Gender Energy and Human Development

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wood (Sinha, 2001; Mahat, 2004). Women also suffer back problems from carrying

heavy wood loads (40 kg are not usual) on their head as well as the less recognized

threats of rape and beatings (Cecelski 2000, UNDP, 1997). In many cases, uterine

prolapse among rural women in Nepal is attributed to carrying heavy firewood and

similarly women often face a risk of miscarriages with such heavy workload (Earth and

Staphit, 2002; Haile, 1991; UNDP, 1997). A study in Nepal indicated that highest

percentage of infant mortality is associated with ARI, which is mainly caused by indoor

air pollution (Pandey, 2003). Girl children are kept out of school to assist in wood

collection (Clancy, 2000). Water collection for the household has similar impacts. This

has a large negative impact on rural poverty in general, and human poverty in particular

affecting well being of rural households (Ramani, 2004).

This paper analyzes the impacts of energy poverty and its multiple implications on

the livelihood of rural population especially the wellbeing of rural women as they are the

ones most affected by the energy crisis. For this purpose, a theoretical framework is built

up elaborating on capabilities approach of energy poverty and it is applied to the research

findings derived from the case study of rural energy implemented in Kavre district of

Nepal.

2. Relationship between Energy Poverty and Human Development: A

Theoretical Framework

Increased access to affordable energy services, especially for the poorest and most

vulnerable groups in society, is absolutely central to sustainable poverty reduction as well

2



as other improvements in education, health, and gender equality set forth in the MDGs

(UNDP, 2007). The macro energy planning often emphasizes on expansion of centralized

energy supply (e.g. large scale hydro power) rather than focusing on expanded access to

better energy services such as fuel for household cooking, which matter most to the poor.

For poorer households affordable, accessible and reliable energy is a key challenge for

sustainable development.

It is thus worth relating energy with poverty deprivation as

energy is considered as one of the basic human needs that have a

crucial role in improving people’s wellbeing (GNESD, 2007). At the

most basic level, energy is needed for cooking food, and space heating

(World bank, 1996). For the world’s poor, the only source of energy

that is generally available and affordable is “traditional biomass,”

including fuel wood, crop residues, and animal wastes (REN 21, 2005).

They are the traditional fuel most popularly used for cooking in rural

areas. Energy services that rely on biomass for cooking cut across numerous sectors

such as health, agriculture, forestry, environment, and improving the lives of women

(Modi, McDade, Lallement and Sagir, 2006).

Low access to better energy services is one aspects of poverty as energy choices

of poor households are influenced by the poverty (Cecelski, 2000a). Energy poverty may

be defined as the “absence of sufficient choice in accessing adequate, affordable, reliable,

quality, safe and environmentally benign energy services to support economic and human

development” (UNDP, 2000). Thus energy poverty reflects low access to better energy

services at one end. However, the deprivations caused by energy scarcity on human

3



development are much more significant than the energy poverty itself. Such deprivations

have a larger impact on rural households in general, and women in particular (UNDP,

2004). For instance, poor women spend more time in collecting firewood than those from

higher income groups who can pay for higher quality fuels. Women from poorer

households do not boil the water to drink and eat less cooked food, causing further health

problems. Hence, energy involves an equity dimension as poor women have limited

choices for energy services with multiple implications on their sustainable livelihoods

(Clancy, Skutsch and Batchelor, 2000). In addition, the impacts of biomass energy

deprivations on women range from serious health effects due to indoor pollution and the

heavy workload to lost opportunities for self-improvement and family well-being due to

the restriction on women’s capabilities to participate in other economic and social

activities (Modi, et.al, 2006; Ramani, 2004). This has a large negative impact on rural

poverty in general, and human poverty in particular affecting the well being of rural

households (Ramani, 2004Modi, McDade, Lallement and Sagir, 2006).

