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Harold Crouch

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Harold Crouch : Government and Society in Malaysia Chap. 3 The Government The continuity – based on the essential stability of the government, despite constant political tensions and occasional upheavals Government – form of semipermanent coalition of representatives from the main communal groups From Alliance to Barisan Nasional oProblem: lay not so much in the relations between the leaders of UMNO, MCA & MIC oPurposes of formation of the BN a. Bringing former opposition parties into the government b. BN allowed UMNO to consolidate further its control over the government.
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Harold Crouch Government and Society in Malaysia Chap. 3 The Government

Harold Crouch : Government and Society in MalaysiaChap. 3 The GovernmentThe continuity based on the essential stability of the government, despite constant political tensions and occasional upheavalsGovernment form of semipermanent coalition of representatives from the main communal groupsFrom Alliance to Barisan NasionalProblem: lay not so much in the relations between the leaders of UMNO, MCA & MICPurposes of formation of the BNBringing former opposition parties into the governmentBN allowed UMNO to consolidate further its control over the government.The Constituent PartiesThe Alliance:Portrayed as defenders of upper-class interestsExploit communal issues to win votes look to the material needs of their supportersPatronage machines distributing benefits to supporters at all levels of society to ensure a winning margin of votesUMNODistribution of patronage consolidating support within a political party & a source of dissensionNEP produced business opportunitiesHave an ideology expressed in terms of Malay privileges & dominationWon almost universal approval from the entire Malay communityThe Peninsular Non-Malay PartiesConcerned with serving elite interests in the Chinese & Indian communitiesProviding benefits to non-elite classes to mobilize electoral supportPreserve the non-Malay position constant threatMCA1959 - internal crisis; Dr. Lim Chong EuParty continued to espouse causesMany Chinese recognized that it did have an established position in government and access to UMNO leadersThe memory of 1969 remained vividGerakanNever abandoned its multicommunal ideology1982 recruited several prominent activities in the Chinese education movement Koh Tsu Koon

MICLess confident about standing on their own feet & felt the need for leaders who had close ties with governmentIndian plantation workers need patron;to protect them in times of need & vulnerable to retribution if they sided with the oppositionPeninsulaParties dominated by the elites of the ethnic communities low level of political sophistication & mobilizationUnder less pressure to ensure the material well being of ordinary votersEast MalaysiaPatronage politics concentrated on the elite and revolved to a large extent around timber concessionsTo consolidate political support from the elite of all ethnic communitiesResponsiveness of the BN parties to societal pressures enhanced by the intraparty rivalriesIntraparty factionalismCentered on personal rivalries & distribution of patronageRespond to grassroots aspirations & expectationIntraparty competitionResponsive to the demands & expectations of their grassroots supporters

Ensured that Malay interests would always be emphasizedNon-Malay interests could not totally ignoredBN cohesive enough to defeat opposition parties in election but not enough to repress opposition altogetherHarold Crouch : Government and Society in MalaysiaChap. 4 Opposition Parties & Election1963;Bias of the electoral system against non-bumiputeras in peninsula was reinforced by the inclusion of the 2 East Malaysian statesElectoral system contained built-in advantages for the Malay communityElectoral system ensured Malay domination did not guarantee victory for the current governing coalition1974 mobilizing support;Banning open-air public ralliesPermitted to hold indoor ceramah (talk) sessions with much smaller audiencesThe Opposition PartiesAlways maintained solid if limited bases of support in both the Malay & non-Malay communitiesThe Malay OppositionPAS remain controlKelantanContinued as major force in TerengganuExpanded its influence in Kedah & PerlisPattern of voting behavior:Party stressing religion to be more successfully4 northern Malay-majority states have a greater sense of separate identity in contrast with other states with large non-Malay communitiesThe pressures on the Malay community to remain united politically would be less strong in states (majority is Malay)Claimed that UMNO had betrayed both the Islamic & Malay struggleClose association with non-Malay partners in the AlliancePAS embarked on an Islamization policy adoption of Islamic criminal lawNew penal code hudud penaltiesNational constitution set limits on the types of penalties that could be imposed by state law in criminal mattersNational government not willing to change the constitutionsClass distinctions between UMNO & PAS

