Carla M. Antonaccio, Duke UniversityAngelos Chaniotis, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton
Jack L. Davis, University of CincinnatiA. A. Donohue, Bryn Mawr College
Jan Driessen, Université Catholique de LouvainMarian H. Feldman, University of California, Berkeley
Gloria Ferrari Pinney, Harvard UniversitySherry C. Fox, American School of Classical Studies at Athens
Thomas W. Gallant, University of California, San DiegoSharon E. J. Gerstel, University of California, Los Angeles
Guy M. Hedreen, Williams CollegeCarol C. Mattusch, George Mason University
Alexander Mazarakis Ainian, University of Thessaly at VolosLisa C. Nevett, University of Michigan
Josiah Ober, Stanford UniversityJohn K. Papadopoulos, University of California, Los Angeles
Jeremy B. Rutter, Dartmouth CollegeA. J. S. Spawforth, Newcastle University
Monika Trümper, Freie Universität Berlin
Hesperia is published quarterly by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Founded in 1932 to publish the work of the American School, the jour-nal now welcomes submissions from all scholars working in the fields of Greek archaeology, art, epigraphy, history, materials science, ethnography, and literature, from earliest prehistoric times onward. Hesperia is a refereed journal, indexed in Abstracts in Anthropology, L’Année philologique, Art Index, Arts and Humanities Citation Index, Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals, Current Contents, IBZ: Internationale Bibliographie der geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Zeitschriften- literatur, Numismatic Literature, Periodicals Contents Index, Russian Academy of Sciences Bibliographies, and TOCS-IN. The journal is also a member of CrossRef.
The American School of Classical Studies at Athens is a research and teaching institution dedicated to the advanced study of the archaeology, art, history, philosophy, language, and literature of Greece and the Greek world. Established in 1881 by a consortium of nine American universities, the School now serves graduate students and scholars from more than 180 affiliated colleges and uni-versities, acting as a base for research and study in Greece. As part of its mission, the School directs on going excavations in the Athenian Agora and at Corinth and sponsors all other American-led excavations and surveys on Greek soil. It is the official link between American archaeologists and classicists and the Ar-chaeological Service of the Greek Ministry of Culture and, as such, is dedicated to the wise management of cultural resources and to the dissemination of knowl-edge of the classical world. Inquiries about programs or membership in the School should be sent to the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 6–8 Charlton Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540-5232.
A fragmentary Archaic skyphos recovered from the excavations at Halai
in East Lokris displays what might be one of the earliest depictions of
constellations known from Greece. The cup shows an unusual frieze of
animals that, by nature of the species depicted, cannot be read as a hunting
scene or as a typical Corinthianizing motif. Instead, all of the represented
animals have parallels to constellations described by Homer, Hesiod, and
later Greek writers, and can be read together as seasonal representations of
the night sky.
INTRODUCT ION
Early Greek astronomy is known primarily through literary sources.1 The earliest artistic representations of constellations in the night sky are fragmentary and at times problematic in terms of what they represent. A sherd from a Late Geometric krater found at Pithekoussai has a graffito that may depict the oldest of these, which George Huxley has tentatively identified as the constellation Boötes.2 A different fragment, which dates to the 5th or 4th century b.c., found at Canosa, shows a bull and the stern of a ship, which have been -interpreted as the constellations Taurus and Argo.3 Scenes located in the heavens are not uncommon in late Archaic and Classical art, primarily in vase painting, and are often indicated by the presence of stars as locational devices; however, these scenes are usually mythological in nature, as can be seen, for example, in the image of Helios being drawn by a chariot on a black-figure white-ground lekythos dating
1. I would like to thank John Coleman for his permission to pub- lish my research on this skyphos, and the Lamia Archaeological Museum for allowing me to photograph it. This study began during my year in the regular program of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens
in 2010–2011, and I thank Margie Miles, Mellon Professor, for her assis-tance and advice. I also thank Reema Habib, Sarah Glenn, Matt Buell, Jeff Ropp, and the anonymous reviewers at Hesperia for their comments and suggestions.
Photos and drawings are by the
author; the Mercator projections are after screen stills from the freeware program Stellarium.
2. Coldstream and Huxley 1996, pp. 222–224.
3. Berlin, Staatliche Museum, LIMC II, 1984, p. 924, no. 99, pl. 680, s.v. Astra (S. Karusu).
john t. bar ne s258
to ca. 500 b.c.4 Such images do not directly depict constellations or reflect the physical realities of the sky.
Beginning in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, celestial spheres, physical representations of the heavenly sphere, came to reflect the astro- nomical knowledge of the day, and three extant examples show the full range of constellations that fill the night sky. The earliest of these is a small silver celestial sphere, dated roughly to the 2nd century b.c., acquired in 2000 by the J. Kugel Gallery in Paris.5 Similar to this example is another small sphere, currently in the Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum in Mainz, that is dated to around a.d. 200.6 Lastly, the Farnese Atlas in the Archaeological Museum in Naples holds a marble celestial sphere variously dated from the 2nd century b.c. to the 2nd century a.d., although influences from Ptolemy’s Almagest suggest the later dates.7 Literary references suggest the spread of similar objects in the Hellenistic period. For example, in Cicero’s account of the Syracusan plunder brought to Rome by Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the spoils of war included two celestial spheres and an orrery attributed to Archimedes, which, hypothetically, would date to the 3rd century b.c. and just predate the celestial sphere in Paris.8
Because of the paucity of this visual material, any consideration of early representations of the night sky in Greece must rely heavily on the extant literary record, specifically poetic astronomy. This genre was once quite popular in antiquity, although today only one example remains. The Phaenomena by Aratos of Soli, written sometime after 276 b.c., is the earliest extant complete literary description of the Greek constellations.9 In it Aratos describes the spatial relationships and mythologies of known constellations arranged by their positions in the sky. The Phaenomena is a particularly valuable source because its popularity in later centuries ensured that it was frequently reproduced and distributed, while the more technical works that influenced it were lost to time. The 2nd-century b.c. astronomer Hipparchos, whose complete commentary on the Phaenomena has been preserved, tells us that the work of Aratos is based on a 4th-century treatise of the same title by Eudoxos of Knidos, which is now lost.10
Eratosthenes of Kyrene, a near contemporary of Aratos, is credited with having written the Catasterismi (Καταστερισμοί); however, the work in its current form was assembled from a lost original sometime in the 1st or 2nd century a.d.11 The Catasterismi was intended as a complement to earlier discussions by Eudoxos and Aratos, and it includes additional physical descriptions of the forms and relationships between the constellations. In a similar vein, the Poetica Astronomica of Hyginus, dating to the end of the 1st century b.c., was intended to recount the mythological origins of the known constellations.12 Literary and poetic descriptions of constellations and their mythologies continued into the Roman period with copies, translations, and adaptations of Aratos, as well as with the creation of new constellations and myths to suit changing needs. The 2nd-century a.d. Almagest of Ptolemy was the last such comprehensive survey of astronomical knowledge in antiquity, and it served as a standard of learning until the time of Copernicus. Ptolemy’s focus, however, was on the mathematical calculation of the movements of heavenly bodies and the cataloguing of stars by their place within constellations, not on their mythological origins.
