History special dissertation

History Special Dissertation Candidate Number: 107253

‘There is no racism in sport’: An analysis of perceptions of black natural sporting ability.

ContentsIntroduction – 1

Contextualizing ‘race’ and racism – 3Chapter One: Perceptions of black natural abilities – 5

Perceptions of black difference until 1800 – 5Perceptions of black difference in the 19th century – 7

Perceptions of black difference in ‘the Century of the Gene’ – 10‘Racial habitus’: The vehicle of black difference – 15

Chapter Two: Anti-Racism campaigns in sports – 17The Rooney Rule: Anti-Racism in American Football – 17

Kick it Out: Anti-Racism in Football – 18World in Union: Anti-Racism in Rugby Union – 21

Conclusion – 22Appendices – 24

Bibliography – 24

IntroductionThe relationship between ‘race’ and sport is one that has a long history. Amid the height of the slave trade in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, slave-owners often held competitions in which neighbouring plantations’ best prize-fighters would compete for the entertainment of their owners and local white audiences. Such activities provided one of the few avenues for emancipation for black men, with consistently stellar performances leading to a release from servitude for a handful of sporting slaves.1 For all of the sport played by slaves in such situations, the power-dynamic at hand witnessed the black man as the cultural inferior of the white man, with the slave accordingly little more than a plaything whose talents were to be exploited at their slave owner’s every whim.

Fast-forwarding some two hundred and fifty years to the present day, an apparently very different but nonetheless equally complex, relationship can often be identified. In many aspects of sport, the power-dynamic has been flipped almost entirely on its head, with the black man often popularly regarded as the white man’s superior in terms of 1 Dunning, Eric. (1999) Sport matters: sociological studies of sport, violence and civilization. (London: Routledge), pp. 197-9.

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naturally endowed physical sporting ability. Actions such as sprinting and jumping have been considered by many to be ‘black traits,’ with blackness accordingly often having been hailed as the key to success in a plethora of sporting disciplines.

Polar opposites though these respective power-dynamics may at first appear to be, this essay will make the argument that the present day scenario is, in many ways, merely a developed version of the former. The essay will be divided into two broad chapters featuring within them various sub-topics in an attempt to analyse various perceptions that have been made of, and attitudes displayed towards, the notion of black natural sporting ability. The first chapter of this essay will deal with perceptions of black physical and intellectual characteristics, and attempt to sketch a history that at first proposed total black inferiority particularly in intellectual terms, before, over time, the trope of blacks as a physically superior racial grouping began to emerge. Even as notions of physical superiority emerged, however, this was always juxtaposed with perceptions of black intellectual inferiority, with these supposedly innate characteristics often deemed a justification for the enslavement of blacks. Indeed, blacks’ supposed hardiness earmarked them as the perfect candidates for a lifetime of extremely physically demanding toil on slave plantations.

Following the presentation of this juxtaposition of black physical superiority but mental inferiority that emerged throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth century, the continuation of this juxtaposition within sport throughout the twentieth century will be identified, with blacks having often been described and imagined by the media and the likes of coaches and directors within the sports industry as physically gifted but intellectually deficient. The entire physically superior/mentally inferior juxtaposition has been described as being ‘the legacy of racial folklore.’2 Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological concept of ‘habitus’3 will then be

2 Hoberman, John. (1997) Darwin’s athletes: How Sport Has Damaged Black America and Preserved the Myth of Race. (Boston: Mariner Books), p. 190.3 Bourdieu, Pierre. (1977) Outline of a Theory of Practice. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

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applied in an attempt to explain how such perceptions have continued to be salient despite science’s twentieth century rejection of the racial biology that led to the juxtaposition in the first place.

The second chapter of this essay will engage in a comparative analysis of the various anti-racism campaigns that have been conducted in a trio of sports – American football, football and rugby union – all of which have posited varying stances in opposition to racism, and test the possible effects of these campaigns with an analysis of managerial and playing staff. This chapter will make quantitative analyses of staff – both playing and managerial – in order to investigate whether or not blacks are more likely to feature in certain positions. Datasets from before the introduction of anti-racism campaigns will be compared with datasets from the present day, for which a more substantial outline of the methodology utilized for these analyses will be offered at the start of the second chapter. It will in turn be possible to examine the kinds of claims that have been made by prominent modern day managers and academics along the lines that sport is now entirely meritocratic, thus implying that racism is no longer an issue as far as playing sport is concerned. Comments made by Jose Mourinho, the manager of Chelsea Football Club, that ‘if you are good, you get the job... There is no racism in football’ are just one example of this.4

This essay will seek to make the argument that the juxtaposed perceptions of black physical superiority but mental inferiority that will be outlined in Chapter One still remain prevalent in elite modern sports having done so throughout the twentieth century. Whilst it is worth noting the caveat that well-targeted anti-racism campaigns appear to be able to certainly go some way to reducing the salience of these presumed racial characteristics, it will, however, still appear that more could be done to alert those involved in sports of the legacy of historical racial assumptions. Indeed, the juxtaposition of black men as physically proficient but mentally deficient will be shown to still exist at a covert

4 Mourinho, Jose. (2014) Quoted in, BBC Sport. ‘Jose Mourinho: No racism in football, says Chelsea boss.’ 3 October. http://www.bbc.co.uk/sport/0/football/29478599. (Accessed 04/05/2015).

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level when it comes to perceptions of the abilities of black people in the modern day.

Contextualizing ‘race’ and racism‘Race’ is a troublesome concept. Although historians, according to David Cannadine, ‘cannot agree when race became an important form of collective perception, identity, ranking and antagonism,’5 it was believed for centuries that human beings could be classified according to the sharing or absence of specific characteristics, with superficial characteristic differences held to imply fundamental personality differences. It was in the twentieth century – a period of unprecedented advance in biological understanding that has accordingly been termed the ‘century of the gene’6 – that such views went from being respectable science to an implausible dogma.

In 1916, for example, a Columbia University PhD student named George Ferguson wrote a thesis titled The Psychology of the Negro that suggested ‘the colour of the skin and the crookedness of the hair are only outward signs of many far deeper differences.’7 Throughout this period, notes Elazar Barkan, ‘racial differences were regarded as matters of fact, not of prejudice. Race was perceived to be a biological category, a natural phenomenon unaffected by social forces.’8 The time of Ferguson’s publication occurred very much in the twilight years of such ‘scientific racism’ – that is, racial assumptions of a once scientifically plausible nature – with the years between the World Wars witnessing the discrediting of such views ‘among leading scientific circles in the United States and Britain.’9 This period saw racial differences begin to be limited

5 Cannadine, David. (2013) The Undivided Past: History Beyond Our Differences. (London: Penguin), pp. 177-8.6 Fox Keller, Evelyn. (2000) The Century of the Gene. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press).7 Ferguson, George. (1916) The Psychology of the Negro. (New York). In, Syed, Matthew. (2010) Bounce: The myth of talent and the power of practice. (London: Fourth Estate), p. 246.8 Barkan, Elazar. (1992) The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing concepts of race in Britain and the United States between the world wars. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), p. 2.9 Ibid, p. 3.

