INTO THE ARCHIVE:
A cultural history through the Yorke collection
Hamish Douglas Gardiner Hill N8090271
Submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of
KK51 Masters of Arts (Research)
Music and Sound
Creative Industries Faculty
2018
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Statement of Original Authorship
The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet
requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of
my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written
by another person except where due reference is made.
Signature:
Date: October 2018
QUT Verified Signature
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................. 12 1.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS, CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE AND INTENT .............................. 12
2. CONTEXTUAL REVIEW ................................................................................................... 16 2.1 EARLY DAYS IN AUSTRALIA 1960-1966 ................................................................................. 17 2.2 SWINGING LONDON: 1966-1967 ............................................................................................. 22 2.3 OH CANADA: 1967-1973 .......................................................................................................... 25 2.4 BROADENING HORIZONS ABROAD: 1973-1974 ..................................................................... 33 2.5 BACK IN CANADA: 1974-1986 ................................................................................................. 35 2.6 HOMECOMING: 1987-2017 ...................................................................................................... 37 2.7 ON CONTROVERSY, COMPETITION & CONFLICTS OF INTEREST ........................................ 38 2.8 ON STYLE AND COMPREHENSION .......................................................................................... 46 2.9 MY RELATIONSHIP WITH YORKE & THE ARCHIVE .............................................................. 51
3. LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................................... 57 3.1 POPULAR MUSIC AS CULTURAL HERITAGE .......................................................................... 57
4. METHODOLOGY AND METHODS .................................................................................... 63 4.1 ARCHIVAL METHODS .............................................................................................................. 63 4.2 METHODOLOGIES .................................................................................................................... 67 4.3 SCRAPBOOKS ............................................................................................................................ 70
5. CASE STUDY #1 – THE LENNON AND ONO YEAR OF PEACE .................................. 76 5.1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................ 76 5.2 WAR IS OVER! LAUNCH ........................................................................................................... 77 5.3 CALL UP PAPERS FOR PEACE: THE ORIGINS & IMPETUS OF LENNON & ONO’S ACTIVISM ........................................................................................................................................................ 82 5.4 I’M ALL FOR THAT: THE MCLUHAN AGE .......................................................................... 107 5.5 POLITICAL POP: LENNON AND ONO MEET PIERRE TRUDEAU .......................................... 110 5.6 THE PEACE COUNCIL ............................................................................................................ 118 5.7 WORLD PEACE TOUR ............................................................................................................ 127 5.8 THE MOSPORT FESTIVAL ..................................................................................................... 135 5.9 AFTERMATH: PEACE AFTER YEAR ONE .............................................................................. 147
6. CASE STUDY #2 – THE MAPLE MUSIC JUNKET ......................................................... 150 6.1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................... 150 6.2 CRTC & THE CANADIAN CONTENT LEGISLATION ............................................................ 155 6.3 POP LEGISLATION AND A “HIP” HEAD OF STATE ............................................................... 159 6.4 THE MAPLE MUSIC JUNKET: JUNE 4-8 1972 ....................................................................... 165 6.5 WE’RE BEGINNERS: MARKETING THE JUNKET .................................................................. 180 6.6 NATIONAL IDENTITY ............................................................................................................. 185 6.7 RECEPTION ............................................................................................................................. 187 6.8 THE MAPLE MUSIC DOCUMENTARY & THE CBC .............................................................. 191 6.9 IN RETROSPECT ..................................................................................................................... 196
7. CONCLUSION ....................................................................................................................... 201
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8. REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................... 207
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LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1. Ritchie Yorke at his desk. (c.1961-1963). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 2. Ritchie Yorke and Chubby Checker at the Brisbane Airport. (c.1962). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 3. One Of These Days lyric sheet. (c.1965). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 4. Normie Rowe greets Ritchie Yorke upon his arrival in London. (September 4,
1966). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 5. Yorke, R. (November 5, 1966). Normie Rowe meets top English pop stars the
Spencer Davis Group. Pix magazine, p. 44
Figure 6. George Harrison, Derek Taylor and Ritchie Yorke at the Apple Offices. (1969).
Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 7. Miguel Rios and Ritchie Yorke (1970). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
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Figure 8. Still taken from raw Maple Music Junket footage. (1972). Copy in possession
of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 9. Yorke promoting Montreux Jazz book. (c. 1976). Copy in possession of the
Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 10. Van Morrison and Ritchie Yorke. (c. 1978). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 11. Dire Straits and Ritchie Yorke. (1978). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 12. “Sound Of The North – (The Theme From) Axes, Chops & Hot Licks” (1971).
Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 13. Revised Axes publicity tour (1971, October 18). Copy in possession of the
Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 14. Axes, Chops & Hot Licks press release. (1971). Copy in possession of the
Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 15. McDonald, M. (1972). Ritchie Yorke: The Self Promoting Rock Promoter.
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Figure 16. Ritchie Yorke interviewing Steven Stills. (c.1970). Copy in possession of the
Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 17. Canadian Press Clipping Service Envelope. (1990, January 13). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 18. War Is Over! Scrapbook. (1970). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke
Archive
Figure 19. Maple Music Junket Scrapbook (1973). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 20. Ritchie Yorke interviews John Lennon and Yoko Ono at the King Edward
Hotel in Toronto (1969). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 21. War Is Over! advertisement (December 24, 1969). Toronto Daily Star
Figure 22. Volunteers plastering War Is Over! posters in Toronto (1969). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 23. John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s Bed In For Peace at Montreal’s Queen
Elizabeth Hotel, Yorke sitting on the floor besides Lennon taking notes (1969).
Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
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Figure 24. Washington Bed-In. (August 9, 1969). Rolling Stone, p. 16
Figure 25. Reply to Lennon and Ono (1969, December 22). Toronto Telegram
Figure 26. Letter from Deborah Lynne Kesman (c.1969). Copy in possession of the
Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 27. Yoko Ono and John Lennon at the Toronto press conference. (1969). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 28. Why the hair? (1970, January 3). Toronto Telegram
Figure 29. Innes (December 26, 1969). How could you possibly think he is beautiful?
Calgary Herald, Alta.
Figure 30. Pierre Trudeau, Yoko Ono and John Lennon (1969, December 23). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 31. Ritchie Yorke, John Lennon, Yoko Ono and Dick Gregory at Ronnie
Hawkin’s Farm (1969). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
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Figure 32. John Lennon on Ronnie Hawkins – The Long Rap (1970). Copy in possession
of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 33. Yorke’s handwritten Peace Station Network Advertisement draft (1970). Copy
in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 34. Peace Station Network Advertisement (1970, January 24). Billboard, p. 49
Figure 35. Peace Station Network Advertisement (1970). Go-Set
Figure 36. Year One Tear sheet (1970). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 37. Shotguns on hippie highway (1970, January 22). Daily Mirror
Figure 38. Tv at the happening (1970). TV Times
Figure 39. Ritchie Yorke and Ronnie Hawkins at Lok Ma Chau (1970). Copy in
possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 40. Yorke and Hawkins at boarder (1970, March 7). Rolling Stone
Figure 41. Yorke in Hong Kong (1970). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
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Figure 42. Peace Festival Documentation (1970). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
Figure 43. Wigg, D. (1972, June 12). Where even the Prime Minister goes pop. Daily
Express.
Figure 44. Trudeau welcome letter (1972). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke
Archive
Figure 45. Maple (1973). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive
Figure 46. CRMA ‘Junket’ to boost Canada (1972). Music Week
Figure 47. Die gute Idee aus Kanada (1972). Der Musikmarkt
Figure 48. Maple Music Junket Guests (1972). Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke
Archive
Figure 49. Big Beat Boom In Canada. (1972). Beat Instrumental.
Figure 50. Maple Music Junket guest folder (1972). Copy in possession of the Ritchie
Yorke Archive
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Figure 51. Philips, P. (1972). Canada starts on identity campaign. Music Week
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1. Introduction
1.1 Research questions, contribution to knowledge and intent
The reason for the thesis is to explore the ways popular music history can be rearticulated
through archival research. Specifically, two events will be investigated in depth: John
Lennon and Yoko Ono’s War Is Over! campaign of 1969 and the Maple Music Junket,
which occurred in June of 1972. This investigation will be undertaken using primary
source materials from the archive of Australian music journalist Ritchie Yorke. It will be
grounded in established methods of archival research. I also seek to interrogate my
relationship with the archive, and my personal relationship with Yorke himself.
The primary research questions are:
1) How can a personal archive be used to construct cultural history?
2) What events and situations preceded the War Is Over! campaign and the Maple
Music Junket? What are their relevant contexts?
Ritchie Yorke had a 50-year career in the music industry, primarily as a music journalist,
author, writer, critic, broadcaster, and entrepreneur. Born in Brisbane, Yorke departed
Australia in 1966, settling in Toronto, Canada the following year. During this time he
worked largely in print media, writing articles for newspapers and magazines. In 1969 he
worked on the implementation of the War Is Over! campaign in Canada. Throughout the
1970s he authored a number of books on rock stalwarts such as Led Zeppelin and Van
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Morrison, until moving back to Australia in 1986. He was the Senior Music Writer for
the Brisbane Sunday Mail from 1987 to 2007.
As Yorke was closely involved with Lennon’s War Is Over! campaign in Canada and was
the chief organiser of the Maple Music Junket, I intend to elaborate on these events in
depth. In 1969, Yorke worked closely with John Lennon and Yoko Ono. For a period of
time he devoted himself wholly to their peace campaign, coordinating many of the
Canadian events in which they were involved. This culminated in the planning of the ill-
fated Toronto Peace Festival, in addition to a round the world tour in 1970 as Lennon and
Ono’s official peace envoy. The five-week tour had him displaying War Is Over! placards
across Europe, Australia, Japan, and China. In 1971 Yorke and New Musical Express
managing editor Andy Gray conceived the Maple Music Junket. The plan was to increase
Canadian record sales in Europe, by inviting a number of European writers, radio and TV
programmers, editors and film makers to visit Montreal and Toronto during June, 1972.
To date, no in-depth account of this event has been recorded. The significance of the
promotional venture lies in the fact that the Canadian government was involved in the
event, and helped in its execution through jointly financing it with various music industry
bodies. This governmental involvement, as well as the government’s implementation of
broadcast regulations, marked an important shift in the Canadian music industry.
This research project uses archival research methodologies in order to add to the
literature in popular music studies.
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This thesis aims to understand how a personal archive can be used to tell cultural history.
Through the analysis of primary source material from the archive of music journalist
Yorke, I intend to demonstrate how archival objects can articulate key historical events in
the history of popular music. To achieve the research aim I will construct historical
accounts of two pivotal events in music history. Specifically, I will examine John Lennon
and Yoko Ono’s War Is Over! peace campaign of December 1969 and the Maple Music
Junket of 1972. Using archival research methods, these canonical figures, events, and
narratives will be elaborated upon through the network of documents and other objects
from the Yorke archive. Using this approach I will show how cultural history can be told
through the archive and its contents, and, in turn, how historiographic practices can be
strengthened through archival research.
The archive is a collection of popular music content and ephemera that Yorke started
collecting in 1960. It contains materials such as magazines, newspapers, books, records,
tapes, posters, and rare items such as letters, personal and professional correspondences,
unpublished texts, autographed objects, rare promotional material, press releases,
photography, unseen video footage and interview recordings.
In the course of my research I intend to better understand how archival materials can be
used to tell cultural history. In my literature review I will summarize the key concepts
and conventions that underpin music historical research and the archival methods used to
conduct such research. I will outline their perceived problems and limitations. Through
established archival methods I will present an array of archival objects by which
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historical events can be elaborated to give an “insider” account of events that have
acknowledged cultural and historical significance. Notably, this will allow the discovery
of new information about those events, resulting in a new and differently nuanced history
of popular music and new understanding of its cultural significance.
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2. Contextual Review
Covering the global rock music beat during these past few years, I've amassed a
veritable beehive of memories of magical musical moments encountered at
various points on the planet. Upon reflection some of them were quite
extraordinary; a couple, almost surreal; and quite a few hopelessly unreal. It was
all a bit mad really. A bit of a giggle… (Yorke, 1976, p. 46)
Despite Yorke’s many accomplishments there has been little written about him. Of the
written material that concerns him explicitly, there are three varieties:
1. material written about Yorke in the form of newspaper and magazine articles.
(Hickman, 1972b; Melhuish, 1973)
2. academic papers that refer, albeit briefly, directly to him (Bari, 2007;
MacFarlane, 2013; Johannson, 1972),
3. literature that cites his writing (Sutherland, 2009; Henderson, 2008; Tsai,
2011).
The archive is a collection of popular music-related content and ephemera that Yorke has
accrued since 1960. It contains a wide range of objects, from the more accessible and
ubiquitous such as magazines, newspapers, books, records, tapes, posters, to rarer items,
including letters, personal and professional correspondences, diaries, unpublished texts,
notes, press releases, photography, video footage and interview recordings, in analogue
and digital formats. Supplemented by QUT’s holdings, my research will be founded
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upon the fascinating and significant materials Yorke has amassed in his various roles as a
journalist, author, broadcaster, music historian, promotions manager, and entrepreneur.
Biographical Context
2.1 Early Days in Australia 1960-1966
Figure 1. Ritchie Yorke at his desk, c. 1961-63
Richie Yorke was born Ian Roylston Annable on 12 January, 1944. At 16 he left school
and went to work in an advertising agency, acquiring a diploma in advertising by taking
night courses. Even at this stage of his career he exhibited rebellious tendencies, losing
his job at the advertising agency for, in his own words, "spending too much time hanging
around radio stations" (Mengel, 2017). This was the genesis of his career in broadcasting
and journalism. In July 1962 he started writing a weekly music column called Teen
Topics for TV Week, Australia’s equivalent of America’s TV Guide, writing on music and
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other youth subjects (Baker, 2017; Cancellara, 1984), in addition to the Northern News
(Wheeler, 2017). In 1962 he got a job as a cadet journalist at the Brisbane BTQ 7 TV
station. In the days before formal college courses for journalism, a cadet reporter would
work for a period of four years until becoming an accredited journalist. It was around this
time that Yorke started writing to numerous figures within soul, R&B, rock and popular
music. Amongst these early correspondences are letters to and from King Curtis, Percy
Faith, Alfred W. Lion (of Blue Note), Jerry Wexler, Chuck Berry, Chess Records,
Mercury Records, MGM, Bob Bogle, Ike Turner, Berry Gordy Jr. and Dave Godin (head
of the Tamla/Motown Appreciation Society, of which Yorke was the first Australian
member). In 1962 Yorke conducted his first interview with an international star, Chubby
Checker.
Figure 2. Ritchie Yorke meets Chubby Checker at the Brisbane Airport, c. 1962
As a 19-year-old in 1963 he was hired by a radio station in Tamworth as the special
promotions manager, as well as working as a copywriter and disc jockey on the Saturday
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night show. When a conservative station manager took issue with him playing Stevie
Wonder, describing it in particularly disparaging terms, “We don’t play any of that nigger
music here, boy,” Yorke was furious. According to one account, he locked himself in the
studio the following week and broadcast Wonder’s “Fingertips Part 2” eight times in a
row before the door could be broken down and he was summarily sacked (Baker, 2017),
but it is more likely that the station’s manager arrived to unlock the studio door (Wheeler,
2017). In the same year he started hosting a television program called Teen Tops with co-
host Nat Kipner. Kipner would establish Sunshine Records in 1964 with promoter Ivan
Dayman in collaboration with Pat Aulton. In 1964 he returned to Brisbane after being
fired from his position in Tamworth to work in a minor executive position as a publicity
officer at 4KQ, then an emerging youth station, where he worked with Carol Lloyd.
In 1964 he continued his involvement in the local and international music industries. For
instance, he was tasked with picking up the Beach Boys from the Brisbane airport on
their first Australian tour. They were set to play one of Lee Gordon’s big shows,
alongside Roy Orbison, The Surfaris and Paul & Paula and The Joy Boys at Festival Hall
(De Looper, 2014). During this tour he established the Australian Beach Boys fan club
through his TV Week column. The club had almost 200 members, but Yorke was not
supplied with enough 10” X 3” pin up photographs from EMI to meet the demand for
Beach Boys related merchandise. In a letter addressed to Dennis Wilson in 1965, Yorke
recalls the time fondly: “It seems such a long time since you were here in Brisbane,
racing around and doing those fantastic shows, and getting Roy Orbison’s glasses back
from a girl who grabbed them off him. But I could never forget it” (Yorke, 1965a).
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Around this time, Yorke also made forays into writing and management, taking
management duties for Brisbane band The Reverbs in 1965. They released one single,
“Crazy ‘Bout You / I’m As Blue As Blue Can Be” on the Los Angeles-based Arlen label.
In addition to managing the group, Yorke produced the single and wrote both songs
(“International News Reports: U.S. to 'Reverberate' With Aussie Sound,” 1965).
In early 1966 he changed his radio identity from Ian Roylston Annable to Ritchie Yorke,
the new alias being inspired by Ritchie Valens and actor Dick Yorke from
the Bewitched television series. Yorke claims he was also impelled to change his name
due to "issues with his father" (Baker, 2017). In a press release sent to the Editor-in-Chief
of New Musical Express, Yorke touts himself “as the first ever composer (in Australia) to
have a song published in America by an R&B publishing company” (Yorke, 1965e). This
is in reference to “One of These Days,” a song that had been accepted by the Bon Music
Company in Houston, Texas. The song was expected to be recorded by Bobby Blue
Bland. In a letter to Deadric Malone (Bland’s songwriter at the time), Yorke’s admiration
for Malone’s work is self-evident:
It was with great joy and sincere pride that I learnt from Don Robey during the
week, that you would be writing the melody for my lyric on a song called “ONE
OF THESE DAYS”. No doubt to you this is just an everyday thing, but to me, it
marks the culmination of several year’s hard work and frustrating failure. (Yorke,
1965d)
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Figure 3. “One of these Days” lyric sheet by Yorke, c. 1965
In Australia at the time, little exposure was given to American soul and R&B artists, who
were among Yorke’s enduring favourites. On his letterhead at the time, he touted himself
as “Australia’s only R&B DJ.” Indeed, he was one of the few in the country receiving
and playing the Tamla/Motown and other R&B hits that were dominating the charts in
the United States. In retrospect, he reflected that it cost him “a couple of jobs (the
rashness of youth) because I just could not follow a playlist … I have to play R&B,
because I really dig the scene” (Yorke, 1965c). In 1966 Yorke and his wife set out on
what was intended to be a round-the-world working holiday, which would take them to
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the United Kingdom, Europe, and across to the United States. Yorke hoped to learn more
about radio, TV, PR, and the record industry. He left for England, leaving Sydney on the
Fairstar on 16 April, 1966, exactly one week after his wedding, scheduled to arrive in
England on 20 May, 1966. It was intended to be a 12-month stay in the United Kingdom,
in which he would act as Sunshine Records’ international representative agent while
writing a weekly column for the Australian magazine PIX. With Normie Rowe, he would
also record interviews on tape for radio stations in Australia.
2.2 Swinging London: 1966-1967
Figure 4. Normie Rowe greets Ritchie Yorke upon his arrival in London, Sunday, September 4, 1966
In late May he docked at Southhampton, settling at a flat on Mortlake Rd in Kew,
London. On 3 June, 1966 he moved into the official Sunshine Records London offices at
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Brides Lane. Before Rowe’s arrival on 4 September, 1966, Yorke was tasked with
promoting Rowe and meeting with record label executives from Polydor and other labels
to organize the possibility of a signing. It was around this time, on 16 August, 1966, that
Yorke was accidentally locked in the Sunshine office with Californian producer Kim
Fowley – requiring a police-assisted ladder rescue. This laid the foundations a lifelong
friendship and correspondence. In his account of the time for PIX, Yorke describes their
quickly formed friendship; “Fowley, our producer-singer-pop music encyclopedia,
turning up (complete with one hand in a sling – he had damaged it during a realistic TV
appearance the night before) and offered to take us all to dinner” (Yorke, 1966, p. 12).
Additionally, Rowe found Fowley an “endless source of amusement with his sensational
stories of international show business” (Yorke, 1966, p. 13). Consequently, Yorke
organised the licensing of Fowley’s Lights single in Australia on the Sunshine label.
Shortly after his arrival, Rowe went in to record the songs “It’s Not Easy” (written by
Barry Mann and Cynthia Weil), “Mary Mary,” and “Ooh La La.” Yorke contributed
lyrics to Normie Rowe's song “Mary, Mary,” sharing writing credits. Recounting the
Friday, 16 September 1966 recording session, he describes how a morning rehearsal was
followed by Rowe ordering a big T-bone steak as a morale booster, before they headed to
the Decca studios in Hampstead: “Our first sight was unforgettable – more than two
dozen people jammed in a recording studio … the first track we recorded was ‘Mary,
Mary’… Neither Normie nor I were too happy about part of the lyrics, so I did a little re-
arranging” (Yorke, 1966, p. 15). Present at the session were future Led Zeppelin
members John Paul Jones and Jimmy Page (Mengel, 2017).
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After the session Yorke took Rowe to the see an Otis Redding concert at the Tiles Club.
Upon arrival, a photographer was waiting to take Normie’s picture with not only Otis
Redding, but also Tom Jones and Redding’s manager Phil Walden (who also managed
iconic soul musicians Percy Sledge, Sam and Dave and Wilson Pickett, amongst others).
This chance photo-op established another working relationship, this time with Phil
Walden, who would in the 1970s found Capricorn Records, of which Yorke was a
strident champion. As he recalled, “Otis tore it up that night and the audience went
ballistic. Normie and everyone else in the room were totally blown away” (Mengel,
2015). On 12 November, 1966, Yorke officially resigned from Sunshine Records, his
duties concluding after a reception for Rowe hosted by Polydor.
Yorke moved on to work for Chris Blackwell’s Island Records. On 28 December, 1966,
Yorke was hired by Blackwell as international promotions manager for The Spencer
Davis Group. While employed by Island it was his task to promote the band outside of
England in support of their record Gimme Some Lovin’. At this time he published his first
book printed specifically for the Australian market, Lowdown on the English Pop Scene,
with a foreword by Spencer Davis. Yorke described this as a picture book and never
really considered it his first book, citing Axes, Chops & Hot Licks more often. A few
months later Steve Winwood left The Spencer Davis Group and formed Traffic. Chris
Blackwell offered Yorke the opportunity of managing Traffic, which he declined, instead
embarking on a continental tour with his wife.
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Figure 5. “Normie Rowe meets top English pop starts the Spencer Davis Group” (1966)
2.3 Oh Canada: 1967-1973
In July of 1967, Yorke moved to Canada, finding work as a junior promotion/copywriter
for CTV. Upon arriving he began submitting articles to numerous papers around the
country. He started writing for the Toronto Telegram and became the Pop Pourri
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columnist in November of the same year. He started at the Toronto Telegram by
submitting an obituary for Brian Epstein, the manager of the Beatles, claiming he knew
Mr. Epstein intimately. The Toronto Telegram published the obituary, marking his entry
into music journalism in Canada (Walker, 2017). Yorke later confessed that “Actually I’d
never even met Epstein but it was as good a way as any of busting through the barriers”
(McDonald, 1972). It is from this position he began tirelessly advocating Canadian music
and culture at a time when the Canadian music industry (particularly in the popular music
field) was in its nascent stages (Wheeler, 2017).
In 1968, Yorke started at CHUM FM as one of its first broadcasters. At CHUM-FM he
hosted a weekly rock show until 1969, pioneering Canada’s underground alternative rock
album format. He was appointed the first full-time rock writer for Canada's national
newspaper, The Globe and Mail, in July 1968, in addition to becoming the Canadian
editor of Billboard magazine. Around this time he began writing for numerous
publications in America, his stories being carried by the Boston Globe, Detroit Free
Press, Chicago Daily News, Houston Post, Los Angeles Times, and various syndicates,
whilst contributing to magazines like Rolling Stone, Circus and RPM. He also wrote
weekly material for the Ottawa Journal (under the alias Douglas Garrick) and the
Montreal Star (Cancellara, 1984).
During this period of his career, Yorke was particularly prolific, combining working for
The Globe and Mail full-time and freelancing with extensive travel through America and
frequent visits to London. It was at this time he first encountered members of the Beatles,
specifically George Harrison and John Lennon (Cancellara, 1984). In late 1968, Yorke
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received an advance copy of Led Zeppelin’s first album from Jerry Wexler. Before it was
officially released Yorke wrote an article in which he predicted the record’s inevitable
success, believing that Led Zeppelin were to fill the vacuum left by the demise of Cream
and Jimi Hendrix (Cancellara, 1984). Since then, Yorke has been publicly credited with
being one of the band’s early supporters in North America, with John Paul Jones
describing him as their early champion (Yorke, 2015b). Consequently, he introduced
Zeppelin on 2 February, 1969 at the Rock Pile in Toronto, Ontario, as part of their first
North American tour. This was the first of many shows he would introduce for them.
Yorke’s working relationship with John and Yoko was cemented in 1969 when he was
present at the couples Bed-In at Montreal's Queen Elizabeth Hotel, covering the event for
The Globe and Mail. While there he was present for the impromptu “Give Peace A
Chance” session. Later that year he was at the Apple Corps’ offices in London to conduct
an interview with The Beatles' George Harrison regarding Abbey Road. At the same time,
Lennon was on the phone with John Brower (a Toronto promoter and colleague of
Yorke’s) who was attempting to persuade him to appear at the Toronto Rock 'n' Roll
Revival. Lennon asked Yorke about the festival, and the integrity of the promoter, whom
Yorke vouched for. The next weekend, Lennon and Ono appeared at the event at Varsity
Stadium as the Plastic Ono Band (Walker, 2017). This marked the first time Lennon had
played without The Beatles since its inception.
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Figure 6. George Harrison, Derek Taylor and Ritchie Yorke conducting an interview regarding Abbey
Road at the Apple Offices in London (1969)
In early April 1969 Yorke and CHUM FM parted company. He had been pulled from the
on-air lineup of CHUM FM, his Sunday afternoon show being canceled for budgetary
reasons. However, as RPM suggested in its coverage, Yorke published a news item in
The Globe and Mail reporting proposed changes to CHUM FM’s format (although no by-
line was present). In the article, it was reported that a spokesman of the Ted Randal
Program Consultant Company had implied there would be a change from the
“underground” programming of CHUM FM to a better listening format. The RPM report
goes further by saying that if Yorke “was responsible for The Globe and Mail report, then
he should be commended for his stand in following his instincts as a newspaperman, in
spite of his closeness with the CHUM FM management” (“Ritchie Yorke & CHUM-FM
Part Company,” 1969).
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Additionally, as his involvement with Lennon and Ono and the peace movement
increased, Yorke was asked to leave The Globe and Mail in December 1969. He made
the decision to work with Lennon without hesitation – becoming involved with his Peace
Campaign in earnest. Amongst his contributions was the co-ordination of Lennon and
Ono’s meeting with Marshall McLuhan and Pierre Trudeau. He also introduced Lennon
to rock musician Ronnie Hawkins, who hosted Lennon and Ono at his Toronto home for
several days. He assisted with the coordination and execution of Lennon and Ono’s War
Is Over! peace campaign. Not only was he one of the volunteers who plastered the streets
of Toronto with War Is Over! posters, but Yorke and Hawkins also carried the posters
around the world in 1970 on a world tour as Lennon and Ono’s official peace envoy. The
five-week tour had them displaying placard messages around Europe and Japan, and at
the Chinese border.
After returning from the world tour, Yorke recommenced his career as a full-time
freelance journalist. In addition to writing, he maintained his other music-related
engagements such as announcing performances at the Toronto club the Rock Pile. He
also made occasional appearances on television, appearing on CBC’s Luncheon Date
with Elwood Glover (Law, 1970), Cross Country Checkup and Toronto Today (CFTO-
TV) (Cancellara, 1984). He also began his involvement with various government
officials, writing and producing a three-part broadcast for CBC Schools called Poetry and
Pop Music (Cancellara, 1984). Yorke also produced the band Edward Bear under the
pseudonym Tuft (Baker, 2017).
30
According to Jazz & Pop magazine (of which he was an associate editor), in 1970 Yorke
is credited with discovering and breaking “A Song Of Joy” by Miguel Rios. In Billboard
adverts the single’s success in Canada is made explicit, stating that there was “35,000
(singles) ordered from Toronto airplay alone,” with thanks specifically given to CFRB,
CHUM-FM, CKFM, CBC, Terry David Mulligan, CKFH and “Ritchie Yorke for his
inspired review.” The review in question, which appeared in the Toronto Telegram on
April 1, 1970, stated that “now and then in the singles field, you get to hear a record
which is so outstanding, so monumental in its conception, and so down-right funky that
you know it will be a smash hit” (Yorke, 1970c). Because of the various stories Yorke
wrote, the disc became a smash in Canada, spreading to the U.S. and then throughout the
world (Jazz & Pop, 1971, p. 11).