The state of astronomical knowledge and, indeed, the meaning and implications of the word “astronomical” in Greece during the Archaic
4. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 41.162.29; LIMC II, 1984, p. 906, no. 3, pl. 670, s.v. Astra (S. Karusu); see also Yalouris 1980.
5. Cuvigny 2004.6. Künzl 2003.7. Thiel 1898, pp. 25–26; Duke
2006.8. Cic. Rep. 1.22; Miles 2008, p. 65.9. Mair and Mair [1921] 2000,
pp. 185–205; Kidd 1997, pp. 3–4; Evans 1998, pp. 39–40.
10. Hipparchos 1.1.8–11, 1.2.1–2; Manitius 1894, pp. 6, 8; Martin 1974, pp. 8–10. See also Mair and Mair [1921] 2000, p. 195; Kidd 1997, pp. 14–18.
11. Condos 1997, p. 19; Pàmias and Geus 2007, pp. 24–30. Sometimes attributed to Pseudo-Eratosthenes.
12. Condos 1997, p. 19.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 259
period are difficult to piece together from the above evidence. Additional fragments and quotations in later scholia help to fill the historiographic gaps in our understanding of the development of Greek astronomy, but they are not always useful for determining how the general Greek populace viewed the night sky in the earlier Archaic and Classical periods.13 References to the night sky in Homer and Hesiod, the earliest Greek authors to mention specific stars and constellations, are purely observational in that they note the appearance of certain celestial bodies and connect them to seasonal events such as agricultural cycles or navigational aids.14 Hesiod, in particular, viewed the stars as signs from the gods telling men when certain actions should be performed or avoided. The information recorded in the poetic handbooks was not simply academic, but instead reflects common knowledge about the night sky and the use of stars as harbingers of seasonal change. For example, Sophokles’ use of the morning rising of the star Arcturus as a signal for shepherds to drive their flocks to winter pastures implies an understanding on the part of the general audience of the seasonal significance of astronomical events.15 Observing the night sky was an easy and accessible way for the average person in antiquity to mark the passage of the seasons and plan for the months ahead, much as one might consult the modern Farmers’ Almanac. However, the representations of pre-Hellenistic constellations, and our consequent knowledge of them, are sparse.
ARCHAIC HALAI AND I TS SKYP HOS
Halai in East Lokris was founded in the 7th century b.c. at a time of Greek colonization and the expansion of trade (Fig. 1).16 As a result of increasing commerce and contact with the north Aegean, the Black Sea, and the wider Mediterranean, new Greek settlements began to appear in areas with easy access to raw materials and the sea. The acropolis of Halai, which overlooks the bay of Atalante, is located ca. 40 km to the north of Thebes, ca. 40 km to the northwest of Chalkis, and ca. 40 km to the southeast of the Malian Gulf. Its location was strategic, situated just off the major seaborne trade route between the southern Greek cities and the north, and near the coastal boundary of Boiotia. With access to the income and knowledge that the trade routes provided, the settlement flourished, and the Archaic levels on the fortified acropolis indicate a well-ordered grid plan supporting a sizeable population (Fig. 2).17 The acropolis possessed a small temple located just inside the wall to the northwest that was positioned slightly off-axis from the surrounding gridded plan so that it faced directly east. The skyphos was found in trench F6, about 3 m to the northeast of this Archaic temple. From an analysis of the pottery, the trench appears to have contained debris from the destruction of the first temple, which most likely occurred around 480 b.c.18
13. For a brief overview of this development see Heath 1932; Stahl 1951; Huxley 1964; Dicks 1966, 1970; Kahn 1970; Evans 1998, pp. 1–25.
414–422, 564–573, 582–592, 597–599, 609–623. See also Huxley 1964, p. 3; Dicks 1970, p. 33; Evans 1998, pp. 4–11.
15. Soph. OT 1135–1139.16. Wren 1996; Coleman et al. 1999,
p. 298.
17. Goldman 1940; Coleman et al. 1992, p. 275; Coleman et al. 1999, p. 298.
18. Coleman et al. 1992, p. 275; Wren 1996, pp. 90–92; Coleman et al. 1999, p. 307.
john t. bar ne s260
Figure 1 (left). Map showing the location of Halai
Figure 2 (below). Plan of the western portion of Halai showing the location of the Archaic temple; trench F6, which produced the skyphos, is shaded in gray. After Coleman et al. 1999, p. 288, fig. 2
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 261
The skyphos itself (Fig. 3) was a local production decorated in a Corinthianizing style consistent with a date of ca. 625 b.c.19 Based on its date, it was probably intended as one of the earlier dedications in the temple. Roughly two-thirds of the skyphos is preserved, including a full profile and one handle with a plain, slipped interior. The exterior decoration consists of three zones separated by horizontal bands painted in a brownish slip. The first zone consists of simple vertical lines at the rim, the second depicts a central animal frieze, and the third contains slightly curved rays just above the base. A painter’s signature, reading Εὐφρ̣[. . .]̣ ἔκραφσε, and a potter’s signature in retrograde, reading Ἐποφελὲς ἐποίεσ(ε), appear in the central register with the frieze. The animals, all of which face left, include, from left to right, a bull (only the back half preserved), a snake, either a hare or a small dog, a large dog, a scorpion, a dolphin, and a panther or lion (only the front half preserved). Most of the figures have incised outlines, with
19. See Coleman et al. 1992, p. 275, pl. 72:b; Wren 1996, pp. 56, 109, 111–112, no. B11, fig. 21; Coleman et al. 1999, p. 308, no. 18, fig. 19. Dimen-sions: H. 0.165 m, Diam. rim 0.290 m, Diam. base 0.152 m.