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in science to physical characteristics, whilst ‘prejudicial action based on racial discrimination came to be viewed as racism.’10 Before this point, ‘scientists did not possess the... knowledge necessary to relate phenotypical differences to underlying genotype or genetic differences.’11 In 1936, the distinguished British geneticist H. J. Fleurie ‘declared that pure races did not exist,’12 whilst the anthropologist Ashley Montagu’s 1942 book on ‘the fallacy of race’ became a best seller.13 In 1950, a United Nations panel led by Montagu officially decreed that a consensus had been reached by scientists that ‘‘race’ is not so much a biological phenomenon as a social myth.’14

In 1972, the respectability of scientifically justifying apparent racial differentiation took a further hit. The biologist Richard Lewontin made the discovery that only 7 per cent of genetic variation between humans can be accounted for by differences according to ‘race’, with over 85 per cent of human genetic variation accounted for by individuals within population groups.15 By the 1980s, such findings had led sociologists such as Robert Miles to consider ‘race’ an ideological construct with no ontological validity,16 with the population geneticist Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza of Stanford University having argued that ‘classification into races has proved to be a futile exercise… All populations or population clusters overlap when single genes are considered, and in almost all populations, all alleles are present but in different frequencies. No single gene is therefore sufficient for classifying human populations into systematic categories.’17

Many, including Miles, have accordingly made the point that owing to the limited scientific basis of ‘race,’ simply employing the concept is 10 Ibid.11 Haralambos, Michael and Martin Holborn. (2000) Sociology: Themes and Perspectives [fifth edition]. (London: Collins Educational), p. 204.12 Cannadine, p. 205.13 Montagu, Ashley. (1942) Man’s Most Dangerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race. (New York: Harper).14 Cannadine, p. 212.15 Lewontin, Richard. (1972) ‘The Apportionment of Human Diversity.’ Evolutionary Biology, vol. 6: 391-8.16 Miles, Robert. (1984) ‘Marxism versus the Sociology of Race Relations?’ Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 7, no. 2: 217-37.17 Cavalli-Sforza, Luigi Luca. Quoted in Syed, p. 247.

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taken to be damaging, even in the context of anti-racism.18 Ian Law, however, has suggested that the idea of ‘race’ must be considered in order for apparently racist and discriminatory issues to be challenged, something which he has considered to be ‘strategic essentialism.’19 For Law, as the ‘race idea’ exists in popular discourse, as long as it is understood to have ‘no necessary political belonging,’ the term can be used despite its scientific inaccuracy.20 In accordance with Law, John Richardson and John Lambert have referred to W. I. Thomas’s assertion that ‘if people define a situation as real, it is real in its social consequences,’ with it thus essential to consider ‘race’ as a topic owing to the social consequences that have arisen from the matter throughout history.21

This essay shares the view of Law and Richardson and Lambert, and in doing so disagrees with Miles’s perception, taking the view that it becomes impossible to debate and evaluate perceptions that have been made along racial lines if one simply refuses to consider the term ‘race.’ From this point on in the essay ‘race’ shall be featured free of quote marks with it assumed that the uncomfortable scientific nature of the term shall be taken as read.

Chapter One: Perceptions of black natural abilitiesPerceptions of black difference until 1800The beginnings of Western racial attitudes have been traced to the mid-fifteenth century, when the Portuguese began to enslave black Africans, with the justification of biblical origin. Africans were popularly deemed to be descended from Canaan, the dishonourable son of Noah who was duly cursed to have dark-skinned and ‘servile’ descendants.22 It was not, however, until the middle of the eighteenth century that racial categories

18 Garland, Jon and Michael Rowe. (2001) Racism and Anti-Racism in Football. (Palgrave: Basingstoke), p. 9.19 Law, Ian. (1996) Racism, Ethnicity and Social Policy. (London: Prentice Hall), p. 5.20 Ibid, p. 6.21 Richardson, John and John Lambert. (1985) The Sociology of Race. (Ormskirk: Causeway Press); Haralambos and Holborn, p. 205-6.22 Cannadine, p. 179.

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and identities became ‘more sharp, fixed and significant,’23 with this period first witnessing the emergence of the notion of innate superiority and inferiority based on difference in skin colour.

It has been posited by Cannadine that although this original source of mid-fifteenth century racism may have been biblical, it was the challenge to religion and superstition and the contrasting pursuit of ‘reason, observation and science’ in the shape of the Enlightenment that brought about prominent racial attitudes for the first time. Indeed, in 1758, the prominent Enlightenment philosopher David Hume suggested that ‘Negroes’ were ‘naturally inferior to the Whites,’ owing to an observation made by Hume that black societies apparently lacked the features of advanced civilization.24 Immanuel Kant, a fellow leading Enlightenment thinker, wrote in a 1775 book titled The Different Races of Mankind that whilst whites and blacks were not different species they were ‘nevertheless two different races.’25

The Enlightenment saw a challenge to the religious doctrine of monogenesis – the view that all of humanity is commonly descended from Adam and Eve as laid out in the book of Genesis. As the Atlantic slave trade burgeoned, a division was drawn that clearly posited freedom, superiority and whiteness on the one hand versus servitude, inferiority and blackness on the other. Observing Enlightenment thinkers accordingly ratified ‘the notion that there were many different people inhabiting the globe, and whose forebears may have originated at different times,’ with this new doctrine of ‘polygenesis’ prominently espoused by the Enlightenment philosophers Lord Kames and Voltaire.26 It was suggested by such thinkers that differences between human populations ‘were bound to be absolute.’27

By this time, the ranking of the variously perceived racial classifications was rife amongst Western European scientists. The

23 Ibid, pp. 179-80.24 Hume, David. (1758) Essays and Treatises on Several Subjects, vol. 1. (London); Haralambos and Holborn, p. 200.25 Kant, Immanuel. (1775) The Different Races of Mankind. In, Cannadine, p. 180.26 Cannadine, pp. 179-80.27 Ibid.

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Swedish botanist Carolus Linnaeus is widely attributed with having been the first to publish a classification of ‘biological differences between the races,’28 and has been credited with ‘pioneering modern taxonomy.’29 In 1735 Linnaeus announced there to be four distinct human races – white European, red American, dark Asiatic, and black Negro. Europeans were deemed ‘acute, inventive... [and] governed by laws,’ traits that imply intelligence and civility, whilst black Africans were contrastingly considered to be ‘indolent, negligent... [and] governed by caprice.’30

Others followed in Linnaeus’s pioneering footsteps, with the likes of the French naturalist Georges-Louis Leclerc and the German anthropologist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach having similarly contrasted white European superiority with black African inferiority. Leclerc offered a classification ranging from intellectually superior Europeans to ‘simple and stupid’ Africans,31 whilst Blumenbach’s 1775 book On the Natural Variety of Mankind came to the conclusion that there were five observable races. Blumenbach ranked Caucasians – those of ‘a superior racial lineage unique to the inhabitants of central and western Europe’ – at the top, with Mongolians, Americans, Malaysians and Ethiopians to be found trailing in their wake.32

The 1770s also bore witness to the development of craniometry, a scientific discipline pioneered by the Dutch anatomist Peter Camper and the Swiss philosopher Johann Kaspar Lavater that advocated the ranking of human racial classifications by means of the differing dimensions, angles and volumetric capacities of cranial cavity measurements. The discipline became popular across Europe and the United States, with Cannadine noting the result of this to have been a ‘proliferation of publications purporting to demonstrate that the foreheads of Negroes receded more than those of whites, and that their cranial capacity was

28 Syed, pp. 258-9.29 Cannadine, pp. 181-2.30 Linnaeus, Carolus. Quoted in, Eze, E. C. (ed). (1997) Race and the Enlightenment: A Reader. (Cambridge, Mass.: Wiley), p.13.31 Peabody, Sue. (1996) “There Are No Slaves In France”: The Political Culture of Race and Slavery in the Ancien Régime. (New York: Oxford University Press), p. 66.32 Blumenbach, Johann Friedrich. (1775) On the Natural Variety of Mankind. In, Cannadine, pp. 181-2.

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thus significantly smaller, suggesting their brains were too.’33 The discipline continued into the early decades of the nineteenth century and was taken as proof that there were indeed distinct races, and ones that could be ranked in permanence.