Energy in rural areas reflects more human energy than biomass and other sources

of fuel (Cecelski, 2000a). The problem is not lack of biomass energy but lack of women’s

time and labor to manage the household energy. For instance, in rural areas of Nepal

women’s time and labor are more valued that functions for achieving the wellbeing of a

family. Lack of women’s time and their labor requirement severely restricts their

capabilities in other production arenas that lead to their well being. Girls are especially

disadvantaged due to the heavy labor requirement for collecting firewood that restricts

their opportunities for attaining school education (Schultz, 1990).

4



Given the existing social mechanism of rural Nepalese society, where women are

often viewed as objects of consumption and services, and not the agents of production,

(while they always do more than men), women’s role in production of energy and in

reproduction of household income through small scale enterprises at household level are

often undermined (Bhattachan, 2001; Cecelski, 1995; Skutsch, 1995). For instance,

women are the main producers and managers of biomass energy in rural areas, while they

have little access in decision making processes in regard to any energy interventions such

as locating biogas plant (Cecelski, 2000b; Skutsch, 1996; Mark, 1995). While women

value their roles in such decisions (agency freedom) to achieve their well being through

such interventions, women’s freedom in achieving such wellbeing is often critical. In

absence of work sharing at household level, women do heavy physical exercise and spend

long working hours in managing the biomass energy that deprives their production and

reproduction capacities affecting their well being (Acharya, 2001; Cecelski, 2000b).

Using biomass as fuel contributes to multiple deprivations: economic, socio-

cultural and ecological. Particularly, the social and cultural deprivations (such as equity,

inequalities) have a major influence on human capabilities especially of women thereby

limiting their rights and opportunities (e.g no time and labour for production and social

activities, no access to decision making) affecting negatively on their well being and

thereby their families (Ramani, 2000; Mahat, 2004; Skutsch, 1994). Hence, using

biomass as exclusive sources of household energy affects women’s freedom to a larger

extent to enjoy their positive state of life.

• Freedom Approach of Poverty

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Despite the increasing focus on alleviation of poverty in MDG, it has often failed

to incorporate the human dimensions of poverty (UNDP, 2006). A Nobel economist

Amartya Sen (1999) contends that poverty is more than having low income and is closely

connected with deprivation of basic capabilities. Linking capabilities with well being,

Sen (1999) claims that individual capabilities are based on substantive freedoms they

enjoy and have a reason to value. Sen explicitly concerns with issues of social justice that

has created inequalities such as gender inequalities and thus focuses on capabilities of

people as the means of well being (Nussbaum, 2003; Robeyin, 2003). Capabilities are

more intrinsic than the extrinsic. Disagreeing with growth as an indicator of life quality,

Sen claims that such growth does not reflect the deprivations of individual that restrict

their capabilities (Nussbaum, 2003). For instance, men and women do not enjoy equal

benefits from development services such as education, which leads to the deprivation of

their basic capabilities. Sen (1992) contends that gender inequalities can be better

reflected by comparing the functioning and capabilities that matter intrinsically than the

means to achieve them such as resources. For instance, women can not fulfill the

household’s demands for the wellbeing of a whole family, unless they are free to engage

in social and economic activities outside home (Sen, 1999).

Supporting to Sen’s view on capabilities, Robeyins (2003) defends that

capabilities are the potential functioning, which are basically doing and beings out of the

freedom they have. All the capabilities together bring the overall freedom that people

have reason to value. Thus capabilities are freedom and functioning are achievement

same like the opportunities and outcome, first being the instrumental and latter being the

constitutive of freedom (Agrawal, Humphries and Robeyins, 2003; Pettit, 2001).