Figure 3. The two sides of the Halai skyphos, ca. 625 b.c., Lamia Archaeo- logical Museum H91-648
john t. bar ne s262
the exception of the snake and scorpion, and the dolphin and the bull have an additional light gray color added to their undersides. Crosses and an unidentifiable floral motif fill in the spaces between the figures.
The first animal on the left (Fig. 4) was originally identified as a cow, with the pendant line under the animal’s belly taken to be an udder. However, cattle in contemporary Corinthian vase painting are almost universally male, and the rendering here is in keeping with conventions showing male genitalia on ungulates.20 The tail identifies this animal as a bull, as opposed to a goat, ram, or boar, since the long tail curves down behind the haunches and in toward the body, again in keeping with the artistic convention for cattle. By contrast, the long tails of sphinxes, lions, and panthers always curve up or out from the body toward the animal’s back. The figure behind the snake (Fig. 5), originally identified as a hare, is problematic because it has short ears, and because a fragment of the vessel is missing below its tail. The animal has the appearance of a small
20. See Payne 1931, p. 70, pls. 11– 14, 20, 24–26 and Amyx 1988, p. 665 for illustrations and references for these conventions.
Figure 4. Detail of the Halai skyphos showing the bull, snake, and hare
Figure 5. Detail of the Halai skyphos showing the snake, hare, and dog
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 263
dog, like the figure chasing it, although its snout is shorter and its ears are slightly longer (if still shorter than conventional hare’s ears) than those of the dog behind it. Close observation of the tail reveals that it most likely stops just above the break, which is consistent with the short tail of a hare rather than the characteristically long tail of a dog. For these reasons—short snout, longer ears, and a short tail—it is likely that the animal represents a hare, although the possibility cannot be ruled out that it instead represents a small dog.
The snake, scorpion, and dolphin (Figs. 4, 6, 7) are all fully within the conventional depictions of their species, as is the lion or panther at the right edge of the preserved frieze. Humfry Payne’s observation is well taken that the recognized difference between frontally facing panthers and side-facing lions is a modern aesthetic designation.21 Darrell Amyx’s assertion that this convention reflects zoological realities is undermined by depictions of maned lions that face forward, such as those depicted on 21. Payne 1931, p. 70.
Figure 6. Detail of the Halai sky-phos showing the dog, scorpion, and dolphin
Figure 7. Detail of the Halai sky-phos showing the dolphin and lion/panther
john t. bar ne s264
a Corinthian alabastron in Oxford,22 and cats in profile that lack manes or teats, as is seen on a Corinthian aryballos in London.23 As Payne suggests, it is entirely likely that few, if any, artists in mainland Greece had ever had a direct encounter with a panther or a lion, and so the artistic renderings of both species betray innocently conventionalized and overlapping iconographic markers. The cat on the Halai skyphos can, therefore, be identified as either a lion, a panther, or, in fact, both. It is worth noting that all of the figures in the frieze are real animals, and that mythological monsters, hybrids, and humans are markedly absent despite the popularity of such motifs on contemporary Corinthian vessels. The odd assortment of the animals on the skyphos and the absence of familiar mythological subjects indicate a special selectivity on the part of the painter with regard to the frieze’s overarching subject.
Animal friezes are a common feature of Corinthianizing decoration, and they appear in a variety of forms during the Archaic period. Some, like hunting scenes, have a recognizable theme, although others may show rows of animals without any overarching narrative subject.24 However, in the case of this particular scene, the combination of animals is striking because of the unusual composition. While panthers, lions, and bulls are common on Corinthian and Corinthianizing pottery, bulls are less popular by the late 7th century.25 The dolphin seems out of place surrounded by land animals, especially with no indications of water. The scorpion is a generally uncommon motif and is more often represented as a shield emblem than as an actual animal. The image of a dog chasing a hare is a common trope in hunting scenes, but the snake lying under the pair is atypical. These irregularities suggest that the frieze should not be read as a normal hunting scene or as a standard assortment of wildlife in a conventional frieze.
The filling ornaments between these animals are also significant. In her consideration of the Dodwell Painter, Mary Blomberg suggests that certain ornamental fillers, like the crosses found between the animal figures in this frieze, might have been used as iconographic markers to emphasize the mythological nature of scenes.26 Moreover, since many mythological scenes that appear on Corinthian pottery were later preserved as constellations, she proposes that these filling ornaments can be read as stars, thereby locating the scene in the heavens. Blomberg acknowledges that a difficulty with this interpretation lies in the fact that such star-like filling ornaments also appear in nonnarrative and nonheroic scenes, as in scenes composed entirely of animals;27 nonetheless, there is no need to discount this idea. While Homer and Hesiod mention more human figures or nymphs than animals as constellations, their descriptions cover only a small percentage of the sky, and neither author’s goal was to give a full description of all the known constellations. In fact, most of the constellations in the comprehensive descriptions by Aratos, Eratosthenes, and Hyginus are either animals or mythical beasts (24 animals and beasts and 15 humans in Eratosthenes and Hyginus, 23 and 13 in Aratos). Therefore, the absence of human figures in a scene should not preclude its location in the heavens.
If the star-like filling ornaments do indicate a mythologized or heavenly scene, then it is possible that the animals on the Halai skyphos represent an assortment of celestial beings. In the absence of an obviously narrative or
22. Ashmolean Museum 1879.107; CVA, Oxford 2 [Great Britain 9], p. 63, no. 59, pl. 1:59 [384]. See also Amyx 1988, pp. 663–664.
23. British Museum 1860.4-4.16; Amyx 1988, p. 43, no. 9, pl. 13:2b.
24. Isler 1978.25. On bulls see Payne 1931, p. 70;
Amyx 1988, p. 665.26. Blomberg 1983, pp. 19–20.27. Her example is an Archaic
Corinthian pyxis in Brussels, Musées Royaux d’Art et d’Histoire R 201; see Blomberg 1983, pp. 20, 78, no. 55, pl. 42.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 265
heroic aspect in the frieze, it is worth considering the possibility that these animals represent constellations (Fig. 8). The interpretation of iconographic markers as mythological subjects should not rule out the possibility that the image describes the natural world, since the constellations, by their simple existence, serve as very real and physical illustrations of the mythologies they depict. The mythological may define or explain the physical, but there is no reason to draw a sharp division between the two categories in this context.