The impact of classification and craniometry was most fundamental upon the foundation of the notion of blacks having natural inabilities. Blacks and whites were posited to be irrefutably different, with, despite Linnaeus’s assertion that blacks were indolent, a particular focus upon intellectual difference that saw the black man considered to be of inferior intelligence and civility in comparison to the white man. This perception of absolute difference between whites and blacks was not controversial among the upper echelons of white society by the end of the eighteenth century. Indeed, although Britain’s American colonists established a nation in which ‘all men are created equal,’ the 20% of its population who were black were not considered to be men of the same standard. J. Hector St. John, an early American farmer, noted that ‘the American… is either a European or a descendant of a European,’34 a view to which the Founding Father and third President of the United States, Thomas Jefferson, subscribed. According to Jefferson, a noted advocate of individual rights, ‘the difference’ between blacks and whites was ‘fixed in nature.’35

Perceptions of black difference in the 19th centuryThe polygenetic idea of ‘race as type’ – that of racial differences having existed from prehistory by one means or another – burgeoned throughout the nineteenth century as white people of a Western European origin came into increasing contact with other ethnic groups. The notion of black mental inferiority remained, whilst this century also saw the notion of blacks as a naturally physically gifted race blossom, with the

33 Cannadine, p. 182.34 J. Hector. St. John de Crèvecoeur. (1782) Letters from an American Farmer, p. 54. http://xroads.virginia.edu/~hyper/CREV/contents.html. (Accessed, 10/05/2015).35 Jefferson, Thomas. (1781) Notes on the State of Virginia, p. 264. http://web.archive.org/web/20080914030942/http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/JefVirg.html. (Accessed, 10/05/2015).

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perceptions of biological difference between blacks and whites said to have offered the slave owner ‘partial justification for the institution of slavery.’36 1829 saw the publication of a document from southern America which deemed ‘Negroes’ to be ‘not only healthy people, but robust and durable even in the swamps.’37

Following on from the likes of Linnaeus, Camper and Lavater, 1839 saw Samuel Morton distinguish five races by craniometric means, with Caucasians deemed to have the largest cranial capacity and ‘Ethiopians’ the smallest.38 In the following decade, the former British army surgeon Robert Knox set off on a lecture tour of northern England speaking on human history from a medical and anatomical perspective. The tour spawned an 1850 book titled The Races of Men, the opening passage of which stated: ‘That race is in human affairs everything is simply a fact.’39 Knox was of the view that various races comprised separate species, different from each other both behaviourally and biologically. Europe, according to Knox, featured four major races of descending sophistication, headed by the Saxons who were concentrated in Britain, northern Germany and Scandinavia. Following the European quartet – that also included Celts, Slavonians and the Russ – were the Latins and the Jews, followed by a vast gulf, before the ‘Mongoloid’ and ‘Negroid’ races got their mention. The Negroid was held to be the inferior of the white in every respect, and, according to Knox, ‘no more a white man than an ass is a horse or a zebra.’40 Knox was far from ignored, with ‘his views on race,’ according to Cannadine, ‘more widely subscribed to than those of Marx and Engels.’41 Whilst the then-MP and future Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli, himself a Jew, disagreed with Knox on the disparaging ranking of Jews, a general outlook was shared by the duo. Indeed, Disraeli noted in the House of Commons in 1849 that ‘race

36 Hoberman, p. 147.37 Anon. (1829) Quoted in, Gibbs et al. (1980) ‘Nutrition in a Slave Population: An Anthropological Examination.’ Medical Anthropology, Spring, p. 178.38 Morton, Samuel George. (1839) Crania Americana. (Philadelphia: J. Dobson).39 Knox, Robert. (1850) The Races of Men: A Fragment. (London: H. Renshaw), p. v.40 Ibid, pp. 65-6; 245; Biddiss, M. D. (1976) ‘Politics of Anatomy: Dr. Robert Knox and Victorian Racism.’ Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine, vol. 69, p. 250.41 Cannadine, pp. 174-5.

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implies difference, difference implies superiority, and superiority leads to predominance.’42

This general trend of scientifically implying the objective mental superiority of whites and the comparable mental inferiority but physical robustness of blacks was carried forth by many others, with the 1850s a particularly fertile time for the espousing of such views. In 1851, the prominent southern American physician Samuel Cartwright wrote in DeBow’s Review, a publication read by many slaveholders, that ‘it is not only in the skin that a difference of color exists between the negro and the white man, but in the membranes, the muscles, [and] the tendons,’ with blacks commonly deemed to be ‘capable of great endurance under a burning sun.’43 Hoberman has noted that ‘the construction of black physical vitality... has been a biracial enterprise,’44 with both whites, such as Cartwright, and blacks having bought into the idea in the mid-nineteenth century. The African-American abolitionist Frederick Douglass wrote in 1854 that ‘the history of the Negro race proves them to be wonderfully adapted to all countries, all climates, and all conditions’ and referred to ‘powers of endurance’ and ‘malleable toughness’ as typical ‘Negro’ traits.45

The American physician Josiah Nott in tandem with the British-American Egyptologist George Gliddon argued in 1854 that only Caucasians were suited to the civility of democracy, with blacks comparably ‘only fit for military governments.’46 1855, meanwhile, saw the French writer Arthur de Gobineau – who became a strong influence on Nazi racial science – publish Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races, in which racial characteristics were deemed to be ‘part of the immutable order of things.’47 When Charles Darwin published On the 42 Disraeli, Benjamin. (1849) [Speech], February 1. Quoted in, Odom, Herbert. (1967) ‘Generalizations on Race in Nineteenth-Century Physical Anthropology.’ Isis, vol. 58, p. 9.43 Cartwright, Samuel A. (1851) ‘Diseases and Physical Pecularities of Negroes.’ De Bow’s Review, vol. 11, p. 65.44 Hoberman, p. 170.45 Douglass, Frederick. (1854) In, Foner, Philip S. (ed.) (1950) The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass, vol. III. (New York: International Publishers), p. 308.46 Nott, Josiah C. and George R. Gliddon. (1854) Types of Mankind.47 de Gobineau, Arthur. (1855) Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races.

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Origin of Species in 1859, the ideas of racial hierarchy tended to be ‘grafted’ on to evolution, with Darwin’s ideas utilised to argue that blacks were simply less evolutionarily developed than whites.48 An 1860 publication by an American novelist claimed that ‘Negroes’ could not be overworked, whilst it was also believed impossible for a slave master to knock a slave to the ground, with black men’s skulls believed to be so thick that such an effort would break any white man’s fist.49 In the same decade, a Kentucky physician described black men as unsurpassable ‘by any people on earth’ in terms of their ‘muscular strength and endurance.’50

Racial ideas, argues Cannadine, ‘became more influential in the Western world during the years of high imperialism,’51 despite the abolition of slavery in the UK in 1833 and in the USA in 1877, with ‘the idea of race as subspecies... increasingly popular’ in the late nineteenth century.52 The liberal philosopher and biologist Herbert Spencer was prominent in arguing that the societies found amongst blacks were ‘uncivilized... savage tribes’ in contrast with the highly evolved peoples of Western Europe,53 whilst the likes of the British historian E. A. Freeman celebrated the triumph of Anglo-Saxon peoples, whose capacity for self-government was deemed unrivalled, and whose superiority over all other races was consistently hailed.54

Following the abolition of slavery in the United States, the social standing of black people hardly improved as Southern whites reasserted their supremacy, with segregation said to have been ‘the law and custom’ throughout the South by the 1890s. Indeed, the perception of black inferiority is perhaps most apparent in the fact that during the 1880s and

48 Darwin, Charles. (1859) On the Origin of Species. (John Murray);Syed, pp. 260-3.49 Anon. (1860) Quoted in, Fredrickson, George. (1971) Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914. (New York: Harper), p. 57.50 Anon. Quoted in Hoberman, p. 162.51 Cannadine, pp. 184-7.52 Haralambos and Holborn, pp. 202-4.53 Ibid.54 Koditschek, Theodore. (2011) Liberalism, Imperialism, and the Historical Imagination: Nineteenth-Century Visions of a Greater Britain. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 240-50.

