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iver
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Mac
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ool of
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L
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Ayrcs
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url i
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Daniel
Boyarin
University
ofcalfnsua
Berkeley
Gilli
an Cla
rk
Un
ivers
ity
ofB
risr
ot
Ang
elo
d
i B
erar
dino
O
SA Istit
uto Pat
risci
co An
gus
tinan
ium
R
ome
Hub
er tus
R. Dro
bne
r
Theologische
F
acul
tdt
Pade
rbor
n
Dav
id W
.Jo h
nso
n
SJ
Jesu
it
Scho
ol o
fTheology
Berkeley
Jud i
th
L
ieu
U
nive
rsity
ofC a
mbr
idg e
Fr
eder
ick
Nor
ris
mm
anue
l
Sch
ool ofR
ettyi
on
Er
ic
Reb
Wa
rd C
orne
ll
U
nive
rsity
Joh n M.
Ris
t
Uni
versi
ty
of
Toronto
L
inda SA
ran
Un
iver
sity
ofThronto
Su
san
I S
teve
ns
Ran
dolp
h aIa
con
JJhmruns
College
Rica
Lizzi
T
esta
Un
iver
sitd
degl
i
S
tudi
d
i Feru
gia
T
he
C
ttt o
tic
U
niv
ersit
y of
A
meri
ca
Pres
s
M
ichae
l
A
. W
illiam
s
Un
iver
sity
of
W
tsh
ingto
n
Sea
ttle
l ashungron
D C
7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
2/11
88
KiM
W
lS
Smith Jonathan
Z.
lb
Thke
Place:
Thward Theory
in Ritual. Chicago:
Chicago
Un
iver
sj
Press t987.
Trading
Places. inAncient
Magic a
nd
uat Power edited
by Marvin
W.
Meyer
and
Paul A.
Mirecks
132.4. Leiden: Brill
1995.
Constructing
a
SmaU Place.
In Sacred Space. Shrine
City Land
edited
by
Ben..
jamin Kedar-Kopfstein
and
Raphael]ehudah
Zwi Werblowsky
5630.
London:
York
University
Press
1998.
Stewart
Susan.
On Longing:
Narratives
of
the
Miniature the
Gigantic
the
Souvenir
e
b
Col
lection.
Durham N.C.: Duke
University Press
1993
Striker
Cecil
L. and Y
Dogan
Kuban
eds.
Katenderhane
in Istanbul:
The
Buildings
Their
History
Architecture
nd
Decoration.
Mainz:
Philipp
von
Zabern
1998.
Taft
Robert
The Great Enerunce:AHistouy
o
f
the
Transfer
o
fGifts n
d
otherPreanapha
raiRites
oft/se
Liturgy
ofSt John Csysostom. Rome: Ponrifirium
institurum
tu
ior
Orientalium 1975
The
Liturgy of
the Hours
in
East
and
West. Coilegevslle
Minn.:
Liturgical
Press
1986.
The
Byzantine
Rite.
A
Short History.
Collegeville
Mmn.:
Liturgical
Press
1992.
Beyond East
nd
f bst
Problems in Liturgical
Understanding
Rome:
Pastoral
Press
1997.
Thomas
John Philip
Private Religious
foundations
in the Byzantine
Empire
Washington
D.C.:
Dumbarton
Oaks 1987.
Thiir
Hilke Kontinuitt
und Diskontinuitt
im
ephesischen
Wohnbau
der
fthen
i
serzeiC In PaThs
und
Imperium. Kutturette studpotittsche
Identrtilt
in den Stddten
der
rnschen Provinzen Kleinasiens
in
derfruben
Kaiserz
tie edited
by
hrisw
fet
ns Henner
von
Hesberg
Lutgarde Vandeput
and
Marc
Waellcens 2.5774.
Leuven:
Petters 1 1
Vikan
Gary Early Byzantine Pilgrimage desotionatia
as Evidence
for
the
Appearance
of
Pd.
grimage
Shrines.
In Akten
desXIL
Internationaten KongressesJiir
chnstlicheArchdolo
gie edited
by
Ernst
Dassmann
and
Josef
Engemann
7788
Munsrer: Aschendorff
t995.
Early Byzantine
PutgrimzgeArt Washington D.C.:
Dumbarton
Oaks zolo.
Voicu
SeverJ.
Cesaa
Basiio
Ep.
93/4
e
Severo.
Augustinianum
35
ss
:
697703.
Weitzmann
Kurt.
Loca sancta
and
the Representational Arts
of
Palestine.
Dumbarton
Oaks Papers
iS
5974 : 3155.
Wilkinson ]ohn.Jerusatem
Pilgrims
before
the
Crusades.
Warminster
U.K.:
Aris
and P
hil
lips
zoo
i
Yasin
Ann
Iviarie. Saints
and
hurch
Spaces in the
Late
Antique
hfeditecranean:
Architecture
Cult
and
Community
Cambridge:
Cambridge University
Press.
1 9
Te
nsio
ns
bet
wee
n
gr
oup
id
entit
y
a
nd relig
ious
indi
vidu
ality
a
re
nev e
r
e cy
to
co
nfron
t,
wh
ethe
r
as
the indi
vidu
al
exp
erien
cing
the
t
ensi
on
or
as
a
scholar
e
spe
cially
a
s
ocial h
istor
ian, at
tem p
ting
to
cap
ture
th
e
indiv
idua
l and
his
or
he
r
e
xper
ience
in
th
e rem
ote
p
ast ,
al
so
kn
own
as late
ant
iqui
ty.
To pa
ra
phrase
Seth Schwartz,
how should
we
picture
an average late
antique
man ?
To
wh
om
did
he
he
re
a
g
ener
ic
he
wi
tho u
t gen
dere
d
assu
mpti
on
feel
con
nected why
and
how
?