TH E FRIEZE AS CONSTELLAT IONS
Cele stial Identific ations
From discussions in Aratos, Eratosthenes, and Hyginus, and given the existence of the three celestial spheres mentioned earlier, it is clear that by the Hellenistic period much of the night sky had been filled with a series of canonical constellations. The specific borders of these star groups might have changed slightly over time, but, for the most part, this canon, with some later additions and alterations, has survived to the present day. References to a handful of these stars and constellations in Homer and Hesiod suggest that at least a portion of the constellations in this canon were commonly recognized in the Archaic period. Other literary fragments and later quotations can potentially provide further evidence for the early existence of additional elements of the canon. Therefore, if the previous hypothesis is accepted, that the animals on the frieze represent constellations, a reading based on the celestial canon is possible.
The bull, the scorpion, the dolphin, and the panther/lion in the frieze can be connected to the constellations Taurus,28 Scorpius (not Scorpio,
Figure 8. Mercator projection of the visible night sky with constellations mentioned in the text
john t. bar ne s266
as that title is an astrological designation, which would be anachronistic to invoke here),29 Delphinus,30 and Leo.31 In the canon of constellations known from the Greek world, there are no other cattle, scorpions, dolphins, or large cats except for these. Scorpius is attested earlier in the Near East in star catalogues, glyptic art, and boundary stones where it appears to have included the constellation Libra as the Scorpion’s Claws. It first appears in Greek records in a fragment attributed to Kleostratos of Tenedos, ca. 520 b.c., and then in Eudoxos’s work in the 4th century.32 The initial attestation of Delphinus in Greece is similarly late, appearing in the 5th-century astronomical calendar (parapegma) of Euktemon;33 how- ever, dolphins appear as motifs on Late Geometric vessels and in narrative scenes as early as the 7th century.34
Taurus is likely illustrated on the previously mentioned vessel from Canosa from the 5th or 4th century b.c., which is roughly contemporary with the first reference to the constellation in a fragment attributed to Eudoxos.35 Homer and Hesiod, however, omit the bull and instead mention only the component star groups of the Hyades and the Pleiades, which would later form the respective head and shoulder of the bull.36 These component groups possessed their own developed mythologies, as seen in Hesiod, but it is not difficult to see how the V-shaped cluster of the Hyades could also be visualized as the horns of a bull, as was the case in the Near East perhaps as early as the Bronze Age.37 Leo is similarly mentioned early in the Near East, but in Greece the constellation is linked to the Nemean lion, which could suggest either an independent development or a mythological rationalization of an imported constellation.38 Eratosthenes attributes the story to Pisander of Rhodes and his now lost 6th-century Heraklea, although Hesiod also mentions the story in the Theogony.39 Hipparchos’s discussion of the description of Leo in Aratos makes it clear that the constellation was known to the Greeks at least by the time of Eudoxos in the 4th century b.c.40
The snake, the hare, and the dog appear to be an integrated group in the frieze on account of their close proximity to one another. The dog is the easiest to identify with a constellation, as there are two prominent canines in the night sky: Canis Major and Canis Minor.41 These constellations were
29. Aratos, Phaen. 85–90; Eratosth. [Cat.] 7; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.26; Condos 1997, pp. 188–189; Kidd 1997, pp. 210–213.
30. Aratos, Phaen. 316–318; Eratosth. [Cat.] 31; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.17; Condos 1997, pp. 99–100; Kidd 1997, pp. 301–302.
31. Aratos, Phaen. 148–155; Eratosth. [Cat.] 12; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.24; Condos 1997, pp. 127–128; Kidd 1997, pp. 236–239.
32. On its appearance in the Near East see Roscher IV, 1909–1915, col. 1456, figs. 11, 19, 30, s.v. Sterne (A. Jeremias); Roscher VI, 1924–1937, cols. 966–967, s.v. Sternbilder (F. Boll and H. Gundel); Evans 1998, p. 6.
On Kleostratos of Tenedos see Con- dos 1997, pp. 188–189; see also Dicks 1970, p. 87. On Eudoxos see Kidd 1997, p. 211.
33. Kidd 1997, p. 301.34. Amyx 1988, p. 670.35. Fr. 29; see Kidd 1997, p. 244.36. Hom. Il. 18.483–489, Od.
5.270–277; Hes. Op. 383–384, 571–573, 614–623.
37. On earlier Near Eastern con- ceptions see Allen 1899, p. 382; Roscher IV, 1909–1915, cols. 1449–1450, s.v. Sterne (A. Jeremias); Roscher VI, 1924–1937, cols. 938–939, s.v. Sternbilder (F. Boll and H. Gundel); Condos 1997, p. 194; Kidd 1997, p. 244.
38. Roscher IV, 1909–1915, cols. 1452–1453, s.v. Sterne (A. Jere- mias); Roscher VI, 1924–1937, cols. 954–959, s.v. Sternbilder (F. Boll and H. Gundel); Condos 1997, p. 127; Kidd 1997, p. 236.
40. Hipparchos 2.1.18–20; Manitius 1894, pp. 130–132.
41. On Canis Major see Aratos, Phaen. 326–337; Eratosth. [Cat.] 33; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.35, 3.34; Condos 1997, p. 67; Kidd 1997, pp. 305–310. On Canis Minor see Aratos, Phaen. 450; Eratosth. [Cat.] 42; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.36; Condos 1997, pp. 69–70; Kidd 1997, pp. 341–342.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 267
more widely known in antiquity by their main stars, Sirius and Procyon, respectively, which were in turn associated with dogs. Sirius was more commonly called Κύων (the “Dog Star”) and Procyon (Προκύων) is literally the “Star-before-the-Dog.” The antiquity of the canine association with Sirius is revealed in Homer, as shown by a passage that describes Achilles gleaming like one of the brightest stars in the sky, the dog of Orion.42 Sirius was an important summer seasonal marker and a harbinger of summer illnesses. It appears multiple times in Hesiod and is likewise used by later authors such as Aischylos and Aristotle.43
The hare, like the bull, the scorpion, the dolphin, and the large cat, has only one constellational correlate, known as Lepus,44 and is recorded by Hipparchos in a quote of Eudoxos, which attests knowledge of the constellation from at least the 4th century.45 In the night sky, Lepus is located directly in front of Canis Major, constantly fleeing its pursuer through the sky, and, in the associated myth, the hare is described as the game hunted by Orion and his dog. Hyginus, however, records a variant mythology, in which the hare was often considered an inappropriate target for such a great hunter, and so instead Orion hunted the bull, Taurus, located directly in front of him. This variant myth and its resulting pairings leave Canis Major to hunt the great hare alone, without a human presence, in a manner that parallels the depiction in the frieze.