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1890s there were, on average, 150 white lynchings of blacks per year.55 In the 1880s, The Association of American Anatomists distributed a questionnaire asking physicians to ‘keep a careful record of all variations and anomalies’56 between whites and blacks, and black males came to be ‘increasingly regarded as subhuman beasts.’57 The psychologist R. Meade Bache posited the idea of the ‘law of compensation’ to explain the relationship between apparently primitive intelligence and athletic superiority, a belief guaranteed by the perceived faster reflexes of blacks.58 To the end of black physical superiority, the sociologist Kelly Miller argued in 1897 that black men were a ‘tougher and hardier breed’ than their white counterparts, with the physical ability to withstand ‘awful stress.’59

It is thus clear that by the culmination of the nineteenth century, the perception of blacks as being inferior intellectually but also superior physically to whites had been well and truly established.

Perceptions of black difference in ‘the Century of the Gene’The twentieth century can be identified as the time when these juxtaposed perceptions first began to infiltrate sport, with the first three decades of the century, before racial science met its demise, apparently crucial to the creation of the trope of the physically superior black athlete. Hoberman has made the point that ‘colonial encounters around the globe produced many similar assessments of black male physicality and... appreciations of well-endowed black bodies,’60 with two 1929 editions of the journal Human Biology featuring notable references by white authors to black physical supremacy. The idea of the juxtaposition

55 Cannadine, p. 191-3.56 Haller, John S., Jr. (1970) ‘The Physician Versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century.’ Bulletin of the History of Medicine, vol. 44, March-April, p. 157.57 Cannadine, p. 191-3.58 Bache, R. Meade. (1895) ‘Reaction Time with Reference to Race.’ Psychological Review.59 Miller, Kelly. (1897) ‘A Review of Hoffman’s Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro.’ Occasional Paper No. 1, (Washington D. C.: American Negro Academy), p. 18.60 Hoberman, p. 164.

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between the relative typically intellectual strengths of whites and the typically physical strengths of blacks are herein obvious, with the eugenicist Charles B. Davenport having argued that ‘the negroes are superior in some respects, the whites in others.’61 The biologist Raymond Pearl, meanwhile, suggested that the Negro ‘appears to enjoy a greater biological fitness than the white race, while in other respects he is apparently distinctly less well adapted.’62 The biracial aspect of the idea of the attribution of physical endowment to blacks was also apparent at this time, with an article by the African-American Charles Garvin in a sociological journal for African-American studies telling its readers in 1924 that, typically, ‘the Negro possesses biological fitness.’63

The early twentieth century witnessed a continuation of the rhetoric of the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries with regards to perceptions of mental inferiority. Indeed, Theodore Roosevelt, the President of the United States between 1901 and 1909, described blacks as ‘savages... wholly unfit for suffrage,’64 with this a viewpoint shared by the Progressive reformist Woodrow Wilson, who was the President for eight years from 1913.65 This view that coloured races were intrinsically different and inferior was apparent in the early decades of the twentieth century across the British Empire, ‘a white man’s empire’ where non-whites ‘were denied political and legal rights where they lived,’ and was a characteristic shared by the expansive French, Belgian and German empires of the same time.66

It appears that this perception of the black man as deficiently intellectual retained its salience in some quarters throughout the twentieth century, with Henry Edward Garrett, a psychologist at Columbia University, writing in 1963 that ‘[the Negro] has less...

61 Davenport, C. B. (1929) ‘Do the Races Differ in Mental Capacity?’ Human Biology, vol. 1, January, pp. 78-89.62 Pearl, Raymond. (1929) ‘Biological Factors in Negro Mortality.’ Human Biology, May, p. 249.63 Garvin, Charles. (1924) Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life, p. 341.64 Dyer, T. G. (1980) Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race. (Baton Rouge: LSU Press), pp. 16-19; 70-80; 100-9.65 Cannadine, p. 187.66 Ibid, pp. 189-191.

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‘abstract intelligence’ than the white man. He functions at a lower level.’67 Garrett went on to add that ‘those black Africans are fine muscular animals,’68 clear evidence for the continued perception of a juxtaposition between black intelligence and physicality. Richard Hernstein and Charles Murray’s 1994 book The Bell Curve, meanwhile, was roundly accused of doing nothing more than upholding antiquated racial assumptions by suggesting in Chapter Thirteen that ‘it seems highly likely that genes... have something to do’ with racial groups having differing average IQs.69

The African-American boxers Jack Johnson, the heavyweight world champion between 1908 and 1915, and Joe Louis, the champion from 1937 until 1949, were typically referred to within the trope of the mentally inferior but physically superior black man, with neither of their respective sporting successes met with much surprise. Indeed, their successes were attributed to their black nature, and were taken by white audiences as confirmation of the inverse relationship between intellect and physical capability between the white and black races.70 With regard to Muhammad Ali’s boxing successes in the 1960s and 1970s, meanwhile, Matthew Syed has suggested that ‘it was Ali’s capacity to shatter the stereotype of black intellectual inadequacy that shook up the world, not his ability to shatter white men’s jaws.’71

Perceptions of black natural sporting ability but intellectual deficiency were not just present in America and Western Europe, however. In Brazil, the prominent mixed-race writer and politician Henrique Coelho Neto argued in the early decades of the twentieth century that if Brazil was going to prosper as a footballing nation, ‘a new breed’ of mixed-race Brazilians that combined the supposed intellectual

67 Garrett, Henry Edward. (1963) Quoted in, Syed, pp. 260-3.68 Ibid.69 Hernstein, Richard J. and Charles Murray. (1994) The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life. (New York: Free Press); Gould, Stephen Jay. (1996) The Mismeasure of Man. (Norton); Konner, Melvin. (2003)The Tangled Wing Biological Constraints on the Human Spirit, 2nd edition. (Henry Holt and Company), p. 428; Chomsky, Noam. (1995) ‘Rollback.’ Z Magazine, January-May. http://www.chomsky.info/articles/199505--.htm#TXT2.23. (Accessed 10/05/2015).70 Syed, pp. 260-3.71 Ibid.

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and physical properties of whites and blacks would be able to ‘leave behind their dismal cultural heritage,’72 and perform as sporting missionaries of the new Brazil.73 This ‘mulattoism,’ according to the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre, enabled the Brazilian football team to blend ‘characteristics such as surprise, craftiness, shrewdness, readiness and... individual brilliance and spontaneity’74 en route to finishing third at the 1938 World Cup in France where the team’s ‘Black Diamond’ striker Leonidas da Silva was the tournament’s top scorer. The Australian author Peter Robb has written that Freyre’s argument enabled Brazil to consider itself a nation ‘where all races flourished and racism was extinguished,’75 although the notion of the footballing mulatto blending supposedly black ‘physical capital’76 and white ‘shrewdness’ is indicative of the global salience of the dominant and pervasive perceptions of the juxtaposition of black mental deficiency but physical and sporting proficiency.

As in Brazil, football in Britain is also a fertile hunting ground for scholars seeking to find twentieth century examples of the juxtaposition of the black man as a natural athlete yet intellectual deficient. In the 1960s and 1970s, Syed has written that ‘blacks were considered to lack the mental sophistication to undertake the creative role of playmaker,’ a view shared in American football, where ‘there was a long-standing view that blacks lacked the intellect to cope with the demands of such high-profile positions as quarterback,’ with blacks deemed too intellectually limited to run an offence.77 The sports writer Simon Kuper in tandem with the sports economist Stefan Szymanski has written that by the 1980s, ‘racism had been more or less taken for granted’ in football, with the ex-captain of both England and Liverpool, Emlyn Hughes, declaring on 72 Coelho Neto, Henrique. Quoted in, Pereira, Leonardo. (1998) ‘O jogo dos sentidos: os literatos e a popularização do futebol no Rio de Janeiro.’ In, Chaloub, Sidney and Leonardo Pereira (eds.) A História Contada: Capítulos de História Social da Literatura no Brasil. (Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira, 1998), p. 201.73 Goldblatt, David. (2014a) Futebol Nation: A Footballing History of Brazil. (London: Penguin), pp. 23-4.74 Freyre, Gilberto. (1938) Correio da Manha, 15 June. In, Goldblatt, (2014a), pp. 81-7.75 Robb, Peter. (2004) A Death in Brazil. (London: Bloomsbury), pp. 24-5.76 Goldblatt, (2014a), pp. 81-7.77 Syed, pp. 260-3.

