Date post: | 13-Apr-2018 |
Category: |
Documents |
Upload: | hoangnguyet |
View: | 216 times |
Download: | 0 times |
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 1
1
Greville G. CorbettSurrey Morphology GroupUniversity of Surrey
Morphology V: Conditions on inflection
The support of the ERC, the AHRC andthe ESRC is gratefully acknowledged
Outline
1. The task of inflectional morphology2. Dimensions of generalization3. A clear example of a condition4. Types of conditions5. Complex conditions6. Conclusion
2
This will be Chapter 5 in: Baerman, Matthew, Greville G. Corbett & Dunstan Brown. In preparation. Morphological Complexity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1. The task of inflectional morphology Generalizations over lexemes
Generalizations over contexts
2. Dimensions of generalization
• inflection classes
• conditions on inflection
6
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 2
Burmeso
An illustration of the two dimensions
7
Verb forms in Burmeso (Donohue 2001)
(1) da nawak g-ihi-maru1SG woman(II).SG II.SG-see-TODAY’S.PAST
‘I saw a woman.’
(2) da mibo j-ihi-maru1SG banana(V).SG V.SG-see-TODAY’S.PAST‘I saw a banana.’
(3) jamo nawak n-akwa-ru dog.SG woman(II).SG II.SG-bite-TODAY’S.PAST‘The dog bit a woman.’
8
Verbal form classes in BurmesoVerbal inflection classes in Burmeso
Donohue (2001: 100, 102), discussed in Corbett (2009)
GENDER
gender assignmentinflection class 1 inflection class 2e.g. -ihi- ‘see’ e.g. -akwa- ‘bite’
SG PL SG PLI male j- s- b- t-II female, animate g- s- n- t-III miscellaneous g- j- n- b-IV mass nouns j- j- b- b-V banana, sago tree j- g- b- n-VI arrows, coconuts g- g- n- n-
Donohue (2001: 101) states explicitly: ‘… there are no obvious semantic correlations for verbs which take the different sets of prefixes, and both sets of verbs are of approximately equal size.’
9
3. A clear example of a condition: number differentiability in Russian
See Zaliznjak (1967/2002: 57-58), Corbett (2000: 171-175), Brown, Corbett, Fedden, Hippis ley & Marriott (2013)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8NOM tramvaj laj knig-a skuk-a kost' gordost’ bolot-o molok-oACC tramvaj laj knig-u skuk-u kost' gordost' bolot-o molok-o
SG GEN tramvaj-a laj-a knig-i skuk-i kost-i gordost-i bolot-a molok-aDAT tramvaj-u laj-u knig-e skuk-e kost-i gordost-i bolot-u molok-uINS tramvaj-em laj-em knig-oj skuk-oj kost’-ju gordost’-ju bolot-om molok-omLOC tramvaj-e laj-e knig-e skuk-e kost-i gordost-i bolot-e molok-e
NOM tramva-i knig-i kost-i bolot-aACC tramva-i knig-i kost-i bolot-a
PL GEN tramvaj-ev knig kost-ej bolotDAT tramvaj-am knig-am kostj-am bolot-amINS tramvaj-ami knig-ami kostj-ami bolot-amiLOC tramvaj-ax knig-ax kostj-ax bolot-ax
‘tram’ ‘bark(ing)’ ‘book’ ‘boredom’ ‘bone’ ‘pride’ ‘bog’ ‘milk’
I II III IV
10
The number condition
if a noun is low on the Animacy Hierarchy[antecedent]
it lacks a plural sub-paradigm [consequent]
11
The condition: advantages formalthere are four major inflection classes and each of them includes count nouns and singularia tantum