Ho
w
d
id he
e
xpre
ss
fait
h,
joy lo
ve,
ange
r,
fe
ar?
o
ui
he
read and
i
f
so
did he bot
her?
In wh i
ch
lang
uag
es
d
id
he add
ress
h
is
god or
gods an
d ho
w
w
ould he
hav
e b
een
a
ddre
ssed
?
The
fo
cus
of th
is v
olum
e
on
the
indiv
idua
l i
n
rel
ation
to
c
om m
un i
ty ap
pea rs
to
ref l
ect t
he
c
onflu
enc
e
of
two
re
cent
shif
t s in
mod
ern
h
istor
ical
a
ppro
ache
s to
the
late
r Ro
man
w
orld:
f
irst, a
steadily
incre
asin
g
foc
us on
th
e
g
eolo
gica
l, e
colo
gical
, d
emo
grap
hic,
gn
d
ec
o
n
omic
give
ns of
the
M
edite
rran
ean w
orld
,
spa r
k ed a t l
east
in
pa
rt
b
y Per
egr in
e
Hor
den
and
Nic
hola
s
Pu
rcel
ls The
orr
upti
ng ea
and
,
s
econ
d,
at
the s
ame
time
a
nd
in r
espo
nse
to
oc
casio
nal l
y ra th
er
con s
truct
ivist
id
eas
as
to
wha
t
i-
made
t
he
M
edi
terra
nean
m
an
i
nto
su
ch
a
m
an,
the ret u
rn
of
the
ind
ivid
ual.
Recent
research increasingly
reintegrates individual s
into
what
has
emerged
s
the
stru
ctura
l
ma
trix
of
t
he l at
er
Rom
an
w
orld
,
be
caus
e co
nstr
uctiv
ist
an
d
Su
san
na
l
m
Gregory
ofNa
zian
zus
Ivie
diat
ion
bet
ween
Ind i
vidu
al a
nd
om
Tnun
ity
a
thank
Enc
Rebillard
andJorg
Rhpke
for
the
invirauon
to
their
splendid
conference.
89
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SUSANNA ELM
93
reading
in
Russian seminaries
to
this day.5
TheOsis
deification
was
a
concept
in
the
so called
Corpus reop giticum
and
in th e
theolog3
of
imus
the
Confessor.6
Symeon
the
New
Theologian
made
it
the
cornerat
0f
the
monastic
movement
later known as
hesychasm.
The
term
entered
Old
Church
Slavonic and
then
modern
Russian as
obozhenie
retaining
both
semantic
structure
and
the
importance
o
f its
Greelc
equivalent.7
In
sum
po i
nt out
by
Jaroslav
Pelican who
here
stands
as
pars
pro
toto
for
ventional accounts
of
the development
of
the Eastern churches
th6
osis
or
d
fication
was the chief
idea
of
St.
Maximus
as of
all
of
Eastern
theo1og >
he continues
like all o
f [MaximussJ
theological
ideas
it had
come
to
him
from Christian
ntiqu
ity and had
been
formulated
by the
Greek
fathersa
Scholarly
consensus
holds that
what
these Greek
fathers
considered
deifi
cation
or
divinization
was a recognizable
conflation
of two
views
the
biblj1j
and
the
Platonic.9
Such
scholarly
consensus
itseWrepresents
a
number
of
Con.
flations.
First the Greek
fathers
under
discussion
are
usually
seen
as
a
horn0
geneous group consisting
in
the
main of the three
Cappadocians
without
further
differentiation
to be followed
by
Maxiinus
Confessor
and
Syrneon
theNew
Theologian
also
more or
less
considered
as
one
homogeneous
strand
fdCvetoPme
so
that,
second, Gregory
Nazianzuss
own individual
role
fornW1
100
of
deification and
its later
Byzantine
and Russian
o
rtho
is
downplayed
if no
t
entirely
overlooked.
Third
Platonism
stands
other
homogenizing move
tha t flattens
a
num
ber o
f different
ph i
o
an
5ophical
voicesin
fact
an intense
deb
te
into
one
more
or
less
harmonious
ne
which
then
neatly
subdivided
into either
hris
tian Platonism
or pagan
150nisrn
the
latter
usually known
as Neoplatonism.
Such
scholarly
emphasis on group identity in this
case
the
subgroups
outlined
has
had
rather
detrimental
results
for the s tudy
of
thesis.
The
p
ropO
5
merger
of
Platonic
and
biblical
concepts
to
create theosjs
fails to a
c
count
for
the
spectacular subsequent
success
of
the n
otion
of
deification
in
:the
East
because
it
remains
rather
vague
when
describing what
thedsis
act
u
ly
entailed.
Wh
at
did
the ancient
authors
in
question
mean
wh e
n
they
talk
ed
chout
tljesis?
This
vagueness
remains
even i n t he most
rec
ent works
on
thensis
despite
their und
ispu
ted
merit
because
their
collapsing
of
such d
iffe
r
e nt
authors
as,
for
example
Basil of
Caesarea Gregory
ofNyssa
and Gregory
ofNazianzus
into
a
neat
package called
the
three
Cappadocians
does little
to
clarify
the
matter.
3Ii
Indeed
what
Gregory
o
f az
ian z
us said when
he
spoke o
f theUsis
differed
5markedly
from Gregory
o
f Nyssas concepts
of deification.
Gregory
o
f Nyssas
rersion has
received in depth
scholarly
analysis
th
at is then
often
transposed
onw
Gregory of
Nazianzus.
W
ha
t
Gregory
said
when speaking
of thedsis
GREGORY
OF
NAZIANZUS:
INDIVIDUAL
COMMUNITY
regor y o f Nazi anz us
on
Th es is
t
he Trad
ition
al
ie
w
Hilarion Mfeyev,
Zh;z,z I
Uchenie
St.
