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    INTRODUCTION:

    In recent years, academics in fields of several business administrations have studied the

    economic and managerial implications of corporate social responsibility (CSR). CSR may be

    defined, consistent with Mcilliams and Siegel (!""#), as actions on the part of a firm that

    appear to advance the promotion of some social good beyond the immediate interests of the

    firm$shareholders and beyond legal re%uirements. &hat is, CSR activities of companies are those

    that e'ceed compliance with respect to, e.g., environmental or social regulations, in order to

    create the perception or reality that these firms are advancing a social goal. It is not surprising

    that some firms choose to be socially responsible in this sense. Most large multinational

    companies encounter e'tensive pressure from consumers, employees, suppliers, community

    groups, government, nongovernmental organiations (*+s), and institutional shareholders to

    engage in CSR. Such CSR activities might include incorporating social characteristics or features

    into products and manufacturing processes (e.g., producing aerosol products with no

    fluorocarbons or ma-ing greater use of environmentallyfriendly technologies), striving to reach

    higher levels of environmental performance via recycling or pollution abatement (e.g., adopting

    an aggressive stance towards reducing emissions), or promoting the goals of community

    organiations or *+s (e.g., nited ay or +reenpeace). /rom an economics perspective,

    companies would be e'pected to engage in such activities if the perceived (measured or 

    unmeasured) benefits e'ceeded the associated costs in the view of the decisionma-ing entity.

    Recent theories of CSR (0aron, !""#, Mcilliams and Siegel, !""#, 0agnoli and atts, !""1)

    thus con2ecture that companies engage in 3profitma'imiing4 CSR, based on anticipated

     benefits from these actions. 5'amples of such benefits might include reputation enhancement, 6

    the potential to charge a premium price for its product(s), or the enhanced ability to recruit and

    retain high %uality wor-ers. /or a CSR action to be underta-en by a company, the benefits of 

    engaging in this activity must offset the higher costs associated with the additional resources that

    must presumably be allocated for the firm to achieve CSR status. 7ue to rising pressures for and

    visibility of CSR activities in the increasingly socially aware climate of developed countries, the

    end result has been a substantial increase in investment in such activities in all 5C7 nations.

    0ased on the profitma'imiation CSR hypothesis, most academic studies of CSR have focused

    on a narrowlydefined businessoriented research %uestion8 do socially responsible firms achieve

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    higher, lower, or similar levels of financial performance than comparable firms that do not meet

    the same CSR criteria (+riffin and Mahon, #99:, 7owell, ;art, and oor?s Compustat or stoc- price data from the Center for Research in Security >rices). @lthough

    the business administration perspective of this body of research 2ustifies an e'clusive focus on

    financial measures of performance, from an economic perspective this is unfortunate. @ more

    salient issue in this conte't is the relationship between economic performance and CSR 

    activities, where economic performance involves technological and economic relationships

     between output production and input demand, recogniing opportunity costs of inputs and capital

    accumulation. /or e'ample, economic performance may be defined as A the amount of (good or 

    mar-etable) output producible from a given amount of inputs (productivity), the deviation of 

    output produced from that implied by 3best practice4 production (technical efficiency), or the

    input$resource use re%uired to produce a given amount of output (cost effectiveness). 0ecause

    such measures are based on evaluating mar-eted outputs and inputs, this raises %uestions about

    whether conventional productivity$performance estimates are biased from not recogniing

    environmental or other social e'ternalities, and how economic performance might be affected by

    reducing such e'ternalities. /or public policy ma-ers, clarifying such relationships helps to

    identify the resource costs of CSR, or 3mar-et failures4 with respect to CSR (Siegel, !""#). Such

    information in turn provides guidance on optimal levels of 3social responsibility4 regulation. /or 

    managers, information on such relationships is useful because it helps to inform resource

    allocation decisions regarding CSR activities. &hat is, empirical evidence on the magnitude of 

    the tradeoff between cost or productivity and CSR facilitates determining the amount of CSR 

    e'penditure that is economically 2ustifiable. ur ob2ective in this special issue is to e'plore this

    economic perspective to CSR, and thus address some of these gaps in the literature on CSR.

    @fter identifying some of the leading contributors to the literature on environmental e'ternalities

    and economic performance, we solicited manuscripts on the economics of CSR and held a

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    wor-shop in *ottingham, 5ngland, 2ointly sponsored by the School of ;umanities and Social

    Sciences at Rensselaer >olytechnic Institute and the International Centre for Corporate Social

    Responsibility (ICCSR) at the niversity of *ottingham. @mong the authors and discussants at

    the wor-shop were scholars from several academic disciplines (economics, political science,

    accounting, finance, and management), including many international contributors and 2unior 

    scholars. B &he best economicsoriented papers generated from this wor-shop were selected for 

    this special issue, after an additional round of reviews. &hese studies address two critical themes

    of the economics of CSR8 (#) methodological issues relating to productivity measurement when

    3bad4 outputs that impose social costs are 2ointly produced with good or mar-etable outputs and