6



Human Development Reports in 1996 and 1997 have explicitly mentioned the

capability approach (based on Sen’s assertions on capability) focusing on multiple

dimensions of poverty. Capabilities are ends, and they are reflected not in inputs, but in

human outcomes—in the quality of people’s lives (UNDP, 1997: 103). The

conventionalists measure poverty based on GDI indicators. However, poverty measures

have failed to measure the deprivations of poverty which are more detrimental in

achieving human freedom and human development (Sen, 1999, Ramani, 2004). Thus,

“the capability approach reconciles the notions of absolute and relative poverty, since

relative deprivation in incomes and commodities can lead to an absolute deprivation in

minimum capabilities”(UNDP, 1997: 16).

In this sense, energy poverty represents the absence of some basic capabilities

(poor health condition, low socio-economic opportunities etc.) that functions for overall

wellbeing of the households as presented in the conceptual model.

• Conceptual Model

The chart below presents the conceptual framework of my study indicating how

the use of biomass energy causes multiple deprivations of the rural households affecting

well being and agency freedom and its last impact on human development.

For the world’s poor, the only source of energy that is generally

available and affordable is “traditional biomass,” including fuel wood,

crop residues, and animal wastes (REN 21, 2005). Around 80 percent of

the expenditure on energy services by poor people is on fuel for

cooking.76 Studies show that the majority of the developing world’s

7



poor spend 20 percent or more of their monthly income to obtain wood

and charcoal. And this 20 percent figure is biased downward because it

does not reflect the opportunity cost of labor and time dedicated to

fuel wood collection or the health costs of indoor air pollution (REN 21,

2005).

Social Deprivation

Biomass

Energy

Social

deprivatio

n

Economic

deprivatio

n

Ecological

deprivatio

n

Cultural

deprivation

Low

well beingand agency

freedom

Low

well beingfreedom

Low well

being andagency

freedom

Low well

beingfreedom

Human

Development/

Freedom

Human

Developmen

t/FreedomHuman

Development/

Freedom

HumanDevelopment/

Freedom

8



Burning biomass indicates the low accessibility to alternative fuels by the poorest

households and thus involves equity concerns, which in turn, contributes to the women’s

drudgery including the heavy workload and their health conditions. As stated earlier,

women and children often suffer from respiratory diseases, eye problems, due to the

domestic air pollution, especially when burning low quality biomass fuel such as

agricultural residue. Similarly, carrying heavy firewood causes numerous health

problems such as miscarriage, chest problems and uterine prolapsed (World, bank, 1996;

Earth and Staphit, 2002; Haile, 1991). In addition, girl children are often withdrawn from

school to work at home for helping their mothers in energy related activities, such as

carrying firewood. These problems are attributed to the social deprivation, which restricts

women’s choices and their capacities for production and reproduction. In addition, this

affects the women’s agency to perform for their well being.

Economic Deprivation

Absence of sufficient and quality energy hinders the growth and efficiency

(UNDP, 2004). It restricts the economic and social opportunities for rural households and

to start any new ventures and energy based enterprises (REN21, 2005). This affects

relative income deprivations and in turn, affects on the capabilities deprivations of many

rural households (Sen, 1999).

Using biomass for energy involves considerable time and labor

for women, which allows limited time and opportunities for economic

and social activities (Skutsch, 1996; Cecelski, 2004, Mahat, 2004). This

adds to the household poverty which, in turn, limits access to better

9



energy services limiting the production and reproduction capacities of

women and the production and income opportunities of HHS.

Ecological deprivation

Using biomass for energy causes depletion of the forest resources, which has a

negative impact on its inhabitants through the extinction of natural species due to the

change in climate (Najam and Cleveland, 2003). Since forests are habitats for large

number of species, their degradation directly affects the loss of biodiversity. This in turn,

affects the local community especially women who rely on resources from environment

for their daily needs (OECD, 2002; Mahat, 2004). Women are generally more vulnerable

to environmental hazards than men, due to closer exposure to risks (e.g. indoor air

pollution, contaminated water, long distances to collect water and fuel) (Cecelski, 2004;

Pearce, 2005). In addition, use of biomass from farm to fire is not only a threat to

environment but also reduces the farm productivity due to the degradation of soil quality

(Thapa, 1996; Barnes, 2005). The degradation of soil quality is one of the major causes of

food insecurity (OECD, 2002). Rural populations in poor countries pay the highest price

for environmental degradation, as their livelihoods depend on the goods and services

from the ecosystems (e.g. generation of water, wood and non-wood forest products, fuel,

cycling of nutrients, replenishment of soil fertility, prevention of erosion, breaking down

of wastes and pollutants, carbon sequestration and storage, recreation, etc) (Koziell and

McNeil, 2002).