Figure 7. Miguel Rios presenting Yorke a gold record for A Song of Joy (1970)
31
In 1971 Yorke was involved with the introduction of the Canadian content legislation,
acting "as the major advocate of the policy from a music industry point of view,
testifying both to the adequacy of the supply of Canadian music, as well as to the
necessity of radio support to create a viable Canadian music industry" (Sutherland, 2009,
p. 110). As friend and colleague Frank Davies reflects, Ritchie was instrumental, along
with the Pierre Juneau, Walt Grealis, and John Mills (of CAPAC) in the introduction of
Canadian content regulations (Davies, 2017). In the same year he published Axes, Chops
& Hot Licks, an overview of Canadian popular music and the development of the
Canadian content laws. This book was the first published history devoted entirely to a
music scene outside of the United States or England (Daley, 2007). Additionally, Yorke
contributed to a Canadian musical production, being credited for playing the anvil on the
Crowbar song “Prince of Peace” and tambourine on the band's hit “Oh What a Feeling”
(Wheeler, 2017). During this period he also edited and financed his own rock-oriented
publications. One example of this is POP magazine, whose first issue came out July 29,
1971. It was a joint venture with Marty Melhuish, entertainment editor of the Tribal
Village. After the dissolution of POP magazine, Melhuish and Yorke started another rock
newspaper called Grapevine. Unfortunately, this too only lasted a few issues, with
Rolling Stone remaining the largest underground rock newspaper in North America
(Hickman, 1971).
In 1971, Yorke initiated Procol Harum's recording with the Edmonton Symphony
Orchestra. The idea was germinated earlier that year when Bob Hunka (the assistant
general manager of the Edmonton Symphony Orchestra) suggested that Procol Harum
32
were a natural choice for an orchestral collaboration. Yorke heard of the ESO’s interest in
a rock collaboration and made a separate approach to Hunka at a rock competition in
April. On 8 August 1971, while Procol Harum were on a Canadian tour, a meeting was
arranged between Hunka, Sutton and Brooker at the Edmonton Inn, where the idea for the
concert crystallized (Scott-Irvine, 2012). Yorke introduced the concert, the subsequent
recording yielding the group's only worldwide gold album (Baker, 2017).
In 1972 Yorke co-ordinated the Maple Music Junket, which brought roughly 100
European music journalists to Canada to promote homegrown musicians such as Anne
Murray, Bruce Cockburn and The Poppy Family. Billboard magazine described it as "the
largest music promotion ever conducted” (“Maple Music Junket Lets Canada Put Its Best
Talent Forward,” 1972). That year he was named Music Journalist of the Year at the Juno
Awards in Toronto, cited for his contributions to the Canadian music industry through his
book Axes, Chops & Hot Licks, a survey of the Canadian music industry he researched,
his involvement with the Maple Music Junket, and his various magazine writings
(“Ritchie Yorke Gets Can.’s Juno Award,” 1972).
33
Figure 8. Still taken from the unfinished Maple Music Junket footage (1972)
2.4 Broadening Horizons Abroad: 1973-1974
Yorke moved away from freelance writing in 1973 to focus on authoring books, and
moved back to England. He cut back on his assorted journalism and broadcasting
activities to concentrate on researching Led Zeppelin. Having fostered his relationship
with the band since 1969, he started working on the book in the fall of 1973, research
taking six months. In 1973, at the band’s invitation, he travelled to New York to witness
their concerts at Madison Square Garden, at which he sat side-of-stage. These
performances are what would later make up the live portions of their film The Song
Remains The Same. It was then that Yorke suggest to Peter Grant that it was timely to
publish a book on the band. At this stage of its career, the band had four albums out and
was at the peak of its fame. Arriving back in England the band made “all their files
available. They just basically said here's our office, here's all our files, feel free, go
34
ahead” (Cancellara, 1984).
After Yorke completed The Led Zeppelin Biography, he was presented in the spring of
1974 with the opportunity to write a book on Van Morrison (Cancellara, 1984). Shortly
after his arrival in England the program director of the Montreux Festival, Claude Nobs,
contacted him to write the English version of the program booklet and press releases for
the festival. This led him to review and document Van Morrison’s first appearance at the
Montreux Jazz festival on 30 June, 1974, as well as covering the festival in Record
World, New Musical Express, RPM and other publications (Yorke, 1976, p. 46). His book
Van Morrison: Into The Music was eventually published in Europe in 1975. He went
back to Canada and set about organizing publishing plans and for the Van Morrison and
Led Zeppelin books. He continued to contribute to RPM and to freelance.
Figure 9. Yorke promoting the Montreux Jazz book to which he contributed (c. 1976)
35
2.5 Back in Canada: 1974-1986
After his return to Canada in 1974, Yorke continued to write articles, but not as
prolifically, citing a decline in the print market as one of the contributing factors
(Cancellara, 1984). In 1975 he was approached by CHUM Limited to research and write
a broadcast documentary on the history of rock’n’roll (Cancellara, 1984). This resulted in
a year’s worth of research and a 64-hour-long radio documentary. The "rockumentary"
was entitled The Evolution of Rock (The Music That Made the World Turn 'Round) and
was syndicated around the world (Mengel, 2017). The Evolution of Rock won Billboard's
Documentary of the Year award in 1975. In 1976 he worked for Van Morrison, assisting
in publicising his album A Period of Transition.
Figure 10. Van Morrison and Ritchie Yorke (c. 1978)
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In 1976 and 1977 respectively, Methuen Publications released The Led Zeppelin
Biography and The History of Rock ‘N’ Roll. In January 1977, Yorke returned to the
radio via Q-107. From 1978 to 1980 he hosted and produced the show Saturday Night
Rock, a four-hour weekly program sponsored by Panasonic. He was also an early
supporter of Dire Straits, and was given a Platinum Presentation Award by Polygram
Records for debuting their first album on Q-107. In 1979 he hosted a TV special covering
the Canada Jam concert, as well as reporting the event extensively in print. Throughout
1980, Yorke continued writing and broadcasting, contributing cover stories for Sound
Canada and other publications.
Figure 11. Dire Straits presents a Platinum Presentation Award to Ritchie Yorke (1978)
37
2.6 Homecoming: 1987-2017
In 1986 Yorke returned to Australia, moving back to Brisbane, where he lived for the
remainder of his professional life and worked in newspapers and radio. Upon arrival he
was employed as a programming and concept consultant by South Coast FM Ltd., in
addition to producing guest broadcasting stints on ABC Radio and the network's Gold
Coast outlet, 430. He starting contributing to the entertainment pages of the Sunday Mail
in 1987, promoting local and international acts in the paper until his resignation in 2007
(Baker, 2017). After his resignation from the Sunday Mail, he continued writing as a
freelance journalist. Throughout this period he continued to work with Yoko Ono on a
number of projects, contributing to her six-CD box set Onobox and the commemorative
book Memories of John, and appearing in the documentary John & Yoko's Year of Peace.
In late 2007 Ono invited Yorke to attend the October 2007 inauguration of her Imagine
Peace Tower project in Reykjavik, Iceland. She also wrote the foreword to his book
Christ You Know It Ain't Easy: John & Yoko's Battle For World Peace (Baker, 2017). He
succumbed to chronic obstructive pulmonary disease at Brisbane's Prince Charles
Hospital on February 6, 2017.
38
2.7 On Controversy, Competition & Conflicts of Interest
Axes, Chops & Hot Licks
Yorke's first full-length book was titled Axes, Chops & Hot Licks (1982). It took a year to
research and write, and resulted in a national promotion tour (Cancellara, 1984). Capitol
Records even produced a 7” vinyl single in support of the book, “(The Theme from)
Axes, Chops & Hot Licks.”
Figure 12. Sound of the North – “(The Theme From) Axes, Chops & Hot Licks” 7” single, released by
Capitol Records (1971)
39
Figure 13. Revised Axes, Chops & Hot Licks publicity tour itinerary (1971)
The original concept for a book-length work on Canadian pop music occurred to Yorke in
40
November of 1970 in anticipation of the Canadian content legislation that was ti enacted
in January of 1972. Yorke purportedly approached several Toronto publishing houses,
but settled with Edmonton publisher M. G. Hurtig (Cancellara, 1984). Once an agreement
was reached with Hurtig, Yorke started researching and writing the book in earnest in
February 1971. He continued compiling writing, revising and updating the book until the
beginning of October 1971 (Cancellara, 1984). The foreword was penned by Pierre
Juneau, chairman of the Canadian Radio Television Commission.
41
Figure 14. Ritchie Yorke and Pierre Juneau, from Axes, Chops & Hot Licks press release (1971)
By Yorke’s own admission, the book “contained quite a lot of finger-pointing about the
people responsible for the lack of a Canadian music industry… It was quite a serious
condemnation of the existing media (Cancellara, 1984). In numerous reviews of Axes,
Chops & Hot Licks this invariably comes up. As Walker puts it, this examination of the
42
state of the Canadian music industry “takes author Ritchie Yorke only about 40 blunt,
and controversial pages” (Walker, 1971). In part this analysis consists of the
condemnation of Toronto radio station CHUM (and other Canadian stations that
programmed in a similar fashion) while commending the CRTC’s regulations (Walker,
1971). Yorke attributes much of the growth of the Canadian music industry and scene to
the regulations. Conversely, Pierre Juneau downplays the CRTC’s role, praising Yorke in
the introduction: “Much credit for the success of Canadian pop music in the past year
must go to the specialists — pop music reporters and columnists such as Ritchie Yorke”
(Yorke, 1972f). As Hickman points out, both Yorke and the book were the target of
criticism (Hickman, 1972b, p. 41). One of the columnists for the Georgia Strait, Orville
(One More Loop, I’m Landing) Write, wrote a particularly scathing review of the book:
“Only in Canada could some cruddy hack writer for the Tely or Globe come up with a
sure-fire nationalistic slant that would, in the long run, endear him to the great rip-off that
is the music industry in Canada. Of course the Canadian groups like him, he’s making
them money.” He concludes his review by summarizing the book: “So you get to read a
great Gothic romance and all the good guys (Canadian musicians) save all the good girls
(money) and the evil giant is killed (American controlled Canadian radio playlists). And
our shining knight did it all with new, improved, CRTC.” The final sentence reads
“Yorke is a promoter, not a critic. The difference is describable” (Orville, 1971). Another
review contends that the “sorry fact is that, as yet, Canadian pop music simply cannot
support 224 pages on its past, present, even future, state” (Read, 1971). In an interview
with Hickman, Yorke comes to his own defense, stating “the book is supposed to be a
documentary, not a critique.” In regards to the allegations and insinuations that he had
43
financial dealings with his subjects, he denies them, responding, “You can’t write
anything good about a group without someone saying you manage them” (Hickman,
1972b).
ON CONTROVERSY
Ritchie once wrote that while a rock star reaps the riches and adulation that come
with success, a pop writer receives little reward for his part, in either money or
praise. (Hickman, 1972b, p. 41)
‘I think ethics are a personal thing,’ he told the Toronto Star in 1972. ‘It's the end
result that counts. I think the end justifies the means.’ (McDonald, 1972)
Throughout the archive and in recent obituaries, a few sources touch on Yorke’s
controversial status at some points in his career. This commentary largely concerns his
lack of distance from the musicians and labels he admired, and the fact he occupied
various roles in addition to that of a journalist – for instance, simultaneously acting as a
promoter, producer and publisher. As Wheeler (2017) states, Yorke had an “idiosyncratic
understanding of professional ethics” in concern to mixing promotional duties with his
journalistic ones. As fellow journalist Larry LeBlanc recollects (in Wheeler, 2017),
Yorke’s contemporaries were jealous of his stature, as evidenced by a reception for Bruce
Cockburn in the 1970s at which Sony Music executives stumbled over themselves to
light Ritchie’s cigarillos, all the while ignoring the other rock critics in attendance. Frank
Davies remembers him similarly (in Wheeler, 2017), reflecting on his controversial
44
nature. "He was no saint…He was given to exaggeration to make his point, and
sometimes he was a loose cannon, but usually for a good cause or at least with the right
intent. There was no middle ground or reason to beat around the bush when it came to
issues where he saw one side as the enemy."
In 1972 the Toronto Star published an exposé concerning Yorke’s supposedly entangled
promotional, publishing and writing arrangements. The article, written by Marci
McDonald and entitled “Ritchie Yorke: The self-promoting rock promoter,” alleged that
when Billboard objected to Yorke writing for its rival Canadian trade publication RPM
he merely switched his RPM byline to E.K. Roy (Yorke spelled backward). It also
accused him of benefitting financially from organizing the Maple Music Junket,
describing it as his “grandest, glad-handest and biggest-time (scheme) of all for the 28-
year-old pop writer, promoter and general all-round, 18-hour-a-day, super-hip hustler.” In
the article, Don Hawkes, entertainment editor at The Globe and Mail, comes to Yorke’s
defence somewhat, stating that “Ritchie’s not detached… But nobody has every
conveyed the feel of what this pop world is like as well as Ritchie has. And he’s done it
by becoming a part of that world as no ‘good’ reporter should” (McDonald, 1972). After
Yorke’s passing, Peter Steinmetz, his longtime Canadian lawyer and friend, reflected on
the impact of this article: "I don't think people know how badly that article cut him…
Here he is promoting Canadian content, and they really took a piece out of him”
(Wheeler 2017).
45
Figure 15. McDonald’s “Ritchie Yorke: The self-promoting rock promoter.” The lines Yorke found most
egregious are marked and underlined in black pen.
Yorke occupied various roles and embodied various juxtapositions. As Jeani Read
describes in The Province in a review of Axes, Chops & Hot Licks:
Ritchie Yorke is a curious, perplexing, charming, annoying, sincere paradox: an
idealist in theory and a pragmatist in action… He will tell you he thinks the
principle behind the government’s legislation is horrible and yet celebrate the fact
that it works…He will tell you he is apolitical and anti-nationalistic and in the
same breath gloat over the nationalism inherent in a crowd booing, threatening to
46
burn an American flag, and cheering the Canadian. He will decry rock critics as
leeches and swear that they have lost all contact with the rock audience, but he
will not blink at using their quotations where they suit him. (Read, 1971)
2.8 On Style and Comprehension
Yorke’s writing style was also seen as a point of contention within various sources within
the archive. As Hickman writes in an early profile of Yorke, his writing did not uphold
rigorous standards of journalistic objectivity, leaving a bad taste in the mouth of many
writers who were trained in the traditional method: “His writing, usually first person,
reflects the same confidence. For example: ‘I was rapping with Steve Stills in his English
home…’ or ‘When I sat in on an Aretha session,’ or ‘Eric Clapton told me.’” He
continues by describing Yorke’s voice and vocabulary, characterizing them as a “cross
between an Aussie newscaster and a freak. Moderately accented Australian expressions
like ‘ta ta, toodle-loo’ and an emphatic ‘splendid’ are interspersed with counterculture
clichés like ‘right on,’ ‘lay it on ya’ and ‘heavy’” (Hickman, 1972b, p. 41).
47
Figure 16. Ritchie Yorke interviews Steven Stills (c.1970)
Certain writers also called him out for his status as a “non-critic,” his writing often
coming from a standpoint of a fan, and often devoid of musical judgments: “I used to be a
critic,” he explains. “But later, when I was at the Tely, I just interviewed. This is the era
of the non-critic. There’s no room for critics in pop music because people don’t need
them. People make their own judgments” (Hickman, 1972b p. 41). Again, Don Hawkes
comes to his defence while making concessions, saying his “use of punctuation, grammar
and spelling is horrible. He needs a good editor. But still, he catches the atmosphere of
the pop world better than any reporter ever has” (Hickman, 1972b p. 41).
To understand the role of the popular music journalist, its relevant contexts must be
examined. This includes the journalist’s relationship with music audiences, with the
musicians themselves and with the music industry as a whole. According to Laing the
“institutions of music journalism are the publications in which it appears, and also other
48
music media such as radio and television. The principal texts or forms of music
journalism are the review and the interview” (2006, p 333). He goes further by
categorising the four principal types of media that reviews and interviews appear in: the
general press (daily and weekly newspapers and magazines), trade publications aimed at
those working in the music industry, fanzines (now including weblogs or blogs), and the
specialist music press. At various stages of his career Yorke contributed to all these
platforms. He consistently wrote for trade publications such as Billboard and RPM in
Canada. Laing describes the trade publications as treating music differently, having more
in common with other retail publications, the reviews being “intended for music retailers
and industry professions, and are orientated to the commercial potential of the songs and
artists”. (2006, p 334).
As Hearsum outlines, those who write about music whether they be a critic, journalist, or
music writer, are similar to popular music academics in the way that they both take on the
role of the ‘cultural intermediary’ to an extent (2013, p 122). Since the rise of rock ‘n’
roll, “popular music journalism has played an important part in the production and
circulation of meanings, judgements and interpretations of music.” (Laing, 2006 P. 339).
Thackray outlines four modes that music critics can inhabit. These include bespoke
criticism, where the content of the criticism is tailored to a specific music and audience.
Linked to this is music critic as fan. The third mode is music criticism as entertainment
and lastly, music critic as ‘firestarter’ “in which the critic acts as an agent provocateur,
halfway between the New Journalism of the 1960s and 1970s, and the modern-day
Internet troll”. (2016, p10). Throughout his career Yorke occupied all these rolls at
49
various points. Confusion around the multiple roles music critics play have lead to
charges of “conflict of interest”, as is the case with Yorke. As the critic is so involved in
the music culture, questions around objectivity come into question (Hearsum, 2013). As
Thackray outlines a critic writing about “their experiences is not professing an expertise
based in objectivity but is offering perspectives that are heavily influenced by
participation. Music critics “cannot help but be influenced by their personal relationships
within the music industry” (2016, p. 40).
Stylistically and ideologically, the New Journalism of the 1960s has been defined as one
with the ideal of ‘immersion reporting’ in which personal involvement and immersion
where fundamental to the account, the concept of the personality writer, literary
techniques from the beat writers and the gonzo ideology of the writer as agent
provocateur (Forde, 2001 p 24). These stylistic shifts left an indelible mark on rock
journalism in the US and Britain, with journalists, critics or reviewers, preferring the term
‘writers’, “thereby aligning themselves with creators of fiction rather than the reporters of
facts” (Laing, 2006 p 336). Tom Wolfe was a pioneer of the style, Yorke’s own approach
being influenced by the New Journalism, which broke down the barrier of objective
reporting, the subjective voice becoming an acceptable strategy (Warner, 2015 p8).
During this shift in music journalism in the 1960s and 1970s, regular and prominent
journalistic bylines served to increase newsroom and organizational status for individual
writers, resulting in a plethora of idiosyncratic voices. Maintaining the personalism of the
New Journalism, first-person perspective features where written whereby the authors
placed themselves at the centre of the action. Additionally photographs of the writers
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would often accompany features. High levels of autonomy and editorial freedom allowed
some writers to develop larger cultural profiles (Forde, 2001 p 24).
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2.9 My Relationship with Yorke & the Archive
Over a three-year period I worked in a voluntary and paid capacity for Yorke. I helped in
the construction of a database of his archival materials, being heavily involved in the
cataloguing, documentation, photographing and digitization of the Yorke archive. This
was across all media formats, included audio/visual materials and an endless amount of
paper documentation. My involvement with Yorke began in late 2012 when I responded
to an email sent to Visual Arts students at QUT entitled “Summer Internship
Opportunity.” Little did I know that my internship would exceed the length of a single
summer, and lead me to undertaking a Masters of Research. Despite that fact I studied
visual art, graduating with a Bachelor of Visual Arts in 2013, I’ve always been keenly
interested in music (flexing my own journalistic inclinations through 4ZZZ community
radio). In December 2012 I organized to rendezvous with Yorke and his partner Minnie.
Over coffee I proclaimed my appreciation for the classics across all genres. I remember
little from this initial meeting, but I do recall name-dropping Lobby Loyde (which was
well received).
In January 2013 I officially began my involvement with the archiving project. For three
years I assisted in the digitization of the collection, and in particular, building a database
of the thousands of documents Yorke has accumulated over 55 years of journalism.
Throughout this process I was continually stunned by the breadth and scope of the people
he has interviewed, with almost every single figure in pop and rock being profiled at
some stage. Over that period of time I worked with CDs, books, press kits, cassette
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interviews, letters and other written documents. Much of my time was cataloging and
filling specific types of media and building an index database. Initially I started with the
digitization of the audiocassettes, which contained interviews Yorke had conducted over
the last 45 years. There were hundreds of cassettes, all of which had to be converted into
a digital file in real time. By its nature it was a time consuming process, but I came to
appreciate for how interesting and informative the interviews were. I was also tasked with
scanning on all Yorke’s film negatives. This was always a really exciting task as
occasionally they would be photos of a legendary musician. He took thousands of photos
during his travels and throughout his career. Seeing these images and making them
viewable again was particularly powerful. Showing Yorke the images would retrigger his
memory and invariably result in a story. The images really contextualized his actions and
writing, grounding it and making it really tangible. After the tapes and film was largely
complete came a focus on paper documentation. The archive undoubtedly consists largely
of paper documents of various kinds. This includes Yorke’s drafts, press releases,
promotional materials, research he collected, newspapers, magazines, notes and
scrapbooks. Admittedly I did not tackle this job alone, it being the contributive effort of a
number of people. Throughout the process of organizing, digitizing and indexing the
collection I became intimately familiar with the contents of the archive. I became well
acquainted with Yorke and his style of writing. At the same time, I would sometimes
pause in my tasks and take a close inspection through whatever I was cataloguing – be it
a magazine or a press release. This was kept to a minimum though as Minnie described it
as getting ‘sucked in’. However it was hard not to get sucked in by the materials.
Sometimes I would be so shocked or impressed with what I had found that I would have
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to share it with Minnie or Yorke to express my incredulity. As a fan of music it was an
almost surreal experience at times, being surrounded by all these musical artifacts. I also
loved looking through Yorke’s record collection, which was filled with soul and r’n’b,
and promotion headshots record labels sent out of their artists. It also really highlighted
how different promotion was conducted back then compared to now. It also gave me an
obsessive interest in soul and classic rock music, where before I was chiefly interested in
electronic and dance music. I now tend to agree with Yorke that Aretha is the greatest
vocalist of all time, and that acoustic drums are always better than a programmed
percussion track.
Throughout the process there were too many highlights to pick out, but one was meeting
Carol Lloyd (now deceased), an Aussie rock legend, in Chinatown and having lunch, two
streets away from Brisbane’s Walk of Fame where the Railroad Gin plaque sits. Another
instance that is etched into my memory is the occasion of Yorke’s 70th birthday party, at
which Normie Rowe, Australia’s first King of Pop, performed. I am very grateful for
being given this opportunity, and being able to gain first hand experience in an archive,
something that any student of history would value. Archival research is in many ways
considered the foundation of historical studies. I feel incredibly lucky to have digitized a
portion of Yorke’s archives, which is overflowing with all manner of items from the last
70 years. Being a child of the digital age, it has been enlightening to see how the music
industry operated in the second half of the twentieth century, these objects being a direct
link to the past.
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Through my close involvement of Yorke, the resulting history is influenced by my
familiarity with the archive and my own personally preferences. Initially I was
considering covering Yorke’s involvement with Led Zeppelin and Van Morrison,
focusing on the respective books he wrote about them. However, I decided against this
for a number of reasons. Principally, Yorke had not made scrapbooks on either Led
Zeppelin or Van Morrison, so the amassing of the materials needed would be more
difficult. Also, Yorke was more centrally involved in the narratives of the War Is Over!
campaign and the Maple Music Junket, which made them more interesting to me.
I was intrigued and compelled to research the Maple Music Junket partly because of the
roster of Canadian groups involved. Through the archiving process I had become
interested in the Canadian music scene in the early 1970s of which Yorke was a part. He
wrote about or was involved with numerous Canadian acts, some of which made it
internationally, while others found success in Canada or languished in obscurity. The
Junket was particularly alluring as there was little coverage on the event and it included a
number of Canadian artists I had come to enjoy. Not all the materials chosen where
included in the final analysis. For each case study I had approximately 200 archival
sources to study and index. Throughout the process of reading through the collection of
amalgamated articles and other documents, a few key documents or accounts would often
stick out. A lot of newspaper articles where excluded due to their repetitious content, one
account often being syndicated around Canada. Additionally, foreign language materials
where omitted as they required translation. That would be one potentially interesting
avenue of future research.
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When I first met Ritchie and Minnie, and caught glimpses of the archive, it was strewn
through various rooms of their house in a quiet street in Brisbane’s northern suburbs. It
became clear that Yorke was somewhat of a hoarder, having disposed of little of the
length of his career. Consequently, thousands of official documents and correspondences
remained intact. I believe Ritchie was convinced of the significance of his activities, and
was compelled to keep mementos of these aspects of his professional life.
I then began the ongoing digitization of materials, which were first categorized and then
placed in archival-grade boxes underneath the house. In a large storeroom were tubs,
draftsman’s drawers and secure filing cabinets, containing a wealth of disparate and
fascinating objects. This process of digitization and categorization is still underway, the
archive having been inherited by Minnie Yorke on Ritchie’s death.
Whilst I was in the midst of the processing and documentation of the archive, I didn’t
read the articles or other material in great depth. Time was limited, and getting through
the largest amount was essential (Minnie would often implore me, saying “don’t get
sucked in!”). It wasn’t possible to exercise a close physical reading of the objects.
Instead, over a three-year period, I scanned thousands of documents and gained a broad
overview of the archive through this cursory view of bylines and headlines. Work on this
thesis began, then, not in the archive itself, but in closer examination of the scans I had
previously made. In this way my use of the archive was digitally mediated, and a bias that
is intrinsic to the medium entered my method. Keyword searching the PDF versions of
the thousands of articles and letters became a crucial tool, while Endnote enabled me to
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compile my data and categorize the documents. Through this process of digital storing
and sorting particular themes and keywords became apparent. These in turn shaped the
scope and direction of the research, with search terms, in particular, becoming chapter
headings in the two case studies. By the time I came to researching and writing the case
studies my searches became much more focussed. The archive itself was curated by
Yorke and its content points to that: although the archive is shaped by external factors
and historical events, it really mirrors how Yorke saw history and the unfolding of the
events he was a part of. This intrinsic bias was ever-present and certainly shaped my
investigation. I came to decisions about what was most relevant by peering through the
lens of the social climate of the 1960s and the counterculture in general. This seemed to
me more relevant than exploring ideas of genre or style for instance, as I wanted to
explore the social history and Yorke’s significance within that history during a
tumultuous cultural revolution.
Yorke was an idiosyncratic figure in popular music journalism. This necessitated a
degree of discernment when it came to choosing which materials to include and exclude.
Initially I intended to have case studies on Led Zeppelin and Van Morrison, but the array
of material was not as varied or compelling. The archive itself is enormous, and by
necessity I distilled the contents for the purpose of painting a clear and nuanced picture of
this fascinating man and the times he both absorbed and influenced.
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3. Literature Review
3.1 Popular Music as Cultural Heritage
The growth of popular music studies, as a result of the new significance attached to
popular culture and music in particular, has led to the increase of research into popular
music’s heritage. This has given rise to a new understanding of its cultural value. Literary
studies in this field tend to conform to a number of topics, typically revolving around
specific genres or styles, groups and artists, record companies, general histories, regional
ethnographies, and oral histories (Daley, 2007, p. 4). There has also been a proliferation
of popular music research based in sociology (Frith, 1996) and cultural studies (Bennett,
Frith, Grossberg, Shepherd & Turner, 1993). Linking popular music heritage with
broader cultural narratives gives rise to new understandings of popular music’s role in the
shaping contemporary culture. In this light, music can be considered as something that
links and shapes individuals through instances of cultural memory. These events are tied
to their collective associations with particular music scenes, subcultures, localities and
associated cultural groups (Bennett & Hodkinson, 2012).
The proliferation of sites dedicated to the preservation of popular music’s histories in
physical and online environments points to an increasing interest in the cultural value of
popular music’s material past by a broad array of individuals, communities and the
heritage industries. This growth in popular music heritage is now being reflected in
scholarly considerations of the collection, preservation, display and public access to the
artefacts of its material culture (see for example Baker et al. 2015; Cohen et al. 2015).
The commercial logic behind popular music’s material culture has posed a challenge to a
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mainstream heritage sector not equipped to deal with the mass-produced ephemera of the
cultural industries. Leonard (2007) identifies the full range of material that can constitute
a popular music collection, incorporating published and unpublished sound recordings in
all formats as well as other items that are part of the broader commodity logic of popular
music production and consumption such as promotional concert flyers, ticket stubs, stage
costumes, instruments, and every possible form of merchandise and ephemera. The
material objects of popular music have featured significantly in studies of popular music.
Materiality shapes the way we understand the significance of popular music, and its links
to the past. Through material culture and palpable reminds of the past person histories are
constructed. Through these material objects individuals articulate their identities as music
fans, connecting them to particular artists, genres, and scenes (Bennett & Rogers, 2016,
pp. 29). At the same time, it is self evident that in the conceptualization of popular music
heritage, intangible elements of cultural memory are equally important and should not be
discounted. (Bennett & Rogers, 2016, pp. 33).
A different approach to popular music studies
In constructing historiographical accounts, scholars typically search out canonical texts
on their topic. As Enos (2002) argues, scholars often “cling to extant texts as the sole
material for scholarly study” and rarely work to “‘discover’ new evidence” (p. 69). My
project is divergent in this way. Archival researchers in rhetoric and composition make
use of other types of documentation outside of the established canon (Glenn & Enoch,
2010, p. 13). This allows for other sources (in this case archival materials) to enrich
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scholarly conversations and understandings (2010, p. 16). Through archival research and
analyses I will expand upon traditional texts by revealing new kinds of evidence that
might divulge different understandings of cultural history and musical heritage. The
specific cultural events and figures that I am focusing on are among the most widely
written about in the latter half of the 20th century. In this study I will investigate these
instances of cultural history through the contents of a private, non-traditional archive,
with attention drawn to the interrelatedness of the archive’s contents. The idiosyncratic
nature of the archive is the result of Yorke’s singular vantage point in the music industry.