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national television that black players ‘haven’t got the bottle’ for the rigours of elite professional football.78 Another popular assumption made of black players around this time was that they would ‘cave in under pressure,’ meaning that ‘you don’t want too many of them in your defence’ where their supposed mental deficiencies could be exposed.79 The former football manager Dave Bassett, meanwhile, noted in a 2014 BBC radio interview that: ‘I had coloured players at Wimbledon in the ‘80s... [and they] contributed enormously, because they’re athletic.’80 In 1991, Ron Noades, the then chairman of Crystal Palace, made an appearance on Channel Four in which he explained his ‘problem with black players.’ Whilst Noades suggested that blacks had good physical attributes, noting that ‘they’ve great pace, [they’re] great athletes,’ he was quick to cast aspersions upon the mental faculties of black players, stating that: ‘I don’t think too many of them can read the game.’81 These various quotes all evidence the notion of black physical superiority juxtaposed with intellectual inferiority.

The 1930s witnessed the emergence of the perception of black sprinting prowess at a time when racial science was in its final decade of widespread biological credibility, with the historian Frederick Lewis Allen noting in 1936 that ‘one of the most interesting athletic phenomena of our time is the emergence of... Negroes as the best sprinters and jumpers in the world.’82 In the 1930s, four of the world’s top sprinters were black athletes,83 and it was believed that there was a biological cause for this black dominance, with Lawson Robertson, a track coach at the University of Pennsylvania, suggesting that blacks were anatomically

78 Kuper, Simon and Stefan Szymanski. (2012) Soccernomics: Why Transfers Fail, Why Spain Rule the World and Other Curious Football Phenomena Explained. (London: HarperSport), pp. 93-5; Hughes, Emlyn. Quoted in, Kuper and Szymanski, pp. 93-5.79 Kuper and Szymanski, pp. 93-5.80 Dave Bassett. (2014) ‘Stephen Nolan.’ [Radio] BBC Radio 5 Live, 4 October. http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b04jj29l. (Accessed 11/05/2014).81 Noades, Ron. (1991) Quoted in, Kuper and Szymanski, pp. 93-5.82 Allen, Frederick Lewis. (1936) Quoted in, Hoberman, p. 190.83 Cromwell, Dean with Al Wesson. (1941) Championship Techniques in Track and Field: A Book for Athletes, Coaches and Spectators. (New York: McGraw-Hill), pp. 6, 30-31; Baker, William J. (2006) Jesse Owens: An American Life. (Chicago: University of Illinois Press), pp. 42-46.

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‘built for speed.’84 The Times, meanwhile, in the build up to the 1936 Olympic Games regarded this ‘fleet of flying Negros’ to be ‘scarcely’ beatable,85 with Jesse Owens, the fastest of the black quartet, going on to take the gold medal in the 100-metres, 200-metres, 4x100-metre relay and also in the long jump. According to Dean Cromwell, the leader of the American team at the 1936 Olympic Games, ‘the Negro does well... because he is closer to primitive man than white people... He has supple muscles and his light-minded disposition is useful in the mental and physical relaxation necessary for someone who runs and jumps.’86 Despite the biological assumptions that accompanied Owens’s triumph, the anthropologist William Montague Cobb had already demonstrated in the January of 1936 that Owens had none of the anatomical traits which black athletes were believed to possess: ‘There is not a single physical characteristic which all the Negro stars have in common which would definitely identify them as Negroes... [Owens] does not have what is considered the Negroid type of calf, foot, and heel bone.’87

Despite Cobb’s arguments to the contrary, and the fact that notions of a black biological proficiency for sprinting arose at a time when racial science remained plausible, such arguments were consistently reproduced throughout the twentieth century. Indeed, Roger Bannister, a former athlete and neurologist, made a 1995 speech to the British Association for the Advancement of Science in which he suggested ‘it is perfectly obvious, when you see an all-black sprint final that there must be something rather special about their anatomy... It may be that their heel bone is a bit longer.’88 Specialist sports publications also devoted column inches to these theories throughout the century, with a 1971 84 Atkinson, LeRoy. (1937) Famous American Athletes of Today (Boston: L. C. Page), p. 272; Baker, pp. 42-46.85 The Times. (1936)‘The Modern Olympiad.’ The Times [London, England] 8 July, p.7. The Times Digital Archive. http://find.galegroup.com.ezproxy.sussex.ac.uk/ttda/infomark.do?&source=gale&prodId=TTDA&userGroupName=sussex&tabID=T003&docPage=article&searchType=BasicSearchForm&docId=CS117649128&type=multipage&contentSet=LTO&version=1.0. (Accessed 06/12/2014).86 Cromwell, Dean. Quoted in, Syed, pp. 260-3.87 Cobb, William Montague. (1936) ‘Race and Runners.’ Journal of Health and Physical Education, January, pp. 54–56.88 Bannister, Roger. (1995) Quoted in, Hoberman, pp. 143-4.

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Sports Illustrated article by Martin Kane and a 1992 Runners World article by Amby Burfoot titled ‘White Men Can’t Run’ reinforcing the notion of black sporting supremacy, with particular references to sprinting.89 Indeed, the popular perception of a black advantage in sprinting was roundly criticised throughout the twentieth century by a number of academics for giving a pseudoscientific justification to thinly veiled racial prejudice, and thus offering credibility to the retention of racial stereotypes.90 Simon Barnes of The Times, meanwhile, noted at the 1988 Olympic Games that ‘a lot of people are waiting for black athletes to show some kind of human failing’ as if to assume that in tandem with their physical gifts would be some intellectual deficiency.91

Psychological studies carried out at the end of the twentieth century, meanwhile, confirmed the continued presence of the perception of juxtaposition between back physical ability and intellectual inability, a relationship opposite to that presumed present within whites. A 1997 study, for example, gave a golf-putting task to a series of black and white athletes, and found the performances of whites and blacks to be extremely similar. Before a second run of the task, however, the participants were informed that the challenge was one that measured ‘natural athletic ability,’ which led the white participants’ performances to deteriorate in lieu of them perceiving themselves to be naturally athletically inferior.92 1999 research by the psychologist Claude Steel, meanwhile, gave a group of students a test that was described to be ‘a measure of their intellectual ability’ which saw white students perform substantially better than their black counterparts. However, when the same test was presented as a laboratory tool with no relevance to

89 Kane, Martin. (1971) ‘An Assessment of ‘Black is Best.’ Sports Illustrated, 18 January; Burfoot, Amby. (1992) ‘White Men Can’t Run.’ Runner’s World.90 Edwards, Harry. (1970) The Revolt of the Black Athlete. (New York: Free Press), p. 79; Cashmore Ernest. (1982) Black Sportsmen. (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd); Hoberman.91 Barnes, Simon. (1988) ‘Arrogance hides an uneasy love.’ The Times (London, England), Monday, 26 September, p. 39.92 Stone, Jeff, Perry, Z. W., and Darley, J. M. (1997) ‘White men can’t jump: Evidence for the perceptual confirmation of racial stereotypes following a basketball game.’ Basic and Applied Social Psychology, vol. 19, no. 3: 291-306; Syed, pp. 264-7.

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intellectual ability, the scores of black and white students were more or less identical.93

It is thus apparent that the twentieth century experienced the retention of the racial perceptions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with it seemingly fairly common for blacks to be deemed less intellectually, but simultaneously more physically, able than whites. It is evident that sport proved to be a common arena for these views to be made in, an unsurprising finding given that physical fitness, in one way or another, is an essential requirement of most sports.