Such deprivation restricts production opportunities of rural households and adds

to human poverty especially of women’s agency to achieve the well being.

10



Cultural Deprivation

Culture refers to the collective identity of group of people to follow a way of life

of its choice. Thus cultural freedom protects not only the group but also the rights of

every individual within it (Matilla and Sepilla, 2000). For instance, in rural areas of

Nepal, women have very close link with forest system as a survival strategy.

Given the existing patriarchal culture of Nepalese society, women are fully

responsible of household chores such as carrying firewood, fetching water, cooking, and

caring of children (Acharya, 1989; Bhattacharya, 2001). Use of biomass adds work

burden of women as women are fully responsible for collecting and managing biomass

for household energy. However, women have less access in decision making processes in

regard to any energy interventions as stated earlier. It restricts women’s agency to

function well towards their well being both because they have less opportunities with the

cultural impositions and because their values are undermined (Rajavi, 1999). It is thus

worth mentioning that capabilities and the opportunities serve as basic functioning for

human development and human freedom as mentioned by Sen (1999).

5. Research Methodology

5.1 Research Design

My present research builds on my PhD data which included extensive field research

for five months utilizing both quantitative and qualitative techniques. My purpose of

collecting new data is to obtain additional information on social and cultural deprivations

with biomass energy resources, analyze biomass energy policies at national, and regional

11



level and to come up with appropriate policy strategies in relation to biomass energy

options.

The fieldwork was undertaken in Kavre district in 2008 for about two months

between Mid July to Mid September. Two VDCs namely Mangaltar (27.35 km from

district headquarter) and Katunjebeshi (22.53 km from district headquarter) were selected as

a base to continue my research that was taken from PhD fieldwork. Participants were

selected purposively to accommodate the research needs as the key informant interviews

were the major tools of my research. At village level the participants were identified by

discussing with some key people such as local health workers, village heads and other

village authorities who can provide some general information on the socio-economic

backgrounds of participants. Based on their information and through the personal

observations during the field visits, the participants (mostly women) were selected for

interviews who were found to be the key resource persons for my research. While

selecting these participants, gender, ethnicity, and class were taken into account.

At regional and national level, the participants were the representatives of different

institutions working in energy related fields that included implementing agencies, donors,

and the government authorities at the top. Semi structured interviews were conducted

with policy makers at regional (district) and national level and thus the biases on

information were checked in both ways.

One of the major limitations of my field research reflects the time constraints of

participants since the local women were always occupied with one or the other activities. It

was hard to catch up with women’s time and I had to be very flexible to be accommodated

12



according to their convenience. In addition, it was a heavy agricultural season and locating

the participants for my research was a difficult task.

5.2 Demographic Characteristics of the district population

The total population of Kavre district is 333,181 and the average household size is

5.3 (NRA, 1997). The population in the district is a mix of different ethnic groups

including Brahmin/Chhetri, Newar, Gurung, Tamang, Tharu, Magar, Kami, Damai and

Sarki, Bhojpuri, and Limbu. There exist considerable differences in traditions and the

culture of the different ethnic communities on women’s mobility, marriage options, and

access to resources and social status (ADB, 1999). Gender based exclusions are in terms of

education, health, social, economic and political opportunities. Women from Indo-Aryan

groups (such as Brahmin and Chhetri) are especially disadvantaged as compared to low

caste (Damai, and Kami) and other ethnic groups (Tamang, Gurung and Rai) and Newar

(ancient ethnic group) (Acharya, 1997; Bhattachan, 2001).