The study is therefore strongly influenced by this singular point of view.
Scholars must concede a number of limitations when conducting historical research.
Some of these limitations apply to historiographical research broadly, while research into
popular music’s heritage has its own set of issues. It is a concern for all disciplines that
historiographies will always be subjective to some degree (Glenn & Enoch, 2010, p. 11).
This is a result of the researcher’s interest, research stance and theoretical grounding
(2010, p. 21). Music historical studies are beset with problems of subjectivity, the
question of value judgments, and what content is worthy to include in discourse. As Frith
notes, “to be engaged with popular culture is to be discriminating” (1996, p. 4). Our
personal conditioning and preferences determine what we pursue, and should be
acknowledged and examined. Frith also questions the tendency for scholars to conflate
the “popular” with “what is popular,” stating that the “problem of populist cultural
studies is less its politics than its sociology, its assumption that the ‘popular’ is defined by
the market” (1996, p. 14). Bennett (2009) also express concerns about the “popular.” He
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argues that mainstream late 20th century popular music heritage has largely been dictated
through an Anglo-American lens that is predominately white, middle class, middle aged
and rockist. This selective canon of popular music heritage threatens to expunge vast
tracts of musical production, performance, and other contexts in which popular music is
remembered, particularly in peripheral contexts (Bennett, 2009).
Concepts of heritage and what it is comprised of are problematic in relation to
contemporary popular music. The term “heritage” has been used to refer to "specific
canonical representations of custom, tradition and place that are presented as an integral
part of collective identity in particular regional and national contexts” (Bennett, 2015, p.
18). Subsequently “heritage,” like “history,” is a term that is loaded with socio-political
interests, being simultaneously “inclusive” and “exclusive.” Archives are problematic as
the histories preserved within them are subjected to rules underscored by power, and
hence these histories prioritize certain truths. Conversely, they provide the possibility of
reassembling these traces, containing the potential to subvert and reconstruct this
cartography of power and truth (Hui 2015, p. 227). Stories that enter the canon of popular
music are usually singular and coherent, being reinforced through practices of repetition.
Audiences, performers and institutions alike sustain this authority by transcending or
ignoring the complexity of these contexts as multifaceted, lived experiences. As Baker
and Huber (2013) convey, the canon is, in its essence “the sound that rises above the
cacophony, the sound that makes itself heard over and over again, against the sonic
backdrop of a discordant, contradictory, complicated reality. It is the story that is told and
retold, while others are forgotten by collective memory.” As Cohen suggests, through
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mnemonic practices centered on the popular music archive one has the potential of
revitalising these forgotten histories (2015, p. 4). Since archives house materials both
common and obscure, researchers are not limited to simply recreating “monolithic
historical constructs” (Kaes, 1992, p. 154). This allows for new representations of
heritage to emerge, especially in local and peripheral contexts.
As repositories of historical documents and objects, archives house and preserve what has
‘originated from either primary or secondary source in the form of books (pages bound
together), manuscripts, single pages, photos, paintings, video and more’ (Elena et al.,
2010, p. 25). Some archives, and not just those affiliated with museums, might offer
access to more unusual object for study. While many archives today also offer access to
digital documents, working with physical objects in an archive itself is still a sought-after
experience by most history-oriented researchers. It is not an overstatement to say that
these objects take on an almost magical position for those interested in studying history.
They are acknowledged and appreciated as those which embody both experience and
memories, whether individual or communal. As Endelman describes it, ‘The study of
objects can teach us a great deal about how people lived and worked, what they used and
how, and what they valued’ (2011, p. 251). Thus, all manner of things found in archives
are literally expressions of and clues to the past. For this, they are invaluable to those
studying and writing about history. It would be easy to assume that most archives, like
libraries, focus on collecting printed materials. Moreover, one may think that only
commonplace, mainstream printed media like magazine or newspapers make up the bulk
of such repositories. While it is not incorrect that printed matter often still dominates
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archival collections, it is important to acknowledge that many archivist focus on
acquiring the rarest of such materials. Out-of-print and/or niche magazine, for instance,
are often available for researchers to study. No matter the kind of object being examined,
though, historians benefit most often from access to ‘primary’ or original sources.
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4. Methodology and methods
4.1 Archival Methods
Overview
For my research I will be analysing interrelated contents of the Yorke archive. I will be
looking at the collection in relation to John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s proposed Peace
Festival and the Maple Music Junket. During the course of my research I will enter the
archive with the aim of identifying appropriate material to evaluate, whether common,
public sources, such as newspapers, or private items, such as correspondence and other
unpublished texts. The aim of my research is to understand how an archive can be used to
articulate cultural history. I intend to take a qualitative approach in the examination of
different source materials, employing archival research methods. The principle method
involved is called “documentary research” or “document analysis.” The five key
functions of document analysis, as outlined by Bowen (2009), will be met with the
conventional steps of evaluation, as discussed by Gaillet and Tirabassi (2009; 2010).
According to Bowen, there are five key functions in performing document analysis The
first step is context, whereby documents can provide information of the contexts relevant
to the areas of research. This includes with background information on the topic in
addition to historical insight. These insights are important as they can allow researchers
understand the origins of specific issues and the relevant contexts related to the subject
matter. Secondly, the information contained within the documents being analysis allow
for the deepening of enquiry. For instance, the data within the materials being looked at
can inform new interview and research questions, or provide new avenues of
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investigation. Next is the further discovery of supplementary information. Researchers
are encourage to search through archives for documents that contain supplementary
research data that could enrich or reinforce their other information and insights. Fourth is
the tracking of historical chance and development. For example, if there are multiple
drafts or versions of a particular document, the research can make comparisons between
the two to identify similarities or differences. Lastly, documents can be used to support
findings and research. In order to construct a compelling historical account, one must
offer accurate details that add to the scope of the narrative. In this respect, a close reading
of various kinds of documentation and archival sources, or facts, both assembled and
interpreted, can offer the scope of information needed to do this successfully.
When evaluating archival materials there are a number of steps that direct data collection
and examination. These include: creating a detailed physical description of the object;
categorizing of the findings; locating the material within contemporary exigencies;
corroborating the researcher’s claims; locating the subject within contemporary rhetorical
artefacts and events; outlining the motives innate to the material; and analysing the
original audience for the artefact (Gaillet, 2009, p. 35). As indicated by Tirabassi, other
principles that inform archival reading include selectivity, cross-referencing, and
categorization (2010, p. 171). Rigorous document analysis is at the core of archival
research, being the foundational method of the discipline.
While evaluating the evidence researchers need to critically look at documents being
assessed. As documents should not be treated as necessarily precise, accurate, or
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complete recordings of events, one must be cautious while incorporating them in their
research. The researcher has to determine the relevance of documents to the purpose of
the overall research, and if the content of these documents suit the framework of the
study. When evaluating a source is it also necessary to appraise the authenticity,
credibility, accuracy, and representativeness of the selected documents. This is raises
questions for the research about the original purpose and intent of the document, and who
it was directed at. Information on the author and the original source of the information
can also be useful in the analysis of a document. The researcher should also discern
whether a document was written from firsthand experience or from secondary sources.
Lastly, documents should be compared against other sources of information, as they are
context-specific.
The appropriateness of archival methods
Efforts to map pop music’s history are aided by the examination of popular music media
and ephemera. There are a number of advantages of document analysis as a qualitative
research method. Through the use of archival methodologies and document analysis,
researchers are able to discover new histories that have been subsumed by more dominant
narratives (Feldman-Barrett, 2015, p. 83). Non-traditional archives, such as Yorke’s,
widen the scope of historical research, expanding previous notions of what can constitute
a site of heritage. These peripheral localities pose new questions around archival
recovery, archival methods, and historiographic intervention. Smaller collections, and the
unique holdings within them, expand notions of what constitutes a primary resource and
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what counts as a contribution to the histories, theories, and practices of rhetoric and
composition (Glenn & Enoch, 2010, p.18-20). Such studies stimulate our thinking in
terms of which historical moments, people, and places merit our scholarly attention.
Alongside the possibility of presenting more diverse historical narratives, one may also
uncover heretofore-unknown details on more established canonical events and figures
within popular music and cultural history. Document analysis is an efficient method as it
is less time consuming, requiring data selection as opposed to data collection in addition
to being a cost-effective choice when collecting new data is not possible. In these
situations the documents have already been grouped so their contexts can be assessed.
The lack of obtrusiveness and reactivity of the documents is also advantages, in such that
they are unaffected by the research process. Additionally, reflexivity which the
researcher’s awareness of their "contribution to the construction of meanings attached to
social interactions and acknowledgment of the possibility of the investigator’s influence
on the research is usually not an issue in using documents for research purposes”
(Bowen, 2009 p. 31). The stability and exactness of documents is also beneficial,
especially in regards to providing details is there are inclusions of exact names, dates, and
details. It should be remember that document analysis is not simply lining up a series of
excerpts from printed material to convey the researcher’s idea. Rather, it is a process of
evaluating documents in such a way that empirical knowledge is produced and
understanding is deepened. In the process, the researcher should strive balance and aim
for objectivity and sensitivity. Although its strengths as a method are considerable other
kinds of evidence that may be more suitable for the research problem should be
incorporated into the study. The analyst has to determine the relevance of the material
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used, and as a subjective interpreter of the data, should make this decision process as
rigorous and transparent as the possibly can.
4.2 Methodologies
Limitations
The historian should be considered a “source of data” (Glenn & Enoch, 2010, p. 21) that
is essential to the research process, as this process is always partial and always interested.
It is partial in the sense that it remains incomplete with respect to the reality that the
historian presumes to depict; and it is interested in the sense that it is always an
interpretive rendering of evidence (Ramsey et al, 2010). For Ridener, the archivist’s role
and authority over archives can be characterized as a “tension” between the subjectivity
of practice and the ideal of objectivity (2009, p. 34). My research is shaped by the
practices used to define and categorize materials within “the archive” itself. This draws
into question what materials are appropriate and the kinds of primary sources that will
help answer the research question. The scholar must also bring external sources to the
archival findings so as to better verify the historical and cultural contexts through
triangulation with other data. As Fitzpatricks points out in his analysis of the George
Orwell archive, while the collection is ostensibly the product of a single creator, in reality
there were six layers of archival creation. The most evident of these included the
contributions made by Orwell himself, in addition to his widow, other trustees, by the
archivists who worked with the collection, and subsequent researchers and interpreters of
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the material (2016, pp.194). Similarly, by the time this research project had reached the
Yorke archive, the materials within the archive (and what objects and materials were
prioritized) had already been selected and mediated. Acts of archival reading are
intrinsically linked to the researcher’s perceptions and prejudices, as well as the
theoretical framework in which the researcher operates (Glenn & Enoch, 2010, p. 21).
The relationship between archival reading and theoretical grounding creates a generative
tension that opens up possibilities for what we see, value, and then leverage (Ramsey et
al, 2010). Other research methods that can be used alongside archival processes should
also be contemplated, as they may potentially complement and extend the research
conducted within the archive.
Research in archival collections is unlike research in books or journals in libraries. The
Yorke archive contains a number of unpublished primary sources, like draft manuscripts
or private sources from people or agencies, such as business correspondence and reports
from the Canadian Government. Sources within conventional libraries are comparatively
well catalogued in comparison to private collections and archives – there may be broad
subject access but no specific subject access to the individual documents. One reason for
this is that “many unpublished sources are meaningful only within the context of the
other items in the group in which they are stored” (Mann, 2015, p. 277). This is in part a
consequence of the very labor-intensive nature of the archival process. Even the primary
sorting of an individual’s papers can take months. Describing and cataloging each of the
individual letters, notes, or other papers within a archive in a time-consuming process.
Consequently, archivists can struggle to spend the necessary time indexing the entirety of
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a collection. These factors indelibly affect how the research is shaped, through the
accrual or of omission of specific documents or caches of documents. Out of necessity,
certain materials are prioritized and are addressed and indexed first. Hui characterises the
present-but-not-annotated data produced in archives as “dark matter”. These records,
which are accumulated over time, are the millions of documents and objects, electronic or
otherwise, that are represent in the archive as abstract codes and numbers. This is the
state of a record in the archive until it progresses from mere digitization to indexation, at
which point tags and search words allow for the navigation of the archive virtually (2015,
pp.227). This notion resonated with me throughout the archival process, with materials
remaining more or less invisible and inaccessible until the indexing of the mass of
unmarked material. Overall, the archival method requires focused reading, note-taking
and patience. Patience is paramount, as one is likely to look through stacks of documents
and myriad object. The best results come from examining these extensively, which
naturally takes some time. In this respect, archival work mirrors an archeological dig.
Archival researchers must devote themselves to a lengthy and thorough process of
‘digging’ through matter in the hope that something previously undiscovered and
valuable will be unearthed.
Lemke
Lemke's book Textual Politics is relevant to document analysis, allowing for the
application of critical theoretical perspectives on language and culture. Through
emphasizing the political nature of discourse and culture Lemke enhances everyday
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notions about culture by connecting the microsocial (texts) to the macrosocial (the doing
of everyday life) (Lemke, 1995, 17). He explains that organisms are always studied in
relation to their environment. Consequently, humans that act within contexts must be
studied with these conditions in mind, as they invariably shape subsequent actions. Each
different political point of view or school of thought constructs its own discourse
formation, speaking in its own way. Discourses are not purely the result of a specific
outlook, but rather symbolic capital, themselves a resource to be deployed (Lemke, 1995,
31). Furthermore, modes of discourse are implicitly in dialogue with similar and
opposing discourses, whether explicitly or not (Lemke, 1995, 32). To construct a social
model of discourse, specific information about what is actually said and done is required
(Lemke, 1995, 32). One is required to look at the kinds of people who voice these
discourses and the surrounding contexts. In regards to the Yorke archive, this manifests
itself in the appraisal of professional affiliations, what subcommunities are involved and
what their vested interests might be. How these agendas conflict with those of other
communities is also crucial, as are the discourses specific to these groups and their
idiosyncrasies (Lemke, 1995, 47).
4.3 Scrapbooks
Vital to the two case studies of this research where two of Yorke’s scrapbooks. The first
is centered on John Lennon and the War Is Over! Campaign, covering the years 1969-
1970, while the second contains materials pertaining to the Maple Music Junket, from
1971-1973. Present in almost all archival and historical collections, scrapbooks “are
unique artifacts, each created by individuals or groups to record specific eras and
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histories” (Teper, 2008, p. 48). Scrapbooks are marked by a number of defining features,
often including paper and photographic materials that have been attached to the pages in
a book format. These books characteristically consist of a cover or binding and a
textblock of bound-in pages to which materials are attached. The principal reason
scrapbooks are valued as research tools is not for the books themselves, but for the often
unique collections of materials they contain. Paper objects frequently consist of
newspaper and magazine clippings, written or typed sheets, notes, printed pamphlets,
telegrams, cards, letters, flyers, program schedules and similar documents. These items
are valuable to researchers as they show a personalized historical view of the contexts
they record (Teper, 2008). Like many forms of self-expression, the objects and
inscriptions in these books, and their subsequent arrangement, reveal both personal
preferences and traceable social networks (Christensen, 2011, p. 176). Scrapbooks should
be understood as a series of selectively chosen biographical accounts that contribute to an
overarching narrative (Medley-Rath, 2016, p. 89). They are antithetical to the ordered and
authorized notion of the archive as they are overtly personal and have “authors.”
Scrapbooks, together with memorabilia, are produced by informal collecting process that,
although they may be cast as “illegitimate,” nonetheless do record something that
someone, somewhere, and at some time, considered important (McGillivray, 2011).
Autobiographical memories can be seen as recollections of self-referenced information
taken from daily life. This can include anything from the most momentous life events to
everyday mundanities. However, autobiographical memories are more than retrieved
information, as they’re often imbued with emotion and meaning, reflecting the rich and
complex contexts they embody (Phillips, 2016, p. 325). The activity of collecting,
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preserving, and reconstructing autobiographical memory is a process that is facilitated by
material possessions. This is particularly true in the case of the scrapbook. This process is
necessarily determined by the materiality of certain objects that act as tangible markers of
memory. Additionally, scrapbooks constitute a distinct type of autobiographical narrative
creation, as they are often constructed with a particular constellation of viewers in mind
(family, friends, trustees of the creator). This audience consists of the creator’s peers,
biographical others such as family and friends, and other communities to which the
creator belongs. Consequently, scrapbooks will often share common perspectives to those
of their relevant communities, being influenced by and intrinsically reflecting the norms
of their real or imagined audiences (Medley-Rath, 2016, p. 87).
Inherent to both the scrapbooks is Yorke’s self-admitted fandom. As Shuker outlines,
fans, with varying degrees of commitment and intensity, passionately follow the music
and lives of specific performers and bands, as well as being invested in particular
histories and genres. Shuker describes fandom as “the collective term for the
phenomenon of fans and their behaviour: concert-going, record-collecting, putting
together scrapbooks” (Shuker, 2012, p. 116). Both the War Is Over! and Maple Music
Junket scrapbooks have proved to be invaluable resources. Both contain unique historical
viewpoints and dialogues that illuminate multifaceted elements of various social rituals
and ideas. Although the War Is Over! scrapbook is necessarily framed by its locality, it
does present an astounding range of sources. Though the majority of the scrapbook
originates from Canadian material, it extends to the global, including various French,
Chinese, Swedish, Australian, English and American material. In addition, throughout
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1969 and 1970 Yorke subscribed to the Canadian Press Clipping Service of Toronto. The
service delivered weekly sets of material drawn from the entire spectrum of the Canadian
press. Of those articles received, all refer directly to John Lennon or Yoko Ono in their
text, often with the names underlined. Conveniently, these clippings include circulation
numbers and the date of publication. The War Is Over! scrapbook is largely comprised of
these clippings as well as material Yorke collected on his world tour as Lennon’s peace
envoy. This is not the case for the Maple Music Junket scrapbook, which consists of
articles Yorke collected himself or that were sent by the respective publishers and
authors. Both these objects provide an individualistic conceptualization of these events,
binding together numerous distinct sources.
Figure 17. Canadian Press Clipping Service envelope (1970)
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Figure 18. War Is Over! Scrapbook (1970)
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Figure 19. Maple Music Junket Scrapbook (1973)
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5. Case Study #1 – The Lennon and Ono Year Of Peace
5.1 Introduction
This case study will examine Lennon and Ono’s peace campaign. In late 1969 the couple
promoted their campaign for world peace through the media. Specific data will be
provided in order to convey these events and the numerous people involved. Through the
analysis and compilation of archival material, a more nuanced history will be constructed.
Firstly, the War Is Over! launch will be discussed , with its implementation in Canada
being looked at in depth. The impetus and reasons behind the campaign will also be made
clear, in addition to the media response and the strategies Lennon and Ono used to market
themselves and their message. Lennon and Ono’s meeting with Canadian Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau will examined, with focus on how the meeting eventuated and the
subsequent media response. Their meeting with Marshall McLuhan will also be
scrutinized. Throughout the chapters themes of idealism and youth culture reoccur. The
formation of the peace council, who were to work closely with Lennon and Ono, will be
outlined, with its various initiates, such as the Peace Station Network and the
International Peace Vote. The Lennons’ stay at the Hawkins’ farm will be outlined.
Yorke’s international world tour to promote peace on behalf of Lennon and Ono will be
charted, looking particularly at his time in Australia and Hong Kong, and the media
accounts of his visit. Finally, particular focus will be given to the Mostport Peace
Festival, a festival Lennon, Ono, and the peace council was planning by which did not
eventuate. The origins of the festival, its proposed lineup and its international scope will
be discussed, in addition to the resistance the festival received and the reasons why it did
not occur. Yorke began his involvement with John Lennon in 1968 while reporting for
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The Globe and Mail. He had established contact with members of the Beatles for the
interviewing purposes – conversing with Lennon on a number of occasions. This lead
Yorke to provide coverage of Apple activities in The Globe and Mail and other assorted
freelance outlets.
Figure 20. Ritchie Yorke interviews John Lennon and Yoko Ono at the King Edward Hotel in Toronto
(1969)
5.2 War Is Over! Launch
Lennon and Ono’s Christmas Message was one component of the couple’s ambitious
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peace campaign of 1969–70, launched after their two Bed-Ins. At the Bed-Ins and the
Peace Press conferences, Lennon and Ono addressed questions about the Vietnam War,
capitalism, personal freedom and sexual equality. The War Is Over! campaign was
launched in London on 15 December, 1969. The Plastic Ono Band performed at the
Peace for Christmas concert at a benefit for UNICEF in the Lyceum Ballroom
(Concannon, 2005). War Is Over! banners and posters were prominently displayed on and
around the stage. The happening purportedly drew a crowd of 1,200, with the ticket
profits going to UNICEF. In an unprecedented move, George Harrison attended and
played with the Plastic Ono Band, whose line up on the night consisted of Eric Clapton,
Delaney Bramlett, Bonnie Bramlett, Alan White, Jim Gordon, Billy Preston, Klaus
Voormann, Bobby Keys and Jim Price (Concannon, 2005). Despite the charitable nature
of the event, it was received in London with some skepticism. In a syndicated article
from Reuters the tone is derogatory, referring to Yoko as “Miss Ono,” and describing her
performance at the concert as including “20 minutes of high-pitched oriental wailing…
[Yoko] later climbed into a white bed to writhe rhythmically about the stage.” The article
ends, “They were given a standing ovation at the end of the performance” (“The Lennons
Do Their Bit,” 1969), the statement seemingly preposterous after the description of the
event.
Billboards and posters
As part of the War Is Over! campaign billboards were secured and posters sent around
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the world. Lennon and Ono purchased billboard space in 11 major cities of the world to
display their Christmas peace message. In the language of each city, the billboards (as
well as posters, print advertisements, and postcards) read: “War Is Over! If You Want It.
Happy Christmas from John & Yoko.” The cities involved were London, New York, Los
Angeles, Montreal, Toronto, Paris, Rome, West Berlin, Amsterdam, Athens, and Tokyo
(Concannon, 2005). A full-page advertisement appeared in the New York Times on 21
December, 1969, as well as many other publications. In Toronto, the Canadian arm of
Capitol Records paid for newspaper advertisements with the same message (while
simultaneously advertising Lennon’s records). On Christmas Eve, the day after Lennon
and Ono’s departure, a Toronto advertising agency repeated the peace message in the
Toronto Daily Star. They also slightly altered the original ad, adding, “This ad is being
paid for by Goodis, Goldberg, Soren Limited. We know a good ad when we see one”
(“War is Over! advertisement,” 1969).
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Figure 21. War Is Over! advertisement in the Toronto Daily Star (1969)
Figure 22. Volunteers plaster War Is Over! posters in Toronto (1969)
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Lennon and Ono’s arrival in Toronto on 16 December 1969 was preceded by a large War
Is Over! campaign which was simultaneously unveiled in 12 cities on the previous
morning. On 20 December, 1969 Lennon and Ono’s assistants around the world
implemented their plan. In Toronto, for example, it was reported that 24 billboards
(Yorke, 1969f), hundreds of posters, newspaper advertisements and handbills were
released on the morning of 21 December, 1969. This was carried out in Toronto by
Yorke, Brower and another “50 young people” who plastered the anti-war posters “from
one end of Toronto to the other” (Yorke, 1969f). Five days prior to the execution of the
billboards and posters, Brower is reported to have said to the Toronto Daily Star that 30
large billboards with the peace message would be put up. In addition to this, specifics are
given about the posters and handbills, with 5,000 posters starting to appear on 14
December, 1969 and “crews of young persons” handing out approximately 10,000
circulars. The billboards stayed up for two weeks (“Arrive Tomorrow – John Lennon,
Wife Visiting Toronto on Peace Trip,” 1969). Even coverage of the billboards from New
York made news in both English and French language newspapers, such as the relatively
small The Sudbury Star. Accompanying a syndicated photo, the caption describes the
“ironic” placement of their Christmas Message. Billboard space was purchased in Times
Square, deliberately juxtaposed next to an Armed Forces recruiting station (“Christmas
Message,” 1969). Throughout much of the documentation, questions about the expense of
the campaign emerge. On each occasion, Lennon declines to say how much the campaign
cost or claims ignorance. In The Gazette (Montreal) he is quoted as saying that “it doesn’t
matter as long as our message gets over.” He goes further by saying that “I can earn
enough to pay for it with records and things” (“Beatle Lennon plans billboards to plea for
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peace,” 1969). Later he remarked that the bill for this massive broadcasting, billboard,
newspaper and poster campaign, would be forwarded to President Nixon on whose
behalf, Lennon insists, the promotion is being waged. He also claimed that it cost less the
one person’s life. It’s wholly unlikely that such a bill was forwarded to the American
government. Furthermore, an article in the Medicine Hat News claimed that the White
House declined to comment on whether Lennon’s efforts are being appreciated. (“Selling
Peace or Self?”, 1969)
5.3 Call Up Papers For Peace: The Origins & Impetus of Lennon & Ono’s Activism
Lennon: Finally we came up with the bed event after that and that was what
sparked it off. It was like getting your call up papers for peace, and we got it, and
we thought about it for three weeks before we decided what we could do and then
we did the bed event. (Yorke, 1970b)
There are a number of factors that prompted Lennon and Ono to initiate their peace
activities. Significant was the influence of Ono and her background in theatre,
performance art and the Fluxus movement. Lennon saw Ono as his creative equal, and
saw the peace activities as a way to draw together “these two egos,” stating:
I’d been singing about love, which is another word for peace. So our actual peace
demonstrations were Yoko-style events. They were also pure theatre, which was
her wont. The Montreal Bed-In was one of the nicest ones and I participated
almost like a spectator, because really it was Yoko’s way of demonstrating and
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making the point. (Yorke, 1970b)
Although it was a collaborative effort between the couple, the unfavorable accounts
present in the archive are phrased in such a way to imply that Yoko was not Lennon’s
equal or co-creator. This is illustrated in a short article in the Calgary Herald that, in
addition to spelling Ono’s name incorrectly, implies that the Plastic Ono Band was his
group and that it was his peace campaign: “Yoka [sic] is Lennon’s Japanese wife, who
sings in Lennon’s Plastic Ono Band and has appeared in the Beatle’s peace campaigns in
a bed-in Toronto, Montreal and Holland and inside a sack in London (1969). Although
Lennon declared that it was a Yoko-style event in which they combined their artistic
tendencies, finding a balance between his rock and roll credibility and her avant-garde
leanings, it was actually a letter from Peter Watkins that triggered their increased peace
advocacy (Yorke, 1970b). Watkins, known for his censorship battle with the British
Broadcasting Corporation over his film The War Game, has been largely overlooked in
the broader Lennon literature even though the couple acknowledged him in several 1969
interviews as being a catalyst for their peace campaigning (Bari, 2007). Lennon and Ono
publicly recognized Watkins’ letter in 1969 as the inspiration for their peace campaign on
at least three separate occasions: in interviews with Patrick Wilson and with Marshall
McLuhan, and at the Toronto press conference. In Yorke’s Rolling Stone piece, “John
and Yoko’s Year of Peace,” Lennon responds to the specific incident that involved him in
the peace movement:
Well, it built up over a number of years, but the thing which struck it off was we
got a letter from a guy called Peter Watkins who made a film called The War
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Game and it was a long letter stating what’s happening—how the media is
controlled, how it’s all run, but he said it in black and white, and the letter ended
up “What are you going to do about it?” He said people in our position and his
position have a responsibility to use the media for world peace. (Yorke, 1970b)
In 1969, Lennon and Ono held their second weeklong Bed-In for Peace at the Queen
Elizabeth Hotel in Montreal from 26 May, 1969 to 2 June, 1969. At the Bed-In, the
couple invited the press to join them in their hotel suite for interviews and informal
conversation. In Montreal, Lennon and Ono planned to meet anyone from the press to
discuss peace from 10 AM to 10 PM daily for seven days. The impetus behind the Bed-
Ins was quite simple; Lennon said, “The whole effect of our bed-ins has made people talk
about peace” (Yorke, 1970b). The Bed-In was staged as a media campaign that relied on
Lennon’s fame to promote peace. In addition to addressing the media in person, Lennon
devoted time to talk with AM and FM stations all around the United States and Canada
from his hotel room phone. On May 14th, he encouraged non-violent confrontation to
KSAN-FM's San Francisco Bay area listeners. The following day Lennon phoned KPFA-
FM twice to inquire how the People's Park march was progressing and to advise the
demonstrators to use peaceful methods (Yorke, 1969d). The People’s Park demonstration
turned out to be the most violent confrontation in Berkeley’s history. Another method
used to boost media coverage was to include celebrities and figures of the counter-
culture. This is epitomized in the recording of “Give Peace A Chance,” where Timothy
Leary, Tom Smothers, Petula Clark, Allen Ginsberg, Derek Taylor and Montreal’s Rabbi
Feinburg were part of the 40-strong crowd (“Beatles' LP in July, Lennon Peace Disc,”
1969). Ono admitted that there might be better ways of promoting peace than Bed-Ins,
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saying that they “came to the decision after three months of thinking out the most
functional approach to boost peace before we got married... For us, it was the only way”
(Yorke, 1969d). In Yorke’s coverage of the Montreal Bed-In for Rolling Stone, the
couple expounded further on their decision to conduct the Bed-Ins, believing that it was
the most logical way to promote peace. Lennon stated that the high saturation of coverage
conveyed their message: "if we were to issue a statement or something to the press, only
a part of it would ever get in. But this way everybody will know and understand what we
want to get across" (Yorke, 1969d). In his own words, he likened the press to a postbox,
being a means by which all the people “who are wandering around the streets” can be
communicated to. Derek Taylor, publicist for the Beatles and present at Lennon’s
Montreal Bed-In, commented, "we can do so much for peace with a little help from our
friends." (Yorke, 1969d). Taylor’s knowledge of the media no doubt increased the spread
of the peace message. In the wake of the Montreal Bed-In, Lennon “left thousands of
autographs, countless interviews, millions of photographs” (Yorke, 1969d). This,
intentionally or not, disseminated the peace message.