    (!) empirical relationships between environmental and social regulation$performance and

    economic performance$productivity. In addition, all but one of the articles in this special issue

    are based on establishmentlevel data, which is generally regarded as more appropriate for 

     productivity measurement than firmlevel data. In the remainder of our introduction to this

    special issue, we provide a brief summary of each of these studies in the conte't of the

    economics of CSR and CSR impacts on productivity and costs. &he role of corporations in

    society is clearly on the agenda. ;ardly a day goes by without media reports on corporate

    misbehavior and scandals or, more positively, on contributions from business to wider society. @

    %uic- stroll to the local cinema and films li-e D0lood 7iamond?, D&he Constant +ardener? or 

    DSupersie Me? reflect a growing interest among the public in the impact of corporations on

    contemporary life. Corporations have clearly started to ta-e up this challenge. &his began with

    Dthe usual suspects? such as companies in the oil, chemical and tobacco industries. @s a result of 

    media pressure, ma2or disasters, and sometimes governmental regulation, these companies

    realied that propping up oppressive regimes, being implicated in human rights violations,

     polluting the environment, or misinforming and deliberately harming their customers, 2ust to give

    a few e'amples, were practices that had to be reconsidered if they wanted to survive in society at

    the end of the twentieth century. &oday, however, there is virtually no industry, mar-et, or 

     business type that has not e'perienced growing demands to legitimate its practices to society at

    large.

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    Theories and hypothesis:

     /rom @gency to Sta-eholder Eogics of CSR *umerous articles have documented the emergence

    and institutionaliation of the agency logic of corporate control whereby a corporation is

    regarded as merely a ne'us of contractual arrangements between individuals (Fensen G

    Mec-ling, #9:B illiamson G inter, #991 Ha2ac G estphal, !""6). &hus, managers are

    assumed to be fungible agents of shareholders who are li-ely to pursue corporate actions that

    advance their own personal interests at the e'pense of shareholder value (e.g. /ama G Fensen,

    #91b, #91a seem, #991 7avis G &hompson, #996 estphal G Ha2ac, #99A seem, #99B

    Ha2ac G estphal, !""6). @ccording to Ha2ac G estphal (!""6) and other scholars, such strong

    agency assumptions resulted in the surfacing of a different model of economic resource

    allocation termed as 3investor capitalism.4 &he model?s main idea is that if a firm is simply a set

    of contracts and if managerial action results in significant agency costs, then the capital

    allocation process is better left to investors rather than managers (p. 61B). Contrary to the

    dominant beliefs under a previously prevalent 3corporate4 logic then, managers and e'ecutives

    were no longer regarded as 3professionals with uni%ue strategic -nowledge that is re%uired for 

    efficient allocation of corporate resources4 (Ha2ac G estphal, !""68 61B). *ot surprisingly then,

    a number of corporate policies were viewed and interpreted through the lens of the agency logic.

    /or e'ample, Ha2ac G estphal (#99A) show that in the midtolate #9"s, e'ecutive incentive

     plans were 2ustified as a mechanism to align managerial and shareholder interests (consistent

    with an assumption of agency costs) rather than as a mechanism to attract and retain scarce

    e'ecutive talent. Moreover, Ha2ac G estphal (!""6) show that due to the switch to the agency

    logic, stoc- mar-et reactions to repurchase plan adoptions shifted over time, from negative to

     positive. Meanwhile, articles in the accounting and finance literature provide empirical evidence

    according to which investment analysts? e'pectations regarding a focal company?s future growth

    and performance are in fact a good pro'y for the e'pectations of the company?s own

    shareholders (/ried G +ivoly, #9! ?0rien, #9 @barbanell, Eanen, G Jerrecchia, #99A).

    More generally, these sellside analysts are employed by bro-erage houses and research firms,

    they trac- the performance of a specific set of firms over time, and they generate and publish two

    main products8 forecasts of these firms? future earnings as well as investment recommendations

    that clients buy, sell, or hold their shares in the stoc-s of these firms. &he same literature

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     provides plenty of evidence that mar-et participants e'tensively use these products, and

    documents their significant influence over stoc- prices and trading volumes (Stic-el, #99A

    omac-, #99B /rancis G Soffer, #99: 0arber, Eehavy, Mc*ichols et al., !""#).

    Defining CSR:

     *avigating through the 2ungle of definitions In the conte't of such an ine'orable rise to

     prominence of CSR, the literature on the sub2ect, both academic and practitioner, is

    understandably large and e'panding. &here are now thousands of articles and reports on CSR 

    from academics, corporations, consultancies, the media, *+s, and government departments

    there are numerous conferences, boo-s, 2ournals, and magaines on the sub2ect and last, but not

    least, there are literally millions of webpages dealing with the topic from every conceivable

    interest group with a sta-e in the debate. ;ow then to best ma-e sense of this vast literature so as

    to construct a coherent account of what CSR actually is= @fter all, few sub2ects in management

    arouse as much controversy and contestation as CSR. /or this reason, definitions of CSR 

    abound, and there are as many definitions of CSR as there are disagreements over the appropriate

    role of the corporation in society. @s Mcilliams, Siegel, and right (!""B) recently declared8

    Dthere is no strong consensus on a definition for CSR?. In /ebruary !"":, this lac- of consensus

     blew up into something of a storm on the i-ipedia online encyclopaedia when the phrase

    Dcorporate social responsibility? was nominated to be Dchec-ed for its neutrality? following a

    series of disagreements about its meaning from supporters and critics (5thical >erformance,

    !"":). /igure # gives 2ust some e'amples of the different ways that CSR is described and defined

     by different organiations across the globe. @s this clearly shows, there are some similarities in

    the &his is the prepublication version of Chapter # from Crane, @., Matten, 7. and Spence, E.

