.The1863NewYorkDraft
Riots—easilythemosthorrificepisodetoshakethenorthernhomefrontduring
theCivilWar—combinedalloftheseelements(includingasitsbackdropa
31
simmeringlabourdispute)toproduceanexplosivewaveoflethalrage—
directedearlyonagainstfederalmilitaryofficials,Republicanauthoritiesand
symbolsofwealthinthecity,butlater,notably,inpitilessattacksondefenceless
AfricanAmericans.(Bernstein,1990)Thoughtherewasnothing‘rational’inthis
orgyofviolence,itstrajectoryhadbeenshapedbythelonghistoryofIrish
immigrantalienationintheyearssincemid‐century.
32
WorksCited:
TylerAnnbinder,FivePoints:TheNineteenth‐CenturyNewYorkCity
Neighborhood(NewYork:SimonandSchuster,2012)
JamesR.Barrett,TheIrishWay:BecomingAmericanintheMultiethnicCity(New
York:Penguin,2012)
IverBernstein,TheNewYorkCityDraftRiots:TheirSignificanceforAmerican
SocietyandPoliticsintheAgeoftheCivilWar(NewYork:OxfordUniversity
Press,1990)
JamesBryce,TheAmericanCommonwealth,Vol,2(NewYork:Macmillan,1920
rep.)
HasiaL.Diner,“‘TheMostIrishCityintheUnion’:TheEraoftheGreatMigration,
1844‐1877,”inRonaldH.BayorandTimothyH.Meagher,eds.TheNewYork
Irish(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996):87‐106.
JayP.Dolan,TheImmigrantChurch:NewYork'sIrishandGerman.Catholics,
1818‐1865(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1975)
_____.HowtheIrishBecameCatholic(PaperdeliveredatProvidence,Rhode
Island,19March2000):
http://www3.nd.edu/~jdolan/howirishbecamecatholic.html.Accessed1
August2016.
33
PhilipFoner,ed.,LifeandWritingsofFrederickDouglass,vol.1(NewYork:
InternationalPublishers,1950)
RonaldP.Formisano.BostonAgainstBusing:Race,Class,andEthnicityinthe
1960sand1970s(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolinaPress,2004)
PaulA.Gilje,‘TheDevelopmentofanIrishAmericanCommunityinNewYork
CitybeforetheGreatMigration,’inRonaldH.BayorandTimothyJ.Meagher,
eds.TheNewYorkIrish(Baltimore:JohnsHopkins,1996),79.
JoyceD.Goodfriend,“‘Uponabunchofstraw’:TheIrishinColonialNewYork
City,”inRonaldH.BayorandTimothyH.Meagher,eds.TheNewYorkIrish
(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996):35‐47.
LeoHershkowitz,“TheIrishandtheEmergingCity:Settlementto1844,”in
RonaldH.BayorandTimothyH.Meagher,eds.TheNewYorkIrish
(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996)
GrahamHodges,“‘DesirableCompanionsandLovers’:IrishandAfrican
AmericansintheSixthard,1830‐1870,”inRonaldH.BayorandTimothyH.
Meagher,eds.TheNewYorkIrish(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversity
Press,1996):107‐124.
34
BrianKelly,ed.:BernardMandel,Labor,FreeandSlave:Workingmenandthe
Anti‐SlaveryMovementintheUnitedStates(Urbana:UniversityofIllinois
Press,2007rep.)
KevinKenny,TheAmericanIrish:AHistory(Boston:Addison‐WesleyLongman,
2000)
DonaldMacRaild,reviewofTheIrishinAmerica:'old'historyandthe'new',
http://www.history.ac.uk/reviews/review/215a
Accessed:1August2016.
AlbionP.Man,Jr.“LaborCompetitionandtheNewYorkDraftRiotsof1863,”
JournalofNegroHistory36:4(Oct.1951):375‐405.
JamesP.McPherson,OrdealbyFire:TheCivilWarandReconstruction(NewYork:
AlfredA.Knopf,1982)
GregoryMeyerson,“Marxism,PsychoanalysisandLaborCompetition,”Cultural
Logic1:1(1997):http://clogic.eserver.org/1‐1/meyerson.html.Accessed1
August2016.
DavidMontgomery,BeyondEquality:LaborandtheRadicalRepublicans,1862‐
1872(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1967)
35
JohnR.Mulkern,TheKnow‐NothingPartyinMassachusetts(Boston:Boston
University,1990rep.)