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Figure 23. Yorke sitting on the floor taking notes beside John Lennon and Yoko Ono at the Montreal Bed-
In, Queen Elizabeth Hotel (1969)
The essential mutability of the message was an integral element of the campaign. Lennon
adapted his peace slogans to what was at hand. When questioned by Jim Buckley of
Screw about what made him proclaim “fuck for peace,” Lennon stated that it was
Buckley who inspired him; “You. I just thought of it when you came in. Do everything
for peace. Clean your teeth for peace. Pick your nose for peace. Fuck for Peace”
(Buckley, 1969). This demonstrates Lennon’s proclivity to take on other people’s
suggestions and his adaptive message. Lennon harnessed his own popularity, using the
media to his advantage to spread the notion of peace. This is seen in the Screw interview,
where Lennon jokingly admits the purpose of the interview. On being queried about the
quality of the dialogue, he responds, “As long as you make me popular I don’t mind”
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(Buckley, 1969). This suggests that he did not care as much about the content as long as
it gained him popularity. Repetition is another theme that emerges from the archival
documentation. The couple expressed the need to hammer the message constantly, taking
cues from advertising, with Ono stating, “like TV soap commercials, you have to keep
pounding away with the message all the time. It's a full scale campaign" (Yorke, 1969d).
While in Hong Kong repeating Lennon and Ono’s message, Yorke added “We want to
sell peace just like you sell soap” (Ebert, 1970). The couple wanted the Bed-Ins to change
social beliefs about war, and the role of the individual. They refuted the nation that war
could only be stopped by the government and powerful elite, stressing instead that it was
in the hands of the public. Ono stated, "People take war for granted, they are conditioned
to accept it. So you've got to change their thinking (Yorke, 1969d). Lennon went further
in his attempt to incite individual responsibility.
“We're all responsible for war," said Lennon, "We all must do something, no
matter what — by growing our hair long, standing on one leg, talking to the press,
having bed-ins — to change the attitudes. The people must be made aware that it's
up to them. (Yorke, 1969d)
Yorke, who actively supported the Bed-Ins and the peace campaign, also used repetition
to spread the idea of peace. Journalist Jack Batten, reporter for the Toronto Star,
criticized Yorke in the piece “Rock Fans will Read Anything Twice,” condemning Yorke
for publishing three almost identical versions of an interview with Lennon and Ono in
The Globe and Mail, the June 28, 1969 issue of Rolling Stone and the February 1970
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issue of Hit Parader (Batten, 1969). In an interview for Eye Opener in 1972, Yorke
describes the approach to his former job and the Globe and Mail as competitive,
Hickman stating “he tried to be faster in getting scoop than Jack Batten who was then at
the Star, and Peter Goddard at the Telegram” (Hickman, 1972a). In regards to Jack
Batten, Yorke is quoted to have said, “he’s a cat who’s trying to go back to rock instead
of coming up with it. It never seemed to bother him that I’d have new albums reviewed
two weeks before he’d even heard them” Their rivalry may have coloured Batten’s
critique of Yorke, although it is true that he published the interview on three separate
occasions.
Why Canada?
Lennon and Ono’s campaign of “peace persuasion” (Yorke, 1969f) was concentrated in
Canada for a number of reasons. Lennon attributes his two previous visits to Canada that
year as incentives, praising their treatment by the Immigration Department compared to
that of the USA, complimenting the maturity of the people and the receptive nature of the
media (compared to that of the UK). The couple decided Canada was the best place to
“talk to the press about peace” (Vancouver Sun, 1969). Canada’s proximity to USA also
played a role, with Lennon stating, “Canada we found is a good place to announce it
from. Its proximity to the States is helpful. And its general attitude is conducive for what
we want to do” (Goddard, 1969). He also praises Canada’s attitudes in regard to Vietnam,
China and NATO, describing them as sensible. He goes further: “Everything points to
Canada as being one of the key countries in the new race for survival. We’ve had the
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arms race and the space race and the cold war – the time has come for the peace race”
(Yorke, 1969f). Some were less impressed by the couple’s activities, believing that
Canada was the only country that was tolerant of their message and “receptive to such
advertising gimmicks as Sleep-Ins for Peace” (“Selling Peace or Self?”, 1969). Some
journalists and individuals obviously thought little of the peace promotion, describing the
“gimmicks” as un-newsworthy, as Jean Rodriguez did in the Montreal Gazette: “After
posing for a sea of photographers, it was all business. Peace business. They did not say
much that one could label newsworthy, except that there would be a peace festival in
Mosport” (Rodriguez, 1969).
On gaining entrance to the US
A reoccurring theme in many sources is Lennon’s desire to gain entrance into America.
The country’s refusal to admit him was one of the primary reasons he conducted many of
his peace initiatives in Canada. After the Montreal Bed-In, Lennon not only expressed the
desire to take the campaign into the United States, but also believed the dream was within
reach, saying, “Yes, I think I’ll get the visa by then” (Yorke, 1969b). It was his intention
to obtain a U.S. visa to hold bed-ins in New York and Washington, D.C. (Yorke, 1969d).
During the Montreal Bed-In, Buckley of Screw magazine asked him if he still wanted to
get into the United States, to which he responded, “sure, I want to see Nixon, to give him
an acorn” (Buckley, 1969). Although a rather flippant remark, he did genuinely want to
give a symbolic acorn to the President. In this same interview, Lennon reveals that he
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could have been let in if he did an anti-narcotics public service announcement with
Senator George McGovern:
JOHN: They only would have let me in if I did an anti-narcotics thing with a
smiling senator.
JIM: Which senator was it?
JOHN: McGovern, I think. (Buckley, 1969)
Sell, sell, sell: the purpose of peace propaganda
For all the elaborateness and extensiveness of the promotional peace activities, the
purpose of the campaign was comparably simple and clean-cut (at least for Lennon and
Ono and those intimately involved and affected by it). The couple called their Christmas
message “something which the public can and must understand for its own sake,” to
“convince the people that peace is within their grasp whenever they want it” (Yorke,
1969f). They also stated that the “whole idea of our new peace campaign is to be
positive” (Yorke, 1970b). It was their vision to translate this message into one palatable
for conventional media, using “the things people are used to” (Yorke, 1969f) – in this
instance, advertising: “We don’t think other people who wanted peace tried advertising.
We think advertising is it: sell, sell, sell” (Kirby, 1969a).
On youth marketing, the now-generation and turned-on under-25s
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Explicit in much of the peace promotion was the targeting of Lennon’s key demographic
– the youth market. Lennon rested his hopes upon the young, stating to Yorke at the
Montreal Bed-In that he and Ono were interested in young people doing something for
peace. He unashamedly flattered them: “We’re saying to the young people – and they
have always been the hippest ones – to get the message across to the squares… A lot of
young people have been ignoring the squares when they should be helping them. The
whole scene has become too serious and too intellectual” (Yorke, 1970b). The vocabulary
he uses here is significant because it creates a division between young people (the hippest
ones) and old people (the squares). The use of vernacular directed the message
specifically at youth, although it concurrently encouraged them to help the squares.
Throughout the documentation there are numerous references to and evidence of the hip
youth. Their message evidently influenced young people. In his recap of the Montreal
Bed-In, Yorke relays the story of Tony Parsons, an 18-year-old bellhop who left the
Queen Elizabeth hotel with Lennon’s entourage. Yorke reports that “Parsons said on his
days off he’d helped Lennon, and was invited to return to London and become a road
manager at Apple” (Yorke, 1969c). He also reported in Rolling Stone that students at
Toronto's progressive Rochdale College staged a sympathy bed-in shortly after the
Montreal event, quoting one student as saying, "We'd be willing to go even further with a
nude-in. We would not only strip our bodies, we would strip our souls" (Yorke, 1969d).
Interestingly a floor of Rochdale College became an unofficial Peace Center that Richard
Goldstein describes in his article “Canada & The New Age” (Goldstein, 1970). Another
outcome of the Montreal Bed-In was a subsequent happening in Washington conducted
by Robert and Maria Watson. According to Rolling Stone, it was the first official bed-in
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in the U.S. in support of Lennon and Ono’s peace efforts. Understandably, it was much
less crowded and much less publicized than the Amsterdam and Montreal affairs. It was
staged at the Capitol Hill Hotel in Washington, D.C. from 2-8 July 1969, being held
“until the couple’s money had ran out” (“Washington Bed-In,” 1969). Taking cues from
Lennon, who proclaimed, “Bed-ins are something that everybody can do and they're so
simple” (Yorke, 1969d), Watson spoke to the press from his bed and over the telephone.
He did depart from the Lennon-Ono message somewhat and promoted his own agenda,
with the Bed-In also being meant to protest the refusal of a visa for Lennon to enter the
United States. In response to this Bed-In, the Watsons received a bouquet of carnations
from Lennon and Ono, with the greeting: “Peace, Goodwill, and Love.” Clearly the
couple exercised influence over the youth, directly influencing many spin-off
demonstrations.
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Figure 24. Washington Bed-In, as reported on by Rolling Stone (1969)
94
Others also responded directly to Lennon and Ono’s activities, imitating the couple.
During their War Is Over! poster campaign in December 1969, a team of Toronto-based
art directors gave the appeal a response. Art directors Dick Silverthorne, 30, and Rick
Okada, 28, with advertising writers Michael Paul, 26, and Ross Jarvis, 26, designed a
billboard answer reading “We want it. Happy Christmas to John and Yoko.” The
billboard space, located south of Bloor St. on Sherbourne was granted by E. L. Ruddy
Co., who provided the space as a public service. The four men “contributed the money
for the sign painting and for the labor of putting it up” (“John Lennon and Yoko Ono –
Reply to the Lennon,” 1969).
Figure 25. “Reply to the Lennons,” from the Toronto Telegram (1969)
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The scrapbook provides intriguing evidence of how the War Is Over! campaign affected
certain individuals. Whilst staying at Ronnie Hawkins’ farm, Lennon received large
quantities of fan mail, Hawkins’ address having been leaked on the radio. One document
in particular is a letter from a fourteen-year-old Ontario resident called Deborah Lynne
Kesman. The sincere letter outlines the affect their peace propaganda had on her as an
individual. Kesman also professes to have written to her municipal, provincial and federal
representatives, ending the letter asking if there’s anything more she can do as an
individual:
I am only fourteen years old and don’t know too much about war, however I saw
your message in the sky, on a billboard and in a newspaper and I am very
impressed with it’s [sic] simple and meaningful message. I want all war to be
over. What can I do to help?
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Figure 26. Letter to Lennon and Ono from Deborah Lynne Kesman (c. 1969)
Amongst the other mail Yorke salvaged from Lennon’s stay was a manuscript from
Gerry Rose to Lennon. In addition to an 80-page manuscript that reads like a hippie
manifesto, a sympathetic letter was attached:
Just a note to say that I am very proud of what you are doing for the cause of
peace and to wish you all the best. The potential is there if only a momentum can
be generated and I think you are the people who can get it rolling… I think our
ultimate goal is the same (peace) as well as the means employed (love) and that it
is only our approach that differs. (Rose, 1969)
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Through the archive, the thread of “idealistic youth” versus “realistic maturity” recurs.
This is illustrated in a letter to Yorke from Dick Smyth, news director at 1050 Chum
Radio, where Yorke hosted a show. The letter was written after Smyth attended the
Toronto press conference. It expresses the tensions of the time from a more conservative
standpoint: “I find no argument with John Lennon’s hatred of war and violence. We who
came to maturity before the sixties may dislike it. But still it is true that a social
revolution is underway” (Smyth, 1969).
Figure 27. Ono and Lennon at the Toronto press conference. Yorke can be seen in the background. (1969)
Other conservative commentators repeat a similar sentiment, as in a piece entitled
“Selling Peace or Self?” in Medicine Hat News. Although concessions are made that the
Lennon’s peace advocacy is admirable, the article’s tone is generally scathing. The author
points out that Lennon deliberately aligned himself with “the Now Generation – in fact he
helped mold it – and often speaks his mind on such gut issues as pot, peace and
pollution” (“Selling Peace or Self?”, 1969). James Eayrs, Professor of International
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Relations at the University of Toronto, also critiqued their approach in an opinion piece
entitled “Memo to John and Yoko: Is War Over if We Want It? Or do Peace Hopes
Range from Slim to Nil?” Despite his viewpoint, Eayrs points out that the War Is Over!
posters were meant to:
remind the young who fight the wars for the Red Tab Meanies that “Hell, no! We
won’t go!”, locating sovereignty among “the turned-on under-25s.” He believes in
the potency of the social revolution, stating that if an idea is taken up by millions
it does dictate the destiny of nations. He goes on to say that the peace movement’s
success “rests on a cultural revolution a la Woodstock. Suddenly last summer
there gathered in a farmer’s field the largest crowd in history except for those
massed for some project of war. (Eayrs, 1970)
Conversely, some commentators, such as Australia’s Sue Davey, had unreserved support
for the campaign, reflecting during an interview with Yorke that if he “is any criterion,
they are sure to win. ‘They’ are the fast-strengthening army that disdains war by fighting
its own battle for peace” (Davey, 1970).
On idealism and naivety
Another theme that connects various sources is the description of Lennon and his actions
as naïve. In Montreal, Lennon responded directly to this criticism, stating, “If anyone
thinks what we’re doing is naïve, let him do something else and if we like it we’ll join
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him. But publicity is a game: it’s the trade we’ve learned and we practice it” (Kirby,
1969a). In Yorke’s coverage of the peace conferences he provides a fleshed-out version
of Lennon’s response:
Let’s see. If anybody thinks our campaign is naïve, that’s their opinion and that’s
OK. Let them do something else and if we like their ideas, we’ll join in with
them. But until then, we’ll do it the way we are. We’re artists, not politicians. Not
newspapermen, not anything. We do it in the way that suits us best, and this is the
way we work… Publicity and things like that is our game. ’Cos I mean the
Beatles thing was that. And that was the trade I’ve learnt. This is my trade, and
I’m using it to the best of my ability. (Yorke, 1970b)
Lennon also said he had “no objection to others calling his ‘Vote peace’ message naïve,
provided they did something else for peace” (Farquharson, 1969). Dick Symth of CHUM
questioned Lennon’s sincerity, but also suggested that Lennon’s idealism was doomed to
fail, stating that we “will have more wars and we will have an atomic war within 30
years” (Smyth, 1969). He confides to Yorke that he is a realist, and Lennon an idealist. In
“Selling Peace or Self?,” the author states that Lennon’s aim for world peace is an
admirable one, “but his methods of realizing this ideal are naïve. An end to war between
nations – to official violence – cannot be achieved by buying four page ads in the New
York Times or by bleating ‘Give Peace a Chance’ in the streets of Toronto. These are
exercises in futility only” (“Selling Peace or Self?,” 1969).In his complimentary piece
“Man Of The Year,” published in Rolling Stone No. 51 on 7 February, 1970 Jann Wenner
acknowledges that Lennon and Ono’s activities were perceived as frivolous and ill-
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advised, almost as a disclaimer, before singing their praises and declaring Lennon the
Man of The Year. However, he admits that a year before he had had reservations about
Lennon and Ono, quoting Phil Spector to illustrate his point:
I don’t know where he’s at now. But I have the feeling that Yoko may not be the
greatest influence on him. You know, a multimillionaire in his position just
doesn’t get caught in an English apartment house by the cops on a dope charge
unless you’re just blowing your mind or someone is giving you a real fucking. . . .
It’s almost like a weird thing to see just how bizarre he can get before he really
blows it or just teaches everybody something. (Wenner, 1970)
On humor as a weapon
As indicated by some sources, the public perceived Lennon’s behavior as strange, bizarre
and weird, feeling that there was an underlying absurdity to many of his publicity stunts.
Some interpreted this as a sign of the couple’s idiocy and naïvety. However, John wanted
to bring the peace movement out of the realm of intellectualism, claiming that it often
took itself too seriously. In a number of interviews, such as at the initial Amsterdam Bed-
In, he is quoted saying that “We’re happy to be called a couple of freaks as long as we are
happy and can make other people happy” (Yorke, 1970b). Another instance is in his
interview with Screw, in which he states about Screw, “Humor is your greatest weapon”
(Buckley, 1969). He wanted to make the peace message accessible to the masses, and one
strategy was to elicit a smile from the reader. He states that the “whole (peace) movement
is all a load of intellectual shit. And all them ‘Hippie-aware’ people are just a gang of
snobs” (Buckley, 1969). His comedic flair obviously had an effect on some, and worked
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to break down the media’s defences in Canada, as illustrated by Farquharson, who was
present at the Toronto press conference: “Lennon’s sense of humor, usually frank
answers and obvious sincerity about peace made the press conference message sound
plausible as more than a pop promotion” (Farquharson, 1969).
On hair, food, clothes and dope
Throughout the documents there is a focus on the aesthetic dimensions of Lennon and
Ono, and their various associates. Various references to their appearance and lifestyle
recur, particularly in regards to their hair, clothing, dietary preferences and drug
consumption. Long hair was a point of contention. This is demonstrated in a negative
letter to the editor in the Toronto Telegram, in which a reader threatens to withdraw their
subscription if “those awful Lennons” aren’t removed from the front page.
I enjoy The Telegram very much but if you insist on putting pictures on your front
page of those awful Lennons, I will cancel my subscription.
If they are so proud of themselves, why the hair, black glasses and clothes. Why
especially the hair?
ONE READER
Hamilton, Ont. (“Why the Hair?”, 1970)
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Figure 28. One Reader – “Why the Hair? From the Toronto Telegram (1970)
A caricature by Innez relates to this, the image hyperbolically depicting the longhaired
couple. They look disheveled on the right, Ono portrayed totally covered in hair with
stereotypically Japanese facial features. Lennon looks emaciated, and is shoeless and
unkempt. This was published after Lennon and Ono’s meeting with Trudeau, and after
Lennon’s widely publicized description of Trudeau as beautiful. Captioned “How could
you possibly think he’s beautiful?”, the image shows three politicians standing to the
right, looking disapprovingly at the couple. The one in the middle holds a paper that
reads ‘P.M. Raps B.C. Alta and Ont. On Inflation Policies.’
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Figure 29. “How could you possibly think he’s beautiful?” cartoon by Innes (1969)
Even Ronnie Hawkins weighed in, commenting on Lennon and Ono’s hair after their stay
at his farm: “They weren’t weird or freaky or anything like that even with their long hair”
(Rolnick, 1970). In Yorke’s account of Hawkins’ farm, he summarizes Dick Gregory’s
humorous take on long hair and its implications. Gregory was said to have quipped
The trouble is people always judge a group by the action of one individual.
Because of the Charles Manson hippie killings, for example, nobody will pick up
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a hitch-hiker with long hair… Drive along any U.S. highway and you see all these
hippies trying to hitch a ride, with cobwebs on their arms. The only ways they’re
gonna get home is by getting a haircut. (Yorke, 1970b)
Descriptions of the couple’s clothing appear throughout the media coverage. Upon their
arrival in Canada for the Montreal Bed-In, it was noted that when he departed Lennon
was “dressed completely in black, as opposed to his white-suited arrival” (Yorke, 1969c).
At the peace conference held in Toronto, many noted “the black jump-suited Beatle”
(Farquharson, 1969) and that his wife was “dressed wholly in black, including a large
droopy hat which Mrs. Lennon refused to remove” (Kirby, 1969a). At the Montreal press
conference it was reported that “John Lennon and Yoko Ono bounded in wearing black
jump suits” - John describing the jumpsuit as functional (Newman, 1969). The alien
nature of the couple’s attire to some of the populace is aptly given form in the letter from
Dick Smyth to Yorke. In it, Smyth states, “I have criticized his actions in the past. I still
abhor illegitimacy and extreme fashion” (Smyth, 1969). Other conservative sources
reiterate this – one article describing the couple as “those two splendid if slightly spooky
young people” (Eayrs, 1970). This “spooky” conception of the couple is reinforced in
various sources that describe their attire at the Trudeau meeting. Although John appeared
to wear “a rather ordinary black suit, white shirt and tie” underneath his black cape
(Newman, 1969), he was “accompanied by his wife Yoko in a vampirish black hat and
cloak” (“Lennon and Yoko Meet PM: ‘He’s a Beautiful Man of Peace,’” 1969). In
regards to his proclivity for black attire, Lennon said, “I like to wear black. I like to wear
white too, but black is warmer in winter. All my white clothes are summer clothes. I like
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black. Besides, it looks better in the photographs” (Newman, 1969). His admission that it
also suits photography is an interesting one, as it indicates the importance he placed on
the media as a conduit. Lennon wasn’t the only one questioned for donning black either –
in the same article, the author points out that the “Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau was
dressed in black but Yoko thought he was a ‘beautiful person’” (Newman, 1969), subtly
implying that those who wear black are not beautiful. Conversely, Yorke’s description of
Rabbi Feinberg at the Toronto press conference gives a different spin to the colour black,
stating that “Rabbi Feinberg appeared at the press conference nattily dressed in a black
and white turtleneck shirt, and carrying a black and white striped cane” (Kirby, 1969a).
In the various articles that explicitly refer to or interview Yorke, his attire also is
mentioned. While in Australia, one journalist gave him a favorable appraisal: “He wore a
plain uniform that distinguished him from the uninitiated – red skivvy, brown slacks and
few adornments save for wide-eyed pink sunglasses. His boots were bronzed and
buckled” (Davey, 1970). Another account from an Australian journalist provides a more
conventional outlook, the author saying, “I found Ritchie as always to be a charming and
delightful character, flamboyant in dress, but sincere in speech” (“Satin Ropes Topic,”
1970). In another article the author describes Yorke as looking conventional when he left
Australia, only to return to verbal abuse. Yorke explains further, stating the harassment is
“worse in North America. They throw things at me there. England and Europe are the
only places where they don’t care what you look like” (Bragg, 1970). The author then
describes Yorke as “wearing a red shirt, brown trousers, a Tiki charm, and brown
Carnaby Street boots with high heels”. When one journalist questioned him on his
appearance being a possible hindrance, turning off older people with his long hair and
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clothes, Lennon retorted:
I understand that. Many people say why don’t you get a butch haircut and a tie,
suit and the thing is that’s what politicians do. We just try to be as natural as
possible. Now how many members of the public are gullible to politicians with
the nice picture of the family, the dog, and the whore on the side? Now I could do
that, but I don’t think people would believe it. That’s the politician’s way but
youth certainly doesn’t believe it anymore (Yorke, 1970b).
The couple’s food preferences were mentioned at various times, and food was a political
statement in itself. In Yorke’s coverage he describes the meals the couple ate in Montreal,
and the fact they had two “Zen macrobiotic chefs” in their party. Buckley also mentions
food at the Bed-In – a short break in the interview that reads “(Room Service Arrives
with Fish and Rice)” (Buckley, 1969). In the editorial outline of the Peace Festival
magazine, there was to be a section dedicated to macrobiotic diets (Peace Festival
Documentation, 1970). Additionally, free macrobiotic food was to be available at the
festival: “Free food at the Festival will be provided by a Los Angeles group called 3-H-O,
led by a Yogi Bahajan. The free food will be brown rice and other macrobiotic
delicacies” (“Lennon Peace Festival Loses One Organizer From ‘Details,’” 1970).
Arising with less frequency are references to drugs. Apart from his rendezvous with
Munro, there is little in the collected documents that pertains to the couple’s personal
consumption. Yorke notes in his Rolling Stone piece that they discussed the issue with
Feinberg openly, defending so-called “soft drugs” whilst condemning the “harder stuff’”
(Yorke, 1969d). Asked about the possible use of marijuana at the Peace festival, Lennon
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apparently said “they were not going to tell festival-goers what they should or should not
do”. He didn’t publicly extol drug use or articulate his own habits – stating in December
of 1969 that, “I haven’t sworn off anything,” but didn’t want to get involved in anything
that would interfere with his peace campaign (“Lennon and Yoko Meet PM: ‘He’s a
Beautiful Man of Peace,’” 1969). In Australia, one interviewer stated that Yorke “knows
them well, but is reluctant to admit any knowledge of their being ‘on the grass’” (Davey,
1970).
5.4 I’m All For That: The McLuhan Age
The Bed-In events and the War Is Over! poster campaign were underpinned by the
theories of media theorist Marshall McLuhan. The iconoclastic thinker had an indelible
impact on media studies and 20th century thought in general, but the height of his
influence was in the 1960s. During their peace campaign, Ono and Lennon repeatedly
explained that they intended to use the mass media to market peace. John’s first explicit
reference to McLuhan within the documentation is an answer in Screw. When asked if he
would have intercourse at the foot of the bed (at the Montreal Bed-In) he declined, but
said if his interviewers wanted to, he would watch. To that, the interviewer concluded
“that’s voyeurism,” John retorting with “I’m all for that. The McLuhan age” (Buckley,
1969). The next explicit reference to McLuhan can be found in a recap of the Montreal
press conference by Jean Rodriguez. In this report, the author provides a number of
quotes at the end of the article, not necessarily related to anything and out of context.
Lennon is quoted as flipping McLuhan’s iconic catchphrase; “They say that the medium
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is the message. Well, we believe the message is the medium ... I’d rather feed people first
rather than send them to the moon” (Rodriguez, 1969). A conversation between Lennon,
Ono and McLuhan was conducted and filmed on December 20, 1969 on the Saturday
afternoon before Christmas. The three encountered each other for the first time at
McLuhan’s office in the Department of Culture and Technology at the University of
Toronto. According to text written by Yorke, the meeting was arranged by CBS
television, whose Desmond Smith flew in to supervise the filming (Yorke, 1970b). The
footage was going to be used as for the final 1960’s episode of America’s 60 Minutes.
Lennon, Ono and McLuhan did not have any pre-interview dialogue and their
conversation was to be off the cuff. However, the footage from this interview was never
shown, remaining unedited in the CBS-TV archives. Though the exchange had many
tangents, it remains an interesting document. One particular question seems to be the
most pertinent in regards to the peace campaign and Lennon’s recently announced Peace
Festival. During the interview McLuhan outlined to Lennon and Ono his theories about
why rock festivals were becoming larger and larger in regards to attendance:
McLuhan: Of course I’m very interested in your artistic activities and do you feel
that there is simply unlimited opportunities in the Seventies for the outdoor
festival?
Lennon: That’s just a start. We feel that man is infinite and to make ourselves and
everybody aware of the infinite possibilities, that don’t have to be manifest in
satellites particularly or rockets. They’re OK, but we’re all infinite.
McLuhan: Do you think that’s a natural development for
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music too – out-of-doors?
Lennon: Yes. I think that one of the most fantastic things of this decade was
Woodstock. People are always saying what a terrible decade it was. That’s usually
the Blue Meanies who say that because it’s the end of their regime. That’s what
we think, and we think Year One starts in 1970, and I bet this decade was the
decade – the beginning. This was breakfast or waking up in bed. (MacFarlane,
2013)
In Yorke’s account of the meeting in Rolling Stone, he gives the reader Lennon and
Ono’s impressions of McLuhan. On their drive home back to Hawkins’ place in
Mississauga, Lennon moaned, “’I just had lunch and had a bit of indigestion, and then we
had to face such an intellectual discussion as that’. But he wasn’t really serious. He had
enjoyed the meeting immensely and was to talk about it for days afterwards”. McLuhan’s
obscure last words to the couple as they left were: “These portals have been honored by
your presence” (Yorke, 1970b).
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5.5 Political Pop: Lennon and Ono Meet Pierre Trudeau
Figure 30. Pierre Trudeau, Yoko Ono and John Lennon (1969)
On Tuesday, 23 December, 1969, Lennon and Ono met with the Canadian Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau. At the time this was a totally unprecedented move for a head of state and
for a popular entertainer, effectively ushering in a new era of political pop. The meeting
was deliberately left a surprise to the media – one of the conditions that the Prime
Minister’s office had imposed on Lennon if there was to be a meeting between the two
was that there would be no advance publicity of any kind (Yorke, 1970b). However, the
meeting was premeditated, the seed for such an occurrence being planted in May during
the Montreal Bed-In. In Yorke’s coverage of the Bed-In, Lennon made the first mention
that he would like to meet with Trudeau. On his arrival in Toronto before making his way
to Montreal, Lennon said again he would like to meet Prime Minister Trudeau and
present him with an acorn, saying, “an acorn is a seed, and seeds are symbolic of life”
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(Yorke, 1969b). Furthermore, Trudeau was reported to have replied, “I don’t know about
acorns, but if he’s around I’d like to meet him” (Yorke, 1969d). At the Montreal Bed-In
he was purportedly prepared to go to Ottawa, "or anywhere for that matter," to meet
Trudeau, also inviting the Prime Minister to join him at the Bed-In, an unprecedented
invitation (Yorke, 1969d). Significantly, this meeting did occur later that year. A piece of
correspondence from the War Is Over! scrapbook indicates the calculated nature of the
meeting. On Bag Productions Inc. stationery from their Tittenhurst Park private address,
Lennon and Ono had written to Trudeau’s office:
Dear Prime Minister,
As per our telephone conversations with your various aides we are pleased to
inform you that we shall be arriving in Toronto next Tuesday and shall be staying
for at least a week.