Grigorsia Bogostora.
St. Petersburg:
Metcjia,
Cool .
thank Boris Rodin Maslov for this reference and for relating
its
content. See also Boris
R.
M0sl09,
OikriOsis
Pros
Theon: Gregory
of
Nazianzus
Concept
of Divinization
and the
Heteronomous
Sub-
ject
of
Eastern
Christian
Penance:
Zeitschrqlfiirdntikes
Cli
ristentu,n/]ournal
ofAncient
Christianity
i6
tot;): 31143.
6.
Gregorys teachings
on
riotous,
in particular in
their
relevance to
throdiry,
also
had
a more
imme
diate
effect,
especially
on his
student
Evagrius Ponricus
and on
Palladius
of
Helenopolis.
SeejuliaKon
srantinovsky. Evagrius Ponticus:
The
Making
oft
Gnostic
Facnharn.
U.K.: Ashgare, 1009 .
4 7
utsd
Demetrios
S. Katos, Palladius
of
Helenspolis:
The
OrigeniseAdvocate
Oxford: Oxford
University Prs,
loiS ,
15654.
For
Marimos Confessor
see
Torsicin
Tollefsen,
The
Chrisrocenrnr
Cos,n
stagy
of
Sr.
Maui
,n,ss
the Confessor Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press,
tool).
His
recent
discussion
of
the concept
m
Tor-
stein
Tollefscn, Activity
and
Participation
in
Late
Antique and
Early
Christian
Thought Oxford: Othrd
University
Press,
Lola
dots
not
include Gregory
ofNazianzus.
7.
For a summary
see Hilation Mfeyev,
St.
Symeon
the
New Theologian
md Orthodox
Thidmtion
No w
York: Oxford
University Press,
zooo),
a
and
Maslov,
Dikes
Isis.
8.Jaroslav
Pelikan,
The
Christian
Tr.mthtso m:A
Histss-yoftheDeodopment
of
the Doctrine,
vol. z
The
Spirit
sffastern
hristi.mnity doot2oo
Chicago:
University
of
Chicago
Press,
ryy.y ,
10.
9.
Donald
F.
Winslow,
The Dynamics
of
Salvation:
A Stud .
in
Gregory
of
Nazianzsss
Cambridge.
Mass.: Philadelphia Parrisuc Foundation,
1979
Winslows
dirussion
of
Gregory at
17199
ttmSlis
foundational;
his
argument
that
Gregory
merged
Plato and Scripture is
acrrptrd
by
Norman
Russell,
The
Doctrine
ofDejflsation
its
the
Crick
Rmeristsc Tr mdirio s
Oxford:
Oxford
University
Press, 1004
xxiu5
Russell
lists the
vocabulary
of
deification
at 11134
and
33314.
Gregory
Nazianzus or
;
and
4
play
flu
role
in
these
discussions other than foc the oco occurrences
of
the
term tl,thsis
in or
4.
5
mo.Thus Russrll,flsctrine
offle1fication,
zi315, notes
Gregorys
distinctiveness,
but
flattens his im
act
by labeling it
the
Cappadocian
thought.
As a result,
he
misses
Gregorys
impacr
on
ttlaximus
the
.flflfrssor,o3337.
u. Hubert
Mend,
Homsthsis eheO.
Fbn derptatonischen
Angleirhungan
Goet
zur
Gottah,slichkeie
bei
Gregor
von
Nyssa
Fnbourg
Ssvitztrland:
Paulusverlag,
mx)
focuses
only
on Gregory
of
Nyssa; his work
fosndatmoual;
]tffrey
A. Wirvang,
Resources
on Theosis
svith Select
Primary
Sources
in
Translation:
In
Paitakers
of
the
Divine
Nature.
The
Hivtsty
andDevelopment
ofDejflcaeio,m
in
the
Christian
Traditions,
nil.
Michael
Christensen
and]effrey
A.
Witrung Madison,
NJ.:
Fairleigh
Dickinson
University
Press,
194309
has
an
extensive
bibliography.
Claudio
Moreschini,
Fitosofia
e
Letteratura
in
Gregsris
do
Nazianzo
Milano:
Vita
e
Pensiero,
1997), 3336
cngages
Gregorys vocabulacy;
Philippr
Molac,
Don
leuret
Thmnsfiguratisn.
Une
Lecture
i m
chee,mmeme,ie
Spiritu
ci
de Saint
Gregoire
de lVazianze
Paris:
Edi
l-flnm
du
Crrf, ionS)
discusses Gregorys concept
of
man
as
Gods eikJn
ofwhich
he considered obelsi s
a
F
7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
5/11
94
SUSANNA ELM
GREGORY
OF NAZIANZUS
INDIVIDUAL
COMMUNITY
95
one
central
point,
was tha
t
Christianity properly practiced
would
make
into
God. And such proper
practice required as essential
con
ditio
n
the
r
iglt
correlation
between individual
and
communal
action.
Gregorys
idea
of
dci.
fication, of making
individual
human
beings
divine,
sits
uneasily
with
scholars
as
Donald Winslow indicates
when
he remarks that
Gregory
hinseW
was
well aware
tha
t the
constant
use
he
made of the doctrine
of
deificat00
must
have been
somewhat
startling to
his
congregation.2
Leaving
the
pre
sumed reaction
of
Gregorys
audience
aside,
what scholars find startling
is
that
Gregory
could have
intended
this
as
the
reassertion
of
any
divine
element
within created
nature
rather
than
solely as
a
gift of
God
the creator,
accord
ing
to
John McGuckin.