‘Racial Habitus’: The vehicle of black differenceAs has already been noted, Hoberman has suggested that the perceptions of the contrasting natural abilities of blacks and whites are ‘the legacy of racial folklore.’94 This part of the essay will focus on the sociological theory of habitus that may offer an insight into how these views have remained salient, despite ‘the retreat of scientific racism’ and the new-found implausibility of racial science that emerged during the twentieth century.95

Habitus, according to Bourdieu, are ‘systems of durable, transposable dispositions.’96 An individual’s ‘embodied dispositions’ – one’s habitus – such as tastes and perceptions, for example, are formed through habitual practice stemming, and continuing onwards into the future, from one’s early years, leading to the deep instillation of views of which one may not even be conscious.97 To formulate this concept, Bourdieu drew on the ‘yesterday’s man’ theory of Emile Durkheim, which posited that perceptions gained in the past ‘inevitably predominate in us, since the present amounts to little compared with the long past in the course of which we were formed and from which we result... [Yesterday’s

93 Steele, Claude. (1999) ‘Thin Ice: Stereotype Threat and Black College Students.’ Atlantic Monthly, August; Syed, pp. 264-7.94 Hoberman, p. 190.95 Barkan.96 Bourdieu, p. 72.97 Perry, Samuel L. (2012) ‘Racial Habitus, Moral Conflict, and White Moral Hegemony Within Interracial Evangelical Organizations.’ Qualitative Sociology, vol. 35, no. 1: 89-108.

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man] makes up the unconscious part of ourselves... [whereas] the most recent attainments of civilization... have not yet had time to settle into our unconscious.’98

Although Bourdieu based his analysis upon class distinctions, race theorists such as Samuel Perry and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva have applied the concept of habitus to explain perceptions based on race.99 Perry has noted that an individual’s location within a ‘racialized social system’ – as a society which has seen more than two centuries of reinforcement of the notion of black natural mental inferiority but physical superiority in direct contrast with supposed white natural attributes may surely be considered – will see the production of a ‘racial habitus’ that creates ‘a matrix of tastes, perceptions, and cognitive frameworks that are often unconscious and... tend to reproduce the very racial distinctions and inequalities that produced them.’100 The durability of racial identities – as the attribution of the natural abilities around which this essay is focussed unequivocally appear to have been – are described by Jeffrey Sallaz as ‘past-in-present racial formations,’101 with Perry continuing that ‘habitus is apt for understanding racial formation in that it postulates fundamental, embodied cognitive schemata through which we classify people around us.’102 Gerhard Maré, meanwhile, has made the point that the natural qualities assumed to be derived from race may come to undertake ‘an illusion for ordinariness’ when they become sufficiently ingrained in the unconscious of enough individuals within a society.103

Without explicitly using the notion of habitus, Yuval Noah Harari appears to have come to a similar conclusion in his description of ‘the vicious circle’ of cultural prejudice, which offers an explanation for how perceptions may become ingrained in a society. When perceptions 98 Durkheim, Emile. (1938) L’évolution pedagogique en France. (Paris: Alcan), p. 16.99 Perry; Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. (2003) Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial inequality in the United States. (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield).100 Perry.101 Sallaz, Jeffrey J. (2010) ‘Talking race, marketing culture: The racial habitus in and out of apartheid.’ Social Problems, vol. 57, no. 2: 294-314.102 Perry.103 Maré, Gerhard. (2001) ‘Race counts in South Africa: ‘an illusion of ordinariness’.’ Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa, vol, 47: 75-93.

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become widespread, argues Harari, they tend to become self-fulfilling and thus lead to the continuation of such perceptions into the future.104 Syed explains how these notions may relate to sport and accordingly fuel the continuation of the viewpoint that blacks may be naturally physically gifted: ‘Blacks... will be perceived as naturally gifted, and encouraged [to pursue sport], leading to extra practice and better performances, thus seeming to confirm the original assumption.’105

Chapter Two: Anti-Racism campaigns in sportsThe Rooney Rule: Anti-Racism in American FootballThis second chapter will analyse anti-racism campaigns that have been established in the sports of American football, football and rugby union. Anti-racism campaigns are inherently linked to the notion of habitus and Harari’s ‘vicious circle’ in that they can be interpreted as attempts to break the cycle of dispositions and as challenges to socially ingrained perceptions, such as those outlined in the first chapter of this essay, in their quest to oppose racism. Each sub-section of this chapter will commence with a discussion of an anti-racism campaign introduced in either the last decade of the twentieth century or the first few years of the twenty-first within the relevant sport and outline its relation to the topic of black natural sporting ability. A quantitative analysis of staff stratification will then ensue in order to test if there has been a reduction in the apparent positional bias – as outlined in the third section of the first chapter of this essay – wherein teams in some sports appeared to show a preference for picking blacks for roles where natural physical attributes were deemed important. Such positions included those with a reliance on speed, for example, whilst whites were disproportionately selected for roles where mental abilities would be typically considered more important – such as the strategic backroom roles or on-field positions with a responsibility for playmaking.

104 Harari, Yuval Noah. (2014) Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind. (London: Harvill Secker), p. 143. 105 Syed, pp. 264-7.

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As has already been noted, American football in the 1960s and 1970s was pervaded by the perception that blacks were ill-equipped for playmaking roles owing to their lack of ‘mental sophistication,’ with the position of quarterback typically the domain of the white man – a position that sees ‘enormous pressure’ to direct the team bestowed upon one player.106 Numerous studies have backed up the idea that ‘socially constructed racial discrimination’ has long faced black players seeking to play in playmaking roles, as ‘coaches, managers and team-owners do not think they are capable... to handle leadership and decision-making tasks.’ 107

Despite the fact that 30% of the NFL’s players in 1970 were black,108 the NFL could, before 1979, only point to having had one black head coach in the competition’s entire history. In the same way as blacks have been suggested to be unlikely to feature in strategic positions owing to their supposed inferior mental abilities, this perception would logically also extend to the ultimate strategizing role of head coach. By the turn of the twentieth century the tally of black head coaches in the NFL’s history had risen to six, with two of the NFL’s thirty two teams at the time led by black head coaches in the respective shapes of Tony Dungy at the Tampa Bay Buccaneers and Dennis Green at the Minnesota Vikings. In 2002, however, this duo both saw their contracts terminated, despite the Buccaneers having won more games than they lost, and Green having had his first season in a decade of coaching in which he won fewer matches than he lost. The NFL saw fit to stage something of an intervention ahead of the 2003 season, with Dan Rooney, the then Chairman of the league’s Diversity Committee, proposing the introduction of a system which would require teams to give at least one

106 Ibid; Long, Howie and John Czarnecki. (2011) ‘The Quarterback’s Job in a Football Game.’ http://www.dummies.com/how-to/content/the-quarterbacks-job-in-a-football-game.html. (Accessed 08/05/2015).107 Maguire, Joe. (1991) ‘Sport, Racism and British Society: A Sociological Study of England’s Elite Male Afro/Caribbean Soccer and Rugby Union Players.’ In, Jarvie, Grant (ed.) Sport, Racism and Ethnicity. (London: Falmer Press), p. 97-8.108 Shmoop. (2008) ‘NFL History Learning Guide: Race.’ http://www.shmoop.com/nfl-history/race.html. (Accessed 08/05/2015).

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interview to an ethnic minority candidate should a vacancy for head coach arise, a policy that became known as the ‘Rooney Rule.’

The Rooney Rule can be considered an attempt to break the racial habitus that appears to have been prevalent in sports throughout the twentieth century, with the assurance of at least one interview being awarded to an ethnic minority candidate in a bid to provide a chance for black coaches to override the typical perceptions of mental inferiority that they may otherwise have come attached with. It appears that the Rule has been a success, with 22% of the NFL’s head coaches in 2006 of an African-American ethnicity.109 Although over 60% of the NFL’s players are now black,110 a statistic far in excess of the 22% of head coaches, it appears that gradually the perception of black mental inferiority may be on the wane with regard to NFL head coaches. This indicates that the Rooney Rule, an anti-racism policy designed to tackle the idea that blacks are naturally unfit for strategizing at the same level as whites, has done a great deal in American Football to tackle the racial habitus of innate black intellectual deficiency.