semanticthe distinction goes across the different classes
12
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 3
1 > 2 > 3 > kin > human > animate > inanimate
number marking: obligatory optional
number agreement: obligatory excluded
The Animacy Hierarchy
Marking and agreement in Miya (Chadic)
(Corbett 2000: 56, following Smith-Stark 1974 for hierarchy and Schuh 1998 for Miya)
Hierarchy constrains other values too
Ranges of number values in Slovene (Corbett 2000: 94):
1 > 2 > 3 > kin > human > animate > inanimaterange of plural nnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnnoo
range of dual nnnnnnnnnnoo
‘1’, ‘2’ and ‘3’ are the respective pronouns here.Key: n = obligatory;; = facultative;; o= not available
14
But also the language-specific dimension: (i) number orientedness
Russian (Kulikov 2004: 127, following Polivanova 1983)(4) rep-a doroža-et
turnip-SG.NOM get.dearer-3SG‘turnips are getting dearer’
(5) ogurc-y dorožaj-utcucumber-PL.NOM get.dearer-3PL‘cucumbers are getting dearer’
15
0%5%10%15%20%25%30%35%40%
1901-1905
1906-1910
1911-1915
1916-1920
1921-1925
1926-1930
1931-1940
1941-1950
1951-1970
1971-1980
1981-1990
1991-1995
1996-2000
2001-2005
2006-2010
% plura l 1 .28%1.25%1.90%3.81%0.00%0.46%0.64%1.38%0.47%0.74%0.94%1.07% 16.14 35.52 32.24
Percentage
prodaža 'sale'
(ii) use of plural forms of two Russian abstract nouns
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
1901-1920
1921-1930
1931-1940
1941-1950
1951-1960
1961-1970
1971-1980
1981-1990
1991-1995
1996-2000
2001-2005
2006-2010
% plural 2.42% 1.01% 0 0 0 0.43% 0 0 4.36% 6.79% 28.36%29.02%
Percentage
risk 'risk'
Source: Gorbov (2014: 31, 37)
16
4. Types of condition
17
Animacy condition in Russian
‘factory’ ‘boy’ ‘country’ ‘uncle’ ‘bone’ ‘mouse’ ‘deed’ ‘monster’
SG
NOM zavod mal´čik stran-a djadj-a kost´ myš´ del-o čudovišč-e ACC zavod mal´čik-a stran-u djadj-u kost´ myš´ del-o čudovišč-e GEN zavod-a mal´čik-a stran-i djad-i kost-i myš-i del-a čudovišč-a DAT zavod-u mal´čik-u stran-e djad-e kost-i myš-i del-u čudovišč-u INS zavod-om mal´čik-om stran-oj djad-ej kost´-ju myš-ju del-om čudovišč-em LOC zavod-e mal´čik-e stran-e djad-e kost-i myš-i del-e čudovišč-e
PL
NOM zavod-y mal´čik-i stran-i djad-i kost-i myš-i del-a čudovišč-a ACC zavod-y mal´čik-ov stran-i djad-ej kost-i myš-ej del-a čudovišč GEN zavod-ov mal´čik-ov stran djad-ej kost-ej myš-ej del čudovišč DAT zavod-am mal´čik-am stran-am djadj-am kostj-am myš-am del-am čudovišč-am INS zavod-ami mal´čik-ami stran-ami djadj-ami kostj-ami myš-ami del-ami čudovišč-ami LOC zavod-ax mal´čik-ax stran-ax djadj-ax kostj-ax myš-ax del-ax čudovišč-ax
I II III IV
1. class II: unique accusative singular in –u2. animate masculine nouns and plural nouns: ACC=GEN3. otherwise: ACC=NOM
18
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 4
The animacy condition (partial)
if a noun denotes an animate, and is masculine or plural
[antecedent]
its accusative will be syncretic with its genitive[consequent]
For full details see Corbett & Fraser (1993), see also Müller (2007: 10-11).