The snake is more difficult to connect with a single constellation, not for a lack of astral comparanda, but because there were three celestial serpents recognized by the Greeks: Serpens, Hydra, and Draco. Because Serpens, the serpent entwined within the larger constellation Ophiouchus, is always described in later sources alongside the human who grapples with it (variously identified as Asklepios, Herakles, Tropias, Phorbas, and others), and because no human appears on the skyphos, this identification does not seem likely.46 The constellation Draco is of uncertain origin, but it is mentioned by Eudoxos and Hipparchos in the 4th century, although the mythological stories related by the scholia of Aratos might well date earlier.47 Described as the serpent that guarded the apples of the Hesperides, Draco’s pictorial significance is bound up with the two bears that flank it, Ursa Minor and Major, and with Herakles, who kneels nearby with his foot above Draco’s head. The argument could be made that the two quadrupeds and the serpent on the skyphos represent the two bears and Draco in the sky; however, the long tail of the larger quadruped negates its identification as a bear, a species that would otherwise be unexpected in Corinthian iconography, rendering this identification of the group unlikely. The identification of the isolated serpent on the skyphos as Draco seems equally unlikely given the absence of various divine and semidivine beings traditionally associated with Draco’s mythology.
42. Hom. Il. 22.29. Canis Major and/or Sirius were often identified as the hunting dog of Orion.
2.33; Condos 1997, pp. 130–131; Kidd 1997, pp. 310–311.
45. Hipparchos 1.2.20; Manitius 1894, p. 22.
46. Aratos, Phaen. 74–87; Eratosth. [Cat.] 6; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.14, 3.13; Condos 1997, pp. 144–145; Kidd 1997, pp. 206–211.
47. Aratos, Phaen. 45–62; Eratosth. [Cat.] 3; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.3; Roscher VI, 1924–1937, cols. 881–884, s.v. Stern-bilder (F. Boll, and H. Gundel); Mar- tin 1974, pp. 92–94; Condos 1997, pp. 102–103; Kidd 1997, pp. 192– 200.
john t. bar ne s268
Significantly, however, Hydra, located just to the east of Procyon and below Leo, sits close to the dog stars in the celestial sphere.48 Hipparchos records this constellation in a quote from Eudoxos, although a similar serpent in the same part of the sky might also have been known earlier in Phoenicia.49 Unlike the serpent in Ophiouchus and Draco, the mythology of Hydra does not depend on an association with human or divine figures.50 Hipparchos’s quotation of Eudoxos also recounts how the heads of Hydra, Canis Major, Canis Minor, and Lepus are connected as they move together through the sky. Eudoxos, through Hipparchos, describes this joint progression, timed to coincide with the rising of Cancer and indicating the final setting of Boötes, in much the same way that Hesiod describes the joint processions of constellations used as indicators of specific times of the year. The contexts of Eudoxos and Hesiod are very different, but their uses of multiple constellations as markers of celestial importance are similar. In addition, the joined constellations listed by Eudoxos parallel the linked depictions of the snake and the two quadrupeds on the skyphos. Taking into account the spatial proximity of Hydra, the dog stars, and Lepus, the identification of the serpent as Hydra seems the most plausible.
A Seasonal Reading
For the ancient Greeks, the stars were important tools for marking seasons through the observation of their positions just above the horizon at sunrise and sunset.51 A star or constellation was said to rise when it appeared for the first time on the eastern horizon in conjunction with either sunrise or sunset. Likewise, the star or constellation would set when it appeared for the last time on the western horizon, either at sunrise or at sunset. The celestial body could therefore mark four times of year with its morning rising, its morning setting, its evening rising, and its evening setting.52 For a constellation, which contains numerous stars and covers a broad swath of the sky, these events were marked with particularly bright or strategically located stars. However, “true” risings and settings, when a star or constellation crosses the horizon plane at the same time as the sun,
48. Aratos, Phaen. 443–449; Eratosth. [Cat.] 41; Hyg. Poet. astr. 2.40; Condos 1997, pp. 122–123; Kidd 1997, pp. 339–341.
49. Hipparchos 2.2.13. On Hydra in the Near East see Allen 1899, p. 248; Roscher VI, 1924–1937, cols. 1008–1011, s.v. Sternbilder (F. Boll and H. Gundel); Kidd 1997, p. 340.
50. Neither Eratosthenes nor Hygi-nus identify the constellation Hydra with the Lernaean Hydra. Instead, it is identified in literal terms as a water snake associated with the crow and krater on its celestial back, their posi-tion not unlike that of the two quadru-peds on the skyphos. By contrast, both Eratosthenes and Hyginus connect
Herakles to the constellation Draco, positioned near his feet, which can be seen as the guardian of the apples of the Hesperides; see Martin 1974, pp 91–94; Condos 1997, pp. 101–103, 115–123. A connection between Hydra and Herakles appears only in the scho-lia of Aratos as a briefly mentioned, unattributed story; see Martin 1974, pp. 280–281.
51. The concept is well and con-cisely explained by Robinson (2009) and Boutsikas (2011, p. 304). See also Mair and Mair [1921] 2000, pp. 203–204; Evans 1998, pp. 190–198.
52. Because the true risings and settings cannot be viewed, the visual phenomena are referred to in this
article: visual morning rising (heliacal rising); visual morning setting (appar-ent cosmical setting); visual evening rising (apparent acronychal rising); and visual evening setting (heliacal setting). Conventionally, these are marked when the sun is 15° below the true horizon, and the star is 10° above the true hori-zon. Due to local topography, weather conditions, and the position of a given star or constellation relative to the celestial equator, the visual rising or setting can occur between a few days and a few weeks before or after the true rising or setting. See Robinson (2009) for a detailed explanation with regard to ancient viewership.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 269
cannot be viewed directly since local topography typically obscures the true horizon, and the sun obscures the star or constellation with its light. For this reason, the ancient Greeks marked the “visible” risings and settings of heavenly bodies (Fig. 9), which occur while the sun is below the true horizon plane and the star or constellation is just visible above the local topographical horizon. When Hesiod (Op. 383–384), for example, writes of the rising and setting of the Pleiades as indications for the harvest and for plowing, he refers to the visible phenomena of these risings and settings. From Greek latitudes, most stars and constellations in the night sky intersect the horizon and can thus be said to rise and set. Since some stars and constellations in the northern sky, like the two bears and Draco, are circumpolar and do not set, their calendrical significance was marked by their upper and lower culminations—i.e., their highest and lowest positions in the northern sky relative to the horizon. Calendrical importance was marked when these culminations were observed to coincide with the first and last light of day, similar to the risings and settings of other stars.