    (!""), Corporate Social Responsibility8 Readings and Cases in +lobal Conte't, way that

    different actors understand CSR, as well as considerable differences. Moreover, although we

    often loo- to academic research to provide clarity amongst so much ambiguity, this diversity is

    also reflected in scholarly definitions of CSR. /or e'ample, one early writer on CSR, Keith

    7avis described CSR as Dthe firm?s consideration of, and response to, issues beyond the narrow

    economic, technical, and legal re%uirements of the firm?(7avis #9:1 cited in Carroll, #999),

    whilst a few years later @rchie Carroll (#9:9) defined it much more broadly to include e'actly

    those elements that 7avis e'cluded8 Dthe social responsibility of business encompasses the

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    economic, legal, ethical, and discretionary e'pectations that society has of organiations at a

    given point in time?. &his heterogeneity in CSR definitions has continued unabated. hilst the

    Carroll definition given above is arguably the most commonly cited one, it remains contested, as

    we will see later in chapter 1. &herefore, others have ta-en a different route and rather than

    specify particular responsibilities, have offered more general definitions that see- to include the

    different opinions on CSR that are evident across the literature. /or instance, 0rown and 7acin

    (#99:) define CSR as a company?s Dstatus and activities with respect to its perceived societal or,

    at least, sta-eholder obligations,? whilst Matten and Moon (!""6a) offer the following8 DCSR is a

    cluster concept which overlaps with such concepts as business ethics, corporate philanthropy,

    corporate citienship, sustainability, and environmental responsibility. It is a dynamic and

    contestable concept that is embedded in each social, political, economic and institutional

    conte't.? In this boo-, we will not see- to simply follow one of these definitions, nor will we

     provide a new improved one that will simply add to the comple' 2ungle of CSR definitions. In

    the contested world of CSR, it is virtually impossible to provide a definitive answer to the

    %uestion of what CSR Dreally? is. &herefore, our intention is to identify some core characteristics

    of the CSR concept, which we hope will help to delineate its essential %ualities, and will provide

    a focus for the definitional debates that continue to surround the sub2ect.

    Core characteristics of CSR 

    &he core characteristics of CSR are the essential features of the concept that tend to get

    reproduced in some way in academic or practitioner definitions of CSR. /ew, if any, e'isting

    definitions will include all of them, but these are the main aspects around which the definitional

    debates tend to centre. Si' core characteristics are evident8

    Voluntary

     Many definitions of CSR will typically see it as being about voluntary activities• that go beyond

    those prescribed by the law. &he views of the K government and the 5C as shown in figure #

    certainly emphasise this characteristic. Many companies are by now wellused to considering

    responsibilities beyond the legal minimum, and in fact the development of selfregulatory CSR

    initiatives from industry is often seen as a way of forestalling additional regulation through

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    compliance with societal moral norms. &he case of K soft drin-s companies introducing a code

    of responsible practice in !""B (see 5thical >erformance, !""B) is a good e'ample of such a CSR 

    initiative that has arguably been introduced to head off potential regulatory action. Critics of

    CSR, therefore, tend to see the element of voluntarism as CSR?s ma2or flaw, arguing that legally

    mandated accountability is where attention should really be focused, as the Christian @id

    definition.

      Internalizing or managing eternalities

    5'ternalities are the positive and negative side effects of economic behavior that are borne by

    others, but are not ta-en into account in a firm?s decision ma-ing process, and are not included in

    the mar-et price for goods and services. >ollution is typically the first place. Much CSR activity

    deals with such # See for e'ample the Corporate Responsibility (CR5) Coalition, a collection

    of K *+s including / (K), @mnesty International, @ction @id and /riends of the 5arth,

    that Dwor- to ma-e changes in K company law to minimie companies negative impacts on

     people and the environment and to ma'imie companies contribution to sustainable societies?