1970s & 80s : PAS attracted significant support among urban & rural MalaysInflux under the NEPMalay migrants from rural areas to townMigrants might be more traditionally religiousMigrants in urban squatter areas might feel disoriented & frustrated in their new environmentUMNOPASUrban government employees, local entrepreneurs & well-off peasantryPoor peasantsDominated by civil servants, village heads, local petty entrepreneurs & rich landlords1 part of the peasantryThe Non-Malay OppositionThe Chinese were divided betweenWho believed that the community had no alternative to accepting Malay political dominationBelieved that the Chinese should assert themselves in defense of their rightsDAP got its support from non-MalaysAligned itself with other parties 1982, PSRM; 1990, Semangat 46 to attract Malay votesStrong in urban areas & new villages major Chinese communityDisadvantages:Lack of access to the patronage networkAdvantages:MCA & Gerakan not able to protect the interests of individual ChineseUrban voters less vulnerable to the repercussions of supporting the oppositionElectionOpposition parties - the share of seats in Parliament has undergone sharp ups and downs but the voters remained steady1995 DAP suffered a devastating loss of both votes & seatsMosquito parties (small opposition parties) - Appear / reappear at elections, drawing votes away from the main opposition parties in key constituenciesConclusionMalaysian electoral system could not described as fairElections held regularly & continued to be vigorously contested by opposition partiesAble to mobilize substantial shares of the votes & win power at the state levelBN could not afford to ignore popular sentiments & grievancesRespond to issues raised by the opposition partiesElections could not change the government but they did make it more responsiveMalaysia Towards a Topology of an Electoral One-party StateChin Huat Wong, James Chin & Norani OthmanIntroductionDemocratic status of Malaysia is plagued by 2 issues:Elections have not been free and fairNever experienced party alternationElectoral one-party state:Help to understand both the democratization prospect of MalaysiaIntermediate regime type between democratic one-party predominance and de jure one-party statesPempel - uncommon democracies Dominant party plays the game well to keep itself in powerIt can continue enacting and implementing policies which reinforce its power base2. The emergence and growth of a dominant partyMalaysia - Arguably free to form a party & participate in electionsWinning support in elections & co-opting other parties before/after electionsThe competition for dominance, 1952-19692 developments that substantially shaped political landscape before 1955:Launching of the Malayan Union in 1946Communist insurgency launched in 1948The post-riot coalition governments (1970-1973)3 goals:Reduction of politicking ethnic harmony & improve Malays economicModification of Westminster Democracy to fit better with Malaysias socio-political realityPromotion & maintenance of Malay unity & UMNOs dominanceThe grand coalition Barisan Nasional (1974-now)Sartori hegemonic party allocates administrative, parliamentary & governmental positions to the second-class parties3. The construction and maintenance of electoral dominanceControl of enfranchisementGovernment tighten the procedure for citizenship applicationChanges of international and interstate boundariesTo ensure the dominance of Bumiputera allocation of parliamentary seats in Sarawak & SabahMalaysias boundary was redrawn to protect the alliances dominancePartitions to safeguard electoral power-baseMal-apportionment and gerrymandering of constituenciesTo discriminate against the Malay-based oppositionsEffect severe violation of the one person one vote principleOther electoral irregularitiesPhantom votersOmission & involuntary transfer of votersNon-transparency in postal voting4. The blurring of state and party linesAspect of the state-party fusionIdeologyEconomy redistributionPoliticization of state institutionThe erosion of federalism4 tactics to eliminate their state-level rivalsAdministrative & economic discrimination against the state governmentsPolitical persecution including selective investigation and persecutionTriggering defection of opposition lawmakersDirect federal interventionThe demise of local democracy

Deprives the electorate & the opposition parties the experience of regime changeInhibits centripetal competitionReduce the weighting of patronage in federal & state politics5. Prospects and conclusionElectoral & administrative features of UMNOs electoral one-party state remained intact after the 2008 electionsElectoral one-party state may stay beyond the lifespan of the dominant partyChallenges for Malaysias democratizationSocio-political level to necessitate & sustain 2 multiethnic coalitions/blocsInstitutional level prevented from perpetuating its power through electoral manipulations & state-party fusion


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