With regard to an astronomical reading of the skyphos, Hesiod explicitly discusses the seasonal significance of Sirius and the star clusters that occupy the same position in the sky as Taurus. In her recent work on the timing of the Panathenaia, Efrosyni Boutsikas emphasizes the seasonal significance of Draco’s upper culmination, at least for the city of Athens, and makes a plausible connection between the positions of constellations and the timing of religious events.53 It is worth remembering here that the findspot of the Halai skyphos suggests that it was a votive offering in the nearby temple. Literary evidence makes it clear that stars and con- stellations were used as seasonal markers during the Archaic period, even if the specific nature of timings and associated celestial indicators are debatable. For this reason, it is worth considering the seasonality of the different figures, and groups of figures, on the skyphos when they are read as constellations.
The winter group, consisting of the snake, the hare, and the dog (Fig. 5), provides a starting point, since, if read as the constellations Hydra, Lepus, and Canis Major, they all rise within a few weeks of each other and proceed through the sky together, as related by Hipparchos. In the night sky, Lepus
Figure 9. Schematic representation of the visual rising or setting of a star showing the positions of the sun, star, and horizons
53. Boutsikas 2011, pp. 303–308.
john t. bar ne s270
rises first, followed closely by Sirius (the head of Canis Major), which rises almost contemporaneously with the head of Hydra. These risings would have occurred at sunset at the end of December or early January, or at sunrise in early August, preceded by the rising of Taurus a couple of months earlier (Fig. 10).54 Even if the hare is instead read as a second, smaller dog—perhaps as the constellation Canis Minor with the star Procyon—the position of Procyon in the night sky exactly matches the series described by Hipparchos, since the rising of Procyon just precedes the rising of Sirius. Conversely, the settings of Lepus, Procyon, Sirius, and the head of Hydra are not simultaneous, but span the course of nearly two months due to their positions in the sky relative to the equator and their elevations above the horizon. In light of the comment by Hipparchos regarding the unified movement of the group, the near-simultaneous risings of this group appear all the more significant.
Leo and Delphinus, the summer group, share a similarly conjunctive timing, in that just before Leo begins to set in the west, Delphinus rises in the east. At sunset this position would have been visible sometime in June (Fig. 11:a), while at sunrise it would have been visible sometime in late January or early February. Scorpius (and Libra in the position of its claws) is located in the sky between Leo and Delphinus, and its position in the frieze (Fig. 7), preceding the other two figures, can be explained in a few ways. Firstly, it could be an error on the part of the painter, betraying an unfamiliarity with the night sky and the actual positions of the constellations. This explanation is unsatisfactory, however, in light of the fact that Scorpius is visible in the sky at some point in the night for most of the year, only disappearing for roughly a month in October and November when the proximity of the sun obscures the constellation with its light. Therefore, it would have been easy for the painter to check his arrangement should he have wished to do so. Conversely, the scorpion’s position could reflect a different grouping of the figures, in which the scorpion is placed with the adjacent dog (Fig. 6). The dog, in this arrangement, would stand for
Figure 10. Mercator projection of the night sky at sunset on January 8, 625 b.c., corresponding to the figures in the winter iconographic group; light from the sunset has been removed from the sky to make the constellations more visible
54. Because of the precession of the earth, all dates given are based on the date of 625 b.c. The commercially available program Red Shift was used to approximate the dates for the risings and settings. Since calculating visual phenomena in the ancient world is, by nature, uncertain, all dates given here must be understood to be rough approximations.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 271
Figure 11. Mercator projection of the night sky at sunset on (a) June 6, 625 b.c., corresponding to the figures in the summer group, and (b) April 15, 625 b.c., corresponding to the figures in the spring group
Canis Major in two separate groups, an acknowledged compositional method of eliding multiple scenes into a single image in Archaic vase painting. In this combination, Scorpius and Sirius, or the spring group, define the eastern and western limits of the sky in the same way that Delphinus and Leo do. Scorpius rises in the east when Sirius approaches the western horizon at sunset in April and at sunrise in late November (Fig. 11:b).
The figures can thus be broken into smaller groups: the snake-hare/small dog-large dog, the large dog-scorpion, and the dolphin-panther/lion.
a
b
john t. bar ne s272
When matched with their possible constellational correlates, these groups overlap in a seasonal procession of risings and settings at sunset that progress from left to right, or according to the figures in the frieze. At sunset, Hydra-Lepus/Procyon-Sirius all rise in the winter, Scorpius rises as Sirius sets in the spring, and Delphinus rises as Leo sets in the summer with Scorpius midway through the sky. The bull (partially preserved and represented in Fig. 4) and the associated constellation of Taurus could also fit this pattern as a marker of an autumnal seasonal arrangement, since Taurus would have risen at sunset sometime at the end of October or the beginning of November (Fig. 12), thereby completing the yearly cycle. In keeping with the pattern noted here, at the rising of Taurus in the autumn, Delphinus, from the winter assemblage, would have been high above the western horizon.
Although the autumnal group is now lost, in the roughly one-third of the frieze not preserved there is room for perhaps two or three more animals based on the spacing of the figures in the preserved sections. Specifically what figures filled the rest of the frieze cannot be determined, but there are animals known to both the constellational canon and the Corinthian iconographic corpus that fill this space in the sky. Roughly contemporaneous with the rising of Taurus is the rising of the sea-monster Cetus and the so-called Goat Star (Capella, Αἴξ in ancient Greek), while the eagle Aquila and Capricorn approach the horizon in the west. The procession of seasonal groupings of constellations would not make the vessel into a calendar, as there is no way to mark the uniform passage of time, nor should this series be viewed as a zodiac, since the zodiac, properly speaking, is the series of constellations through which the sun passes in the course of the year.55 Nor should this frieze be interpreted in terms of astrology, which, as employed in later periods, did not develop until the 6th century b.c. in Babylon, and is unattested in Greece before the 5th century.56 Rather, with a seasonal reading, the frieze can be viewed as a representation of the night sky throughout the year, in the abbreviated form of seasonal assemblages.
55. Now called the ecliptic, in antiq-uity it was referred to as the zodiacal circle. The full zodiac, as developed in the Near East, was probably not intro-duced to Greece until the 6th century or later; see Gundel 1992, pp. 16–17.