    (www.corporateresponsibility.org). &his is the prepublication version of Chapter # from Crane,

    @., Matten, 7. and Spence, E. (!""), Corporate Social Responsibility8 Readings and Cases in

    +lobal Conte't, Eondon8 Routledge, pp.1!". B B e'ternalities (;usted G @llen, !""B), including

    the management of human rights violations in the wor-force, calculating the social and economicimpacts of relocation or downsiing, or reducing the health impacts of Dto'ic? or otherwise

    dangerous products, etc. /or e'ample, a recent e'ample of CSR in @sia was nilever?s

    collaboration with 'fam to assess the positive and negative impacts of its business on the lives

    of poor people in Indonesia L this, in effect, was an attempt to account for one of the firm?s main

    e'ternalities in the region (see Clay, !""A) regarded as a classic e'ample of an e'ternality since

    local communities bear the costs of manufacturers? actions. Regulation can force firms to

    internalise the cost of the e'ternalities, such as pollution fines, but CSR would represent a more

    voluntary approach to managing e'ternalities, for e'ample by a firm investing in clean

    technologies that prevent pollution.

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    !ultiple sta"eholder orientation

    CSR involves considering a range of interests and impacts among a variety of different

    sta-eholders other than 2ust shareholders. &he assumption that firms have responsibilities to

    shareholders is usually not contested, but the point is that because corporations rely on various

    other constituencies such as consumers, employers, suppliers, and local communities in order to

    survive and prosper, they do not only have responsibilities to shareholders. hilst many disagree

    on how much emphasis should be given to shareholders in the CSR debate, and on the e'tent to

    which other sta-eholders should be ta-en into account, it is the e'panding of corporate

    responsibility to these other groups which characterises much of the essential character of CSR,as illustrated by the CSR @sia.

    #lignment of social and economic responsi$ilities

      &his balancing of different sta-eholder interests leads to a fourth facet. hilst CSR may be

    about going beyond a narrow focus on shareholders and profitability, many also believe that it

    should not, however, conflict with profitability. @lthough this is much debated, many definitions

    of CSR from business and government stress that it is about enlightened selfinterest where

    social and economic responsibilities are aligned. See, for e'ample, the definitions of the C0I, the

    K government and ;S0C. &his feature has prompted much attention to the Dbusiness case for 

    CSR? L namely, how firms can benefit economically from being socially responsible.

    %ractices and &alues 

    CSR is clearly about a particular set of business practices and strategies that deal with social

    issues, but for many people it is also about something more. &his perspective is evident in both

    the +ap and the Chinese +overnment definitions of CSR given in /igure #. &he values

    dimension of CSR is part of the reason why the sub2ect raises so much disagreementL if it were

     2ust about what companies did in the social arena, it would not cause so much controversy as the

    debate about why they do it.

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     'eyond philanthropy

     In some regions of the world, CSR is mainly about philanthropy L i.e.corporate largesse towards

    the less fortunate. 0ut the current debate on CSR has tended to emphatically claim that Dreal?

    CSR is about more than 2ust philanthropy and community pro2ects, but about how the entire

    operations of the firm L i.e. its core business functions L impact upon society. Core business

    functions include production, mar-eting, procurement, human resource management, logistics,

    finance, etc. &his debate rests on the assumption that CSR needs to be mainstreamed into normal

     business practice rather than being left simply to discretionary activity. &he attempt to consider 

    how CSR might be Dbuilt in? to the core business of firms as opposed to Dbolted on? as an added

    e'tra has become a ma2or theme in the CSR practitioner world (+rayson G ;odges, !""6). 5ven

    the then K Minister for Corporate Social Responsibility, *igel +riffiths M>, noted in !""6 that

    Dcorporate responsibility must be ingrained into the ethos of every business, built in, not bolted

    on.? &hese si' core characteristics, we would suggest, capture the main thrust of CSR. ;owever,

    as we will now discuss, the meaning and relevance of CSR will vary according to organiational

    and national conte't.

    CSR and the pri&ate sector:

    &he main arena of CSR, as indicated by the Dcorporate? in CSR, is the business world. ithinthat arena, however, we have a plethora of different types, industries and organiational forms. In

    the following, we will have a loo- at one of the main distinctions, namely between large

    corporations and small and mediumsied enterprises (SM5s). @rguably, the language of 

    corporate social responsibility indicates that CSR is predominantly a concept that applies to large

    corporations, typically owned by shareholders and run by employed managers. Certainly the

    seminal contributions on CSR, as discussed in Chapters ! and 1 of this boo-, conceive CSR 

    against the bac-drop of these large corporations. &herefore, as entities in which ownership and

    control is separated (0erle G Means, #91!), one of the prominent issues for thin-ing about CSR 

    in the conte't of large corporations is the %uestion of whose interest the company should be run

    on behalf of by managers8 2ust the interests of the owners or also the interests of society at large,

    represented by different groups such as customers, employees or local communities= ne could

    also argue that large corporations are far more visible and thus far more vulnerable to criticism

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    from the public than smaller firms. @ large company that wants to behave socially responsibly

    therefore may well have formal policies on its responsibilities, and how these are managed. n

    the whole, then, CSR in large corporations typically results in a fairly structured and formalied

    approach. CSR policies will be translated into codes of conducts for employees or suppliers

    there will normally be committees and managers responsible for CSR and many large

    companies involved in CSR will document their engagement in a dedicated annual report. In

    such a report, the corporation discharges accountability for how e'actly they have dealt with

    different interests and e'pectations of society.