Norman
Russell
solves
this
co
nun
drum
by
PrOposing
that
Gregory
must have
int
ende
d
deification as
a
me
taph
or only,
because
he
cannot have
meant
to
imply
that
a
creature can
become
God
in
the
Proper
sense o
f the word.
ha
t
he must have
meant
must have been
metaphorical
because he
cannot have
meant
the
process
to
have
been
i n any sense
real.3
In
other words,
the
idea that startles
scholars
is
tha
t
Gregory
could
have
applied
the
no ti
on of
deification in a
Christian context
to
individual
persons
rather
than
to
humanity
as
a
whole,
deified through
Christs
incarnation ,
be
cause
that
idea comes
perilously close to
pagan
notions
such
as
apotheosis
and
to the theurgic operations that made god theon
poiein
present in the
souls
ofmen.
Such
notions
were
propagated
by persons
such as
Julian, the
emperor
and theurgist , who
was
alive
and
well
at
the time
Gregory
wrote
his
second
oration
on
pries
thoo
d
and
the no ti
on
of
deification.4
Several factors are operative
in
the
scholarly reluctance
to
ttr
ibute
a real
rather
than merely
a
metaphorical
idea
o
f
deification
to
Gregory
o
f
azi a
n
zus.
Gregory developed
his
version of deification primarily
in
two
texts: his
he
emptoyS
bu t does
no t
explicate,
his
notion of
thesis
since he did that
in
his
eatlier
orations .
Because
theologians
and church
historians
use
Gregorys
orat1O
on
the
priesthood,
if
at
all,
only
to note
his
ideas
of
pastoral
care,
they
do
not
pay
much
atten
tio n
to
what
he has
to
say b
ou t
theOsis
in
t
ha t
oration.
Modern
philosophers
do
no
t use
Gregory
t o f ind ou t
what
persons
like
him
thought
about
deification
in the
fou
rth
century
because
he
was
a
Christian
?latonist
and
no
t
a
pagan Neoplatonist,
and
mod
ern
philosophers
do not
like
to
read
the
texts
of Christian
Platonists
unless they
really cann
ot
avoid
them
and
in
such
cases
o
f
dire
necessity
the
confirmed
l
ton
ist
Gregory
of
Nyssa
tends
to
be
far more
palatable
than
the ot
her
Gregory .
Mo d
ern
historians
use
Gregorys
Oration
4
against
Jid
ian
for
their
li m
ite d
since
polemical
con
tri
butions
to
the
reconstruction
of the
emperor
Julians
history.
Gregorys
ideas
about
theosis
are
not
seen
as
relevant to that task. Chu rch historians
look at
Oration
for tha
t
same reason,
which
is
also the
reason
why
modern
theo
logians
do
n
ot read it:
since it
deals with
the
pagan
emperor
and
a
pos
tateju
lian,
it
cannot have
any theological
con
tent to
speak
of. Hence
what
Gregory
has to say here
b
out theOsis
remains
largely
overlooked,
with
the
exception
of the two
occasions
where
Gregory
actually
uses the
term.
It
is after
all in
his
Oration
against
Ju
tian that
Gregory
coined the
new term
theOsis.
That
alone
should,
however,
give
us
some clues:
Gregory
developed
the
n
otion o
f
the
s s
the
context
o
fpri
estho
od
and
against
the
emperorJulian.5
ikeiUsis
pros
theonGregorys
no
tion
o
f theosis
ikei sis
and
Stoa
W
ha
t
then,
does
Gregorys
no
tion
of
theosis
imply
and
why
does
it
matter when thin king bo ut the relation between the
individual
and
the
coHective
in
religious
terms?
hat does Gregory
actually
say?
First,
2
on
the
Priesthood
and
his Oration
4
against
uti
an
Because
Gregory
usuallY
seen,
from
a
historiographic
sta n
dpo
int
as
the
Theologian:
who
ed
up
as
Bishop
of Co n
sta n
tinop
le
because
he
was
a
fine
thinker
but
a
acisninistrato,
scholars
of
later
Roman hi
sto ry
rarely
consider
his
writ-
the
p
riest
ho od
at all
when
t
hin k
ing
in
terms
o
f
the
evolution
of
later
Rome.
Modern
theologians,
on
the
oth
er
hand,
are
interested
in
Gregory
as
eolo
gi
and
hence focus
on
his later
so-called
Theological
Orations,
where
part. 3175
c6i.
Tollefsen .dcticity anti
Participation.
discusses
Gregory
ofNyssa
as
prearsor
for Maximus Confessor but
nor
Gregory
of
Naz anzus.
so
Winslow
Dyn.nmcs ofSatvarmn.
8o.
s3.John
McGucldn
The
Strategic
Adaptation
of Deification in the
Cappadorians
so
Panakersof
the
Divine
Pasture.
The
History
and
Developme nt ofDesfic.stson
i
the
Christian
Tradstwns ed.
MichadJ.
I
Christensen
and
Jefirey
A. Witruog
Madison
N.J.:
Fairleigh
Dickinson
University
Press
zoo?
10 n
Rusell
Doctrine
ofDz /icatiun.
zln14.
makes
much
of
Gregory Nazianzus
or.
41.17
the
only
dn e
Geet
ory
states
that a
created
beiog
rannor
become God which for Russell
implies that for Gregory.
Ibllaiving
Athu sasius man can become
god
only
by
analogy.
14.
ussellsappendix Doctrine ofDesfication
demonstrates that
Christian
wr tets
WacoZ
pains
to develop
a
vocabulary
that
distanced
their
concepts
from such
associations.
S.
Foru
dreaded
analysis
see
Elm.
Sons efHeltenism
17081 25905
31117 41322.
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ELM
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NAZIANZUS:
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97
in
Gregory
of
Nazianzuss
case,
the
scholarly consensus
about
the
conflation
of
Platonism
n
the Bible
must be
je t tisoned. Gregory never
quotes
a
Peter
1:4,
the
one
New
Testament passage alluding to divinizacion.