Kick it Out: Anti-Racism in FootballThis part of the essay focuses on English football which saw, in 1993, the inception of the ‘Let’s Kick Racism Out of Football’ campaign that was launched as a joint project by the Professional Footballers’ Association (PFA) and the Commission for Racial Equality with a mission to make football ‘completely free of prejudice.’111 The campaign was re-named as ‘Kick it Out’ in 1997 and became an independent organisation funded by the triumvirate of the Football Association, the Football Foundation and the PFA.

Kick it Out’s stated goal of striving to remove all prejudice from the game would initially appear to indicate a desire to eradicate the kind of positional bias noted in the third section of Chapter One and in the

109 Collins, Brian W. (2007). ‘Tackling Unconscious Bias in Hiring Practices: The Plight of the Rooney Rule.’ New York University Law Review, vol. 82, no. 3: 870–912.110 Shmoop.111 Kick it Out. ‘Chronology.’ http://www.kickitout.org/about/chronology/. (Accessed, 09/05/2015).

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previous section of Chapter Two. However, it has been suggested by a number of scholars that positional stratification on the basis of skin colour had stopped being an issue in English football by the culmination of the twentieth century. Kuper and Szymanski argued that by the 1998/99 season ‘the economic forces of competition’ had ruled out stratification as the ‘white men’ running teams were driven to abandon their prejudices in the interests of winning football matches, with black players, before this point, having been undervalued in the transfer market.112 Scott Fleming and Alan Tomlinson, meanwhile, simply made the point in 1996 that ‘black players have become prominent in all positions.’113

According to Ellis Cashmore and Jamie Cleland, the perception that football was, by the end of the twentieth century, entirely open to those of all colours ‘helped to paint a picture of declining racism across British football.’114 This perception seems to have been one shared by Kick it Out, with their activities generally having been aimed at tackling overt racist chanting among fans.115 It at this point becomes instructive to test the claims of the likes of Fleming and Tomlinson and see if there has indeed been an equalizing of the levels of black players in ‘intellectual’ positions, with their claim indicating that one should now expect to find complete equality. This will be tested by comparing data on players by position and ethnicity compiled by Joe Maguire for the 1989-90 season with data for the 2014/15 season drawn from the Premier League fantasy football database. The technique used will be one called ‘stacking’ whereby one simply counts each player by their position and skin colour enabling the analyst to ascertain if there is a predominance of certain skin colours in certain positions or not. Stacking as a technique has been criticized by Birrell, who noted in 1989 that ‘there is no theoretical news’

112 Kuper and Szymanski, pp. 102-5.113 Fleming, Scott and Alan Tomlinson. (1996) ‘Football, Racism and Xenophobia in England (I): Europe and the Old England.’ In, Merkel, Udo and Walter Tokarski (eds.) Racism and Xenophobia in European Football. (Aachen: Mayer und Mayer), p. 84.114 Cashmore, Ellis and Jamie Cleland. (2011) ‘Why aren’t there more black football managers?’ Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 34, no. 9: 1594-1607.115 Goldblatt, David. (2014b) The Game of Our Lives: The Meaning and Making of English Football. (London: Penguin), p. 173.

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to be found by doing so.116 This however, may have been true in the late 1980s in which positional stratification was a well-recognised phenomenon, but it again becomes a useful tool when, as the likes of Fleming and Tomlinson and Kuper and Szymanski have claimed, stratification is deemed newly absent from the game.

I expect to find a disproportionately high number of black players in the 1989/1990 dataset [Fig. 1117] in attacking positions, and a disproportionately low number in defensive positions following Jonathan Wilson’s reference to the common perception of the 1970s and 1980s that ‘black players were [deemed] all very well as forwards but... lacked the discipline and concentration necessary to be a defender... [a] racist assertion that was... presumably, doubly true for goalkeepers.’118 For the 2014/15 dataset [Fig. 2]119, however, I expect for there to be an equal distribution of black players – I have counted mixed raced players as black in that it is probable that, in England, they may also experience the assumptions of black nature120 – in all positions in order for the likes of Fleming and Tomlinson to be proved correct in suggesting that positional stratification – a manifestation of the juxtaposition of the black man as physically gifted but intellectually deficient – has died out in English football.

The data for 1989/1990 does indeed indicate an increase in black proportions as the position gets further away from the goal that a team is defending, with 0% of the goalkeepers, 9.1% of the defenders, 5.0% of the midfielders and 20.7% of the strikers of the 92 Football League clubs in 1989/1990 black. This evidence is, as argued by the compiler Maguire, suggestive of racial prejudice.121 This is not to suggest, however, that all football managers in 1989/90 were explicitly racist and only selected 116 Birrell, Susan. (1989) ‘Racial relations theories and sport: Suggestions for a more critical analysis.’ Sociology of Sprt, vol. 6, p. 214.117 Maguire, p. 110.118 Wilson, Jonathan. (2012) The Outsider: A History of the Goalkeeper. (Orion), p. 139.119 Premier League. (2014) ‘Fantasy Premier League.’ http://fantasy.premierleague.com/. (Accessed 11/05/2015).120 Bakare, Lanre. (2012) ‘Britain is now a better place to grow up mixed race. But don’t celebrate yet.’ The Guardian [online], 15 December. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/dec/15/britain-grow-up-mixed-race. (Accessed, 10/05/2015).121 Maguire, pp. 102-113.

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black strikers. Indeed, the trend could have emerged at a youth level, for example, with black children themselves, or their parents or coaches led to believe that they would be naturally better suited to play in an offensive position rather than a defensive one. Either way, the numbers indicate that there was, at some level, a perception that blacks were not suited to positions requiring discipline and intellectual strength. The data for 1989/90 is telling: The predominance of black players in attack, with zero playing in goal, appears to confirm that the historic juxtaposition of black mental deficiency with physical proficiency remained present in English football at the start of the 1990s.

The evidence for 2014/15, meanwhile, is similarly telling. Whilst there is an increase to 4% of the 20 Premier League clubs’ goalkeepers in 2014/15 being black, the progression as the position moves away from goal is clear. 31% of defenders were black, 40% of midfielders and 46% of strikers. The reason for the heightened figures in all positions may be chiefly explained by the globalization of the game in the last two decades, with overseas players now predominant in the Premier League. A relative preference for white goalkeepers, in particular, and white defenders appears to have remained – a trend that may derive, with clubs now tending to buy players from abroad rather than develop youngsters, from stereotyping by scouts who tend to ‘look for players who look the part’122 and thus, perhaps unaware of their own racial habitus, may presume a black striker ‘looks the part’ more so than does a black goalkeeper or defender. This would tend to suggest that the arguments of the likes of Fleming and Tomlinson have been wrong, with Kick it Out’s campaign thus potentially having been ineffectual with the juxtaposition of black natural physical ability and intellectual inability apparently remaining.

It thus seems that Kick it Out’s claim to strive to overrule prejudice in all forms in the game is complacent as far as they have focussed on racist abuse in the stands and seemingly ignored the apparent unconscious retention of racial habitus regarding playing staff. It certainly appears that the racial assumptions of the 18th, 19th and 20th

122 Kuper and Szymanski, p. 25.

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centuries regarding black natural sporting ability remain in force in English football, with black players apparently still widely considered to be unsuited to the more mentally taxing roles of goalkeeper and defender.

World in Union: Anti-Racism in Rugby UnionIn rugby union, meanwhile, there has been a veritable absence of official anti-racism campaigns. This is not to say however that the sport has made no acknowledgement of the need to battle racism in society, with, on a global level, the International Rugby Board sanctioning South Africa as the host of the 1995 Rugby World Cup as a means of celebrating South Africa’s return to the sporting fold following the overturning of the apartheid system that saw South African sports teams roundly boycotted.123 Perhaps the most telling aspect of rugby in targeting the notion of racial separateness occurs in the official anthem of the Rugby World Cup since 1991, World In Union. The song’s lyrics include the line ‘every colour, once joined, never apart,’124 an implication that colour should be no barrier to a complete racial integration in rugby union. With regard to stratification, one may thus assume that the sport of rugby union would be generally opposed to different coloured people being cast as having different abilities on the basis of their skin colour and accordingly, from a positional basis, be selected apart.