Agriculture is the primary occupation of the district population. People are also

engaged in fishing activities, sales services and as production laborers. The total

economically active population (EAP) in the district is 152,765 of which 73,234 are

female. EAP in Nepal stands for the population group aged above 10 years who are

engaged in any kind of production activities (CBS, 1999). The energy consumption

pattern in Kavre district is presented in Table 1.

Table 1: Energy Consumption Pattern in Kavre District

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Source: REDP, 2006

In terms of renewable energy systems, only one percent of total energy consumption is

derived from electricity. Out of 87 VDCs in the district, only some wards of 39 VDCs are

connected to the national grid. Firewood provides 85 percent of the total energy

consumption in Kavre.

6. Research Findings

6.1 Decision Making Structure of Sampling Households

It was observed

during the field visit that

men were often the

decision makers at

household and

community level as Agrawal (2001) also observed. However, there was some difference

among the higher caste and lower caste people regarding the household decisions.

Among higher caste, it was mainly men who decide on their own, whereas among lower

Energy Resources Percentage of

Consumption

Firewood 85 %

Agricultural residue 9 %

Petroleum 5 %

Electricity 1 %

Total 100 %

14



caste people the men decide jointly with their wives and they also participate actively on

the decisions.

Table 2 illustrates the decision making status at household level. Men were the

dominant decision makers in household activities such as holding and managing crop and

livestock income and planting fodder trees.

Table 2: Decision-Making Structure of Sampled Households

(Percentage of respondents)

S

Source: Field Survey, 2002

Among the different activities, men’s domination in managing the crop income

was the highest as this is the largest share of family income. It was observed that women

were the sole decision makers in case of women headed households. Both men and

women were largely involved in household decision making activities among Tamang

Decision Activities Holding andmanaging cropincome:

Holding and managinglivestock income:

Decision onPlanting fodder

trees

Women

Men

Both

Total

21.6

77.0

1.4

100

24.2

60.5

15.3

100

19.5

53.2

27.3

100

15



ethnic group as compared to Brahmin community. This indicates that higher caste women

are more deprived for their well being as compared to the low ethnic group.

6.2 Deprivations with Energy Poverty

• Social Deprivation

Problems in collecting and using firewood

As in many developing countries, the local women in rural areas of Nepal

primarily depend on biomass (mainly firewood) for fulfilling household energy

requirements. I observed that only around 30 percent of households have access to

technologies like biogas and improved stoves. Local women experienced different kinds

of problems in managing firewood resources and in cooking with biomass resources.

Table 3 below presents the problems related to women’s workload in collecting

and cooking with firewood at household level. Women were more concerned on their

work load regarding the collection of firewood, as it consumed long time to walk and to

look for the firewood. As stated earlier, women had spent almost a day to collect a bunch

of firewood. Their worries were also on catching up by the owners while stealing the

firewood from the private forest. Besides this, women were overwhelmingly concerned

about the smokes caused by biomass burning that affected their health in different ways

(Table 3).

Table 3: Problems in Collecting and Cooking with Firewood

16



(Percentages of Cases)

Source: Personal Observation, 2008

The heavy work on cleaning utensils and houses caused by burning firewood has

been one of the major problems for women in rural villages of Kavre. It took a

considerable time for them in cleaning the houses, dishes and linens as they become

dirty frequently while cooking with firewood and other biomass resources.