Psalm 8a:6
is
t
second scriptural
passage often adduced
in this
context
n
he
uses
even
one
rarely 16 Further,
Gregory never
used the
phrase
homoiJsis
tbeOi,
com.nlon
ly
associated
with
the
Platonic
concept
of assimilation
to
the divine.
Instead
us Oration
2
he
speaks exclusively o
f
oikeiJsis
pros
theon;
theisis is
a
conceptual
continuation
of
his
understanding
of
oikeidsis
pros
theon
n neither concept
is prima
facie Platonic.17
Rather, oikeisis is a
well-known Stoic
concept,
this
is
significant for Gregorys use of
the
terminology of deification.
The
verb
oikeiod
from
which the
nearly
untranslatable noun
derives,
means, first,
to
grow
used
to,
to
treat
someone as, or to make someone ones
own;
second, to
feel
e
n
dearment
for;
and, third,
to
assert
kinship
with
someone.
This semantic
range
pe rm
itt e
d the
term
oikeidsis
to
expand
beyond
its
technical
Stoic
usage.8
In
Stoicism,
especially
as
p
r t o
Stoic
ethics,
the
term de
note
d
a
concept
of the
self in i ts
relation
with the external world.
The
natural impulse
to
love
oneself,
which
guarantees
the
individuals well-being, now
encompassed
the
other: you love
yourself
best
if you love
others
as if
they
were
you.
Parental
love
expresses the concept well. However
according to
the
famous
image
of
the second-century
A.D.
Stoic Hierocles , the principal
po t
was the outward
expansion
of
love
in eve r widening
circles to
more
and
more di
stan
t
persons,
stretching
eventually
to include
n
ot
only
humanity bu t
the very cosmos.
This
cosmic
dimension o
f the power
o
f
self-love relates
to
its origins.9 According
to
Epictetus, all
men
are
brothers
because
they
are
Zeuss progeny, so tha
t all
humans
form
one
koinPn
and
are
b
ound
by
the same koindnia. Therefore, all
,6.
e Pc
i
since
know
that
die putting
offof
my
body will
be
soon, as our Lord
Jesus Christ
made
clear
to
me;
ls
8t:6. I
said.
You
are
gods,
Sons
of
the
MostHigh,
all
ofyou.
Tollcfsen, Theosis
Ulunainates
his
reliance
on
scripture.
7. Mend observed
in
his
conctusinn to
Hu,,iathsis
thin that by
die
fourth century all
philosophical
schools
used that
phrase. Gregory
of
Nys,a
did,
hutnot
Gregory
of Nazianzus.
ii. For
greater
detail see
Maslov,
Oikeitisit.
forthcoming. The point
is not
whether
Gregory
was
conscious
of
the Stoic
history
of the
term.
Groeg
B
Krrferd,
The
Starch foe
Personal Identity
in
Seoit
Thooght
ERL
1971): 17879,
discusses
the
meaning and
translations
of
the terms. Robert
Bees.
Die
Qikeiosnlehre Der Stoa i:
Rekonsorukeiopa
flirts In/salts OViinhurg: Konigahausen
Meumann,
too4),
14849. Max
Pohlene. Gronr/fr.igen
Der
Storer/sen
Pl,ilosuphie Gottingen; Vundenhorck
Ruptrcbt.
1940 . 147,
rip. it,
addresses
the origins
of oikethsis as
foundational for
Stoic
ethics.
its.
Gretchen Reydams.Schils,
The
Ro,nan
Stoics; Self
Responsibility,
and 4ffectron
Chicago:
Uni
versiry ofChicago
Press, soo),
39,
334
u
st
acts
benefit
both
the
self
and
the
ot
he r
and the re
og n
ition of this
f ct
propels
ethical behavior.
The
co
nne
ction
between
altruism
and ethics
is
1ticulatly
relevant
because
the
altruistic
act
presupposes
a
choice p
rah
aire
n
d
results
from
free will autexousia; cf.
or.
Thus,
Stoic
care
of
the
self
in
on t
r st to
Platonic
notions,
denotes
ot
a
retreat
from
the
world int o
oneself,
bu t
the
expansion
o
f the
self in
a
volu
n
tary
altruistic
gesture
benefitting
all others.
As far
as
the
p
hilo
sop h
er
is
co
n
cern
this requires that
he
prove his wor th
by
engaging fully in
lifes act
iv
ftj5.
Such
a
demand, essential
to
the Stoic
philosopher,
directly
challenges
uoth
er
distinction,
that
between
the
contemplative
life
and
practical
wis
dom.t
Through
p
art i
cipat
ion in
the world
the
Stoic
ph
ilo s
ophe
r
who t
tained
perfect
oikeiOsis
identified
his self
with
the
entire cosmos,
including
h
u
manity,
because
he un
der s
tood
th
at
all was
one and
justified by
divine
Reason
Logos
itself
identical with Nature
Physis ,
which
it
also governs.
enc
e
the
philosophers
apatheia,
or
absence
o
f
passion,
that
is
indifference
to
good and
evil
makes
him
the perfect med
iato
r
between
divine
Reason
and
man, and be
tween
human beings.22
Oikeijsis,
the
individuals
linking of
his self to nature,
was also expressed
as
the
philosophers syrnpatheia
with
the
entire
cosmos. This p
rovid
ed the
mological
dimension
by
which
oikeisis,
in
late antiquity, entered the
thought
world
of
Platonism, especially
in Plotinus,
as
Gary
M.
urt l
er
has shown.
Here
the
impo
rta n
t
po
int is
th
at
such
a
on e
pt presupposes
an
u
nder
stand
ing
of the
created cosmos, including
man
and
his
physical
body.
as
essentially
C
C.
to.