Syllable count in Serbo-Croat nouns
‘window’ ‘city’
SG
NOM prozor grad VOC prozor-e grad-e ACC prozor grad GEN prozor-a grad-a DAT prozor-u grad-u INS prozor-om grad-om LOC prozor-u grad-u
PL
NOM/VOC prozor-i grad-ov-i ACC prozor-e grad-ov-e GEN prozor-a grad-ov-a DAT prozor-ima grad-ov-ima INS prozor-ima grad-ov-ima LOC prozor-ima grad-ov-ima
(Browne 1993: 319-320)
ovovovovovov
20
The syllable counting condition
if a noun is of the zakon inflection class, and its stem is monosyllabic
[antecedent]
it will take the augment –ov- in the plural[consequent]
Note: there are exceptions in both directions;; some are discussed later. 21
Comparing the conditions
antecedent consequentRussian countability semantic feature signature,
abstract content of paradigm
Russian animacy semantic pattern of syncretism
Burmeso syncretism part of speech pattern of syncretism
syllable count in SC phonological realization of form
22
Canonical approach
• the problem of clustering
• look for variation according to different criteria
• convergence at canonical point
23
Canonical approach
• this gives a large theoretical space, in which we can make sense of the clusters we find
• canonical is a logical construct: it does NOT imply ‘usual’, ‘normal’, ‘frequent’, ‘expected’, ‘unmarked’, ‘prototypical’
• see the Working Bibliography on the SMG website: http://www.surrey.ac.uk/LIS/SMG/canonical_bibliography.htm
24
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 5
Possible antecedents
• semantic
• syntactic (part of speech)
• morphological
• phonological
25
f i
g i
h j
k n
l o
m o
p s
q t
r t
a d
b d
c e
content paradigm
form paradigm
realization
Compare Stump (2012)
Paradigm types (=possible consequents)
26
Typology of conditions
consequent
antecedent content paradigm form paradigm realization
semantic
part of speech
morphological
phonological
Russian countability Russian animacy
Burmeso syncretism
syllable count in SC
27
Typology of conditionsconsequent
antecedent content paradigm form paradigm realization
semantic Russian countability Russian animacy Polish consonant alternation, M PERS
part of speech German: only verbs have tense
Burmeso syncretismLak : pronouns have distinct ergative;; for nouns =GEN
Archi: verb takes set II infixes, other PoS set I
morphological Latin transitive deponents are defective
Archi: verb with prefix~infix: depends on which stem
Russian ethonyms in -inCzech augment -et- / -at-German noun: -er+umlaut PL⊃ GEN SG in -(e)s
phonological Russian: monosyllabic IMPFV gerund ⊃ *?
Archi prefixalmarking if V-
Slovak INS pluralRussian nouns in –Vsyllable count in SC
Sources: Baerman, Corbett, Donohue, Short, Spencer, Worth, Wurzel 28
Chiquihuitlán Mazatec
But note: realization may be multi-dimensional Overlaid inflection classes in Mazatec(Otomanguean language of Oaxaca, Mexico)
‘gather’ 1SG hba3 ya1 2SG čha2 ye2 3 hba3 ya2 1INCL čha 2 yã2 1PL čha 2 yĩ24 2PL čha 2 yũ2
‘return’ ‘pull out’ ‘take out’ 1SG bu1 ya1 hba3 nẽ1 ba3šæ1 2SG bo3 ye2 čha3 nĩ1 nã2še2 3 bu3 ya2 hba3 nẽ1 ba3šæ2 1INCL bu3 yã2 čha3 nẽ31 nã2šẽ 2 1PL bu3 yĩ24 čha3 nĩ14 na2šĩ24 2PL bu3 yũ2 čha 3nũ1 na2šũ2
prefix final vowel tone
Chiquihuitlán Mazatec: source: Jamieson (1982: 152, 166-7);; thanks to Matthew Baerman30
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 6
5. Complex conditions: the SC augment –ov-, the basics
Morphologicalif a noun is of the zakon inflection class
Phonologicaland its stem is monosyllabic
it takes the augment –ov- in the plural: grad ~ gradovi
BUT:Semantice.g. ethonyms do not: Grk ~ Grci ‘Greek(s)’
Sources: Ivić (1972: 26-28), Samardžija (1988), Nikolić (2013)
31
The rise of the long plural in monosyllabic nouns
Orlandi (1963: 20-21)
Nikolić (2013) talks of hundreds of nouns, with only the long plural (there areothers which allow both)
author dates plural forms long plural % long pluralB. Zuzzeri 1682-1762 375 73 19.5%A. Kačić –Miošić 1704-1760 1091 426 39.0%M. A. Reljković 1732-1788 472 248 52.5%D. Obradović 1742-1811 470 281 59.8%
32
The SC augment –ov- : complications
• issues of syllable counting:auto-dijeloviSG: auto-dio
• counter-examples in both directions–motivated groups: ethonyms
measure terms• considerable variation
33
Why the Serbo-Croat augment is interesting
• it affects (most dialects of) Serbo-Croat, versus all
other Slavonic languages
• a tiny class has become the majority class
• a series of unpredictable analogies
• a “poor” condition: numerous overrides and hardly
orthogonal to inflection class34
6. Conclusions
• conditions have an interesting typology
• they vary from obviously motivated to opaque
• understudied and under-reported
35
References
Baerman,Matthew.2014.Covertsystematic ity in a distributionally complex system.Journal ofLinguistics 50.1-47.