We look forward to the opportunity of meeting with you during that time and
would be pleased if your office could try to arrange an appointment at your
convenience.
Pursuant to this we are asking Messrs. John Brower, Richard Miller and Ritchie
Yorke to contact your office and to look after the necessary arrangements.
We look forward very much to seeing you.
Love and peace.
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John and Yoko Lennon
(Lennon & Ono, 1969)
This letter of invitation obviously conveys their desire to meet with Trudeau (as hinted
months prior). In a personal touch, Lennon adorned the letter with a portrait of the
couple. In the days prior to the meeting Lennon expressed some uncertainty as to whether
or not it would be held, reflecting at the Toronto press conference, that “of course” he
would be willing to meet Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau as part of his peace campaign,
but felt it would be improper for him to press to do so (Kirby, 1969a). The press was
alerted at 10:30 as to the impending meeting, and at 10:55, Lennon and Ono were rushed
by limousine to the Parliament building. According to Yorke there were about 50
members of the press present, which the PM’s secretary described as “definitely more
than usual,” awaiting Lennon and Ono’s arrival (Yorke, 1970b). Amongst those present
were Vic Chapman, Trudeau’s press assistant. The meeting itself lasted for 50 minutes.
What had been scheduled as a brief photographing session for the king of pop and peace
and the Prime Minister turned into a long, serious discussion. The couple came away with
a good impression of the Prime Minister. Lennon is widely quoted as saying “If all
politicians were like him, there would be world peace,” adding that it was a beautiful
meeting and saying “you don’t know how lucky you are in Canada.” Lennon never
revealed the specifics of his long talk with Trudeau, saying it was mainly cast in
generalizations, “but we achieved something like communication… Talk is the state of
any communication” (“Lennon and Yoko Meet PM: ‘He’s a Beautiful Man of Peace,’”
1969). In Yorke’s account in Rolling Stone, Lennon told him that they had talked about
the spanning of the generation, how important it was for him to keep in close contact with
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the youth and how he would like to have further discussions with the couple (Yorke,
1970b). Ono added that they were “enthralled” meeting Mr. Trudeau, describing him as a
“beautiful person” (Newman, 1969).
Although Lennon came away from the meeting with a positive outlook, there was also an
anti-Trudeau sentiment. A pertinent, if a little hyperbolic, example of this was the
caricature in the Calgary Herald, its caption stating, “How could you possibly think he’s
beautiful?” Donald Newman viewed the meeting skeptically in his piece “Praise for
Trudeau from the Lennons.” He points out that a week prior Trudeau was too busy to
meet with employees of the National Film Board, who were to be fired as part of the
Government’s economic cuts (Newman, 1969). Additionally, Trudeau apparently
dismissed his principal secretary, Marc Lalonde, from the mid-morning meeting
(Newman, 1969). Newman hints that the meeting was simply to boost Trudeau’s
popularity, stating “if the Prime Minister recalled that the Government intends to lower
the voting age before the next general election when he accepted the appointment, the
meeting yesterday did him no harm.” As it stands this is opinion, but there is a grain of
truth in his observation. Like any politician, Trudeau’s public image was vital to his
success. His perceived value is made evident through Yorke’s writings of the time –
Trudeau obviously seemed somewhat relatable to “with-it under 25s.” Yorke describes
Trudeau as ‘Canada’s debonair Prime Minister (Yorke, 1970b), going further by saying
“Canada is just, well, you know, groovy. Hip. Trudeau has given us a tremendous
international image with thinking people, young and old (Yorke, 1969f).
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In addition to some believing the meeting was merely a shrewd political move to keep
Trudeau’s favor amongst the young, others suggest Lennon had vested interests in
conducting such a meeting. Some suspected he harbored political ambitions of his own.
With the intention of rallying the youth for the peace cause, it was thought that he would
propel himself into high office. In the scathing, unattributed piece titled “Selling Peace
Or Self,” the anonymous author interprets Lennon’s behavior as that of a “latent
politician wooing tomorrow’s electorate… developing an authoritative image, it must be
remembered, is a prerequisite for any aspiring politician” (“Selling Peace or Self?”,
1969). The couple’s meeting with Trudeau wasn’t their only rendezvous with Canadian
government officials. From the PM’s office they were escorted to the Ministry of Health
to conduct a meeting with Health Minister John Munro and senior members of his
department about what they called “the health aspects” of their proposed festival.
Lennon, following his visit to Toronto, said his main aim in talking to Munro was “to
keep the festival healthy, man” (“Lennon and Yoko Meet PM: ‘He’s a Beautiful Man of
Peace,’” 1969). They also met with politicians and representatives of the Commission
that was investigating the legalizing of marijuana in Canada. At the time the legalization
of marijuana in Canada seem imminent and inevitable (46 years later the situation
remains the same). They talked with researchers Ralph Miller, Charles Farmilo and Heinz
Lehmann – the clinical director of Montreal’s Douglas Hospital – and Ian Campbell of
the Sir George Williams University, for a reported five hours (Yorke, 1970b). On the
flight back to Toronto Lennon encountered Lester Pearson, the former Canadian prime
minister and a Nobel Peace Prize winner. Yorke recounts the he wrote a short message of
appreciation on a War Is Over! handbill, which was duly delivered. Pearson’s return
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comment was: “Thank them very much, and please pass on my compliments” (Yorke,
1970b). On the completion of the week’s activities Lennon was question about his week
in Canada and how he felt about the results of the stay (in regards to the meetings with
Trudeau, Munro, and other dignitaries). He answered:
Well, the meetings of course made it really well worthwhile. It was worthwhile
anyway but there were about three big turn-ons . . . one was Dick Gregory, the
other was Trudeau and the other was Munro and the other was the men from the
Drug Commission. That’s about five actually (Yorke, 1970b).
As house guests: Lennon and Ono at Hawkins’ farm
During their weeklong stay in Canada Lennon, Ono, and their entourage stayed at Ronnie
Hawkins’ property in Mississauga. During this time Lennon was tasked with signing a
series of over 1000 lithographs in addition to coordinating his peace-related actives. The
house, which usually only accommodated Ronnie and his family, was filled to capacity.
Those present during the week were Hawkins’ band, Dick Gregory and his secretary,
journalists, Anthony Fawcett, Rabbi Feinberg and his wife, and “seven in the Lennon
party including two Zen macrobiotic cooks” (Yorke, 1970b). Despite the inaccessibility
of Ronnie’s home, one hour out of Toronto, radio stations revealed the location of the
house (Kirby, 1969a). Consequently, fans and photographers would appear at the house
periodically. In an interview at the time, Hawkins outlined the pattern of these visits:
“maybe a dozen a day would come around, and if John was outside he’d talk to them, or
if he was inside he’d wave through the window. Everybody left without any trouble,
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except some of the photographers” (Kirby, 1969b). Upon arrival at the Hawkins’, Lennon
turned the home into a “sort of international radio transmitter” (Yorke, 1970b), installing
two additional phone lines and conducting phone interviews with stations from
Luxembourg to Tokyo. In Hawkins’ words, Lennon worked very, very hard promoting
peace; Hawkins stated that “most of the time John’s been having interviews, either here
or on the phone” (Kirby, 1969b). The additional phone lines weren’t cheap however, as
evidenced in a letter from Karma Productions to Hawkins in regards to the monies owed
to Hawkins from Lennon’s stay. The phone bill, including the two extra phones installed
and Hawkins’ regular line, amounted to $1800 (Brower, 1970). Lennon, Ono and their
entourage also inadvertently caused a few thousand dollars’ damage, for which Karma
productions picked up. In addition to the $1800 phone bill, damages were quoted at $595.
This bill includes monies owed for shampooing of damaged rugs, plastering of damaged
walls, repainting of hall damaged by water, repainting of burnt shed, and a replacement
suitcase for one borrowed by Anthony Fawcett (Brower, 1970). On the second day of
their stay Dick Gregory visited the farm, Lennon’s aides greeting him at the airport and
driving him back to the farm. Yorke recounts that Gregory entered the Peace Festival
with vigour, pulling out ideas about Festival spin offs, having entertained “the household
for a solid two hours, making biting observations about the state of the world” (Yorke,
1970b). While at the Farm, Lennon and Ono received gifts from the Canadian head office
of EMI-Capitol Records. This included a giant silver Christmas tree complete with fake
white doves, plus a cage containing two live white “peace” doves.
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Figure 31. Ritchie Yorke, John Lennon, Yoko Ono and Dick Gregory at Ronnie Hawkins’ farm (1969)
Down in the alley: John’s promo rap
Apart from the repetitious promotion of peace, Lennon and Ono didn’t endorse much –
the exception being a short “promotional aid” recorded of Lennon praising Hawkins’
single “Down In The Alley.” According to Yorke, during Lennon’s stay “someone”
played a tape of Ronnie’s shortly-to-be-released Atlantic album (that someone is likely to
have been Yorke himself). John was so impressed with “Down in the Alley” that he
promptly called producer Jerry Wexler in the middle of the night urging him to rush it
out. Hawkins, in response to the revelation that he got a Beatle to promote his new
record, is quoted to have said “John is very kinely [sic] makin’ a tape recommendin’ one
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of the songs mah [sic] new record which’ll come out in January” (Kirby, 1969b). It also
supposedly came as a “complete surprise” to Ronnie, who was also quoted to have said,
“Ah just don’t believe it… It was so great having them stay with us, and then they turn
around and do all this for me” (Yorke, 1970a).
Figure 32. John Lennon on Ronnie Hawkins – The Long Rap (1970)
5.6 The Peace Council
One of the initiatives proposed to Lennon and Ono by the Canadian entrepreneurs was to
establish the Peace Council. It was to be the Council’s duty to administer the newly-
formed Peace Fund. One quarter of the gross proceeds from the mammoth festival would
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go to the Peace Fund. Amongst the proposed members of the council were Rabbi
Feinberg (Kirby, 1969a), Dick Gregory (Yorke, 1969g), Lennon and Ono (who all
accepted their positions). At a latter stage Jerry Wexler was also said to be a participant.
Although no evidence of Wexler’s proposed involvement with The Peace Council
appears in the archive, it was mentioned in Lennon’s Rolling Stone essay (Lennon, 1970).
He was displeased with his inclusion, having not been consulted. The earliest mention of
The Peace Council appears in personal correspondence from Lennon and Ono to Yorke
and Brower (Lennon & Ono, 1969).
Peace Station Network
The project was originally intended to extend itself beyond an advertising campaign. One
of the peace initiatives was a Peace Station Network of radio stations who would receive
“free John and Yoko station breaks and ID’s, ‘peace jingles’, and a regular Peace
Report.” All information and promotional material was to be supplied by Karma
Productions to members of the network free of charge. The stations involved had
responsibility only to supply air-time for the programming, and inform Karma of peace
news in their respective areas. The concept called for a network of not-otherwise-related
radio stations around the world to join up to broadcast messages of peace, from Lennon
and Ono and from anyone else who had something to offer on the subject (Peace Festival
Documentation, 1970). During the stay in Canada in December 1969, Geoffrey Sterling
had offered to dedicate his radio station, CKGM in Montreal, to the couple, while airing a
pre-recorded peace plea by the couple (Kirby, 1969a) (Farquharson, 1969). Lennon and
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Ono even recorded a radio peace station ID for the network, in addition to recording
several interviews (Yorke, 1970b). At the press conferences, Lennon offered to give the
radio promos to any other stations that indicated their desire to promote peace and get on
board. Although the Peace Station Network was never realised, Lennon and Ono knew
how radio could be harnessed to promote their message. Purportedly, John recorded a
New Year’s message in which he made an earnest plea for peace while promoting the
Peace Festival. It aired on 110 major AM and FM radio stations across the United States
for a week, reaching an estimated listening audience of 40 million people (Gray, 1970). A
full-page advertisement regarding the network was placed in Billboard in December 1969
(presumably through Yorke’s connections to the publication – it also appeared in
Australia’s Go-Set). The Billboard advertisement for the Peace Station Network wasn’t
greeted that positively by all of the magazine’s readers. Apparently Lennon and Ono had
not sighted the advertisement before its placement (and weren’t happy about all of the
people attaching themselves to the concept). Consequently Ono discouraged the use the
advertisement again (Yorke, 2015a).
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Figure 33. Yorke’s handwritten Peace Station Network advertisement draft (1970)
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Figure 34. Peace Station Network advertisement, Billboard magazine (1970)
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Figure 35. Peace Station Network advertisement, Go-Set (1970)
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The lengthy Toronto Peace Festival briefing contains a 54-page list of the radio stations
that were to be members of the Peace Station Network. There are a wide variety of
stations on the list in terms of geography, size and genre. Although the proposed 314
radio stations are predominantly American and Canadian, there are a number of other
countries involved, such as Iceland, Holland, Netherlands, Australia, and England. Also
proposed in the Toronto Peace Festival briefing was a Peace TV Network. It was to be
coordinated by Peaceful Media, a non-profit company that was being subsidized by
Karma Productions at this time, although it was going to be subsidized by the Peace Fund
when it was established. Its programming was to consist initially of 15-minute interviews
with such peace-oriented minds as Joan Baez, Bill Cosby, Buffy St. Marie, H. Ross Perot,
Marshall McLuhan and Timothy Leary. Karma productions apparently got as far as
completing a pilot for one of the aforementioned programs, and submitted it to NET and
CBC for distribution (with production facilities being supplied by Scarborough College).
A two-hour long special was also proposed, “with John and Yoko Lennon discussing all
aspects of peace” (Peace Festival Documentation, 1970). A Peace Information Centre
was also in the infancy of planning. It was to be established in downtown Toronto,
providing a space to co-ordinate Karma Productions' activities “with those of other
individuals and groups actively concerned with the quest for peace” (Peace Festival
Documentation, 1970). Though the Peace Station Network never came to fruition, there
were some tangible results from its creation – namely CKGM and John’s Christmas
message. It was projected that the Peace Station Network would reach a “primarily
youthful market of at least one hundred million people” (Peace Festival Documentation,
1970).
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International peace vote
One of the Peace Council’s duties was to administer the International Peace Vote. The
Vote was to be aimed at the youth of the world, and would consist of a straight choice
between peace and war (Kirby, 1969a). It was intended that each country in the world
would be flooded with peace ballots. Once voting was completed, the results would be
tabulated, and the results presented to America and the United Nations (Yorke, 1970b).
When 20 million peace votes were collected and presented, an International Peace Party
would be set up in every nation where peace had won a majority (Peace Festival
Documentation, 1970). The vote was to be initially conducted through music papers. Go-
Set, for instance, advertised the peace ballot in Australia. This was instigated partly by
Yorke, who explains the notion of the ballot in a Go-Set interview. He expresses interest
in running the peace voting slip in the magazine, and that they wanted at least 50,000
votes from Australia (Elfick, 1970). When Lennon was questioned about the purpose of
the peace vote, he explained it was another positive step:
Why do people have those Gallup polls?... If we get a vote from around the world
with millions and millions of kids that want peace, that’s a nice Gallup poll. We
can wave those figures around. That’s all. It’s a positive move; all we want is a
yes. (Yorke, 1970b)
It was a call to action – a tangible deed people could make to further the cause. It also
involved the voters to send in their addresses, creating a network for which data could be
distributed.
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Year One A.P.
In addition to proposing the Toronto Peace Festival, Yorke coined the idea to call 1970
the Year One A.P. (A.P. for After Peace) (Bragg, 1970). Year One was going to mark a
new age that ushered in peace. There were plans to make a Year One calendar to sell at
the Peace Festival. Yorke even had Atlantic Records design the Year One Logo, as
outlined in a letter from Mark Meyerson of Atlantic, that reads, “enclosed is a tear sheet
showing you the design we have made up for the Year One Symbol. Bob Tolontz advised
me that we are going ahead with the manufacture of pins with the symbol” (Meyerson,
1970). The design appropriates a symbol from the I-Ching.
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Figure 36. Year One tear sheet (1970)
5.7 World Peace Tour
The campaign continued in early 1970 with the help of Hawkins and Yorke who travelled
the globe carrying War Is Over! placards and promoting the peace message by meeting
with the international press. The round-the-world trip included stops in Sydney,
Singapore, Tokyo, Hong Kong, Bangkok, Rome, Paris, Amsterdam, Copenhagen,
Stockholm and London. Lennon and Ono supported the expedition and weren’t asked to
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contribute money themselves; instead, Karma Productions funded the tour.
Yorke himself leaves next week for a four week globe-trotting tour that will take
him from northwest Europe to southeast Asia and back again on behalf of the
Festival and of John Lennon’s Peace Vote project, a special ballot to be made
available to people all over the world calling for them to make a straight choice,
peace or war. (Gray, 1970)
Ourimbah – Pilgrimage for peace
Lennon and Ono were expected to make an appearance in January 1970 at the Pilgrimage
For Pop in Ourimbah, New South Wales – Australia’s first music festival. At the time,
the couple occupied a controversial, counter-cultural position in Australia, as evidenced
in the NME article that summarises the banning of Ballad of John and Yoko by the
Australian Broadcasting Corporation on account of its alleged blasphemy (“Beatles' LP in
July, Lennon Peace Disc,” 1969). In lieu of the couple themselves, the event promoters
Emle Stonewall Productions allowed Yorke to represent them. Festival master of
ceremonies Adrian Rawlins introduced Yorke to the audience, the crowd being roughly
6000 strong (5000 tickets were believed to have been sold in Sydney and Melbourne in
the days prior). Throughout the news reports, locals held reservations about Ourimbah –
similar in many ways to the concerns express by locals at Mosport. In one dramatically
titled front page article, “Shotguns on Hippie Highway,” in the Daily Mirror, the author
interviews local farmers leading up to the festival, relaying that some had put shotguns
and rifles near their doors for “fear that hoodlums and motorcycle gangs may invade their
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peaceful valley.” Furthermore, they were scared that louts would interrupt their way of
life, with one orange grower, Mr. Jack Troy, saying, “we welcome the hippies but we
don’t want trouble-makers coming here… No one suggests using their guns but if these
mugs come looking for trouble, who knows?” Conversely, another local farmer interview
held the opposing view, calling the pop fans good kids and not expecting any trouble
from them. Using an example from her youth, she makes the comparison that “when I did
the jitterbug at a country dance 30 years ago all the oldies were horrified. So I’m happy to
see these kids coming to our little valley to enjoy themselves” (“Shotguns on Hippie
Highway,” 1970). Before Yorke flew out to represent Lennon and Ono as their peace
envoy at Ourimbah, he revealed that the couple did not know they were expected there
(Davey, 1970). In one account, Yorke described picking up the phone and dialing the
promoters of the festival, stating:
I am one of John and Yoko’s aides. Do you know that they are in Denmark? Do
you know that it is impossible for them to be here for the Festival even if they
wanted to be? Do you know there’s been a lot of false information that you have
been giving to the press? Do you know that it is all bull? Thank you very much.
(Elfick, 1970)
Much like other rumors spread through the press, the organizers said Lennon and Ono
would be at the festival. In reality, they would not be attending as the couple were
meditating on a Danish farm. The farm in question was rented by Tony Cox, Yoko’s
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former husband, in Jutland, about 215km from Copenhagen (“Mini-City Ready for Pop
Show,” 1970).
Figure 37. “Shotguns on Hippie Highway,” from the Daily Mirror (1970)
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Figure 38. TV at the happening. “Ritchie Yorke came as John Lennon’s ‘personal peace envoy.’” (1970)
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Hong Kong, Lok Ma Chau & Lennon’s “Apostles of Peace”
Lennon’s “Apostles of Peace” arrived in Hong Kong on 29 January, 1970. At a press
conference preceding the border visit, Yorke admitted that “This is a publicity stunt” as
he got his posters ready, “But it is aimed at bringing peace to the world” (“Message for
Mao,” 1970) Another article reveals Yorke’s aspiration for international implications and
scope, Yorke stating that “the purpose of me going all over the world is to find people
who are into peace, and it they are not, I will just try to turn them on to that way of
thinking” (Ebert, 1970). Sybil Wong (the Asian editor of Reader’s Digest) carried out the
task of getting local media coverage for Yorke and Hawkins in Hong Kong. Sybil had
been at the University of Arkansas Fayetteville with Ronnie Hawkins and they were firm
friends. According to Yorke, one of his aims was to get the message across to communist
China, a country he felt was neglected for too long (Ebert, 1970). This echoes Lennon’s
desires to take his message into China, Russia, and other areas. Yorke and Hawkins
staged a peace demonstration at Lok Ma Chau “to make sure the peace message has been
passed to the Chinese people” (“A Peace Message to China,” 1970). Lok Ma Chau is the
nearest point facing China accessible to civilians, flanked by a police post. They carried
huge placards with the English letters War Is Over! and their equivalent Chinese
characters. They held the cards up and shouted and waved to people across the border,
hoping that the message would be heard. They were, however, soon told by a plainclothes
policeman to stop yelling. “He warned us that we were liable to get shot at if we
continued,” Yorke said. They were then told to leave the area. Yorke concluded that he
and Hawkins stayed for half an hour and left believing that their message had been
passed to the Chinese people (“A Peace Message to China,” 1970). Additionally, they
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stated that they intended to hold other demonstrations in front of Chinese communist
banks before leaving for Bangkok on Monday (“A Peace Message to China,” 1970).
Whether or not they are in front of communist banks, there is photographic evidence of
Yorke conducting demonstrations in the streets of Hong Kong to puzzled onlookers.
Importantly, they were scheduled to leave on 3 February, 1970 but left a day early. They
also said they would also go to Macao to stage similar demonstrations, but instead kept a
low profile.
Figure 39. Ritchie Yorke and Ronnie Hawkins at Lok Ma Chau (1970)
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Figure 40. Ritchie Yorke and Ronnie Hawkins at border, as reported by Rolling Stone (1970)
Figure 41. Ritchie Yorke holding up a War Is Over! Poster in Hong Kong (1970)
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Ronnie Hawkins Promoting
Although Ronnie Hawkins participated in the World Peace Tour and appeared alongside
Yorke at press conferences and various peace-related promotional ventures, his primary
imperative was to promote his latest record “Down In The Alley.” In an interview in
Hong Kong with Harry Rolnick, he states, “I’m not on this peace thing myself, except for
the country boy who’s been singing rock ’n’ roll for the past 18 years, and this is the first
vacation I've had that whole time.” Prior to Lennon and Ono’s stay at his farm, he “didn’t
even KNOW John Lennon except through his music, just as he knew me,” having no
previous ties either personally or ideologically (Rolnick, 1970).The promotion of his LP
manifests itself comically in the quiz section of the China Mail. Under a picture of
Hawkins a question is posed: “This man is one of John Lennon's friends who displayed
the Beatle’s peace posters at Lokmachau last week. His name is Ritchie Yorke, Ronnie
Hawkins or James McGovern? (News Quiz, 1970). The photo has Ronnie, cigar in
mouth, holding up a War Is Over! flyer in front of his prominently placed LP (with his
name on it, defeating the challenge of the quiz).
5.8 The Mosport Festival
Lennon announced that he would appear at a mammoth Peace Festival at Mosport from
July 3 to 5, 1970. He made the announcement during his weeklong visit to Canada in
December 1969. Although this was the first public disclosure of the festival, discussion
had been taking place as early as November. The earliest mention of the festival can be
found in a personal letter to Rabbi Feinberg in regards to him being a director of the
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Peace Foundation and revealing the plans for Festival One. Lennon (and Yorke) would
have encountered Rabbi Feinberg at the Montreal Bed-In months prior. The letter also
states that Peter Max expressed interest in the event, this being the only mention of his
involvement in any of the documentation.
Dear Rabbi,
Further to my recent letter, I wanted to let you know that efforts are now being
made to get John Lennon to take part in a massive international peace and music
festival to be held in Toronto next year. It will be called Festival One.
It will be a four day event, with not only music but discussions, a peace vote from
all over the world, and various other events aimed at improving our world.
John Lennon has already expressed much interest (as has Peter Max) and we
intend to visit London next week to confirm the arrangements.
I am going to take the liberty of calling you in a day or two to discuss the
possibility of yourself being involved with the project. We would very much like
to have you as one of our directors, and this is something which John strongly
recommended.
Having briefly outlined the plans, I’ll call you shortly with more concrete and
specific details.
I personally felt it was something with which you would like to be involved.
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All best wishes.
Ritchie Yorke
(Yorke, 1969e)
Negotiations with Lennon and Ono occurred prior to their trip, as evidenced in a letter to
Yorke, Brower, and Miller written by Lennon. This letter also establishes that proceeds
from the concert were to be funnelled into the international peace fund (which implies the
concert will be profitable). It also illustrates the various name changes the event would go
through – a month earlier, Yorke referred to it as Festival One rather than the Peace-Bag
Festival (also to be called the Year One Festival) (Yorke, 1970b):
Dear Sirs,
Following our conversations with you re the Peace-Bag Festival to be held near
Toronto next July 4th weekend, we are pleased to confirm our involvement.
We have agreed to be part of your Peace Council and will endeavor to arrange for
the Plastic Ono Band to appear at the Festival at a fee to be negotiated.
You may use our names in connection with the Festival as being part of the Peace
Council, as possible performers and as originators of the idea.
A section of the profits from this Festival is to be given to a newly created
international peace fund to be administered by members of the Peace Council and
other people who will be mutually agreed upon.
We look forward to working closely with you in this venture in the interests of
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peace and will see you in Toronto next week.
Love and peace
John and Yoko Lennon
(Lennon and Ono, 1969)
In the letter, they give the promoters permission to use their names as possible performers
and originators of the idea. It also implies that the festival would be organized for profit
by the promoter. Lennon stated later in a press conference that the performers would be
paid, but that the Peace Committee would “get some cream off the top to set up a peace
fund” (Kirby, 1969a). When asked if the performers would be paid, Lennon stated that it
would be necessary to pay them in order to draw them away from other work (John &
Yoko to Toronto, 1969). The stage for the festival was to be a giant bed-stage, the largest
bed in history. The entire stage would be covered by a mattress, reminiscent of the bed-
ins held by Lennon and Ono. It would be capable of holding all the festival's performers
simultaneously so that they could end the festival with a mass performance which would
be “the ultimate in pop music” (Kirby, 1969a). In Go-Set, Yorke reported that as a finale
Lennon “wants 20 lead guitarists on stage, people like Clapton, Harrison, Page, Green as
well as people like Elvis, Aretha, Ray Charles and Dylan – everybody on stage singing
things like Blue Suede Shoes… Check that!” (Elfick, 1970). The stage was also to by
hydraulic, consisting of two stages that could be alternated with each act, “thus
alleviating the usual time-wasting delays for setting up equipment” (Gray, 1970). There
were also plans to make use of a giant 70-foot monitor-type screen to extend across the
rear of the stage and provide a blow-up of the festival. The festival was to be bigger than
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any before it – primarily Woodstock. Due to the “growing political orientation of young
people, the festival had to include a pro-peace bias” (Goddard, 1969). In his meeting with
Health Minister John Munro, Lennon discussed the “health” of the festival, assuring
reporters that it would be “the greatest gathering of people ever gathered for anything
other than war” (Newman, 1969). While promoting the festival internationally, Yorke
mused “that all promotion for the Festival is really promotion for Peace. That’s the
message we’ll be spreading. We’ll have a gigantic propaganda campaign going and the
product will be peace” (Gray, 1970). He even went as far as stating that Trudeau
endorsed the festival, although there isn’t any documentation to support his claim: “Even
the Canadian Prime Minister, Mr. Pierre Trudeau is enthusiastic about the festival”
(“Draft Dodger Turns Peace Envoy,” 1970). Expected attendance oscillated. Organizers
were expecting a total between 100,000 and 7,000,000, although they often proposed a
figure closer to a million. Yorke also stated that “all tickets will sell for $25 Canadian”
while on tour (“John Says No! to Stones,” 1970).
There was an astounding array of musicians who either tentatively agreed or were
potentially going to be involved with the festival. Amongst them were The Beatles (if not
the entire group, at least Lennon – in his words “if I can grease them enough”) (Newman,
1969), The Plastic Ono Band, Elvis Presley, Bob Dylan, Led Zeppelin (Gray, 1970), The
Who, The Band, Jethro Tull, Ray Charles (Elfick, 1970), Aretha Franklin (Elfick, 1970),
King Crimson, Joe Cocker, Eric Clapton, Creedence Clearwater Revival (“John Says No!
to Stones,” 1970), The Bee Gees, Johnny Winter, Chicago, Procol Harum, The
Youngbloods, B.B. King, Booker T & The M.G.s, Spirit and Taj Mahal.