Hirroclrs at Sroburus
4.671.7673.Ii;
see
also Epietreus
alit5
1.13.3; Anthony A. Long, Hetlenis
tic Philosophy: Stoics Epicureans,
eptics
London: Duckwordi.
1974),
i71,
describes the
Stoic noeion
of
oikeiisis
thus:
Ml crratores are so
tonstiested
by
Natorr
that they are well-disposed
towards
themselvrs
The
word
translated
well-disposed
oikeios)
is
commonly used
ci
Grrrk
to mran related/akin/belong
ing
to;
butthe Stoics
are
expressing a
trchniral
concept .
Oikeiosis
determines
an animals rrlationslsip
en
its
rnvieonmene,
but
that to
whirh it
is
primarily
well
disposed
is itself Diogenes
Larrtios
vii
8). Its
self-awareness
is an affective relationship,
and
all behaviour
can hr
interpreted
us an
extension
or
manifes
tation
of
the
same principle.
xi.
Epictetus
diss.
3.i.46; the fuller
citation
is
Reydains.Schils,
Roman Stoics,
7 5
even
when
sue
appear
the
most svithdrawn,
even svhether
in ourselves
o ron
the
remotest
of
islands,
we
are
actually
still
mvolvrd
in
rommtmiry
and
cannot
he
otherwise;
and Bees, O,keiosislebre,
14849 and e8.
et.
E g
Chrysippus
in Diogenes
Laertius
Liues
7.8788;
Long,
Hellenistec
Philosophy,
i6;
also
Rrydams.Schils,
Ro,nan
Stoics, Anthony A.
Long,
Soul and
Body
in Stoitism
Phrunesis 17
l981):
37:
Theer
is in Stoicism
a
great
chain
of
being
svhich
tolerates
no discontinuity or introduction
of
prin
ciples
wluch
operate
at one level butnot
at
another.
The entire
universe
isa
combination
ofgod
and
mat
ter
and
what
applies
to
the
whole
applies to
anyone
0f its identifiable
pares.
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ELM
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NAZIANZUS:
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99
Oration
2
Gregorys
second
oration stands
f irmly in
this
tradition.25
oration,
Gregory
outlines
his
notions of
perfect
priesthood: the
ideal
ortho
dox priest
is
none oth er than the philosopher.
Gregorys
emphasis on the
osophical
life
has,
however,
typically been
read
in
the
hrist
ian
Platonic
or
Neoplatonic
vein
as
reflecting
a
retreat
to
the
self
understood
as
strict
rejec
tion of the
world
and
its
imbroglios
Indeed on
the
face o
f it,
Gregorys
sec
ond
oration, also
known
as
Apology
r His
ft
tght
makes much
of
his
rcpu..
sion
when
forced to
return
to
the
world
and
accept
a
posirion
of
leadership.
It
certainly
can be read as
expressing
the idea
that
the
true
philosophical
life
-:
cannot be
lived
oth
er
than
in
isolation
and,
correspondingly,Gregory
has
long
stood
as
paradigmatic
for
the
tr
diti
on l
idea of
tension
between
the
hris
tian
philosophical
ideal
of
ascetic retreat,
or besychia,
and t he office
of
priest
or
bishop.
de
rP
tt
rests
on
a
positive evaluarion
of
nature
and the
world,
including
fc
a
hwTan
body.
For Gregory, each
hr
istia
n
person
is a
member
of
the
body
f the
huy
ch
a
single,
well-ordered
organism
affiliated
wi th
God. Therefore,
egorys
philosopher
as leader was
called
to
act altruistically
on be
half of
thers,
and
to
accept
t
hat
duty
voluntarily.
Gregorys
words,
it is the
philosophers
principal
ergon,
or duty,
to
each
the
highest
possible state
of
purification
which
implies the
closest
pos
ible
approalmatiori
of
the divine. Such closeness
is
both spatial
as
well
as eth
ical:
the
purer
the philosopher,
the nearer
to
God,
and
the
closer
he
will be
o
the
originator
o
f
the chain
that links God,
the Good,
nature,
and
man.
once
the
philosopher has
reached the
highest
possible
degree
o
f
purity, he
must
then,
according
to the
principles
of aikelOsis,
voluntarily
accept the
yoke
of
leadership
so
that he
can
bring
those farther
away
from the
supreme
good,
f
God,
closer
to
God. He is thus
making
them,
too, God. The p
hilo
soph
er as
leader
embraces
and
then
hands
down
to
those
in
his
care the
kin d
of
good
6,.that
is
something
not merely sown
by nature,
u t
also
cultivated
by
choice
probair 5)
and
by
the back-and-forth
motions
o
f
the
free will.27 The
true
philosophers
and lovers of
god
are
defined
by
their
disavowal
of
self in pref
erence
to
kinship
with
the
divine: divinizarion
is only
possible
at
the
cost o
f
selfeffaeement. However, such voluntary
seW-effacement
is
the first act in
a
se
que
nce
that,
first,
affiliates
the
ph
ilos
oph e
r wi
th
the
divine,
and then,
thr o
u h
1his
mediating
agency,
also all
in his care with
the
divine.
Such were the
central
tenets of
Gregorys
definition
of the
philosopher
as
uhysician
of
the soul,
elaborated
in Oration
2.
Because,
as
philosopher
and ph
y
good because
divinely
created and
shared by
all.27
By late
ntiq
uity
by
way
Plotinus)
such
views
resulted
in
a
un-Platonic)
rehabilitation
o
f
the
Phys.
cal world
as a
well-ordered
divine
economy,
in
which
all
things
and
p
ers
found their
proper
place.24
Gregorys
intense use
of
the
language of
oikezOsts
redirects
that
empha.
sis.