With availability of diesel mills and micro hydro mills, women’s work load was

reduced to some extent as they did not have to use their labor (human energy) in

processing the agricultural product. However, in rural areas of Nepal, the major

problem with household energy is related with household cooking and heating, which

is the basic for living. Women had spent a considerable time and energy both for

collecting and cooking with firewood, while bearing enormous losses, discomforts,

and pains as indicated in the table above. As women were always occupied with

household chores including the management of household energy resources, they

have very little time for other economic and social activities that could enable them to

Problems in Collecting

Firewood% of Cases Problems in

Cooking with

Firewood

% of Cases

Long distance to walk

No time to go to forest

Lack of firewood

(long time to collect)

Risky (falling down from

trees, paying penalties)

Costly to buy

Other

86.2

34.5

48.3

34.5

15.5

13.8

More smoke

Dirty utensils

Dirty house

Hard to blow

Eye irritation

Long time to cook

High heat during

summer

98.6

82.5

57.3

28.0

26.6

4.2

2.8

17





not very much identified by the women themselves due to their unawareness about the

association of the problem. The health personnel in local area identified such problems.

• Cultural Deprivation

Gender Roles in Household Energy Management

It was found that women were solely responsible in managing the energy resources in

most cases, whether biomass or other indigenous fuels. Only in some cases with Tamang

households, were men also involved in collecting firewood and in processing grains.

Although some men in Tamang community shared this work, women took the

major responsibility for collecting and managing the firewood for cooking (Table 4).

Men especially from Brahmin community were however, involved in cutting trees as

women were considered not to be strong for this job.

Table 4: Gender Roles in Household Energy management(Percentage of Respondents)

Who cuts down

Trees?

Who collects fire

wood ?

Who stores it?

Women

Men

Both

35

44

21

65

5

30

71

3

26

Total 100 100 100

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Source: Personal Observation, 2008

I observed that in Brahmin/Chhetri communities, men cut the trees most of the

time. Among Tamang / Rai, both men and women were involved in cutting trees, though

men were more involved in such activities. Among low caste people like Kami and Sarki,

both men and women were involved in cutting trees.

However, it was observed that in most of the cases it was women who collected

and stored the firewood. Young girls were equally involved in collecting firewood, while

young boys would spend their time roaming around the village. In a focus group

discussion, a Tamang woman mentioned that the men of the household would also go to

collect the firewood, if they had a friend to play cards with in the forest.

During the field observation, it was noticed that women’s workload remained

heavy even with the availability of infrastructures such as road network and electricity.

My research villages located in the mid hill areas of Nepal features a huge work burden

for women for collecting firewood in order to meet cooking and heating needs. Since the

houses made of mud and stones would get very cold during the winter season, it was

impossible for the local people to remain in the house without using firewood for heating

the houses. Apart from other household chores, collecting and cooking with firewood

involved a heavy work burden especially for women.

Gender roles in energy related activities among different ethnicities are depicted

in Tables 5. Among Brahmin/Chhetri, women and girls were highly involved in cooking

meals, preparing snacks, grinding grains, and collecting firewood. This means that

women and girl children are more susceptible to the indoor air pollution. For processing

20



activities, both women and girls were involved in rice hulling, while both boys and girls

and women were involved in going to the mills with girls playing the strongest role.

Table 5: Involvement in Household Energy Activities by Gender and Ethnicity Notes: W = women, M = men, G = Girl, B = Boy,

Notes** = high involvement, * = low involvement, o = no involvement

Source: Field Survey 2002.

Since there was a diesel mill in the village the women did not have to be involved

much in hulling activities, but were very involved in grinding due to the fact that they

preferred to use the flour ground from janto and ghatta (water mill ), because it is tastier

than that processed by the power or diesel mill. However, it was observed that women

and girls were solely involved in processing activities especially among high caste Hindu

families, where there were no mills.