    If we turn to SM5s, however, we will find a rather different picture. In a recent study in the

     *etherlands, only !" of SM5s reported on their CSR as opposed to B! of large businesses,

    and similar differences were found with regard to the implementation of codes of conduct or 

    CSR committees (+raafland, Jan de Jen, G Stoffele, !""1). &here are a number of reasons that

    account for these differences (see Spence, #999). /irst, SM5s are normally managed by their 

    owner(s), who delegate decisions on CSR to a small number of people or often 2ust to one

     person. &his will ma-e the approach to CSR rather informal and adhoc as opposed to the

    structured approach of large corporations. Second, unli-e large corporations L who due to sie

    and branding are often %uite visible and vulnerable to criticism L SM5s are generally rather 

    small and go under the radar of wider society. &heir -ey relationships with society are the

     personal relations developed between the owner$manager and, for instance, his or her employees,

    suppliers, customers, or neighbours. &hese personal relations, however, are of crucial importance

    to the SM5 and therefore much of what we could identify as CSR in this conte't is targeted at

     building good personal relations, networ-s, and trust (Spence G Schmidpeter, !""!). verall, it

    is probably fair to say that given the importance of SM5s, which in much of the world account

    for the ma2ority of private sector employment and +7> in their countries, the CSR literature has

    so far paid disproportionate attention to larger organiations (Spence G Rutherford, !""1).

    CSR and the pu$lic sector:

      @t first sight, one would not necessarily e'pect CSR to be an issue for public sector 

    organiations, such as government ministries, agencies or local administrative bodies. @fter all, it

    is Dcorporate? social responsibility. ;owever, in most industrialied countries, governments still

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    supply a large amount of all goods and services, somewhere between 6"A" of the +7> in

    many countries. Conse%uently, the same claims laid upon corporations to conduct their 

    operations in a socially responsible fashion are increasingly laid on public sector organiations as

    well. /or e'ample, public sector organiations face the similar environmental demands, similar 

    claims for e%ual opportunities for employees, and similar e'pectations for responsible sourcing

    as do private companies. Conse%uently, we increasingly find public sector organiation adopting

    CSR policies, practices and tools very similar to the private sector. In some ways, these demands

    for CSR in the public sector could be even considered as more pronounced (Seitanidi, !""6).

    >ublic organiations, such as schools, hospitals or universities, by definition have social aims

    and are mostly run on a notfor profit basis. &his establishes the social dimension of their 

    responsibility at the core of their operations. /urthermore, given the sie of many public bodies

    and agencies, as well as their %uasimonopolistic position in many areas of services, they are

    li-ely to have an impact on society which is often far beyond the impact of a single large

    corporation. Conse%uently, the claim for responsible behaviour on the part of public bodies has

    grown, as has the demand for greater accountability to society in the public sector. Fust as private

    sector companies are e'horted to become more accountable in their reporting and

    communication to the public, so we now witness a steady rise in the use of typical CSR 

    instruments, such as social auditing and reporting, by public bodies (0all, !""6). /or e'ample,

    the publicly funded K media organiation, the 00C, now publishes an annual CSR report.

    @part from incorporating CSR into their own operations, many government organiations also

    ta-e an active role in promoting CSR within their sphere of influence. hile CSR as such is a

    voluntary business activity, governments have nevertheless tried to create incentives for and

    facilitate the voluntary adoption of socially responsible policies by the private sector (Crane G

    Matten, !"":8 6699). So for instance the S government, in issuing the S @pparel Industry

    Code of Conduct! provided a regulatory basis for CSR by S companies in their overseas

    supply chains. ften, governments are also part of multipartite initiatives to further CSR, such as

    the S , which is a set of principles issued by the nited *ations for voluntary adoption by

    corporations globally. In particular the K government, since the #9"s, has made considerable

    efforts to encourage CSR in 0ritish companies through a number of initiatives (Moon, !""6b),

    including the 5thical &rade Initiative (promoting fair trade practices) or the CSR @cademy

    (educating business people about CSR). @ similarly pronounced role in promoting CSR has been

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    adopted by the 5uropean nion. In a part of the world where CSR is still largely considered a

    novel and @ngloSa'on idea, the 5uropean Commission has invested considerable effort in

    defining and promoting CSR in 5urope, convening a multista-eholder dialogue which resulted

    in a widely discussed hite >aper in !""! (Commission of the 5uropean Communities, !""!).

    More recently, these efforts have continued in the establishment of the D5uropean @lliance on

    CSR? which, though facilitated by the 5uropean Commission, represents a significant step

    towards business ta-ing charge of CSR in a more autonomous fashion (+ardner, !""B).

    CSR and ci&il society organizations

      Intractably lin-ed to the rise of CSR is the role of civil society organiations (CS) or 

    nongovernmental organiations (*+s). Many of the initial demands for more responsible

     business behaviour L such as the protection of the environment, improvements in wor-ing

    conditions in sweatshops in the developing world, or prevention of human rights violations in

    countries with oppressive regimes L have been brought to the attention of the wider public by

     *+s such as +reenpeace, Save the Children, or @mnesty International. &raditionally then, the

    role of *+s in the CSR arena has been more that of a police officer or watchdog, a constant

    critic e'posing corporate misbehavior and mobiliing pressure against allegedly irresponsible

     practices. &his role continues to be an important function of those CSs whose s-ills in raising

    awareness.