As
is
the
case
with the
Neoplatonic
philosophers, o
mi n
ic OMeara
dis
cusses, in his
Flatonopolis,
Gregorys use
o
f
oikeOsis when
describing
his
ide-
al
philosophical
life,
indicating that for
him philosophical
return
to
the
s
implies
leading
others
to
the
same
ideals:
the
philosophical ideal is
precisely
that
o
f
leadership of the
olkoumene,
conceptually
as well as
practically.26
Greg-
orys
ideal
philosophical
life
is
an
active,
political philosophical
life o
f
engagea
03. Gary
M.
Gurder,
Sympaihy:
Stoic Masrrialissn and the
Platonic
SouL in
aVeoplatonorn and
Nature: Studies in
Ptotinus
Enneath
rd. Michael
F.
Wagner
Albany N.Y.
State
University of
New
York
Press,
zoos), 14176.
04.
Pierre
Hador.
LAppuet du
Nioplatonisnsr a
La
Philosophic
d e L a
Nature En
Occident:
in
Tr,idision
said
Gegenusirt:
EranosJ.zhrbach 1961
Zurich:
Rhein-Verlag. 5970 .
itSti.
-
Clement
and Ocigrn also
contributed
to
Gregorys notions.
For Clement,
a
sense of
snnmat
with
the
divine seas
essential
to
eikesOsss.
Oeigen
added an
emphasis on the
agency of
God in
establish-
ing
that
intimacy
between
himself
and
the believer,
and
on
the
Christians
enthusiastic
embrace
of
that
kinship,
e.g.,
Ocigeurs Ccli.
4.6.
.lp.stheth as an
aspect
of
oskesSsis
was particularly
important
for
Clemens
Mrvandrinus
,tr.
4.13.543;
69.73;
Qd.s.
and
33.i;
Michel
Spannrat.
Le
Stosrn,,se Des
Plres
de
lfgtisc
Dc Ctnent
de
Rome
2 ClEnsem
rLitexandrse, twd nil.
Paris:
ditsous
doScud,
1937
14930
and
377
e6.
Dominic]. OMeaca,
PLiteuopotis. Platonic
Political
Pht05ophy
in Late
Antsqstity
Oxford:
Ow
ford
University Press,
0003 .
sidan, Gregory
had
progressed
higher than
the
m
ulti
tud e in [his] virtue
and
oikeioils
pros
theon,
he
now had
to
become
active
and
show
his mettle
by
a
ltru
.isrically
taking
on
the
yoke ofservitude:
to guide
others
to greater kinship
w
ith
the
divine also,
body and
soul.
His means
to
achieve
this
end
were his
words
or.
1.3
and 91 .
Gregorys
most
powerfulpharinakon,
the words with the
grea
t
est
healing
effect
but also, if misused,
the
greatest p
oten
ti l to
cause infinite
harm,
were
the
words
that
circumscribed
the Triniry
and
the
Logos.
To
bring home
eisoikisai)
the
Logos.
Christ, in the hearts
of
men
is
what
the
law
our
teacher
6 7rcct cyt6y6c
v6jsoc) intends
for us;
this
the
pr
oph e
ts
07.
Gregory
ofNazianzus
or.
1.17: tb yailhv aS Saes
laSsos earno-sreipihzevuv.
Z scol wpsatpiaet
7Npyos1sosnn
cal
Tsi
Sir Spi)iss
rois
nSreuuuIou
esva)yu-sv.
7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
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100 5USANNA
ELM
tend
who
mediate between
the law and
Christ; this htist
intends,
the
fi le
ment and the
end of
the
spititual
law.28
This
is
the intent
of
the
divine
t
emptied.
of the flesh taken
on. This is the
intention
of
the
new
minute
God
and
man,
one
thing
out
of two
and
both
ptesent
in one.
This
is
why
has been mixed with the flesh
through
the
son as
mediator
and
why
tw0
atated realities
(or.
a.zaj, the
divine and msttet ,
have been
joined,
beeau
the
soul, acting
as
intetmediaty,
is
affiliated
with
both:
so
that
everything
b
cause
it
has
only one soutee, one father,
strives
toward the
One.5
birth, passion. and resurrection
(or.
2.2425) are
the
means
God,
our
tescher
devised
for
ou r
formation.
and
as a healing
cure for our
weakness.st
Greg
ory is
the servant
of
this
healing
cure: this
is
the medicine
we,
who
sit
above
others,
serve and
ofwhich
we arc
fellow-workers (or.
a.a6).
As
physician of the soul and
as
leader (that
is, as priest)
the
true
philos
opher
reinforced
the
individual
souls affiliation
to , o r
kinship
with,
the
dj,
vine,
the Logos.
by
adhering
to ethical
demands that also
affected
the
body
The physician of the
soul
must prescribe
means
that heal
both
because
soul is to the body
what
God
is to the
soul.
The soul must
educate
the
bodyso
that
it will
become her
fellow-slave,
affiliated
to God
(or.
2.57 .
Oikjo
to
God affects
both soul and body
so that the
chain
linking
body.
soul,
and
God;
and the ethical demands strengthening
that
chain,
are real,
nor meraphorieaaj
This is
the opposite
of
what Norman
Russell
has
proposed.
Gregory
shares
with others of
his time
the
notion that the
physical
boc
is essentially
good
and
worthy
of
salvation.
The i dea
of
the physical
body
and
by analogy the
cosmos as good
was
held
widely
by
Christians
and
noo-i
Christians
alike. Emperor Julian
expressed
it when
he
stressed
that
the sool,,
deified through
the purifying
rites a nd t he
ethical conduct
required by
the
myth of
the Great
Mother,
also healed
the
body.32
After
all, Julian
and Gregory
uS.
btst tesesywrtcoo
vd1ma
nAs:uTslc
eta:
vs viku.
u9.
ilibtuben
Nsb
napel
bib
sias tn55
MacpbS9.
buiepbS9,
anrise
passive
of
a,sakesassnsmi
us nato
to
dilu,e used mainly
foe
water
and
seine,
which
gives
the
passage
a Eucharistic
tone.