56. Barton 1994, pp. 11–19; Beck 2007, pp. 14–16.
Figure 12. Mercator projection of the night sky at sunset on Novem- ber 2, 625 b.c., corresponding to the bull figure in the autumn group
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 273
CONCLUSIONS
The animals chosen for inclusion in the frieze on the Halai skyphos present an atypical collection of creatures by both natural and artistic standards. None is mythological, nor do any reference humans, and yet by this unusual assortment the frieze suggests a series of deliberate choices on the part of the painter to depart from conventional animal friezes. The interpretation of these animals as constellations arranged in seasonal groupings provides a potential explanation for the positioning of the figures within the frieze. All of the animals can be associated with known constellations within the later Greek canon: Taurus, Hydra, Lepus, Canis Major, Scorpius, Delphinus, and Leo. From left to right the frieze can thus be subdivided into four groups, with each group rising and setting at sunset during its associated season: the bull and missing sections represent autumn; the snake, the hare, and the dog represent winter; the dog and the scorpion represent spring; the dolphin and the panther/lion (perhaps also including missing sections) represent summer. In this arrangement, it is the combination of constellations in different positions across the sky, rather than the appearance of a single one on the horizon, that marks the time of year. Hesiod similarly groups constellations and stars together to form larger units that together herald seasonal activities. His autumnal sign to cut wood for winter, for example, consists of the morning rising of the star Arcturus in conjunction with Orion and Sirius reaching the highest point in the sky.57
It is tempting to take this seasonality and view it as a function of the skyphos as a votive object. Is it possible that the four seasonal groupings match the timings of religious events, as has been suggested by Boutsikas with the Panathenaia? Halai’s location near prominent trade routes suggests that its inhabitants could have had access to the knowledge and learning carried on those routes, of which astronomy was likely a part. The special alignment of the temple to face directly east, while the rest of the acropolis shows a northwest–southeast orientation, indicates that the cardinal orientation of the structure was an important consideration from its inception. This alignment would have allowed the eastern risings of the constellations depicted on the skyphos to be viewed from the entrance to the temple. The risings may have been visible over the altar in front of the temple, with the observation of those risings taken as signs for religious events. Unfortunately, without more specific information about the religious calendar at Halai, one can only speculate on the connection between the decorative program of this skyphos and the temple near which it was found.
Nevertheless, the association of the decorative program with constellations opens avenues for future research concerning representations of constellations in the Archaic period. Since the majority of astronomical literary evidence dates to the Classical and Hellenistic periods, only through the reevaluation of visual materials can the nature of the Archaic Greek sky be developed. The constellations were not simply markers for calendrical time, they were also very real and visual markers of the myths that they embodied. The mythologies should not be read as cold rationalizations of natural phenomena, nor should mythological illustrations be viewed as a class of depiction distinct from those that display the “real” world. An image on a votive object or a painted vessel can realistically depict both a
57. Hes. Op. 609–614; see also lines 614–617 and 618–623 for comparable groupings.
john t. bar ne s274
mythological scene and the heavenly arrangement of stars and constellations that represent that scene in the physical world.
Examples can be found in so-called astral myths—stories derived from the positions of stars or constellations and integrated into the mythologies of the figures for which the constellations were originally named. For example, Aratos’s description of the death of Orion as caused by a scorpion links the story to the positions of the respective constellations of Orion and Scorpius in the sky.58 As Orion sets nightly in the west, the scorpion rises in the east to give the impression that the great hunter constantly flees his pursuer across the heavens, in much the same way that Lepus flees the chasing dogs. A similar astral theme of pursuit can perhaps be seen in the flight of the bears and the Pleiades from Orion, and again in Orion’s flight from Eos.59 The astral myth can potentially also be detected in the story of Hera’s crab, which attacked Herakles during the battle with the Lernaean Hydra, and whose iconography dates at least to the Late Geometric period.60 As the constellation of Herakles sets, the constellation of Cancer rises, an arrangement that parallels that of Orion and the scorpion.
A comparable, although contentious, arrangement has been suggested for the theme of the lion and bull combat, where the nightly pursuit of the bull Taurus by Leo across the sky parallels the symbolic associations of power and sovereignty often cited in discussions of the artistic motif.61 Whether the position of these constellations influenced the artistic motif, or vice versa, is ultimately less important than the fact that the theme exists in tandem both in art and in the heavens. In the absence of contemporary literary support, such astral myths are often a matter of conjecture. Still, the principle that the heavens contain very real illustrations of myth, and that both the night sky and the myth can be analyzed together in the same scene, should not be discounted out of hand. The reevaluation of mythical scenes in Archaic and Classical art may yet reveal insights into the way the heavens were conceived and used in the ancient world.
The issue of foreign influence is also raised by several of the animals on the Halai skyphos, if the argument for their associated constellations is accepted. Taurus, Hydra, Canis Major, Scorpius, and Leo have all been argued to be Babylonian or Phoenician in origin, only imported into Greece at some point in the Early Classical period.62 This importation, however, is itself a matter of debate, as there is no reason why a constellation of a bull, for example, could not have been developed independently in the two regions. That said, if multiple contemporary and equivalent constellations can be identified in Greece and in the Near East during the Orientalizing period, then the issue warrants additional research. It is conceivable that the stars and their associated mythologies were elements in the cultural exchanges already well defined in Greek art and literature of the period, as previously suggested by Huxley with regard to the sherd from Pithekoussai.63
The astral interpretation of the Halai skyphos presented here offers one explanation of the animal frieze, fragmentary though it is. Taken together with the meager textual evidence at hand, the interpretation is consistent with what is currently known about early Greek astral observation in terms of representation and seasonality. If accepted, the seasonality of the scene could also help to justify the votive function of the skyphos. It is very
58. Aratos, Phaen. 634–649; Condos 1997, pp. 23, 150, 188; Kidd 1997, pp. 396–397.
59. Condos 1997, pp. 23, 150.60. Bates 1911, pp. 2–7; Venit 1989,
pp. 100, 102.61. Hartner and Ettinghausen 1964;
Hartner 1965; Markoe 1989. Hartner’s assertion that the motif originates in this astral alignment, and his connec-tion of the motif with the vernal equi-nox and agricultural cycles, perhaps push the matter too far.
62. Condos 1997, pp. 67, 70, 127, 188–189, 193; Kidd 1997, pp. 211, 236, 244, 340. See also Huxley 1964, pp. 3–4; Dicks 1970, pp. 163–171; Evans 1998, pp. 11–25.