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Amongst those guests outside the realms of music were Dick Gregory, Peter Sellers, Alan
Watts, Marshall McLuhan and Buckminster Fuller (“John & Yoko Out, Toronto Fest
On,” 1970). Lennon stated that they were “going to invite artists, poets, anyone who is
concerned with peace, to do his thing – or something,” (Newman, 1969), extending the
invitation to “anyone who is committed” (Rodriguez, 1969). Hawkins had also been
assured of a set at the festival, mentioning his involvement during Lennon and Ono’s
stay: “an’ ah’ll play at the peace festival, nex’ July at Mosport” (Kirby, 1969b). In China
he reiterates this claim, saying that after the trip concludes, “it’s back to Canada for more
preparations for the Peace Festival. That Festival is going to be the biggest thing of all
time, and it’s sure going to be nice for a simple-minded country boy like me to be a part
of it” (Rolnick, 1970). Lennon was to be primarily involved in seeking and recruiting
talent for the Festival. Yorke, when talking to the press, said that the responses from
everyone who had been approached had been positive, and he believed that it wouldn’t
“be a question of who to invite but of who to turn down…Everybody wants to play it. But
we’re going to be ultra-selective, we’re not out for quantity, there will be no filler acts at
this Festival” (Gray, 1970). In a number of interviews Yorke was queried about the
Beatles playing. David Efflick of Go-Set was perceptive enough to question their
compliance, stating that if they were on board there would have been official word of said
involvement. At the time, The Beatles were on the verge of breakup, Lennon having
expressed his desire to leave in September 1969. Whilst interviewed in Australia, Yorke
mused “the split between the Beatles is very bad, but I think that they will appear. George
wants to do it, Paul should do it for old times’ sake, and Ringo doesn’t matter” (Elfick,
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1970). He went further, stating that if the Beatles didn’t reunite, “Lennon would form a
new Beatles with Eric Clapton, George Harrison and himself as the embryo of the group”
(Elfick, 1970). One band that was considered was The Rolling Stones. Yorke refuted
their proposed involvement in an interview with the UK’s Music Maker magazine. In the
wake of their free concert at Altamont in December of 1969, it was said that Lennon
himself felt that Mick Jagger and company were simply too dangerous to have around,
and that they didn’t align with the philosophy of the Peace Festival (Gray, 1970). In an
interview Yorke is quoted to have said “there have been some feelers from The Rolling
Stones but, as much as we admire them as a rock and roll group, we feel that they create
an atmosphere where violence is part of their thing. Their past single, 'Street Fighting
Man,’ proves this” (“John Says No! to Stones,” 1970). He justifies their exclusion by
pointing out that with the volume of people who were to attend the festival, controlling
and policing of the crowd is nearly impossible. Thus, no risks could be taken, as any
violence would undermine the purpose of the whole Peace Festival (“John Says No! to
Stones,” 1970).
Upon his return to Canada, Yorke withdrew from the Peace Festival. Preferring not to get
bogged down in organizational details, he decided to concentrate on his writing career,
stating that “the peace aspect of the festival, which interests me the most, has taken a
back seat to details like how many toilets will be needed, where water will come from
and things like that” (Lennon peace festival loses one organizer from ‘details’, 1970).
Key promoter John Brower also offered an explanation to Yorke’s departure in the same
article, saying Yorke had “burned himself out on his tour’’. One of the contributing
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factors to the festival’s decline was the enormous logistical planning that was required.
Brower acknowledges this in an interview, citing its association with the Beatle, the
peace movement, and its “important international implications” as key factors as to its
significance; “there will be so much at stake here and so many really enormous problems
to overcome we just have to be aware of everything that comes up or possibly could
come up” (Gray, 1970).
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Figure 42. Peace Festival Documentation – “A brief on behalf of the Toronto Peace Festival Year One,
A.P., a Symposium of Peace and Light” (1970)
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In an “Interim Administrative Report” by Mike Moore, various logistical complications
are outlined and combated. Transportation was a key concern. The company Trailways
International were approached to determine what they could supply the organizers, and
asked to provide enough buses to transport 200,000 people to and from the site. Trains
were also sought to remedy issues of transportation. The nearest train station to Mosport
was Pontypool, three miles from the site. However, the track was under the jurisdiction of
the Canadian Pacific Railway, who didn’t have enough trains. The Canadian National
Railway was contacted and asked to provide additional trains (Peace Festival
documentation, 1970). Helicopter services were also to be provided for the convenience
of Karma Productions senior staff, performers and private individuals who did not mind
paying a premium for rapid transit. Design costs for admissions tickets were also
considered, a level of design having to be achieved to minimize illegal reproductions.
Sanitation was a concern, estimated projections stating that there were to be
approximately 133 "Big Johns"' supplied (a Big John is a unit containing 10 stall facilities
and 5 urinals) (Peace Festival documentation, 1970). Five hundred thousand copies of an
eighty-page magazine were to be published and circulated in June 1970 to provide the
public with information about the festival, access and accommodation. The Peace
Festival Magazine, another expensive venture, aimed to be a prestige publication,
“drawing on the talents of top writers and illustrators from many countries to
communicate the commitment to Peace which animates the festival” (Peace Festival
documentation, 1970). An in-depth editorial on the festival was to be written by Tom
Wolfe. Yorke was to write synopses of the groups appearing at the festival and their
reason for being there. Even Richard Goldstein (of the Village Voice), whose coverage of
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the festival and Karma Productions was mixed at best, was to write an editorial piece
entitled “What The Music Means.” General articles about the effects of macrobiotic diets
were also to be involved. A directory of the various Peace Stations would be provided, as
well as a synopsis of the peace vote movement and its implications. The magazine was
potentially going to be heavily funded by Coca-Cola, whom Karma were in negotiations
with, having expressed an interest to provide $25,000 for the publication if concession
rights could be negotiated in their favour. An additional 25 pages of advertising from
record companies and other companies was also expected, particularly “advertisers keen
to relay their message to the potentially massive youth market, e.g. clothing, cosmetic,
cigarette, automobile, etc” (Peace Festival documentation, 1970).
On taking the festival abroad
Vital to the international scope of Lennon’s peace activities was the involvement of
restricted or isolated countries. In Montreal, he expressed the desire to stage a bed-in in
Russia. Upon proclaiming this, he grinned and quipped, "I've heard it's easier to get into
there than into the United States" (Yorke, 1969d). They also planned bed-ins in Germany,
Ireland and Tokyo. At the Toronto press conference Lennon conceded that after the Peace
Festival had been successfully launched at Mosport, “I think there’s a good chance the
Russians might let pop stars in” (Kirby, 1969a). At the same conference he said he would
not pursue his peace campaign in Biafra, Vietnam, or China because “We don’t want to
be dead saints. I’m scared of going there until I’m convinced that I’m doing better there
than I am staying out of it” (Kirby, 1969a).
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Peace festival resistance
While there was great support and excitement surrounding the Peace Festival, there was
an equal amount of resistance towards it. Even Lennon’s counter-culture contemporaries
in San Francisco questioned the need for it in a scathing Rolling Stone report (Carroll,
1970). In another explicitly titled editorial called “Lennons’ Peace Festival… Who Needs
It?”, a number of arguments are put against it. To the author the affair sounded like a
raucous rock ‘n’ roll festival, far removed from the cause of worldwide peace. He
questions the validity of such a gathering, inquiring how such an event could possibly
promote peace. He then questions the practical side of the festival, concluding that there’s
no way unruly patrons could be controlled, and that there could be a “small war instead
of peace, as temperaments, probably aided by booze and drugs, clash… all we can
visualize at the moment, is an invasion by hordes of young people from the United States
and Canada, out for a good, swinging time” (“Lennons’ Peace Festival… Who Needs
It?”, 1970). Despite the paranoia about the disastrous outcomes of the festival, the author
acknowledges the commerce the festival would bring to local business, particularly for
motels, camping and parking area owners, and stores generally. Some locals such as
Dennis Forster, Manager of the Great Pine Ridge Tourist Council, welcomed Lennon and
Ono in writing, urging them to take a tour of the countryside (“Lennons’ Peace
Festival… Who Needs It?”, 1970). Other local officials took an altogether opposing view
of the proceedings. The festival was threatened with a “red alert” declaration if it was
allowed to stage in Mosport. The red alert would require riot police and the Army to be
on standby, with the Red Cross ready to handle hundreds of casualties. Gordon Wright,
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civil defence coordinator for the district, stated if the festival “really happened it would
be chaos. The influx of teenagers could only be rated the same as the mass exodus of
refugees from Toronto following a heavy bombing attack.” In the time this article was
published, it is reported Lennon hadn’t approached the local council for the necessary
permits. The council’s law enforcement officer Horace Best clarified this, stating
“certainly no permit for a festival would be issued until we were satisfied there were
adequate facilities of all sorts for the huge crowd (“Area Residents ‘Turned Off’ by
Proposal for Lennon Peace Festival at Mosport,” 1970).
5.9 Aftermath: Peace after Year One
Strawberry Fields instead
A festival in Mosport did eventually happen, the The Strawberry Fields Festival. Taking
place on August 6-8 1970, its line-up included Procol Harum, Jose Feliciano, Ten Years
After, Delaney & Bonnie & Friends, Mountain, Sly & the Family Stone, Alice Cooper,
Grand Funk Railroad, The Youngbloods, Jethro Tull, Melanie and Canadian acts
Crowbar, King Biscuit Boy, Lighthouse, Leigh Ashford and Fat Chance. As Horace Best
indicated, the proposal to use Mosport track for a pop festival would be tenuous, as such
a festival could hardly be called an accessory to auto racing (“Area Residents ‘Turned
Off’ by Proposal for Lennon Peace Festival at Mosport,” 1970). To get around this,
Brower included auto racing at Strawberry Fields.
The FBI
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In Yorke’s description of the Lennon party’s departure from Montreal, he states that
Derek Taylor proclaimed, “We'd made arrangements to be met by the press and our
families, and now they’ll have to wait for hours. It’s a conspiracy against us” (Yorke,
1969c). Taylor’s comment is telling of the party’s attitudes (indeed the FBI was
conspiring against them in efforts to block Lennon and Ono’s entrance into America).
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover started surveillance of Lennon, who was believed to be a
threat to national security. Lennon was active in leading a campaign to get younger
people registered to vote against the Vietnam War, which was equated with voting
against the re-election of Nixon. Jon Wiener engaged in a court battle to secure the
Lennon files under The Freedom of Information Act. On 25 April 1972, FBI director J.
Edgar Hoover brought H.R. “Bob” Haldeman up to speed, identifying the subject of the
surveillance as “a former member of the Beatles singing group” and “a heavy user of
narcotics.” Haldeman was later convicted for his central role in trying to cover-up the
Watergate scandal (Severo, 1993). As various FBI documents released after Freedom of
Information requests have subsequently revealed, the Nixon administration was most
alarmed by the Lennon-Rubin-Hoffman relationship. Authorities, fearing that the
combination had plans to disrupt political gatherings and conventions, set about tailing
them and spying on their communications. Further details of this monitoring of Lennon
and Ono’s early American life can be found in Wiener’s book Come Together: John
Lennon in his Time.
Conclusion
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This case study has outlined Lennon and Ono’s peace campaign. Its launch in late 1969
and its implementation in Canada are looked at in detail, with the reasons behind the
campaign discussed. Canada proved to be a suitable place to launch the campaign
because of Lennon’s comparatively easy access to the country (compared to America)
and the receptive nature of its audience and media. Regardless of the positive media he
received, Lennon was criticized heavily for his actions, being continually characterized as
a naïve idealist. Interestingly, themes of style arose through the data, with journalists
paying close attention to Lennon and Ono’s hair, clothing, and lifestyle choices. Their
meeting with Pierre Trudeau and other government officials was chronicled, as well as
their discussion with Marshall McLuhan. The various initiatives of the peace council
where described, such as the ambitious Peace Station Network and International Peace
Vote. Lennon and Ono’s time in Canada is looked at, and the various links to Ronnie
Hawkins’ revealed – from them staying at his house to Lennon recording a promotional
rap about Hawkins’ new album. Yorke’s international tour with Hawkins was outlined,
with a focus on their time in Australia and the Ourimbah music festival, as well as their
time in Hong Kong. The proposed Mostport Festival was discussed at length. The
festival’s demise was tracked, with its various opponents highlighted. Finally, the
aftermath of the festival and of the peace campaigning is summarized.
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6. Case Study #2 – The Maple Music Junket
6.1 Introduction
This case study will examine the Maple Music Junket. In 1972 the Canadian government
and other music industry bodies brought approximately 100 European journalists to
publicize Canadian groups and musicians. To understand how and why the Junket
occurred a number of contexts will be looked at in depth. Firstly, the advocation and
introduction of the radio legislation will be looked at. This legislation was often referred
to as the Cancon laws, and required stations to play a specific amount of Canadian
productions on air. Again, Pierre Trudeau’s relationship to popular music will be
elaborated upon, particularly in regards to his involvement with the band Crowbar and his
involvement with the Maple Music Junket. The Junket itself will be analysed on a
number of levels. Who was involved, how it was financed and who was invited will be
made explicit. The media’s reaction to the event will also be explored. Using private
documentation Yorke amassed as an organizer of the event, questions around how the
event was marketed and issues of national identity will be addressed. The unfinished
documentary on the Junket by the CBC will also be looked at, and the ensuing media
fallout. In conclusion the immediate outcomes of the Junket will be identified. Through
the research a number of themes emerged. Many proposed that to achieve success
Canadian artists had to move to America to pursue their careers. Another related theme
that is outlined is America’s cultural domination and influence over Canada.
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GENESIS OF THE CANADIAN SCENE
It was Yorke’s view that before the implementation of legislated radio quotas, there was
practically no popular music scene in Canada, with broadcasters providing little support
for local artists. From Yorke’s perspective, there was little pop music emerging from
Canada through the 1960s, despite almost half its population being under 25 at the time.
Brian Pombiere, who then managed the Toronto band the Lords of London, attributed it
to
the United States, or more precisely, the pop charts of that country… What can
you do when radio stations just aren’t interested in Canadian discs? Unless you
have a U.S. chart listing, the Toronto stations couldn’t care less whether you’re
Canadian or Calathumpian. We just wouldn’t bother to make another disc for the
local market; it’s a waste of money, talent and energy. Forget it. (Yorke, 1968)
Unsurprisingly, Pombiere believed in the implementation of legislated radio, contending
that what little industry was present in Canada would soon perish without it, while
bemoaning the fact that it had to be enforced through law as opposed to voluntary control
(Yorke, 1968). At the same time, broadcasters contended that they did support Canadian
music-makers. Garry Ferrier, program director of CHUM FM and long associated with
CHUM AM’s sock-rock station, felt that local musicians held a “negative attitude”
towards broadcasters: “It’s like a broken record… We listen to every Canadian record,
and play it if it’s good.” He then cited CHUM as the first station to program the Irish
Rovers’ Unicorn record. He goes further by saying that CHUM was the leader of
promoting Canadian talent, but was wary of shoving Canadianism down the public’s
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throat (Yorke, 1968). This point was contested by Walt Grealis, the editor and publisher
of RPM Magazine, Canada’s weekly music trade publication at the time. He explained
Canadian music programming in these terms:
“If a disc shows upward chart action in the United States our stations will play it.
Most stations receive US charts from Billboard, Cashbox and Record World and
Ted Randall. Local discs have no chance on these charts. A guy like Randall who
distributes a selection service to stations across North America, including CHUM,
listens to about 300 new U.S. discs each week”. (Yorke, 1968)
Industry players outside the realm of broadcasting, such as vice-president of RCA Victor
Records in Montreal George Harrison, agreed with the notion of legislation but wanted it
to be carefully set out. He advocated for a flexible quota, suggesting that a blanket policy
wasn’t suitable, and that rock stations should be subjected to a 30-per-cent quota while
pop and middle-of-the-road stations would be subjected to less (Yorke, 1968).
While simultaneously advocating a radio quota and covering local bands, Yorke also
assisted in the coverage of Canadian acts in Billboard. In a letter from 1969, Richard P.
Myers, Jr. breaks down the advertisement revenue associated with the initiation of the
Canadian editorial section of Billboard from November 1968 to May 1969. The new
section, part of the international fold of the magazine, was to be paid for through
advertising. After its establishment there was an immediate increase in the amount of
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advertisements, participation and total dollars from Canadian labels, with over $12,000
worth of advertising content being secured by Canadian companies in the 14 December
and 21 December editions. He then goes on to note that through this initial sales effort
they were able to contract over 100 pages of advertising for the current year of 1969,
producing close to $40,000 worth of advertising if used to its utmost availability. At the
time Myers interpreted this as a definite breakthrough for the Canadian music industry,
not just in terms of advertising, but also in the quality of the editorial material and the
new found confidence displayed by Canadian record manufacturers. In support of his
claims, Myers cites a letter directed to Yorke from Mr Ed Preston, Record Manager at the
Toronto Distribution Division of RCA Records. In the letter he informs Yorke of the
success of a full-page ad promoting the Guess Who's Wheatfield Soul LP in the 21
December, 1968 issue of Billboard. Preston states that his “salesman reported (with some
surprise) how very ‘aware’ the dealers were when they presented it to them for the first
time,” with most buyers commenting explicitly on the Billboard advertisement. He
continues by saying that the page “obviously caught the eye of most music programmers
in Ontario and our U.S. neighbors in Buffalo and Detroit, as we had an unprecedented
number of calls from these stations, requesting copies of the album,” concluding with the
speculation that 1969 was going to be a “beautiful” year for the Canadian scene (Myers,
1969).
Billboard’s focus on Canadian product culminated with a special section called Spotlight
on Canada, issued on 24 May, 1969. This effort yielded
15 pages of editorial material and involved 50 advertisers. Myers concludes by giving
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thanks to the “monumental effort undertaken by Ritchie Yorke… His effort was
ceaseless”. Billboard’s reach into Canada was to increase in other ways too, with plans to
first expand the Canadian section of every first issue of the month from August 2nd, 1969
onwards. Long range plans also included the production of a "Canadian Billboard"
published and operated out of Canada from offices in Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver
(Myers, 1969). In the Spotlight, Yorke positions Canada in regards America in the piece
“Canada's Role In The Music Industry - Silent No Longer.” He cites the statistic that
Canada spent more per capita on records than the U.S., in addition to having the highest
per capita album sales in the world. He also points out that of the dozen record companies
and several tape operations that share the market, most were foreign owned. In the record
field this included RCA, Capitol, Polydor, Columbia, Campo, Warner Bros., Seven Arts,
London and Quality, while the tape market consisted of the companies ITCC, Ampex,
DRT, Muntz and Stereodyne. He concludes by predicting a surge in Canada’s music
industry, the country finally having a “chance to exploit its identity to the world through
its musicians. Canada may yet become not only a user but a provider of international
music.” Interestingly he makes the following comparison: “If Marshall McLuhan arose
out of Toronto, then why not the next music sensation” (Yorke, 1969a).
In spite of the dim picture painted by Yorke and other industry veterans, some maintained
that the Canadian music scene flourished during the 1960s. Tommy Wilson, who
performed solo for three years before he joining Little Caesar and the Consuls in 1961
(with whom he played for nine years), maintained that the scene wasn’t as bleak as it was
made out to be. In addition to playing with Little Caesar and the Consuls, Wilson joined
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the Ron Scribner Agency in 1962, becoming a partner. The agency’s roster included
musicians such as David Clayton-Thomas and the Shays, John Finley (later of
Rhinoceros) and the Checkmates, Ronnie Hawkins, and Kelly J. (of Crowbar) and the
Jays. In a profile in Beetle Magazine, Wilson informs the interviewer he was writing a
book entitled Canadian History of Rock And Roll, which was to cover the whole story of
what happened since 1957. This was in response to Yorke’s book Axes, Chops & Hot
Licks, because, Wilson stated, “it’s a terrible shame people have to read that book and
think it is a factual account of what happened. Ritchie’s book is a fairy tale” (Beatty,
1971).
6.2 CRTC & the Canadian Content Legislation
Although a content quota was implemented in 1971, legislated radio was already a much-
discussed issue in 1968 and earlier. In 1965, the Fowler Committee produced a report on
broadcasting that stated that private broadcasters had a “sorry record of performance,”
with the 229 private stations covered spending a “disgraceful” average on Canadian
talent. Initial efforts to legislate where conducted by the Board of Broadcast Governors,
which was superseded by the Canadian Radio and Television Commission (CRTC). In
1968 they were headed by Pierre Juneau (until his departure in 1975), when they began
further investigations into the possibility of legislation. Yorke contended that the
regulation of radio stations was inevitable, comparing it to television’s 55-per cent local
ruling (Yorke, 1968). In 1970, the CRTC began its Canadian content campaign in
earnest. On May 22, 1970, the CRTC announced that Canadian content legislation would
take effect from January 1971. The Canadian Government (through the CRTC)
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introduced Canadian content quotas to broadcasters in January 18, 1971. For the first
twelve months after that date all radio broadcasters were to be required to program at
least 30 per cent Canadian compositions daily between 6 AM and 12 PM (Abramovitch
1972). Yorke acted as the major advocate of the Cancon laws from a music industry point
of view, testifying both to the adequacy of the supply of Canadian music as well as to the
necessity of radio support to create a viable Canadian music industry. He convinced the
policymakers at the time that to develop suitable content for the quota a showcase event
should be held to raise domestic profiles. He testified at the CRTC hearings in Ottawa in
favour of the quota and often complained of the marginality of Canada’s homegrown
talent on its radio stations (Hickman, 1972b). In addition to this, Yorke compiled reports
for the CRTC on the Canadian music industry on a freelance basis in 1970. For those
independent producers, Canadian talent, and the few independent record companies in
Canada at the time, the legislation was a benefit. It was applauded by many but remains
contentious. But the CRTC wasn’t thinking only of the artists and the industry, but also
wanted to create opportunities for Canadian musicians to express, in music, things that
made Canada distinct from America.
Yorke was openly critical of radio stations such as CHUM and CHUL that, in his
opinion, neglected Canadian artists and composers. In his words, “The Canadian rock
scene is full of the biggest bunch of losers in the world. The only good part is the
performers. The business end and media are unbelievable” (Hickman, 1972b). This
criticism reached a peak in November 1971 with the publication of Yorke’s book, Axes
Chops and Hot Licks: The Canadian Rock Music Scene, with a foreword by Pierre
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Juneau, chairman of the CRTC. In this book, many Canadian artists (both past and
present) took the opportunity to criticize CHUL’s attitudes. Their views were supported
by other media critics. Yorke became the mouthpiece for Canadian artists in general and
he attended several university and college discussions on the subject of Canadian
broadcasters.
The regulations, effective as of January 18, 1971, considered a composition Canadian if it
fulfilled at least one of the following conditions: If the instrumentation or lyrics were
principally performed by a Canadian, if the music was composed by a Canadian, if the
lyrics were written by a Canadian or if the live performance was wholly recorded in
Canada. Additionally, if a station operator was able to demonstrate to the satisfaction of
the CRTC that the application of these regulations would result in a significant reduction
in the quality and diversity of programming within the area normally served by his
station, the CRTC would vary the application of these rules. Furthermore, a person was to
be deemed Canadian if they were a Canadian citizen, if they landed in Canada as an
immigrant as defined in the Immigration Act, or if his ordinary place of residence was in
Canada during the six months immediately preceding his contribution to the musical
composition in question. As of January 18, 1972, it was planned that a musical
composition had to fulfill at least two of the conditions. After January 18, 1973, at least
five per cent of all music played was to have lyrics composed by a Canadian in addition
to the 30 per cent with at least two of the four qualifying conditions mentioned above
(Abramovitch, 1972).
According to Yorke, in preparation for the implementation of the content legislation,
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radio stations ostensibly started preparing, uncharacteristically allowing a few Canadians
on the air. He contended that the results of these “mainly token gestures” was palpable,
Canada emerging as the world’s third leading producer of international hit records
(surpassed only by England and the U.S.) in 1970 (Yorke, 1971a). After the rulings came
into effect, Yorke and other music industry figures expected a boom in local recordings,
and a new international acceptance of Canadian acts. However, some of the most
powerful radio stations made “complete mockery” of legislations by subverting the
conditions the CRTC laid out. They did this by playing oldies, playing tracks that had
dubious connections with Canadian citizenship (“Born to Wander,” for instance, a then
current hit by Rare Earth, was regarded as Canadian because the writer of the song was
born in Vancouver) and current records by Canadians domiciled in the U.S. (Yorke,
1971a). This also meant, to the dismay of some, that Procol Harum’s album with the
Edmonton Symphony Orchestra, or John Kay, who left Canada to make it big with
Steppenwolf, qualify as Canadian content and could be used as such by radio stations to
qualify for the 30 per cent regulations. In the opinion of Walt Grealis, publisher of RPM,
these loopholes didn’t meet the spirit of the regulations. He also explained how some
broadcasters met the 30 per cent quote exactly by unloading Canadian Content at certain
hours of the day: “you can play Canadian Content from 6-7:30 a.m. and late at night, so
they can play exactly what they played before in prime time” (“The Long and Grinding
Road,” 1972).
Alan Katz, the national promotion manager for Polydor Records, also criticized these
“bunch of mother - U.S. – [sic] oriented music directors” who relied on “Canadian
imports” to fulfill the CRTC requirements: “When they fill the 30 per cent quota with
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these obviously foreign discs, even a blind man could see that the Canadian music
industry is severely and savagely damaged. We should all care very deeply about that
fact; indeed, we’re sure everyone does care except these short-sighted dollar crazy
stations (“The Long and Grinding Road,” 1972). As Read perceived, the implementation
of the content ruling changed the musical climate for aspiring Canadian artists “from
frigid to semi-tropical,” causing a surge in the proliferation and survival of Canadian
musicians, in addition to fostering technological advances and national interest. He states
that “Canadian music has burgeoned, from almost non-existence two years ago, to an
industry that anticipates returns in the tens of millions of dollars like any new expanding
industry” (Read, 1971).
6.3 Pop Legislation and a “Hip” Head of State
As explained in depth earlier, in late December 1969, Pierre Trudeau became the first
ever head of state to meet with a rock personality when he spent an hour talking with
Lennon and Ono in his Ottawa office. Lennon said later that the talks were extremely
encouraging and the former Beatle was stunned that such a meeting had taken place after
the British Government had done its best to ignore the exploits of its foremost export
(“Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972). This was a significant leap for a political leader, later
becoming common practice for politicians (Clinton, Obama, Bono and the Pope etc). In
the fall of 1971, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau made another foray into the contemporary
music arena when he invited Canadian group Crowbar to perform during his visit to the
Perth (Ontario) for centennial celebrations. Pictures were taken of the PM wearing a
fringed suede jacket, long hair and a crowbar medallion, holding a microphone (handed
to him by lead singer Kelly Jay). The microphone in question was gift from CKOC, the
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flagship station of the Maple Leaf System network. To top it off, he was glancing at a
copy of a Canadian rock paper, Yorke’s own POP publication (“Maple Music Junket
Lets,” 1972). Trudeau’s association with Crowbar went further, uniting with the band in
March of 1972 to present them with a gold disc for their album Larger Than Life (And
Liver Than You’ve Ever Been), making him the first-ever head of state to publicly present
a rock group with a gold disc (Stewart, 1972). He purportedly went back to Ottawa with
an “armful of tapes and records and Crowbar lead singer Kelly Jay’s suggestion of a quiet
meeting somewhere to discuss the new mood of Canadian youth” “Maple Music Junket
Lets” 1972). The photo of Trudeau with Crowbar was reproduced in numerous
publications and was commented upon extensively. In the fittingly titled article “Where
Even the Prime Minister Goes Pop,” the author comments on how Pierre “Trendy”
Trudeau, a “ supporter of home-grown pop music, surprised the nation with his casual
attire that including jeans, a T-shirt, a fringed jacket, and a crowbar round his neck”
(Wigg, 1972). In Record Mirror, a comparison to the British Prime Minister of the time is
made: “While Britain’s Ted Heath conducts symphony orchestras, Canada’s Prime
Minister Pierre Trudeau digs the rock scene, specially the rock-boogie team Crowbar”
(Jones, 1972). Throughout the archive there are numerous allusions to Trudeau and his
“hipness.” Another instance is when Macfarlane states lightheartedly that Anne Murray
couldn’t be more popular if she married Bobby Orr, going further by picturing the Prime
Minister standing at the bathroom mirror, shaving and asking “Mirror, mirror on the wall,
who is the swingingest couple of them all?” And the mirror answering: “Sorry, Pierre, it’s
Anne and Bobby, Now”) (Macfarlane, 1972).
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Figure 43. “Where Even the Prime Minister Goes Pop” – photo of Trudeau taken at the Perth Festival,
Perth, Ontario, Friday, July 16, 1971
Trudeau and the Maple Music Junket
Similar to his meeting with Lennon and Ono, Trudeau’s involvement with the Maple
Music Junket was not happenstance. Rather, it involved months of prior planning. Yorke
reached out to Tim Porteous, Special Assistant to the Prime Minister, as early as 7 April,
1972. In this letter, Yorke expresses that The Board of Directors of the Maple Music
Junket felt that the involvement of Trudeau would have satisfying repercussions for all.