Baerman, Matthew, Greville G. Corbett & Dunstan Brown. In preparation. MorphologicalComplexity .Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Brown, Dunstan, Greville G. Corbett, Sebastian Fedden, Andrew Hippis ley & Paul Marriott.2013.Grammatical typology and frequency analysis:Number availability and number use.Journal ofLanguage Modelling 1.227-241.
Browne, Wayles. 1993. Serbo-Croat. In: Bernard Comrie & Greville G. Corbett (eds) TheSlavonic Languages,306-387.London:Routledge.
Corbett, Greville G. 1982. Gender in Russian: an account of gender specification and itsrelationship to declension.Russian Linguistics,6.197-232 .
Corbett,Greville G.2000.Number.Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress.Corbett,Greville G.2009.Canonical inflectional c lasses. In:Fabio Montermini,Gilles Boyé and
Jesse Tseng (eds) Selected Proceedings of the 6th Décembrettes: Morphology inBordeaux, 1-11. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Available at:http://www.lingref.com/cpp/decemb/6/abstract2231.html
Corbett, Greville G. & Norman M. Fraser. 1993.Network Morphology: A DATR account ofRussian inflectional morphology. Journal of Linguistics 29.113–42. [Reprinted 2003 in:Francis X.Katamba (ed.) Morphology:CriticalConcepts in Linguistics:VI:Morphology: ItsPlace in the Wider Context,364-396.London:Routledge.]
36
Greville G. Corbett Morphology V: Cagliari: June 2016
Supported by AHRC 7
References
Donohue, Mark. 2001. Animacy,class and gender in Burmeso. In: Andrew Pawley, MalcolmRoss &Darrell Tryon (eds) The Boy fromBundaberg:Studies in Melanesian Linguistics inHonour ofTomDutton (Pacific linguistics514),97–115.Canberra:PacificLinguistics.
Gorbov,Andrej A.2014.Čislovye paradigmy abstraknyx suščestvitel nyx v russkom jazyke XXveka: tendencii razvitija i vlijanieanglijskogo jazyka.Russian Linguistics 38.23–46
Ivić, Pavle. 1972. Sistema padežnyx okončanij suščestvitel nyx v serboxorvatskomliteraturnom jazyke. In: F. P. Filin (ed.) Russkoe i s lavjanskoe jazykoznanie: K 70-letijučlena-korrespondenta AN SSSR R. I .Avanesova,106-121.Moscow:Nauka.
Jamieson, Carol. 1982. Conflated subsystems marking person and aspect in ChiquihuatlanMazatec. International Journal ofAmerican Linguistics 48.139-176.