63. Coldstream and Huxley 1996, p. 224. For a similar model of diffusion see, for example, West 1997; Halpern 2003.
a v ie w of the constel l at ions fr om hal a i 275
likely that this vessel and the fragment from Pithekoussai, conceivably a depiction of Boötes, are not alone in their early depictions of constellations. With future investigation and further review of older material, additional examples may come to light. Further work on the nature of astral myths and the connection between Greek and Near Eastern astronomy might also provide a context for the use and understanding of the constellations by the ancients, who marked the changing seasons by their risings and settings.
REFERENCES
Allen, R. H. 1899. Star-Names and Their Meanings, New York.
Amyx, D. 1988. Corinthian Vase-Painting of the Archaic Period 2: Commentary: The Study of Corinthian Vases (California Studies in the History of Art 25), Berkeley.
Barton, T. 1994. Ancient Astrology (Sciences of Antiquity), London.
Bates, W. N. 1911. “Two Labors of Heracles on a Geometric Fibula,” AJA 15, pp. 1–17.
Beck, R. 2007. A Brief History of An- cient Astrology (Brief Histories of the Ancient World), Oxford.
Blomberg, M. 1983. Observations on the Dodwell Painter (Medelhavsmuseet 4), Stockholm.
Boutsikas, E. 2011. “Astronomical Evi- dence for the Timing of the Pan- athenaia,” AJA 115, pp. 303–309.
Coldstream, J. N., and G. L. Huxley. 1996. “An Astronomical Graffito from Pithekoussai,” PP 51, pp. 221–224.
Coleman, J. E., K. O’Neill, M. Pomeroy, K. E. Carr, and A. Heafitz. 1992. “Excavations at Halai, 1990–1991,” Hesperia 61, pp. 265–289.
Coleman, J. E., P. Wren, K. M. Quinn, K. O’Neill, J. Near, and W. Yielding. 1999. “Halai: The 1992–1994 Field Seasons,” Hesperia 68, pp. 285–341.
Condos, T. 1997. Star Myths of the Greeks and Romans: A Sourcebook Contain- ing the Constellations of Pseudo-Eratosthenes and the Poetic Astronomy of Hyginus, Grand Rapids.
Cuvigny, H. 2004. “Une sphère céleste antique en argent ciselé,” in Gedenk- schrift Ulrike Horak 2 (Papyrologica Florentina 34), ed. H. Harrauer and R. Pintaudi, Florence, pp. 345–381.
Dicks, D. R. 1966. “Solstices, Equi- noxes, and the Presocratics,” JHS 86, pp. 26–40.
———. 1970. Early Greek Astronomy to Aristotle (Aspects of Greek and Roman Life), London.
Duke, D. W. 2006. “Analysis of the Far- nese Globe,” Journal for the History of Astronomy 37, pp. 87–100.
Evans, J. 1998. The History and Practice of Ancient Astronomy, Oxford.
Goldman, H. 1940. “The Acropolis of Halae,” Hesperia 9, pp. 381–514.
Gundel, H. G. 1992. Zodiakos: Tier- kreisbilder im Altertum: Kosmische Bezüge und Jenseitsvorstellungen im antiken Alltagsleben (Kulturge- schichte der antiken Welt 54), Mainz.
Halpern, B. 2003. “Late Israelite As- tronomies and the Early Greeks,” in Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Power of the Past: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors from the Late Bronze Age through Roman Palaes- tina. Proceedings of the Centennial Symposium, W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research and American Schools of Oriental Research, Jeru- salem, May 29–31, 2000, ed. W. G. Dever and S. Gitin, Winona Lake, Ind., pp. 323–352.
Hartner, W. 1965. “The Earliest His- tory of the Constellations in the Near East and the Motif of the Lion-Bull Combat,” JNES 24, pp. 1–16.
Hartner, W., and R. Ettinghausen. 1964. “The Conquering Lion, the Life Cycle of a Symbol,” Oriens 17, pp. 161–171.
Heath, T. L. 1932. Greek Astronomy (The Library of Greek Thought), London.
Huxley, G. L. 1964. The Interaction of Greek and Babylonian Astronomy (New Lecture Series 16), Belfast.
Isler, H. P. 1978. “The Meaning of the Animal Frieze in Archaic Greek
john t. bar ne s276
Art: An Attempt in Iconology,” NumAntCl 7, pp. 7–28.
Kahn, C. H. 1970. “On Early Greek Astronomy,” JHS 90, pp. 99–116.
Kidd, D. 1997. Aratus: Phaenomena (Cambridge Classical Texts and Commentaries 34), Cambridge.
Künzl, E. 2003. “Ein römischer Him- melsglobus der mittleren Kaiserzeit: Studien zur römischen Astralikono- graphie,” JRGZM 47, pp. 495–594.
Mair, A. W., and G. R. Mair. [1921] 2000. Callimachus: Hymns and Epi- grams; Lycophron; Aratus (Loeb Classical Library 129), repr. Cam- bridge.
Manitius, C. 1894. Hipparchi in Arati et Eudoxi phaenomena commentariorum libri tres (Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teub- neriana), Leipzig.
Markoe, G. E. 1989. “The ‘Lion Attack’
in Archaic Greek Art: Heroic Triumph,” ClAnt 8, pp. 86–115.
Martin, J. 1974. Scholia in Aratum vetera (Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana), Stutt- gart.
Miles, M. M. 2008. Art as Plunder: The Ancient Origins of Debate about Cultural Property, Cambridge.
Pàmias, J., and K. Geus, eds. 2007. Era- tosthenes: Sternsagen (Catasterismi) (Bibliotheca classicorum 2), Oberhaid.
Payne, H. 1931. Necrocorinthia: A Study of Corinthian Art in the Archaic Period, Oxford.
Robinson, M. 2009. “Ardua et Astra: On the Calculation of the Dates of the Rising and Setting of Stars,” CP 104, pp. 354–375.
Stahl, W. H. 1951. “The Ancient Greek Astronomers: A Record
of Remarkable Ingenuity,” CJ 47, pp. 3–16.
Thiel, G. 1898. Antike Himmelsbilder: Mit Forschungen zu Hipparchos, Aratos und seinen Fortsetzern und Beiträgen zur Kunstgeschichte des Sternhimmels, Berlin.
Venit, M. S. 1989. “Herakles and the Hydra in Athens in the First Half of the Sixth Century b.c.,” Hesperia 58, pp. 99–113.
West, M. L. 1997. The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth, Oxford.
Wren, P. 1996. “Archaic Halai” (diss. Cornell Univ.).
Yalouris, N. 1980. “Astral Representations in the Archaic and Classical Periods and Their Connection to Literary Sources,” AJA 84, pp. 313–318.