He goes further by stating that the European press has long been aware of Trudeau's
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interest in youth, as evidenced by his meeting with Lennon and Ono, and that they’re
keenly aware of the fact that European political leaders have traditionally distanced
themselves from popular music and youth culture. Yorke was initially interested in
Trudeau appearing at one of the Junket events, ideally his presence being sought for the
Wednesday night dinner and subsequent concert and media reception. As he expressed to
Porteous, Yorke felt that such a move would convince the foreign and domestic media
that the New Canada that the Prime Minister had been speaking of at the time was
coming to fruition. In addition, it would “also help to spread the prevailing belief that Mr.
Trudeau is very much in touch with the interests of young Canadians” (Yorke, 1972a).
Although Trudeau did not end up making an appearance at the Junket, he was directly
associated with it. In a letter from A. Garneau to Yorke, 8 June, 1972, Garneau relays
Trudeau’s approval of the event: “His Excellency read with interest your programme
aimed at encouraging young Canadian music composers and stated that he hopes it will
achieve the desired success.” Yorke also received a letter from the Premier of Ontario,
William G. Davis, on 19 May, 1972, thanking him for the invitation to be involved in the
Junket. While the Premier turned the invitation down, the letter is written in an
exceptionally cordial manner: “thank you again for your kind invitation, yours very truly,
it would be a pleasure for me to join you” (Davis, 1972). As part of the promotional
material the guests received upon their arrival were two welcome letters – one from
Trudeau and one from William G. Davis. These letters were, in effect, recognition of rock
music as part of Canada’s cultural heritage while confirming official approval of the
Junket’s aims. Trudeau’s letter was reproduced in Billboard, RPM and Grapevine.
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Figure 44. Pierre Trudeau welcome letter to Junket guests (1972)
As Yorke points out, in most other countries (particularly the U.S. and Great Britain)
there was little to no dialogue between the popular music scene and Government
officials. The Government was generally seen “as the very core of the Establishment, and
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the international rock culture is nothing if not anti-Establishment” “Maple Music Junket
Lets,” 1972). In RPM, Yorke expresses a similar sentiment, under his EK Roy
pseudonym, characterizing the foreign attitude as one of intrigue: “A Minister with long
hair... the Americans breathing down your necks... a $100,000 plan to put Canadian
music on the map -- it’s all a bit weird. Something must be going on over there and we
had better get over and check it out” (Richards, 1972b). The significance of Trudeau’s
participation wasn’t lost on many of the visiting journalists. As one Junket guest outlines,
Yorke insisted that the Government’s approval for pop had wide significance, citing the
fact that he had spent a long time discussing the junket with Trudeau’s aide Tim
Porteous. Putting it in an American and British context respectively, he likened it to
“Rolling Stone magazine cooperating with Kissinger,” and “it’s like Edward Heath going
back on the ideas behind the Night Assemblies Bill and promoting rock concerts instead”
(Denselow, 1972). Peter Jones in the Record Mirror contends that the British
Government would never foot the bill for something similar, stating that it “couldn’t
happen in Britain for sure” (Jones, 1972). Doncaster of the Daily Mirror describes the
Government as being headed by “the much with-it Premier Pierre Trudeau,” going
further by saying that in other countries a similar gesture (to that of the Junket) “might
even have caused a tax payers’ riot that would rival any rock concert punch-up.” He
points out, too, that in most countries rock has a reputation of being anti-Establishment
and anti-parent. Jokingly he says no one would have been surprised if the groovy
Trudeau had turned up (Doncaster, 1972).
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6.4 The Maple Music Junket: June 4-8 1972
The idea of the Junket was initially posed by Yorke to Andy Gray, New Music Express’s
chief editor at the time. According to Yorke’s account in RPM, this meeting occurred at
the Carvery Room of the Strand Palace Hotel on a wet Friday afternoon in London. Gray
and Yorke would convene yearly at Gray’s office, the pair crossing the street to have
lunch, Yorke proclaiming, “our Strand lunches have become almost an annual affair, like
the MIDEM conference.” While sampling baked goods and drinking Bordeaux, Yorke
discussed the state of the Canadian music industry, and what he felt was its inevitable
boom. Gray responded by saying that there wasn’t much use in telling him how good
Canadian music is, or even writing about it, if there was no means of exposing it to the
leading journalists and disc jockeys in England. Gray said:
Why don’t you get the Government to make one of those Air Canada flights
available and pack the plane with a bunch of English writers and fly them into
Toronto for three days of Canadian music and booze. Get a few of your best
groups to play concerts and be available for interviews. Give us a tour of a studio,
a rock club, Niagara Falls and a Maple sugar mill and we’ll fly back home full of
stories about Canadian music. We’ll be able to write on it first hand and if the trip
is half well arranged, we won’t forget about Canadian music for the next ten years
(Yorke, 1971b).
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On the spot, Yorke purportedly coined the name of the venture. He then returned to
Canada, writing articles about the proposed Junket and beginning discussions with music
industry contemporaries and government officials, while Gray promoted it in England
(“Maple Music Gets It All Together,” 1972). The Maple Music Junket was first brought
to the attention of the Canadian music industry through an article by Yorke in RPM
Magazine published on 17 July, 1971. In this article the concept was formulated and
floated and then Yorke waited for a reaction from the native recording company
presidents (Yorke, 1971b; Richards, 1972a).
Industry involvement
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Figure 46. Yorke and British reception for the Junket. From “CRMA ‘Junket’ to boost Canada” (1972)
Only two weeks after Yorke proposed the plan in RPM, financial and artistic
endorsements were pledged by the managers Don Hunter and Tom Wilson, Hunter going
as far as to offer the services of the Guess Who. Both Hunter and Wilson indicated that
they had pledged $1,000 each to the project, with additional promises of talent
appearances (“Three-day Focus on Local Music Proposed,” 1971). Hunter said he felt
such a project was “long overdue. Canadian musicians have made tremendous strides into
the international scene in recent months, and the time has come for a concentrated effort
to make the world’s media aware of these developments...” (“Three-Day Focus on Local
Music Proposed,” 1971). A not-for-profit corporation, Maple Music Inc., was formed for
the event, financed by Canada’s major companies and members of the Canadian
Recording Manufacturers’ Association (CRMA). In September of 1971, Yorke attended
the annual CRMA meeting to pitch his idea and enlist financial support. The possibility
of government involvement pushed the usually cautious trade body into voting yes and
the project was begun in earnest. The Board of Directors consisted of Capitol’s Arnold
Gosewich (president of the board), Columbia’s Fred Wilmot, Polydor’s Evert Garretsen,
Trans Canada’s Jean-Paul Rickner, Quality’s Lee Farley and Bert Betts (secretary of the
CRMA). Additional honorary directors included Dr. Jan Matejcek of CAPAC (the
Composers’ Authors and Publishers Association), BMI’s Harold Moon, Jack Richardson
of CIRPA, and the Ontario Council for the Arts’ Louis Applebaum. Les Perrin’s PR
office in London was contracted to handle European representation of the Junket in co-
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operation with Enterpress (“Maple Music Junket Lets…”, 1972). In Yorke’s introduction
letter to the guests of the Junket, he states that the Canadians whom the guests would
become most familiar with were Maple Music Inc. president Arnold Gosewich and Board
members Evert Garretsen, Lee Farley, and Jan Matejcek, due to their close involvement,
and as they acted as hosts (Yorke, 1972c). In a third-person report, under his RPM
pseudonym E.K. Roy, Yorke elaborates upon his meeting with the several members of
the CRMA at Mont Gabriel, stating that against all odds “somehow Yorke did manage to
get the CRMA to commit itself to wholehearted support. Just how he did it may never be
revealed. Yorke has been extremely close-mouthed about the entire affair at Mont
Gabriel” (Richards, 1971). Yorke, in hyperbolic terms, mused that to the organizers, “the
MMJ is like a religion, except that it isn’t confined to an hour on Sundays,” with many of
Canada’s foremost record company executives devoting as much as twenty per cent of
their time to the Junket. Once the board was formed, meetings are said to have taken
place once a fortnight, constituting full-day sessions (Richards, 1972a). The Canadian
record companies involved pledged large amounts of staff to help the organisation
efforts. Reportedly roughly 150 Canadians actively worked on the Junket, coming from a
dozen different record companies. It also marked the first time Canadian record
companies had united in a plan whose intent was to stimulate sales in a foreign market for
the industry as a whole “Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972). Until that point individual
record companies had undertaken similar promotions events but never on an industry-
wide scale with federal government involvement (“Maple Music Gets It all Together,”
1972).
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Figure 47. Music industry figures involved in finance of the Junket. From Der Musikmarkt (1972)
To determine which acts would perform, an “independent” Talent Selection Committee
was formed. The committee was chaired by RPM publisher Walt Grealis. The other
Committee members were record retailer Sam Sniderman (aka Sam the Record Man),
Nevin Grant (music director of CKOC Hamilton, and co-chairman of the Maple Leaf
System), Juan Rodriguez (rock columnist for the Montreal Star), Wayne Bryant (music
director of CHED Edmonton), Jacques Dufresne (music director of CJMS Montreal), and
Michael Bennett (feature writer for The Canadian Press, Vancouver) (“Maple Junket
Lineup Announced,” 1972). According to Yorke in RPM, a list comprising of Canada’s
finest musicians was ruled upon by the Talent Selection Committee (Richards, 1972a).
Individual votes were tabulated by Walt Grealis and Maple Music Junket Director, A.L.
Betts. According to Rodriquez, their selection was formed by narrowing down a list of
artists that the companies were willing to sponsor (Rodriquez, 1972).
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Additionally, several other acts were suggested by the Committee, but due to previous
commitments were unable to appear; these acts included Gordon Lightfoot, the Bells and
The Guess Who (“3 Concert Programs set at Maple Music Junket in June,” 1972 ;
“Maple Junket Lineup Announced,” 1972). Again, Rodriquez provides a different
perspective, stating that none of Canada’s well-established groups and singers, such as
The Band, The Guess Who, Neil Young, Leonard Cohen, Joni Mitchell, and Gordon
Lightfoot, were proposed (including successful French-Canadian performers like Robert
Charlebois, Gilles Vigneault and Jesse Winchester). He states that there were many
reasons for the absence of such talent, some declining because they were not guaranteed
top billing. Others were not considered because “it was felt they already had international
reputations, and at least one refused to perform in this ‘amateur contest’” (Rodriquez,
1972).
Invitations were sent out to the various media “in 15 European countries” the itinerary for
which was still being put together. At this time it was also decided to fly a special party
of 20 French-speaking journalists and broadcasters a day ahead of the Junket for an
examination of the Quebec music scene, with two special concerts being organized for a
French-language audience (“Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972). Rodriquez provides a
different figure, stating that 25 French-speaking Europeans were flown to Quebec
(Rodriquez, 1972). In an early guest list prepared by Yorke, there were only 76 attendees.
The three-page document contained their name, address, publication or broadcaster, and
nationality. This list, being undated, probably contains inaccuracies, additional guests
being added or subtracted after its creation (Yorke, 1972g).
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Figure 48. Maple Music Junket guest list (1972)
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The French-speaking contingent arrived on 3 June, 1972, while the rest of the guests were
flown in by a chartered CP Air jet to Montreal on the afternoon of 4 June, 1972, and were
taken on a tour of Montreal. There was a separate French-speaking concert on 4 June
1972 for the first journalists who arrived, with performers Marie Claire and Richard
Seguin, Ginette Reno and Robert Charlebois. On 5 June, 1972 the visitors were taken on
a tour of the new CBC installations to watch a selection of Canadian films. This was
supposed to have been followed by a lunch at Isle St. Helene, thrown in their honor by
the Mayor of Montreal, Jean Drapeau. However, because of the city strike, the Mayor
cancelled at the last minute and a cocktail party was held in Place des Arts instead. A
representative of the city told the visitors “that every great city in the world had its labor
troubles, and Montreal was right in there with the rest of them.” The guests were then
taken to the National Film Board (NFB) headquarters to watch the NFB’s Ladies and
Gentlemen… Mr. Leonard Cohen, the Contemporary Songs of French Canada series,
Norman McLaren’s Synchromy, and sequences from the Great Canadian Rock Film, a
“soon-to-be-completed full-length film” directed by Jacques Bensimo (Rodriquez, 1972).
A dinner back at the hotel preceded the first concert, which had a “middle-of-the-road
pop music flavor” and took place at Place des Arts in Montreal. The line-up featured
Andre Gagnon, Moe Koffman, Frank Mills, Anne Murray, the Poppy Family, the
Stampeders and Tapestry. This concert was produced on an honorary basis for Maple
Music Inc. by Donald Tarlton of Donald K. Donald Productions Ltd. (Maple Junket
Lineup Announced,” 1972; “Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972). A cocktail party was held
after the show (Rodriquez, 1972). On Tuesday morning, the guests where transported to
Toronto on two private railway coaches (attached to a normal train). Yorke assures the
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guests in the itinerary that the “two special coaches” will be “well stocked with
refreshments in case you get thirsty” (Yorke, 1972c). As Rodriquez observes, this was
provided to give the guests a chance to relax, but “was also an opportunity to do some
heavy drinking” (Rodriquez, 1972). Following a reception at the Royal York Hotel on
Front Street, Toronto, where they arrived sometime after three o’clock, the second
concert was held at Massey Hall. It consisted of a predominantly folk and soft-rock line-
up that included Gary Buck, Bruce Cockburn, the Perth County Conspiracy, Fergus,
Christopher Kearney, the Mercey Brothers and Murray McLauchlan. The concert ended
at 1:30 a.m. (“Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972; Rodriquez, 1972). The following
morning, 7 June, 1972, , it was proposed that the guests tour Canada’s newest recording
studio, Manta Sound Studios, while being served breakfast. However, an early wake-up
call and breakfast at the studio was cancelled in order to give the Europeans a chance to
sleep in. Apparently, many of them were called anyway and settled for breakfast in the
Imperial Room, waiting till 11 a.m. to be transported by bus to Ontario Place, a futuristic
architectural dome on Lake Ontario. Here they viewed a film on the province’s northern
regions on a huge screen and in full-stereo sound. At four o’clock the official Maple
Music Dinner was held, featuring a speech from Pierre Juneau (Rodriquez, 1972). After
the dinner, they returned to Massey Hall for the final rock-oriented concert. The
performance showcased April Wine, Chilliwack, Crowbar, Edward Bear, Fludd,
Lighthouse and Mashmakhan. Martin Onrot of Encore Productions produced both
Massey Hall concerts, again on an honorary basis “Maple Music Junket Lets,” 1972;
“Maple Junket Lineup Announced,” 1972). On 8 June, 1972 the guests were served
another breakfast, and had an opportunity to meet some of the musicians/industry people
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involved as well as Canadian media people before returning to Europe (Yorke, 1972c;
Rodriquez, 1972).
Financing
Initial estimates on the cost of the Junket were in “the vicinity of $50,000,” with
organizers hoping for a government subsidy, while the remainder was to be raised by
music industry donations. Additionally, it was thought that the final all-star concert
would probably be staged “as an industry service by a leading Canadian promoter, with a
token admission price to the public,” in an effort to cover the expenses of the groups
flying in for the concert, with the remainder going to charity (“Three-Day Focus on Local
Music Proposed,” 1971).Yorke’s estimated total came to $44,878 (Yorke, 1971d). In
1971, the CRMA had agreed to pledge $20,000 of their royalties into enabling the Maple
Music Junket. There were also the two earlier pledges of $1,000 each from managers
Don Hunter and Tom Wilson. It was expected that the Canadian Government would
provide the difference (just over $20,000). In attempts to secure financing, Maple Music
Ltd. submitted funding applications to the various government bodies, including The
Secretary of State, the Canadian Radio-Television Commission, the Canadian Travel
Bureau, Canada Council, and the Department of Industry Trade and Commerce. It would
also be jointly sponsored by RPM and Grapevine Magazine, Grealis and Yorke donating
their time and effort in an honorary capacity (Yorke, 1971e). The decision to approach
various government bodies came partly from Andy Gray, who pointed out that the British
Government financed the facilities for British publishers and record men to attend the
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annual MIDEM conference in Cannes. Subsidies from Air Canada or CP were also
perused (Yorke, 1971c). However, this was a conservative early estimate, and the total
cost of the Junket actually came to approximately $120,000. The massive undertaking
ended up being funded by a number of record companies, independent producers,
publishers, performing rights societies, and even the artists themselves (Yorke, 1972d).
The federal government awarded a grant of $30,000 to Maple Music Inc. The grant in
question was made up of $20,000 from the Secretary of State’s Arts & Culture Branch,
$5,000 from the music department of Canada Council, and another $5000 from the Wood
Products Branch of the Department of Industry, Trade and Commerce. The remaining
$90,000 was provided by private industry (Yorke, 1972d). BMI and CAPAC contributed
$3000 each, while the participating record companies paid $1,600 per act, with additional
revenue coming from ticket sales (Yorke, 1972b). While publicly funding a portion of an
industry-led showcase is commonplace now, it was novel in 1972. In fact, Yorke posits
that it was “unique in that it represented the first time any national government in the
world had officially recognized the popular music industry” (Yorke, 1972d).
Why the Junket?
“The thing is,” Mr. Gray’s report observes, "that Canada does not seem to assert
itself enough as far as publicity is concerned. I find the records themselves are
just as good as those of any other land. They just have to be marketed more
strongly.” (Richards, 1972b)
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From the outside, the Maple Music Junket was an attempt to increase Canadian record
sales in Europe, and generally inform Europeans about Canada (“Maple Junket Lineup
Announced,” 1972). As pointed out in the introductory letter the guests received,
Canadian music had, at the point, caused considerably less than a sensation in Britain and
Europe than in America. Yorke points out that “less than a year ago, there were a total of
seven Canadian singles on the U.S. Hot 100 chart at one time, yet not one of these
records survived the Atlantic crossing” (Yorke, 1972c). While Canadian records had been
making it into the American charts, similar success wasn’t emulated in Europe, which
had a larger record-buying public than America. In 1970, 16 Canadian records made it
into America’s best-seller lists, but only two of these — “American Woman” by The
Guess Who and “Snowbird” by Anne Murray — repeated their success in Europe
(Rodriquez, 1972). The aim was to publicize the entire scene as a whole, not giving one
group or artist preference (hence the standardized time-limit on performances at the
Junket). In Yorke’s words, “Everyone must have an equal chance. That has been and will
continue to be our philosophy throughout. No one artist will be favoured over another”
(Yorke, 1972b). However, as Yorke articulates, although the original intent of the Junket
was to make European media aware of Canadian music, “as the organization proceeded,
it became obvious that a secondary purpose could be achieved— that of informing the
Canadian public at large of how much was going on under their noses” (Maple Music
Junket Lets Canada Put Its Best,” 1972).
Musicians leaving Canada
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Figure 49. From “Big Beat Boom in Canada,” in Beat Instrumental (1972)
The need for legislation was justified in a number of ways. One recurring theme is that
many Canadian musicians had to move to the United States to pursue successful careers.
Throughout the archive both national and international press expressed this notion, such
as in the London Times, which suggested, “Canada has long exported internationally
known stars but largely only to American record companies” (Weir, 1972). NME likened
Canada’s rock scene to “something of a neglected child” that has spent its life
overshadowed by its next-door neighbor, America (Norman, 1972). This neglect was
attributed to a number of factors (in addition to the lack of support from some
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broadcasters). Firstly, it was felt by some that there was apathy towards home-grown
Canadian musicians, forcing “artists to go outside their own country in order to make
their names” (Cable, 1972). A lack of funds was also a possible contributing factor, the
lack of dollars resulting in a failure to attract top artists and as well as a shortage of
venues at which to play. Melody Maker’s Chris Charlesworth, through interviews with
Crowbar and the Stampeders, had both bands admit to regular trips to America
(Charlesworth, 1972). Gordon Reed of the Scottish Daily Express likened Canada’s
situation to that of Scotland in the mid-1960s, stating that “budding talent in Glasgow,
Edinburgh, or Inverness, have been forced over the years togo to London to break
through in the hard competitive world of pop music,” citing the Glasgow group Middle of
the Road, who had to go to Italy before they hit the British market with four no. 1 hit
records (Reed, 1972).
Those who left
As Yorke points out in the Billboard Spotlight on Canada, some of the most praised
performers of the time spent their childhoods and creatively formative years in Canada,
using examples such as the The Band, David Clayton-Thomas, Oscar Peterson, Percy
Faith, Steppenwolf, Neil Young, Joni Mitchell, Gordon Lightfoot, Ian and Sylvia,
Leonard Cohen and the Collectors. These people were, and essentially still are,
Canadians. (Yorke, 1969a) Derek Abramovitch of Beat Instrumental relays a similar list,
citing those who stayed in the USA: Neil Young, Joni Mitchell, Leonard Cohen, The
Band, David Clayton-Thomas, Andy Kim, Steppenwolf, R.D. Dean Taylor and “some of
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the members of the Mamas and Papas” (Abramovitch, 1972). Interestingly, Neil Young’s
big brother Bob makes an appearance in the Junket scrapbook, being quoted by two
different reporters. Caroline Boucher of America’s Disc Magazine wrote “it wasn’t long
before Bob appeared doing some loyal flag-waving for his fellow countrymen, especially
a folk singer called Murray McLauchlan.” He expounded upon Canadians having to leave
Canada for their art to be recognized: “Neil played as much as he could here but there
wasn’t much to do so he left. It’s getting a little better now” (Boucher, 1972). Tony
Norman of NME quoted Bob as saying that “when Neil first started the music business
machinery in this country was almost non-existent… The record companies weren’t
looking for local talent. But when young Canadians started doing great things, the wheels
started to turn”. In the same article Bernie Finkelstein provides further explanation:
“What probably happened was that some record company executive woke up one
morning and saw Neil Young and Joni Mitchell and the rest all in the American charts,
and suddenly realised what was happening.” (Norman, 1972). In hindsight, it is difficult
to refute Yorke’s claim in Billboard: “The Canadians who have left their native country
(because of lack of reward and acceptance) have carved a niche for themselves in the
global village that can never be erased” (Yorke, 1969a).
Those who stayed
Despite the nummerous individuals who left to pursue their music abroad, there were
exceptions. Of all the country’s top singer-song-writers at the time, Gordon Lightfoot was
the only one who chose to stay in his native country (Abramovitch, 1972). In the rock and
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roll field, The Guess Who were the singular rock group to chart in America while staying
in Canada. By 1971 the five-man group from Winnipeg had 12 hit singles and six hit
albums in the United States, and were expect to gross $5 million that year alone. They
were regarded as Canada’s best-known show business export and one of the ten foremost
pop music attractions – at this juncture they charged a per-night concert fee between
$10,000 and $15,000 in America (Yorke, 1971c). They had been playing in and around
the Canadian scene for eight-and-a-half years before they broke into the U.S. charts with
the single, “These Eyes" (Yorke, 1969a).
6.5 We’re Beginners: Marketing the Junket
As large an undertaking as the Junket was, it wasn’t aimed at the guests, as was the usual
sort of promotional gimmick (Canada Courier, 1972). Yorke informed the invitees on
what to expect, saying “you'll probably find this particular junket quite different than
what you're accustomed to” (Yorke, 1972c). He goes on:
“If you think we’re going to try and convince you that Maple musicians are better
than their American, English, French or Danish counterparts, you're in for a
pleasant surprise. We’ve been against that sort of nonsense from the very
beginning... It has always been felt there wasn't any thing to be gained through
hype... Accordingly the entire ideology of the Maple Music Junket is to show you
rather than snow you.” (Yorke, 1972c)
Under his RPM moniker, he expresses a similar sentiment leading up to the event: “We
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cannot (and would not) program their minds —we only ask that they see Canadian artists
in action and they can then decide for themselves” (Richards, 1972a). By the same token,
the Junket was marketed to the Europeans. Interestingly, Yorke claims to the guests in the
introductory letter that the Junket didn’t involve “laying on some sinister psychological
propaganda campaign to make you fall helplessly in love with Maple Music land”
(Yorke, 1972c). However, in a report prepared for the Department of Industry, Trade &
Commerce, he lays out the factors that the organizers kept in mind while executing and
marketing the Junket. The first was to avoid any implication that the Junket guests had
been brought over free of charge and would therefore be “automatically required to write
favourably about Canada.” The second was to play down any tendency towards “over-
hype,” and avoiding statements that Canadian musicians were in any way superior to
their European contemporaries. The guests were left to make their own judgments based
on their own individual tastes, and made to feel like their journalistic freedom had not
been impeached (Yorke, 1972e). In an informally toned letter addressed to the band
Fludd, he reiterates that the Junket “won’t be a heavy hype trip – our approach is actually
hope rather than hype” (Yorke, 1972b). Additionally, Yorke states in his report that
without any prompting, the guests viewed Canada as an “underdog” that was being
overshadowed by the U.S.A. He makes the admission “that we achieved the cultural
sympathy of the guests, and in retrospect, it was done by subtle psychological means”
(Yorke, 1972e). This was achieved by the self-deprecating tone of the official documents
given to the guests, and the deliberate distancing from American-style promotional
tactics. A subtle disclaimer made by Yorke states that they (as the organisers and
Canadians) didn’t have anything against “our friends to the south – we have in fact
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offered some 50,000 young Americans of peaceful intent a place to live until their own
rights are re-established” (Yorke, 1972c). Sentences likes these were used to make a clear
distinction between Canadian values and American ones. In his recap for Billboard,
Yorke admits that many problems were encountered along the way, and that since it was
the first time anything of this nature had been attempted in Canada, organizers were often
working in the dark (“Maple Music Junket Lets Canada put its best talent forward,”
1972). For instance, in his introductory letter he apologises for neglecting to tell the
guests if formal dress was required, adding, “We didn't even let you know until last week
if the snow had cleared away. Such omissions are a sure sign of beginners” (Yorke,
1972c).
Not a Heavy Hype Trip – Promotional Materials
Although over-hyping the Junket was avoided, there were a number of promotional
materials produced for the event. It was intended that the guests would receive a press kit
containing various items on the plane to Montreal. The kit included Junket stickers, jean
patches, a T-shirt, and a badge.
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Figure 50. Maple Music Junket guest folder (1972)
The badge also served as a method of identification, enabling the guests’ entrance into
the various receptions, concerts, and the railway coaches. They also received biographies
and photographs of all of the concert artists with a package of records accompanying
them on their return flight. Yorke also included a copy of Issue No. 3 of Rainbow
Magazine, and a copy of Axes, Chops & Hot Licks (Yorke, 1972c). According to
Rodriquez, “Ritchie blew a fuse when his carefully prepared press kit got stuck in
Amsterdam. He had originally intended the kits to be sitting in the guests’ plane seats but
had to wait until Wednesday afternoon for the “grease,” as Ritchie affectionately puts it,
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to arrive in Toronto” (Rodriquez, 1972). Even the air hostesses were dressed in the Junket
shirts.
Figure 51. From “Canada Starts on Identity Campaign” in Music Week (1972)
All publicity material was directed through the Maple Music Junket office, no record
company being allowed to make direct promotional contact with the guests through the
use of printed material during the course of the Junket. As one commentator notes,
“naturally the European visitors were wined and dined. They even got bundles of free
records and Maple Music tee-shirts. After all, it would be a bit much to bring people
across three thousand miles of ocean and not treat them well” (“Maple Music Gets it all
Together,” 1972).
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6.6 National Identity
Trudeau: Living next to you is in some ways like sleeping with an elephant. No
matter how friendly and even-tempered is the beast, if I can call it that, one is
affected by every twitch and grunt. (Hlinka, 2015, p. 58)
There was no explicit discussion on how (and if) Canadian national identity was
portrayed at the festival, either to the visiting journalists or bands. However, a sense of
national responsibility and its accompanying challenges can be ascertained regardless
(Shapiro, 2015). Throughout the archive the notion of cultural domination recurs. Yorke
certainly prescribed to this view, claiming that Canada had been content to follow and
accept trends from both the US and Britain (Yorke, 1969a). He maintained that as a result
of decades of US cultural domination, Canadians came to believe that the “American way
was the only way, and that anything Canadian should be at the very least severely
discouraged. Not that there was anything necessarily wrong with the American way, it
was just treated as the only way” (Yorke, 1972d). Young musicians maturing in Canada
at the time where informed by the same cultural influences as their contemporaries in the
States. As the Guess Who’s singer/writer Burton Cummings reflected, ‘The kids in
Winnipeg used to listen to Minneapolis radio at night time. All over Canada it was the
same. Canadian kids listening to American music” (Yorke, 1972d). In an editorial titled
“What if Anne Murray were an American?”, John Macfarlane muses about the benefits of
the CRTC introducing the Cancon legislation, seeing it as encouragement for the creation
of music that expresses “things that make our culture distinct from, say, American
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culture,” recalling a Richard Goldstein review of the Toronto Pop Festival in 1969 in
which he expressed amazement at the poor reception given Quebec rock star Robert
Charlebois: “How come you (Canadians) clap your hands raw over an albino bluesman
from Texas (Johnny Winter) and tap politely when your own man comes on? How come
you treat an imitator like a patriot and an original like a foreigner?” (Macfarlane, 1971).