Among Tamang / Rai, women and girls were heavily involved in cooking meals and

snacks and in collecting firewood. Men also shared the cooking activities occasionally,

but the boys were never around to do their share of this work. Among the low caste

Activities Brahmin/Chhetri Tamang / Rai Kami/Damai

W M G B W M G B W M G B

Cooking meal

Preparing snacks

Rice hulling

Grinding grains

Collectingfirewood

Going to the mills

**

**

*

**

**

*

o

o

o

o

o

o

**

**

*

**

**

**

o

o

o

o

o

*

**

**

*

**

**

*

*

*

o

o

o

o

**

**

o

*

**

*

o

o

o

o

o

o

**

**

*

**

**

*

*

*

*

*

o

o

**

**

*

*

**

**

*

*

o

o

o

*

21



households, women and girls were highly involved in cooking and grinding but were less

involved in hulling. In this group, the men and also the boys shared both cooking and

processing tasks. Among the low caste and Tamang ethnic group, sharing of work

between males and females was well practiced.

Gendered Access to and Control over Energy Resources and Technologies

Rural women had access to all kinds of energy resources such as firewood, diesel

and power mills, and also to alternative cooking technologies such as biogas stoves and

improved stoves available at the household and community level. Although, only a

limited percentage of households owned AETs such as biogas plants, ICS, and the solar

photovoltaic systems that created a large socio-economic gap within a small community.

In addition, women had no or limited control over AETs. Women were rarely trained for

designing stoves and for any repair activities and neither for the use and better

implications of AETs. They often had to rely on the technicians or other male members

for any small repairs, who would not often be around that discouraged them to adopt such

technologies. Men often were trained in constructing stoves and in using the biogas

plants, who rarely shared the skill to their women in the house.

From the focused group discussions, it was found out that, the highest percentage

of respondents collected firewood from their own and community forests. A large

percentage of respondents also admitted that they stole the firewood from private forests

far from the village, because they did not have their own forest while a few of them

bought the firewood from private forests.

Both men and women then have access to firewood resources, and women are

well represented in community forest groups. Women also have a say in firewood

22



management, collection and forest clearance. However, men were the major decision

makers in determining whether or not to sell firewood from the forests and managing the

community income. I also observed that women in the project area had access to

technology like electricity, biogas stoves, solar lighting and improved stoves and many

used such technology, although they had no control over it, having no knowledge of

repair and maintenance work. This indicates that there was a shift in control over

resources with availability of technologies.

Gendered well being and participation

In the rural areas of Nepal, people especially women are deprived of well being and

opportunities (e.g. basic, education, health, food). For instance, the girl children are allowed

to go to school only if they finish housework and they are dropped off from school if they

had to travel far from the villages to achieve basic education (Agrawal, 2001). For instance,

only the few girls from richer households had gone to the adjacent villages to continue their

higher secondary education and the college education was very rare. Similarly, food habits of

women are changed in many circumstances. For instance, men eat first and get enough good

food and women eat later after men and they get inadequate food and not the same food in

many cases. They get leftovers and not all varieties of food as they are almost consumed by

the previous eaters. Women often refuse to re cook even if there is not enough food left for

them (they feel tired of cooking) and they remain hungry whole day while spending the same

energy for household chores. This has caused numerous health problems such as ulcer, and

gastric. A woman interviewed mentioned that “our elders especially father-in-law, brother-in

laws eat first and we women eat later all the leftovers. We do not care if we have enough or not”

23



( personal interview, 2008 ). The local women expressed that they have very little time and

opportunity for education and health care and for participating in other economic and social

activities.

Similarly, women have a little power to decide on their own if they want to participate in

the activities outside home. It was observed in the villages that women hardly participated in

the village level meetings organized for different activities such as rural energy program, and

road building program. Although women were the active contributors in constructing micro

hydro canals, and raising and mobilizing saving funds, their participation in community and

village level decisions was nominal. Men were the major decision makers at village level as

also observed by Agrawal (2001). A woman mentioned that “we do not have time to

participate in such meetings and we also have a little understandings of the subjects matter ”.