FlorryO’Driscoll,‘Religion,RacismandPerfidiousAlbion:IrishSoldiersinthe
UnionArmyduringtheAmericanCivilWar,’UnpublishedPaperDeliveredat
the2016MeetingoftheIrishHistoryStudentsAssociation:
https://www.academia.edu/24313750/Religion_Racism_and_Perfidious_Al
bion_Irish_Soldiers_in_the_Union_Army_during_the_American_Civil_War.
Accessed1August2016.
GilbertOsofsky,“Abolitionists,IrishImmigrantsandRomanticNationalism,”
AHR80(Oct1975):889‐912.
SethRockman,ScrapingBy:WageLabor,Slavery,andSurvivalinEarlyBaltimore
(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,2009)
WilliamP.Ryan,BeyondtheBallotBox:ASocialHistoryoftheBostonIrish,1845‐
1917(Amherst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1983)
WilliamF.B.Vodrey,‘BloodintheStreets:TheNewYorkCityDraftRiots,’
ClevelandCivilWarRoundtable(2003):
http://clevelandcivilwarroundtable.com/articles/society/nyc_riots.htm.
Accessed1Aug2016.
36
WalterJ.Walsh,‘Religion,Ethnicityandhistory:CluestotheCultural
ConstructionofLaw,’inRonaldH.BayorandTimothyH.Meagher,eds.The
NewYorkIrish(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1996):48‐69.
RobertH.Wiebe,TheSearchforOrder,1877‐1920(NewYork:HillandWang,
1967)
CarlWittke,TheIrishinAmerica(BatonRouge,LouisianaStateUniversityPress,
1996)
KennethJ.Zanca,AmericanCatholicsandSlavery,1789‐1866:AnAnthologyof
PrimaryDocuments(UniversityPressofAmerica,1994)
37
Endnotes:
1DavidBlight,RaceandReunion:TheCivilWarinAmericanHistory(Cambridge:
Belknap/Harvard,2001):2;‘Taoiseachheckledbyanti‐warchargeprotestorsin
Sligo,’IrishTimes(9May2015):
http://www.irishtimes.com/news/politics/taoiseach‐heckled‐by‐anti‐water‐
charge‐protesters‐in‐sligo‐1.2206756(Accessed1August2016);‘Sligopol
envisionsBallymoteasAmericanasappliepie,’IrishEcho(2April2002):
http://irishecho.com/2011/02/sligo‐pol‐envisions‐ballymote‐as‐american‐as‐
apple‐pie‐2/(Accessed1August2016);‘Shameonprotestorswhodisrupted
IrishinUSCivilWarmemorial,’
http://www.irishcentral.com/opinion/niallodowd/Shame‐on‐protesters‐who‐
disrupted‐Irish‐in‐US‐Civil‐War‐memorial‐.html(Accessed1August2016).
2FreemantoDawkins,15Oct1881;FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,6Nov.1881,in
LifeandLettersofEdwardA.Freeman(London:MacmillanandCo.,1895),234,
236‐7.
3‘FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,’24March1882;‘FreemantoRev.N.Pinder,’6Nov
1881;‘FreemantoF.H.Dickinson,Esq.,’4Dec.1881,inLifeandLettersof
EdwardA.Freeman,p.254,255,237,242.
4Amaximumestimateof170,000Irishasagainst186,000AfricanAmericans,
themajorityofthelatterbeingescapedslaves.
5JournalistGeorgeB.Foster,quotedinTylerAnnbinder,FivePoints:The
Nineteenth‐CenturyNewYorkCityNeighborhood(NewYork:SimonandSchuster,
2012);BishopJohnHughes,quoteinLeoHershkowitz,“TheIrishandthe
EmergingCity:Settlementto1844,”TheNewYorkIrish,20.
38
6ReportoftheCommissiononInternalHealth,CityofBostonDocuments,1852,
1861.
7‘CommunicationofDrHenryG.Clark,’CityofBostonDocuments,1861.
8‘ReportConcerningForeignPaupers,’CityofBostonDocuments,1852.
9BostonPilot,14April1860.
10FrederickDouglasstoWilliamLloydGarrison, TheLiberator,27March1846:
ReprintedinPhilipFoner,ed.,LifeandWritingsofFrederickDouglass,vol.1(New
York:InternationalPublishers,1950),p.138.
11BostonPilot,1April1862.
12HistoricalSocietyofPennsylvania,‘LeavingtheEmeraldIsle:Irish
ImmigrationtoPhiladephia,’ExploringDiversityinPennsylvaniaHistory:
http://hsp.org/sites/default/files/legacy_files/migrated/leavingtheemeraldislef
inal.pdf.Accessed1August2016.