The Junket was seen by some as another attempt by the state to “establish a national
image in cultural fields,” efforts which extended into the realms of visual art, ballet and
the moving image (Waspe, 1972). At this time, thousands of Canadian dollars were being
spent to ensure that Canadian talent would be recognised worldwide, “not only in an
artistic sense but also as having a national identity” (Phillips, 1972b). As Denselow
observed, the objective of the Junket was to promote Canadian nationalism in addition to
Canadian music. In talking to younger audiences at the concerts, it became clear to him
that the undertaking “was seen as another tiny step in Canada’s search for an identity
separate from America” (1972). However, nationalism’s paring with popular music was
somewhat unusual. As Yorke conveys in Billboard, nationalism had never been part of
the rock scene, the exception being the British invasion in the early 1960s, and its
reemergence in Canada in 1971, with Yorke claiming the “CRTC regulations were the
first indication of the New Nationalism in Canadian culture and of the Government’s
awakening interest in the affairs of the youth culture” (“Maple Music Junket Lets,”
1972). In an interview at the tail end of the Junket, Chris Kearney was asked why such an
identity problem arose over Canadian artists: “We have a conservatism rather like the
English, whereas the Americans are bursting in… Nationalism is a kind of funny thing I
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suppose but the people are now looking more to their own country” (“A Few Leaves
from the Maple…,” 1972).
However, there was conjecture over the Junket being a means to assert Canadian
nationalism. In the opinion of Rodriquez, “the junket became more of a business function
than a cultural display,” the concerts being filled by musically-ordinary, commercially-
oriented acts that sounded much like American pop acts. These acts were pushed by the
participating record labels, the Junket becoming an “opportunity to sell Product in the
name of Canadian nationalism” (1972). Obviously, there was a financial imperative to the
Junket; as outlined in Yorke’s official report, “The financial benefits to Canada would be
a reversal in the flow of royalties – i.e. money from recording, publishing and
performance success in Europe would begin flowing into Canada from European
sources” (Yorke, 1972e), and from William Davis’s official welcome letter, its
concluding sentence reading the he hopes the guests “will return home singing our
praises – and our products!” (1972).
6.7 Reception
Not unexpectedly, the Junket’s reception was mixed. There was a deal of both positive
and negative feedback from the foreign press. Mrs. Acket of Holland’s Music Express
stated, “I was surprised that Canada has so many good groups but we thought of these
bands as being Americans. I thought that the whole Junket was really professional. My
favourite groups were Lighthouse and Crowbar” (quoted in Cee, 1972). David Carter of
BBC Radio London maintained that “It was a very imaginative thing, and if any of those
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bands came to London they would really go over well. In fact I think they should come
over in the future. I thought that 90 per cent of the bands were very good and the other 10
per cent were so-so” (quoted in Cee, 1972). Ludwig Heinrich of Austria’s Music Markt
expressed a similar sentiment, saying, “We have now seen who is behind the Canadian
Music Scene. Like before we didn’t even know who the Canadian Bands were. The
whole Junket idea should be considered only a start.” He also supported the idea of
bringing Canadian acts over to Europe, saying that the “next thing that should take place
is to bring the Canadian Talent to Europe so that they will be better known, and exposed
more to the people in Europe” (quoted in Cee, 1972). Paris Match’s Michelle Smith also
would have preferred to have seen the event take place in Europe, stating, “If the
organizers could have held a giant one week festival and brought the best of the Canadian
pop scene, I think it would have been better publicity-wise” (quoted in Cee, 1972). Peter
Jones of Record Mirror merely speculated on the success of the Junket, but offered a
“vote of thanks to Ritchie Yorke and the other organizers for a great timetable of interest,
comfort and plenty” (Jones, 1972).
There were a number of criticisms of the Junket. Prominently, there are various examples
of participants feeling that it was over-scheduled. Jip Golsteijn of Amsterdam’s
Telegraph Magazine relayed that “the whole thing was very tiring and the schedule was
over-whelming and I don’t think it was as good as I thought it would be… I wish the
schedule wasn’t so tight so that I could have had more time to learn more about Canada”
(quoted in Cee, 1972). Another journalist affirmed, “each concert lasted over five hours
and at times resembled cunningly devised endurance tests. But these periods of boredom
were only to be expected” (Phillips, 1972b). A similar sentiment was expressed my
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Melody Maker’s Chris Charlesworth, who likened the “marathon affairs” to endurance
tests, saying “it’s difficult to take it all in, when you are faced with seven acts a night for
three consecutive nights, but it makes it a lot easier to sort out the bands that stand out
from the rank and file” (Charlesworth, 1972). Others judged the quality of the musical
acts to be lacking. Charlesworth believed that the Canadian groups could learn a lot from
the American and English counterparts, citing The Who, Led Zeppelin, Small Faces and
Jethro Tull as worthy benchmarks; “There was a general air of competence about the
majority of bands we saw, but few could hope to have any impact in England…
Nevertheless, it was a rewarding trip” (1972). Conversely, he admits that “time is an
important factor and many of these bands had little more than two years’ experience. As
their experience grows, doubtless their stage acts and musical level will improve”.
Another British critic found it “an enjoyable and enlightening trip” but also suggested it
might have “been money better spent to have as one critic remarked, have brought the
Canadian musicians over to England to observe British groups at work” (Coulson, 1972).
Additionally, Phillips conceded that “no country has a 100 per cent creative achievement
record and Canada has no less or more than its fair share of dull, unimaginative or just
plain bad artists” (1972b). Willem Hoos, writing for Holland’s Oor Rock Magazine was
disenfranchised by the event and perceived the events as pitfalls, characterizing its
execution as amateurish:
I wasn’t too pleased about the whole thing, for instance it was two days before our
trip when we were informed of the bands who were going to perform. That is
really ill-organized. We should have been informed of the bands playing two
weeks in advance. We should have also been supplied with promo records and
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albums so that we could have listened to the bands better (quoted in Cee, 1972).
There where those who did not have strong views of the Junket, offering nuanced
opinions. Phillips stipulated that from what was presented in the three concerts, Canada
“is no better or worse musically on technical, professional or creative levels than either
Britain or America,” stating that the “main drawback at the moment is that the country’s
music industry has not produced any world giants which it has discovered, nurtured and
marketed itself” (1972b). Olaf Klyn of EMI Holland thought that the idea was good on
the whole, “but like everything else you have to try it out once and then learn from your
mistakes, but I am sure that it will really work out some year” (quoted in Cee, 1972).
Lennart Wretlind, a Broadcaster from Sweden, summed up the event as good overall and
being what he expected. However, he cautions that “the next time they have the Junket
they should be more careful as to who they invite, I mean to be honest, there are a lot of
freeloaders here” (quoted in Cee, 1972).
Another narrative that appears through the documentation is the disapproval expressed by
members of the local media in regards to the international press. Weir summarized some
of the negative press the European journalists, and their working habits, received; “If the
European journalists could drag themselves away from the tinkle of ice cubes and glasses
they might be more favorably impressed” wrote a columnist in the Montreal Gazette,
while the Toronto Globe and Mail remarked on “plenty of traffic” between the concert
hall and the beer garden next door (Weir, 1972). This resulted in some reporters
retaliating. Tony Norman of New Musical Express, called the Canadian Press stale, with
Montreal and Toronto’s rock writers having a weird approach whereby they attend
concerts and “spend most of their time reviewing their fellow journalists. At least, that’s
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the way it seemed to me.” He also reported that the Canadian youth said local reporters
“always picked up on trivia and their views on the music were superficial and
meaningless. It did seem that way,” supporting his claim by stating “not one Canadian
artist, in a six-hour show, received a bad review from their own countrymen!” (Norman,
1972). This is a questionable generalization, as the likes of Rodriquez and Thompson
were critical of the Junket on a number of levels, including certain performances. David
Hill also addressed these comments in two of his columns for London-based Weekend
Magazine. In the first instance he considered the Montreal reports as being enhanced by
“a new concept in publishing, schizophrenic journalism, whereby a single critic is not
only able to assess every note rendered in the concert hall but at one and the same time
can give a blow-by-blow account of the events” (Hill, 1972a). The following week he
addressed the Toronto Press, “having a slam at us” again. Flippantly he posited that they
had “even improved on the Montreal performance. Here they have a guy who can listen
attentively to every note rendered in the concert hall but, at one and the same time, check
the traffic in the bar down the road.” The disparaging remarks apparently brought “yelps
of outrage from fledgling members of the European Press but wiser spirits stilled
thoughts of instant revenge by pointing out that it was hardly worth turning out the Fifth
Fleet to sink the local Sea Scouts” (Hill, 1972b).
6.8 The Maple Music Documentary & the CBC
Intrinsic to the perceived success of the junket was its documentation. This led the
organizers to film the entire event with the involvement of CBC. In addition to the daily
and periodical press the event would receive, it was intended that there would be a “90-
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minute CBC TV special, a planned National Film Board documentary, and possible
simultaneous closed-circuit television broadcasts throughout Ontario centres” (Yorke,
1972a). In June 1972, immediately following the Junket, the CBC announced that it
would be televising a 90-minute special tentatively titled Maple Music. It was to be
produced by Athan Katso and scripted by Bill Howell. The entire event was recorded on
16-track equipment by Enactron, under the supervision of Brian Ahern and engineer
Chris Skene. All the performances were filmed, but only the best performances were to
be given air time, along with other documentary coverage filmed in and around the
concerts, including interviews with the visiting media, the performers and music industry
guests. Maple Music was scheduled to be shown on the CBC network in September
(“More New Canadian Series and Specials Mark 20th Anniversary Year of CBC-TV,”
1972). Arnold Gosewich stated that negotiations had been completed with the CBC to
allow film and tape copies of the TV program be made available and distributed free of
charge to interested European stations and networks (“CBC to Telecast 90-Minute
‘Maple Music’ Junket,” 1972). The CBC also announced that it would produce two
separate AM and FM radio programs, produced by Paul Mills and again written by Bill
Howell. The two 60-minute specials were entitled Maple Music—Ahead of the Record,
the first program being broadcast on the AM network on 1 July, 1972 and the second on 7
July, 1972. According to the CBC, the prime objective of the programs was “to showcase
Canadian recording talent as it is expanding from North America to Britain and Europe.”
Additionally, these programs where unusual in that, up until this point, the Corporation
had “indicated very little concern with contemporary music culture” (“AM-FM Programs
On Music Junket,” 1972). Yorke echoed a similar sentiment, contending that "the CBC
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has a mandate to cover all things Canadian at all levels and young people can't be
ignored… However this program is not for teenagers alone. It's a cross-section of
Canadian music pop, folk, country and classical from coast-to-coast” (Gardiner, 1973).
Despite these intentions, the 90-minute documentary on the Junket was never completed.
In September 1972, a time and spot for Maple Music had yet to be announced, despite the
fact it would “garner a great audience wherever it’s placed” (Ashwell, 1972). By
December 1972, the CBC instead announced that it had scheduled an hour-long show that
was to be aired on 13 January, 1973 at 6.30 p.m., the show’s production costing $75,000
(Gardiner, 1973). It was only shown on CBC-owned stations and not on its affiliates
coast to coast, although affiliates were given the opportunity to run the show providing
they could find local sponsors. Additionally, the CBC’s decision was made at completion
of editing of the film, its publicity department having already issued “large, expensive
posters announcing the 90-minute show”. According to Gosewich, the CBC had
promised a 90-minute special, stating “we have letters on file to that effect”
(Adilman,1972). He goes further:
Being good Canadians we approached the CBC with television and radio rights
first, with the artists agreeing to give their time freely if a 90-minute special was
aired. We exchanged letters and all we wanted was a commitment. If it had not
been made we would have gone to CTV. (Gardiner, 1973)
In addition to claiming the network had gone back on its written promise and cut the
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show by 30 minutes, they also dropped it from a network time spot and eliminated 15
performers from the special including Bruce Cockburn (Gardiner, 1973). In his view,
they totally failed to live up to their end of the bargain in regards to the artists' unpaid
contribution, stating "the performers gave them radio and TV rights freely, in return for
the exposure and in the belief that the CBC would not have the right to cut them out of
the final product” (Gardiner, 1973). He expressed his vitriol further by issuing letters of
protest to CBC president Laurent Picard, executive vice-president Lister Sinclair and
director of entertainment programming Thom Benson: “This is a show which is a cross
section of contemporary music, not a rock show. Still it’s been cut…” (Adilman, 1972).
Yorke was equally outraged by the actions of the CBC, being quoted as saying "this is
just another example of the CBC's total lack of interest in Canadian music. The artists are
being ripped off and they have no recourse. The performers can't turn around and sue the
CBC. People like Anne Murray have commitments with the network” (Gardiner, 1973).
Gosewich admitted that Maple Music Inc. agreed to have no creative control over the end
product, but maintained that they insisted on a 90-minute special. However, the CBC
denied committing itself to a 90-minute show. Thom Benson said there had never been a
commitment to Maple Music Inc. or to individual performers, adding that the producer
did not represent the CBC during negotiations. Additionally, he stated the following in
response to The Ottawa Journal:
We're not deliberately throwing away a program… We recorded 90 minutes of
Maple Music but had extreme difficulty in scheduling it. It was cut to 60 minutes
because there was a lot of extraneous matter in it anyway, like people getting off a
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bus. Who the hell wants to watch people getting off a bus? So we're playing it early
on a Saturday evening when the kids can see it because it would have a wide appeal
to young people. (Gardiner, 1973)
Gardiner contends that the decision to cut the program was in part due to political in-
fighting, the decision being something of a vendetta against CRTC Chairman Pierre
Juneau. She states that it was widely acknowledged that certain CBC executives were
“unhappy with Mr. Juneau because of his Canadian content conditions, and also due to
his rejection of Bruce Cockburn among network proposals for restructure of its radio
service” (Gardiner, 1973). However, Juneau felt otherwise, maintaining that there was
“generally a feeling of enthusiasm about the Canadian content policy,” and that he
doubted that the cutting of the Maple Music special was "retaliation. I don't have the
information to put an interpretation of that kind on this matter… There was some
resentment about the Radio One and Radio Two policies, but this is no secret” (Gardiner,
1973). The Ottawa Journal also reports that Yorke was irritated by the fact that the 12
networks in Europe that were to run the 90-minute version of the film were doing so sight
unseen, stating: "It's a bloody, poor show that the most recognition Canadian talent will
get on a television will be from sources outside the country" (Gardiner, 1973). Despite
the conjecture, as far as the archival documentation and further research reveals, the 90-
minute version of the film was never fully completed, its unedited footage remaining in
the CBC archive.
There are few accounts of the special itself, McCook describing the show as “by turns
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funny, good, boring, repetitive, embarrassing and even a Canadian in-joke (the power
went out for Anne Murray—“That’s good old Canadian showbiz,” she announced)
(1973). Additionally, Bruce Cockburn’s manager, Bernie Finkelstein, apparently went to
efforts to keep Cockburn off the show because he saw the 90-minute cut and deduced that
“it was not good.” He went further, saying “the balance was wrong for one thing – four
Anne Murray numbers and only 90 seconds for some other performers. Bruce was given
three songs, but I thought the whole concept stunk. No art, no feeling.” This is on top of
Cockburn declaring, “I didn’t want to do the Maple Music show in the first place… But
so many other Canadians were taking part that I felt I’d be letting others down if I
didn’t.” According to the Montreal Star the pair hired a lawyer and threatened to take out
an injunction against the film (“Cockburn Shunned Maple Music TV Film,” 1973).
6.9 In Retrospect
Naturally, opinions on the effectiveness of the Maple Music Junket were diverse. Some
saw it as both constructive and adverse, while others were polarized, believing it to be
either an incredible achievement or totally fruitless. As McCook observed the following
year in the Ottawa Citizen, it was understandably judged a success by the CRTC and
some of the critics involved, while rumblings had “been heard since from some observers
and musicians that it was a huge, useless waste” (1973). In a confidential report on the
Maple Music Junket for the Department of Industry, Trade & Commerce, Yorke relays
the perceived successes of the endeavor. Prepared in August 1972, it outlines his
evaluation of its success in three areas. First, the immediate press and radio coverage the
Junket received. Second, the increase of Canadian music released in Europe; and third,
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the number of Canadian acts to tour Europe (1972e). From the immediate press coverage
there were some who saw the Junket favourably. Although disparaging the quality of
some of the acts, Denselow concludes that “the junket was undoubtedly a commercial
success, for stuck among the mediocrity were a number of good performers who until
now have been unknown to the British media and will doubtless be heavily promoted on
Radio 1 and in the pop press over the next few weeks” (1972). At the final press function
a reporter for the Canada Courier asked Ed Stewart what he thought about it; “obviously
exhausted at the end of the musical marathon but apparently not jaded, Stewart had a
succinct reply: “I’ll certainly be listening to their records” (“Maple Music Gets it all
Together,” 1972).
Some accounts seem noncommittal. For example, Abramovitch provides what is almost a
truism, stating that everyone who attended returned to his or her respective counties with
different opinions, but sure that there “wasn’t one single person able to deny the
existence of a Canadian music boom” (1972). Interestingly, he notes the through
discussions with other guests he agreed with them that the Canadian music scene of the
1970s was comparable to the English scene between 1959 and 1963 (Abramovitch,
1972). Some local commentators took a dimmer view on the events. In Music Canada
Quarterly, Joey Cee contends that despite pro-Canadian attitudes and a positive industry
outlook, the Junket was not a complete success. He contends that the European guests
were certainly sent back with an overall picture, but saying “I can’t really admit to the
Junket being a complete success. If I had to give it a rating, I would say that the junket
was a near success (Cee, 1972). In the same magazine, Mike Thompson points out that
the Junket left a taste “in the mouths of some of the delegates, according to local and not
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so local (Melody Maker; of England) was not all that succulent,” citing hardware
problems, and vast periods of idleness as the contributing factors (1972).
Although the Junket resulted in a substantial amount of publicity, it was observed that the
Montreal and Toronto media greeted the visitors coldly. Walt Grealis’ stipulated that
their unfriendliness was in part due to Yorke’s involvement in the Junket, saying that “a
lot of them, of course, hung their opposition on the fact that Ritchie Yorke had something
to do with it. They didn’t like Yorke, so screw the whole thing. They didn’t like him
because he was telling truths, he was controversial in what he was doing. (“The Long and
Grinding Road”, 1972). Melhuish purports that following the Junket individuals
approached him airing suspicions that Yorke made a personal profit from the
organization of the event, and various conflict-of-interest deals, to which he responded:
A killing! With the sort of pace that I watched Ritchie keep up from the time that
the idea was conceived until the time that the last farewell had been shouted after
the departing foreign media people at the airport, I feared that Ritchie might be
killing himself. In this case, if he had put the money left for his own use after the
expenses were deducted together with 20 cents, he could have bought himself a
nice cup of tea at the local restaurant. (1973)
Many of the perceived benefits were contingent on time, or were somewhat intangible
and difficult to quantify. Yorke concedes this in an article for Billboard, admitting that
there were really no tangible methods of evaluating the immediate success of the Junket,
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rather hoping that the music would be well received and that the visitors “will
subsequently draw it to the attention of their audiences” (“Maple Music Junket Lets,”
1972). In his earliest proposals Yorke refers to Andy Gray, who noted the long-term
benefits of the proposed junket. Yorke posits that although each writer or broadcaster
may only print two or three stories on Canadian music after the junket, “the impressions
of Canada remain with him considerably longer and inevitably turn up in later stories”
(Yorke, 1971c). Phillips notes that if an industry has “to make an investment of almost
£40,000 to bring the mountain to Mohammed is there not something suspect in its ability
to project?” (1972b). Conversely, there were tangible outcomes as a result of the Junket.
As the Canada Courier reported, to follow up on the exposure received during the
Junket, some of the groups made plans for international tours. Additionally, it was also
reported that the BBC was impressed enough to “arrange special programs of Canadian
music and a Danish entrepreneur was considering getting several Canadian shows going
on radio in his country” (“Maple Music Gets it all Together,” 1972). Cashbox also
reported that arrangements had been made “by artists and labels participating in the MMJ
to follow-up this Canadian show with engagements of their own in the UK and
throughout Europe” (“3 Concert Programs set at Maple Music Junket in June,” 1972).
For instance, it was anticipated that “people like barefoot Anne Murray and a poetic
musical group Perth Country Conspiracy” were to be sent to Britain later in 1972 (“A
Few Leaves from the Maple...,” 1972), in addition to the Stampeders (Stewart, 1972).
This case study discussed the Maple Music Junket, a media junket put together by the
Canadian government and various other bodies from the music industry bodies. In effect
200
they brought 100 European journalists to publicize Canadian music through a series of
concerts. To make sense of why such a Junket occurred the climate of the Canadian
music industry of the time was investigated – particular the CRTC, the implementation of
the Canadian content laws and Pierre Trudeau association to particular figures in popular
music. His administrations involvement with the Junket was looked at, and how the
foreign media perceived Trudeau and his cool image. The Junket was then discussed in
depth, with particular focus given to who was involved, who was on the board (and by
extension which record labels were involved), how the enormous venture was financed
and which media were invited to attend. Through private correspondence how the Junket
was marketed was also made clear, deliberately being styled as something distinct from
America. Themes and questions around national identity and cultural dominance also
recur. How the media reacted to the Junket, in addition to the unfinished documentary on
the event, will be examined. Lastly, the immediate outcomes of the Junket are analyzed.
201
7. Conclusion
This project has been focused on examining how popular music history can be reshaped
through document-focused archival research, in order to expand knowledge of specific
events. Through methodical use of structured document analysis, an individualistic
outcome has been produced that addresses how cultural history can be articulated through
an archive. Through the close investigation of this question, the research undertaken
offers new possibilities for comprehending the nuanced relationship between archival
research and personal histories. The application of archival methodology to a personal
archive, and the accounts it has enabled, together form the original contribution to
knowledge that this project constitutes, allowing a revised understanding of popular
cultural heritage. This thesis is primarily concerned with how materials from an archive
can be used to convey popular music history. This was achieved through copious research
and document analysis. This resulted in a narrative constructed from accounts pieced
together from mostly primary source material. This was supplemented and enriched by
private sources, particularly correspondence between Yorke and the individuals involved,
as well as privately prepared documents and photographs. The case studies are
constructed largely from newspaper and magazine articles, but this is appropriate as the
scrapbooks mostly consist of these items. Additionally, Yorke was a journalist and
embedded in the field, the archive reflecting this. As the study of popular music heritage
has grown, a renewed attention has been given to its cultural significance. This, in turn,
has increased the frequency of archival research in the field, and the prominence of
archives in the public imagination. This is evidenced by the spate of exhibitions
202
pertaining to musicians and their private collections: the David Bowie Is exhibition, The
Rolling Stones touring exhibition, or Bob Dylan’s archives being donated for exhibition.
Through the research the effects of the archive’s personal nature are felt. This personal
nature manifested itself in a number of ways. As a consequence of the archive’s singular
vantage point, the resulting narrative is, by necessity, expressive of that one voice.
Subsequently, the story that emerged is a very subjective view of the events covered,
reflecting Yorke’s outlook. Additionally, a majority of the information and quotes used
have been drawn from Yorke’s own published and unpublished works. This is
demonstrated by his numerous listings in the reference section. Writing a history
concerning someone with whom I was closely involved on a personal level has also been
challenging. Although I prefaced the research with an acknowledgment of my closeness
to both the material and subject, I’ve tried to maintain a balance of opinions and
intellectual neutrality. To this end I’ve included some of the counterarguments and
controversies posed toward Yorke. I also concede that acts of archival reading are tied to
the researcher’s personal perceptions and prejudices. To this end, judicious decisions
were made on what to cover, including those documents that were either pertinent,
interesting, or both. Admittedly, out of necessity, many articles and details where cut
through the research process. As one could go into infinite detail into these events, the
amount of detail included is indicative of my own sensibility as a researcher, using my
discretion as best I could. Additionally, many primary sources were not included in the
final analysis as they were often repetitive. For example, there would be 20 newspaper
articles with nearly identical text, having been syndicated through Canada.
203
There are layers to the archive, various stages of creation contributing to the artifacts
appraised. The Yorke archive was formed and altered by the time it was finally
interpreted in this study. The scrapbooks exemplify this; newspaper, magazine and other
documentation were either sent to or sought out by Yorke, who then curated their
arrangement within the scrapbooks. Once this material was heavily edited and audited I
arrive at the primary source that had been filtered. Although this has facilitated the
discovery of new evidence and novel perspectives, I have tried to counteract it to a degree
by including contemporary sources from outside the archive. Through the incorporation
of external sources into the archival readings one can better verify the historical and
cultural contexts. I’ve also tried to point out instances in which Yorke or his
contemporaries have obviously exaggerated the truth, or have excessively “hyped”
certain events or interactions. Despite the material originating from an individual
position, the ensuing data is a synthesis of various correspondence, letters, and primary
documentation that is otherwise unknown. These distinctive viewpoints range from the
conservative to those of the “turned-on under-25s.” Through the lens of Lemke, these
differences have been pointed out on a semantic level.
This project also sought to apply the principles of archival research to facilitate the
rediscovery of little-known histories. To this end the first in-depth accounts of the
Mosport Peace Festival and the Maple Music Junket were assembled. The importance of
Lennon and Ono’s War Is Over! Campaign and the ill-fated Peace Festival reflect greater
cultural contexts relevant to the late 1960s. Many of the events leading up to the
204
campaign, and the individuals involved, are significant in overall movements and societal
changes during and after 1968. For example, the peace movement (Lennon and Ono), the
growing anti-Vietnam sentiment (Rabbi Feinberg), the civil rights movement (Dick
Gregory) and the counter-culture at large (Marshall McLuhan, Timothy Leary,
Buckminster Fuller, the Smothers Brothers, Peter Max, Rolling Stone magazine). Some
of these individuals have irrevocably shaped our contemporary culture. From close
examination of the materials, particularly the correspondence Yorke had with Lennon and
Ono, the War Is Over! campaign can be seen as the result of many individuals all
contributing to a common goal, as opposed to the efforts of the couple alone. Although it
was made to seem like these media events were carried out without premeditation, such
as the meeting with Trudeau, they actually required months of planning. It also become
clear that the disintegration of the Peace Festival, the Peace Council and its various
initiatives were consequences of numerous contributing factors, including resistance from
the mainstream and underground press (Rolling Stone and Richard Goldstein) and from
local government, and logistical difficulties. Significantly, the collapse of the Festival and
the various initiatives marked the end of Lennon’s involvement in the peace movement.
Conversely, Ono remains active in promoting peace to this day.
Up until this point there has been little academic analysis concerning the Maple Music
Junket and its cultural significance. Despite being relegated to a footnote and not being
covered in-depth until now, the Junket’s significance to the broader cultural narrative has
been revealed through the archival research process, which particularly shows how it
marks a shift in the Canadian music industry.
205
Despite The Maple Music Junket proving to be the largest showcase of Canadian music
ever produced at the time, as was the case immediately following its execution, it remains
difficult to measure its success. What the Junket does expose is a shift by which
contemporary popular music was recognized at a Governmental and legislative level.
This is evidenced by the CRTC’s installation of the Canadian Content quota in addition
to its financing and support of the Junket. It must be noted that the CRTC’s legislation
remains a point of contention, and has been debated frequently since its implementation.
Regardless of the perceived usefulness of the Cancon legislation and the Maple Music
Junket, they both signify a shift within the Canadian music industry as a whole, as well as
in the government. This was in part to enable musicians to follow their careers within
Canada, eschewing the need to move to America to pursue success. While it wasn’t the
first event in which popular music and public policy converged in Canada, it was “the
first music event to be publicly financed in Canada outside the realms of jazz, classical,
ballet and opera” (Shapiro, 2014). Significantly, through close appraisal of insider
correspondence leading up to the Junket, it becomes clear that it was seen as a vehicle by
which national identity could be conveyed. Through subtle means a unique Canadian
character was fostered, one that was in many ways antithetical to America. In regards to
the specific acts that played at the showcases, some achieved mass unequivocal success
internationally, Anne Murray and Bruce Cockburn being the primary examples of this.
Other bands, such as Crowbar and Chilliwack, attained success within Canada.
Conversely, numerous acts that played have been largely forgotten by the canon. Also
noteworthy in the research’s cultural scope is that both case studies involve Pierre
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Trudeau. At the time of Lennon’s peace campaign in Canada, American officials where
doing all that was within their powers to keep Lennon out. This is the total opposite of
Trudeau, who met the couple for a well-publicised photo opportunity. In the broader
cultural narrative, this it significant, as such meetings between political leaders and
figures of popular culture are now commonplace. Both instances mark a shift by
government institutions to embrace popular music, and more specifically rock music.
I started this masters in order to understand how an archival research process can unveil
previously unknown historical events. Through the research process I discovered the
multiplicity of voices and different factors that inform such a narrative and its
construction. The resulting study demonstrates the potential we have when using a
private archive to enrich and deepen our understanding of popular music heritage. I have
come to better understand the method of document analysis, and its creative and critical
possibilities for the archival researcher. From the archive in its entirety, it’s clear that
Yorke did not merely sit back as an observer. In addition to being a commentator, he
deeply entrenched himself in various facets of the music industry, and was an active
participant in many historic rock events. This aggregation of critic, promoter, author,
producer, and fan is reflected in the interconnectedness of the archive’s contents. The
archive hints at possible avenues for further research, such as in depth looks at Yorke’s
involvement with Led Zeppelin, Van Morrison, or his early days in the Australian music
industry in the early 1960s.
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8. References
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220
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1969. Copy in possession of the Ritchie Yorke Archive.
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227
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228
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