On the other hand, some other women mentioned that “we are not encouraged by the family

members to participate in such meetings” (Personal interview, 2008). It was a mix of ideas

and thoughts about their participation. However, it was observed that at village level, women

have active participation in community forestry program and to manage and preserve the

forest for saving the village environment. They participated in village level meetings and

share the ideas with male members in the forest committee, although their voices would

rarely been listened by the male members. However, women hardly have time and

opportunities to participate in other economic and social activities that could enable them to

be empowered economically as well as socially. In some cases, women were involved in cash

crops’ and livestock production at personal level and make their personal income by selling

those products. However, they still use the income for the welfare of the family, although

24



such incomes help their economic empowerment and raise their self esteem for the well

being of the whole family.

• Economic deprivation

Although there were some opportunities in the village level with availability of

micro hydro plants, that provided opportunities for men and especially women to

participate in some cottage activities such as soap making, incense making, they were at

very basic level. In some villages the micro hydro canal was a good source of irrigation

especially for vegetable production. For instance, garlic production was done at

commercial level in one of the villages that helped to increase the household income. The

income from garlic production was mainly owned by the women but used for the welfare

of the family. Some men were employed in micro hydro mills thus providing

employment at village level.

However, majority of the households rely on traditional fuel like firewood, there

were little opportunities for women to participate in income generating activities. Micro

hydro plants were basically used for lighting purposes and were used for milling

activities in only a few villages. The basic source of energy was the firewood in almost

all the villages and women were mainly involved in managing such firewood resources

having little or no time and opportunities for any economic activities. A few households

who used the biogas stoves for cooking were not properly aware of their economic

potential such as making compost out of the slurry that could be utilized as fertilizer to

have increased agricultural production. There was very little extension activities to make

25



aware especially to women on the proper use and implications of the technologies so as

to use the technologies towards their full potential and to ensure the economic gain.

In addition there were no any activities at village level in absence of power supply

and also other services such as market, and credit so as to have integrated channel for

increasing the household income for rural population.

7. Conclusion

Analyzing above indicates that using biomass as an exclusive source of energy

deprives the human capabilities especially of women in the existing cultural and social

context. There were no alternative options for biomass energy in the villages. Even those

households who used biogas stoves for cooking could not fully rely on such cooking.

These households still needed to use firewood for livestock feeding and during rituals and

festivals. In addition, burning firewood inside the house was essential during winter

season to keep the house warm. As women were solely responsible to produce and

manage the biomass energy, they are the ones affected by numerous health problems as

indicated earlier, and the heavy workload providing them little opportunities to be

involved in other economic and social activities. It limited their capacities for production

and reproduction. It was observed that burning low quality firewood produced higher

level of domestic air pollution causing different kind of health problems especially to

women and children who spent their most of the time in the house. In addition, women

were rarely involved in the decision making processes in regard to any energy

interventions such as locating hydro plants and biogas plants that lowered down their self

esteem. In absence of proper extension services including the training to women on use

and implications of technologies, they were more dependent on men to use the AETs.

26



This hindered the women’s capabilities to use these technologies that discouraged them

for adopting the same. It was also observed that if men share the household activities

especially the energy related activities such as collecting firewood, women will have

more time for other social and economic activities, which will help to improve their well

being. Given the social and cultural circumstances in regard to use of biomass energy and

other energy interventions, women have little choices and opportunities to improve their

wellbeing and thereby their families.

While alternative technologies can have potential for reducing the drudgery and

increasing the income of a household, they have not been able to reach to the larger

section of the society. This situation has created even more inequalities in the villages

creating a large socio-economic gap within a small community. Unless and until the

technologies are designed for pro poor and subsidies are channeled accordingly, majority

of the poor remain out of reach with such technologies.

In addition, the AETs like solar plant, micro-hydro power have only been used for

basic lighting and no other potentials have been explored that could help to utilize the

local resources such as women’s knowledge and skill and the local produce. AETs have

large potentials to initiate home based enterprises such as dairy production and

handicrafts, where women can have a good access, which could empower women both

socially as well as economically.

27



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