Using the same method as the previous section of this essay’s analysis of football, I will compare data from the top three English rugby leagues in 1988/89 season as compiled by Maguire,125 with data from the Aviva Rugby Premiership, English rugby’s top division, for the 2014/15 season [Fig. 3]126 in order to test whether the racial juxtaposition appears

123 Carlin, John. (2009) Invictus: Nelson Mandela and the Game that made a Nation. (London: Atlantic Books), pp. 113-4.124 Skarbek, Charlie. (1991) ‘World in Union.’ World in Union: The Rugby World Cup 2011 (The Official Album). CD. Decca.125 Maguire, p. 113.126 Bath Rugby. (2014) ‘1st XV squad.’ http://www.bathrugby.com/team/first-fifteen-squad. (Accessed, 11/01/2015); Exeter Chiefs. (2014) ‘Players & Staff.’ http://exeterchiefs.co.uk/category/players-staff/. (Accessed, 11/01/2015); Gloucester Rugby. (2014) ‘Players & Coaches: Senior Squad.’ http://www.gloucesterrugby.co.uk/rugby/squad/squads_gloucester_first_xv.php?

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to have either existed, or to still exist, by ‘stacking’ players based on skin colour and position. In rugby union, two positions immediately open themselves up for analysis with fly-half a position similar to the quarterback in the NFL in that it embodies intellect by being a playmaking decision right in the thick of the action.127 Contrastingly, the position of wing is on the periphery, so less influential to every aspect on play, yet relies on the players having ‘raw speed’128 – a characteristic, as per the third section of Chapter One of this essay, often ascribed to blacks in the twentieth century.

Maguire’s data for 1988/89 indicates that only 2.4% of his 540-strong sample of players were blacks, with zero black fly-halves. 27% of the wingers, meanwhile, had black skin. The 2014/15 data is fairly similar, with 0% of the fly-halves but 16% of the wingers black or mixed-race. Whilst there appears to have been a degree of improvement with the percentage gap between the two positions nearly half what it once was, the difference still appears stark. It thus seems that the juxtaposition of black physical proficiency but intellectual deficiency remains in rugby as in football, although it does appear that progress has been made in the past two decades as with the NFL’s Rooney Rule.

Conclusion

includeref=dynamic&filter=yes&searchinit=&searchteam=&searchname=&searchyear=2014&searchdecade=&layout=grid&order=position. (Accessed, 11/01/2015); Harlequins. (2014) ‘Current Players.’ http://www.quins.co.uk/team/players/#senior. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); Leicester Tigers. (2014) ‘Players & Coaches: Senior Squad.’ http://www.leicestertigers.com/rugby/leicester_tigers_senior_squad.php?includeref=dynamic&filter=yes&searchinit=&searchteam=&searchname=&searchyear=2014&searchdecade=&layout=&order=position. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); London Irish. (2014) ‘First Team.’ http://www.london-irish.com/h/the-club/first-team/47/. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); London Welsh. (2014) ‘Squad.’ http://www.london-welsh.co.uk/index.php?mod=rugby_squad. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); Newcastle Falcons. (2014) ‘Team.’ http://www.newcastlefalcons.co.uk/Team/Player/68. (Accessed, 11/01/2015); Northampton Saints. (2014) ‘Rugby: Profiles.’ http://www.northamptonsaints.co.uk/Rugby/Profiles.aspx. (Accessed, 11/01/2015); Sale Sharks. (2014) ‘Sale Sharks Squad.’ http://www.salesharks.com/rugby/matchcentre/sharks.php. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); Saracens. (2014) ‘Senior Squad.’ http://www.saracens.com/senior-squad/. (Accessed, 11/05/2015); Wasps. (2014) ‘Players & Staff.’ http://www.wasps.co.uk/players-staff. (Accessed, 11/05/2015).127 Carlin, p. 83.128 Rugby Sidestep Central. (2011) ‘Rugby wing.’ http://www.rugby-sidestep-central.com/rugby-wing.html. (Accessed, 11/05/2015).

29

http://www.rugby-sidestep-central.com/rugby-wing.html


http://www.wasps.co.uk/players-staff

http://www.saracens.com/senior-squad/

http://www.salesharks.com/rugby/matchcentre/sharks.php

http://www.northamptonsaints.co.uk/Rugby/Profiles.aspx

http://www.newcastlefalcons.co.uk/Team/Player/68

http://www.london-welsh.co.uk/index.php?mod=rugby_squad

http://www.london-irish.com/h/the-club/first-team/47/

http://www.leicestertigers.com/rugby/leicester_tigers_senior_squad.php?includeref=dynamic&filter=yes&searchinit=&searchteam=&searchname=&searchyear=2014&searchdecade=&layout=&order=position



http://www.quins.co.uk/team/players/#senior





It is clear that throughout the century of the gene, the black man was often popularly regarded as the white man’s superior in terms of naturally endowed physical sporting ability. In boxing, sprinting and the primarily physical roles in football, rugby union and American football it is evident that black men were popularly perceived to have innate talents for these disciplines, with it appearing that in the latter three sports these perceptions are yet to be quashed. Intellectually, meanwhile, it is also clear that the black man remained to be considered the inferior of the white man, in both sports – as Chapter Two appears to indicate – but also according to popular perception as indicated by the psychological research of Steel.

Hoberman’s view that these perceptions are a legacy of racial folklore is certainly a persuasive line of argument, with the racial science perceptions of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as explored in this essay’s first chapter, appearing to match perfectly the phenomena of the twentieth century. Indeed, the racial habitus theories of the likes of Perry work to extend Hoberman’s view and offer a theoretical explanation for the understanding of how the legacy was able to remain despite the relegation of racial science from the realm of biological plausibility during the mid-twentieth century, following the likes of Montagu and Lewontin.

It is clear that early perceptions of black physical and intellectual characteristics were governed by the white Western European Enlightenment intellectuals such as Linnaeus and Blumenbach, whose thinking heavily influenced fellow white European elites. It is apparent that such views permeated into the nineteenth century, with such thought evidently popular among the highest echelons of white society, with Jefferson, Disraeli and Roosevelt all convinced by the evidence and writings presented before them of the, to quote de Gobineau, ‘immutable’ difference of the black and white races.

Following the abolition of slavery it is clear that these views remained deeply ingrained in the minds of both white and black people, with the ‘biracial’ element of the perception of juxtaposed black and

30


white physical and mental natures apparent. Sport, with its reliance on both physical and mental faculties, then became an arena riddled with evidence for the retention of these perceptions, with black physical proficiency but mental deficiency having continued to be salient perceptions in sporting circles.

The analysis of the second chapter, meanwhile, suggests that these perceptions remain in modern elite sport in the twenty-first century, thus serving to refute the perceptions of the likes of Fleming and Tomlinson and Mourinho, who, as noted in the introduction, have suggested there to be ‘no racism in football.’ It is thus clear that the juxtaposed perceptions of black physical superiority but mental inferiority that outlined in Chapter One still remain prevalent in elite modern sports, although well-targeted anti-racism campaigns, such as the Rooney Rule, appear to be able to certainly go some way to reducing the salience of these presumed racial characteristics. In order to tackle the racial habitus that still appear to be at large in American football, football and rugby union, it seems that more could be done to alert those involved in sports of the nature of the historical racial assumptions that appear to be being unconsciously retained and reproduced. Indeed, it is clear that black people have long been considered a physically robust but mentally deficient ‘race’ – with sport appearing to have carried these perceptions forward despite the biological refutation of race in the mid-twentieth century.

AppendicesFig. 1. Football League players by Position and Skin Colour, 1989/1990.

31


Fig. 2. Football 2014/2015.

Fig. 3. Rugby 2014/15.

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