    CSR in different regions of the glo$e:

     &he meaning of CSR not only differs from sector to sector (as we have discussed in the previous

    section), but it also differs %uite substantially from country to country. &o put CSR Din global

    conte't? (as our subtitle suggests) it is essential to understand the specific regional and national

    conte'ts in which companies practice CSR. In the following section, we will therefore discuss

    some basic characteristics of CSR in different regions of the globe.

    CSR in de&eloped countries:

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     In its most well -nown guise, CSR is essentially a S idea. It was in the S where the language

    and practice of CSR first emerged. @lso, most of the academic literature on the topic, and most

    of the -ey ideas discussed in the first section of this boo-, originate from there. &he main reason

    for this lies in the specific characteristics of the S business system (Matten G Moon, !""6b).

    @s such, @merican society is characteried by fairly unregulated mar-ets for labour and capital,

    low levels of welfare state provision, and a high appreciation of individual freedom and

    responsibility. Conse%uently, many social issues, such as education, healthcare, or community

    investment have traditionally been at the core of CSR. >hilanthropy is high on the agenda with,

    for instance, corporate community contributions by S companies being something li-e than ten

    times higher than those of their 0ritish counterparts (0rammer G >avelin, !""A). In other parts

    of the world, most notably 5urope, the /ar 5ast, and @ustralasia, however, there has always been

    a stronger tendency to address social issues through governmental policies and collective action.

    Many issues that S companies would typically boast about as CSR on their websites, such as

    the provision of healthcare or fighting climate change, have not appeared until recently on the

    screens of continental 5uropean companies. &he reason for this is that these issues have

    traditionally been considered a tas- for governments or, in other words, the corporate

    responsibility for social issues has been the ob2ect of codified and mandatory regulation. CSR for 

    5uropean companies,  therefore, has predominantly come on the agenda through their overseas

    operations (where regulatory framewor-s are different from 5urope), and it is fair to say that

    even until the present day, multinational corporations (M*Cs) rather than domestic companies

    can be considered to be the leading actors in 5uropean CSR. &he S5urope differences in CSR 

    are li-ely to persist and the way corporations address CSR issues, such as global warming, the

     provision of affordable medicine to the developing world, or the use of genetically modified

    organisms in food production, remains mar-edly different on both sides of the @tlantic (7oh G

    +uay, !""B). Countries such as Fapan, and to a lesser degree South Korea and &aiwan, are

    considered fairly similar to continental 5urope in terms of the institutional conte't for CSR. &hey

    are characteried by high ban- and public ownership, patriarchal and longterm employment, and

    coordination and control systems based on longterm relations and partnerships rather than

    mar-ets. &he Fapanese DKeiretsu?, the Korean DChaebol? or the (mostly state owned) &aiwanese

    conglomerates have a legacy of CSR similar to 5uropean companies L including lifelong

    employment, benefits, social services, and healthcare L not so much as a result of voluntary

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    corporate policies, but more a response to the regulatory and institutional environment of 

     business. &he reasons for the rise of CSR in 5urope and in these developed economies in the /ar 

    5ast in recent years are several. &o begin with, M*Cs with their home base in such countries are

    challenged to implement more CSR in their operations located in countries with poor governance

    and low levels of state provision of public services, human rights protection, or environmental

     protection. /urthermore, some of these developed economies have undergone substantial

    overhauls of their welfare systems and regulatory framewor-s, resulting in lesser degrees of state

    attention to social issues and more discretion for private actors. &he nited Kingdom is probably

    the best e'ample here, where radical reforms that liberalied labour and capital mar-ets, together 

    with the privatiation of public services and publicly owned companies, contributed to a

    significant surge in CSR (Moon, !""6a). Increasingly, corporations in the K have assumed

    responsibility for regenerating local communities, addressing unemployment, sponsoring schools

    and education, as well as improving public transparency and accountability. In addition to these

    domestic political changes, globaliation also represents a powerful booster of CSR as we will

    discuss in more detail in chapter ##. &he rise of global investors lin-ing their investment

    decisions to Dsocially responsible investment? criteria, the growth in global *+ activism

    scrutiniing corporate behaviour, and intensified e'posure of business by the media have all

     boosted growing attention to CSR in 5urope and elsewhere (Matten G Moon, !""6b). It can also

     be observed that in most developed countries we have specific domestic CSR issues that shape

    the debate in the respective conte't. /or instance, many 5uropean countries see CSR specifically

    with regard to the protection of the natural environment, while the CSR debate in the /ar 5ast

     prominently features issues of corporate governance and transparency in large conglomerates

    (ebb, !""B). ften the CSR debate in a country reflects longstanding and ongoing deliberations

    in society at large8 for instance in @ustralia and South @frica, considerable e'pectations have

     been directed towards companies to address and uphold rights of aboriginal and blac- people

    respectively, or to contribute to their economic empowerment more generally. 