Kulikov,Leonid.2004.ReviewofNumber.SouthwestJournal ofLinguistics 23.124-129.Müller,Gereon.2007.Notes onparadigmeconomy.Morphology17.1-38.Nikolić, Miroslav B. 2013. Imenice koje u srpskom književnom jeziku proširuju osnovu
morfemom -ov- u množini.Južnoslovenski filolog 69.277-318.Polivanova, A. K. 1983. Vybor čis lovyx form suščestvitel nogo v russkom jazyke. In: V. P .
Grigor´ev(ed.) Problemystrukturnoj lingvistik i,130-145.Moscow:Nauka.Samardžija,Marko.1988.Duga i kratka množina u hrvatskomknјiževnom jeziku Jezik 35,no.
5,129-136.Schuh, Russell G. 1998. A Grammar of Miya (University of California Publications in
Linguistics 130).Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPress.
37
ReferencesShort, David. 1993. Slovak. In: Bernard Comrie & Greville G. Corbett (eds) The Slavonic
Languages,533-592.London:Routledge.Smith-Stark, T. Cedric. 1974. The plurality split. In: Michael W. La Galy, Robert A. Fox &
Anthony Bruck (eds) Papers from the Tenth RegionalMeeting,Chicago Linguistic Society,April 19-21,1974,657-671.Chicago:Chicago LinguisticSociety.
Spencer,Andrew.1991.Morphological Theory:An introduction to word structure in generativegrammar.Oxford:Blackwell.
Stump, Gregory. 2012. The formal and functional architecture of inflectional morphology. InAngela Ralli,GeertBooij,Sergio Scalise &Athanasios Karasimos (eds.),Morphology andthe Architecture of Grammar: On-line Proceedings of the Eighth MediterraneanMorphology Meeting (MMM8), Cagliari, Italy, 14-17 September 2011, 255-271. URL:http://lmgd.philology.upatras.gr/en/research/downloads/MMM8_Proceedings.pdf.
Worth, Dean S. 1966. On the stem/ending boundary in Slavic indeclinables. Zbornik zafilologiju I lingvistiku 9.11-16.
Wurzel, Wolfgang U. 1984. Flexionsmorphologie und Naturlichkeit. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.[Translated by Manfred Schentke:Wolfgang U.Wurzel.1989. InflectionalMorphology andNaturalness (Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory).Dordrecht:Kluwer.Pagereferencesto the 1989 translation.]
Zaliznjak,Andrej A.1967/2002.Russkoe imennoeslovoizmenenieMoscow:Nauka. [Reprintedin: Andrej A. Zaliznjak.2002. Russkoe imennoe slovoizmenenie:s priloženiem izbrannyxrabotpo sovremennomu russkomu jazyku i obščemu jazykoznaniju,1-370.Moscow:Jazykis lavjanskoj kul tury.] [Page references to 2002edition.]
38
39
Notes on Slavonic conditions
• Polish masculine personal (Rothstein 1993: 698, 700)student NOM PL: studenci;; poeta NOM PL: poeciNB the condition cuts across inflection classes
• Russian ethonyms (Baerman 2014: 7)armjan-in, armjan-e ‘Armenian(s)’ (truncation of augment)gruzin, gruzin-y ‘Georgian(s)’ (no truncation)
• Russian imperfective gerund If monosyllabic, usually not found (verb is defective)*vrja ‘lying, telling untruths’, ?ždja ‘waiting’
40
Notes on Slavonic conditions (continued)• Czech augment (Spencer 1991: 226) a subclass of nouns with ‘soft’ stems, have -et- in oblique cases singular and -at- in all cases plural. This is biconditional.kuře ‘chicken’, GEN SG: kuřete, NOM PL: kuřata.
• Slovak instrumental plural (Short 1993: 541)Inflection class I: INS PLURAL: unless the stem ends in a single consonant other than –m, use the default –ami:
dub ~ dub-mi ‘oak(s)’, but most ~ most-ami ‘bridge(s)’, and dom ~ dom-ami ‘house(s)’
• Russian nouns in –V (Worth 1966, Corbett 1982: 218)uninflectable: kenguru, taksi, kino, gnu
41