Poe
else
eesttakty
in
lambisehas, Porphyry.
and
Plutinus
of the soul as mean between two eneemes, divine
inteileec
and ten
serial
(human) body,
seeJohn
F
Pinamoee
andJohn El. Dillon,
edt.,
J,onbhcbsoDedns,n,c
Text,
Tranak
riots and Commenears
(Lesden: Beill, none), 1417,
303 .
. -
o.
Gregory 0f Naaianzs
us. u.t3 Xpscebs.
robes
mv0501n
Sadnic.
tubes
npuuistiSsiaa
sup .
robes
ij
can1 piIc
CiSc
cui bubpwnsc. Sn
bp civ
cal 5
bsb
bi4btepw
3 .
Grognry of
Naaianzas or.
u.u5
ns:srw-yla
tLs sjv
napl
ss
rub Stub cvi
nIl
damsels1
inpala
31.
Peter Brown,
The
Body
sod
Buttery:
liien,
lyCeum,
and
Sexual
Rensassciaeian
in
Early
ChurN
aaooB
OF
NAZIANZUS:
INDIVIDUAL
COMMUNITY
501
1ds
frjieW
that
the
well-ordered cosmos
and
irs
manifestation,
the
oikonnsen
fdse
Rowans.
was
theirs
(to lead);
there vas
no reason
to consider
it any
gbot
in
essence
good
even
if it
needed
improvement.
frdeed.
Gregorys
notion
of
philosophical
leadership
as
olkeidsispros
the
5j.
5senria11y
elite
model.
No r everyone,
as he repeatedly
stressed,
was
ble
to
reach
the
required
philosophical
heights. To
do
so
required
first and
gesno5t
the
qualifications
well-established
by
Greek
paidela.
One had
to be
jborn.
ideally
into
a
philosophical marriage, and one had to
be exceeding
frwdl
educate
Otherwise
it would be
impossible
to grasp
the
fundamentals
fbat
philos0Phy
which
would
ensure
purity.
Purity,
in sum,
was
nor
the re
5iit
of
retreat
from
the
world,
but
of deep
penetration
into
the
depth of
phil
osophical
learning
(including
a
proper grasp
ofAristotelian
logic),
for which
reffeat
was
a
good
precondition
(but
not,
per
se,
the
aim).
As
s uch an
elite
1uodel,
Gregorys
idea of
leadership
implied
a dual ethics.
such
a
adual
ethics, a term proposed
by Norman
Baynes,
was already
parr
fEosebius5
concepts,
who noted
two
lawful modes
of life
in the Church,
aoe
entirely
set
at variance
with
the entirety
of common
and
accustomed
jays
of all
men,
and fir only
for the
service of
God
in
extremity
of heavenly
csire,
while
for
the other
a
second
rank
of
piety has
been
accorded.33
This
dual
ethics
necessarily determined
notions
of
salvation. In
Eusebiuss
words,
one is
deprived
of
salvation,
but
the average
man
depends
on
the few
con
ecrated
on
behalf
of the whole
humankind
to t he God
who
is in
charge of cv-
I
I
I
yooe.
Gregory develops this
concept
of a
dual
ethics further
to
have
to
two
Sty (New
Yoek:
Columbia
University
Peess, spSS).
17: An
unaffected
symbiosis
of
body and soul
seas
aim buth
of
medicine
and
philosophical exhortation.
.
.
The
body
had its
rightEd
place
in
the eat
- alit uf
being
that linked
man both
to
thegods
and
to
the heasu Julianus imperatoc
or.
7.I7Sbe
uses
imseth cheats foe
the deified
state
of
the
soul.
Jolians
imperial
letter
excluding
Christians from
public
enching.
Si
Bsdnz,
b Wright)
declared
that riglst education
eesuleed
in a healthy
cundieinn
of the
nd,
that is, one
sehsch
has
understanding
and tene
beliefs:
and
that
those
who believed
mistakenly
in
..uioiaeiry
solfeted
from a
disease
of
the
mind and
soul, ofwhich they
ought
tube
cuced,
even
against
Iaeit
will,
as
non
cures
the
imane....
Poe we
ought.
I thought,
to
tmeh,
but not to
punish the dement
F
(Kahm
gxhsm
Iv,
Staitap
xsb
pevcltuns1.
uS-ru
cal
rubcos beaavvu
ids-Sai
x).i1v blAb
asyyvthpys
9atpov
Snow
rflcvnsabrq
daub.
cal
ybp.
slaus, bsbdweon,
dli
nbi
enisgtsv
pys)
rub
hsss)xnuc).
Reinte
annn
mthec
than
fiarthee
exclusion
wasjulians
aim.
33.
froth05
dens.
e
iS:
xq-rs5
ieeispia 555
lisa-s
vevo1saGsjuSes
vpdnaac
bAss
Sb
fr
nosy95
eai
nsqSsn
nbvxus
bvlipthnus bysayflc
xupQixypivns,
eui pd-ag
mU
Stub
Gapunei
pmveoa1ibsno
taG
bniy(lsii1s
Spurns sbpaslau
. radrns
bedceysc edas(lein1
bnoepsjGg (laSpdc. Passage
[ted
hyBaynes
Thought-World:
ub.
7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
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7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
10/11
7/24/2019 Gregory of Nazianzus Mediation Between one and community
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o6 SUSANNA
ELM
GREGORY
OF
NAZIANZUS:
INDIVIDUAL
COMMUNITY
107
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