    CSR in de&eloping countries:

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     &he activities of estern M*Cs in developing countries have also been a ma2or driver behind

    the recent surge in CSR over the last two decades. Many companies use developing countries as

    a source of cheap raw materials and, in particular, cheap labour. @gainst this bac-drop, it was for 

    instance, campaigns against Shell?s role in *igeria and *i-e?s labour practices in its @sian

    supply chains that triggered significant changes toward more responsible practices in many

    M*Cs (see case study 1, '''' for more on the *i-e story). 7eveloping countries can at times

     be characteried by various features that can offer considerable scope for the e'ercise of CSR.

    &hese include low standards for wor-ing conditions and environmental protection, high

    corruption, oppressive regimes with low regard for human rights, poor provision of healthcare

    and education, as well as low levels of per capita income and foreign direct investment. @lthough

    this is not a fair representation of all developing country conte'ts at all times, the main challenge

    for M*Cs from the developed world when they are faced with such circumstances lies in

    conducting their business in a way that would be considered socially responsible in their 

    respective home countries. &he paper by Scherer and Smid in chapter ## (NNNN) describes

    some of the approaches companies have applied to tac-ling such challenges. It is important to

    recognie though that a growing number of domestic companies in developing countries have

    also developed an interest in CSR. &he main CSR issues these companies are concerned with

    include contributions to enhance the infrastructure of health, education, and transport, and to

    serve as e'amples of good governance. Similarly, as the e'ample of the +rameen 0an-B ,

    founded by *obel >eace >rie winner Muhammad

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    these countries but business being present in these countries in the first place. &he article by

    >rahalad and ;ammond in Chapter ## ('''') develops one particular approach to poverty

    alleviation in developing countries that indicates a ma2or potential role for business in

    development. &his role of M*Cs, however, is not uncontested. Many critics argue that profit

    ma'imising corporations have only very limited interest in these more political goals, and that

    evidence of M*Cs contributing positively in the developing world is at best s-etchy (/rynas,

    !""A). ltimately, according to the sceptics, responsible corporate behaviour in the developing

    world is an issue that cannot be left to the voluntary discretion of business people but needs to be

    addressed by more stringent regulation in their home countries in the global *orth (@aronson,

    !""A).

    CSR in emerging(transitional economies:

      0etween those two ma2or categories of developed and developing countries there is a third

    category that deserves attention from a CSR perspective. Most countries of the former 

    communist bloc have changed from a planned and government run economy to a capitalist

    mar-et system. hile the social responsibility of stateoperated business in the former model

    was far reaching, including broad provision of education, healthcare, housing and a plethora of 

    other services, the transition to a mar-et economy has seen many of these former conglomerates

    dismantled and transformed into shareholder owned companies. hile there is a plethora of 

    different approaches to CSR in these countries, one might argue that in some respects, Russia

    and China represent the more e'treme cases. Russia, on the one hand, has seen privatiation and

    the turn to capitalism accompanied by rather wea- and corrupt governmental institutions

    resulting in what some would refer to as a Dcowboy economy?. It is therefore little wonder that

    CSR is still a largely un-nown concept in Russia (+rafs-i G Moon, !""6) and for many Russian

     business people, bears strong resemblances to communist times. China, on the other hand, has

    maintained a strong capacity for the state in controlling and regulating the economy and whilst

    the role and responsibilities of business in society might not always be referred to in terms of the

    estern language of CSR we still see considerable involvement of companies in the area. Many

    commentators e'pect that China, with growing economic development, will see a rise in

    CSRoriented regulation in the ne't few years (Miller, !""A).

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    Conclusion In this chapter we have discussed the development of CSR, and its recent rise to

     prominence. e have also e'amined the mae of definitions that have been used to delineate

    CSR in order to develop some core characteristics of the concept. /inally, we e'plored the

    meaning and relevance of CSR in different national and organiational conte'ts. hat should

    certainly be clear by now is that the term Dcorporate social responsibility? is very difficult to pin

    down precisely L it can have many meanings, applications, and implications, and these are rarely

    agreed upon by those who ta-e an interest in the debate. &his may not ma-e our lives any easier 

    when studying CSR, but it certainly ma-es it more interesting. e have adopted a deliberately

     broad perspective on CSR in order to provide a wellrounded introduction to the sub2ect.

    Included in the following chapters are those that espouse a view of CSR thoroughly embedded in

    a procorporate Dbusiness case for CSR? as well as those that argue for a more political view of 

    CSR that attends to the need to ma-e corporations more accountable to the societies in which

    they operate. &he point of this te't is not so much to suggest that any of these perspectives is

    necessarily Dbetter? or more Dcorrect? than another, but more to provide an insight into the

    richness and the diversity of the CSR literature. 5diting a collection of readings on CSR allows

    us to present some of this heterogeneity whilst simultaneously providing some guidance as to

    how to Dread? some of the different contributions. @fter all, it is clear that many of the authors

    writing about CSR in this boo- are engaging in a discussion about CSR for different ends, and

     bring with them very different assumptions about the nature and purpose of the corporation. &he

    introductions to the readings will offer some useful insight on these purposes and assumptions, at

    least as far as we see them.

    DISCUSSION #ND SU))*STION:

    e e'plore the sociological processes that affect the evaluation of firms with high CSR scores by

    sellside investment analysts in the S, over a period of #A years. e argue and find empirical

    evidence that a wea-ening of the prevailing logic L the agency logic L and the gradual emergence

    of a sta-eholder focus, leads to an initial unfavorable and a subse%uent more favorable

    evaluation of firms with high CSR scores by investment analysts. hereas under an agency logic

    CSR was typically interpreted as an activity that primarily generated managerial returns or 

    satisfied managerial aspirations to the detriment of corporate profitability (i.e. an agency cost),

    under a sta-eholder logic, CSR is conceptualied as a set of corporate policies essential to

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    corporate standing that does not penalie a firm?s financial performance and may even generate

    financial value in the longrun. ur article provides insights into the assessment of firms with

    high CSR ratings, and suggests that firms may adopt CSR without being penalied by a -ey third

     party in the financial mar-ets, namely sellside analysts. @s mentioned at the outset of this

    article, an emerging strand of literature has focused on the relationship between CSR and

    financial mar-ets but without e'plicitly ta-ing into account the sociological processes that affect

    the assessment of firms? CSR ratings. @ccording to e'tensive prior literature, in financial mar-ets

    such sociological processes have a direct and measurable impact on firm value (>hillips G

    Huc-erman, !""# Ha2ac G estphal, !""6) ma-ing this an important gap that needs to be

    addressed. Such sociological processes are particularly relevant for the domain of CSR where

    sta-eholder e'pectations and e'ternal assessments by third parties are especially salient. ith

    this paper we begin to fill this gap in our understanding by introducing the idea that the

     prevailing agency logic was wea-ened by the gradual emergence of a sta-eholder orientation

    within the analyst and investor community. &he findings of this article also provide support to

    the institutional perspective that focuses on how financial mar-ets perceive and assess policies

    such as those related to CSR. &he theoretical arguments, as well as the empirical evidence

     presented here provide additional support for the influence of historical change on the dominant

     belief system or institutional logic of -ey mar-et actors. /urthermore, we are able to provide

    evidence that mar-et actors who possess more e'perience or en2oy higher status are more li-ely

    to be the first to ad2ust their assessments based on this new and emergent logic. e therefore

    contribute to the sociological research that focuses on understanding the macrohistorical and

    institutional changes in the conte't, to the literature that focuses on the microsocial dynamics of 

    financial mar-ets (@bolafia, #99B estphal G Ha2ac, #99 Huc-erman, #999).

    References:

    @aronson, S. @. !""A. DDMinding ur 0usiness??8 hat the nited States +overnment has done

    and can do to 5nsure that .S. Multinationals @ct Responsibly in /oreign Mar-ets. Fournal of 

    0usiness 5thics,, A98 #:A#9.

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    0all, @. !""6. @ Sustainability @ccounting >ro2ect for the K Eocal +overnment Sector= &esting

    the Social &heory Mapping >rocess and Eocating a /rame of Reference. Critical >erspectives on

    @ccounting, #A()8 #""9#"1A.

    0erle, @. @., G Means, +. C. #91!. &he modern corporation and private property. *ew avelin, S. !""A. Corporate community contributions in the nited

    Kingdom and the nited States. Fournal of 0usiness 5thics, AB8 #A!B.

     0rown, &. F., G 7acin, >. @. #99:. &he Company and the >roduct8 Corporate @ssociations and

    Consumer >roduct Responses. Fournal of Mar-eting, B#(#)8 B6. Carroll, @. 0. #9:9. @ three

    dimensional model of corporate social performance. @cademy of Management Review, 68 69:

    A"A.

    Carroll, @. 0. #999. Corporatesocial responsibilityevolution of a definitional construct. 0usiness

    G Society, 1(1)8 !B!9A. Clay, F. !""A. 5'ploring the Ein-s between International 0usiness

    and >overty Reduction8@ Case Study of nilever in Indonesia.

    'ford8 'fam +0, *ovib 'fam *etherlands, and nilever.Commission of the 5uropean

    Communities. !""!. Communication from the Commission concerning corporate social

    responsibility8 @ business contribution to sustainable development. 0russels8 5 Commission.

      Crane, @., G Matten, 7. !"":. 0usiness ethics, Managing corporate citienship and

    sustainability in the age of globaliation (!nd ed.).

    'ford8 'ford niversity >ress. 7oh, F.>.G +uay, &. R. !""B. Corporate Social Responsibility,

    >ublic >olicy, and *+ @ctivism in 5urope and the nited States8 @n InstitutionalSta-eholder 

    >erspective. Fournal of Management Studies, 61(#)8 6::1. 7oh, F. >., G &eegen,;. (5ds.). !""1.

      +lobaliation and *+s8 &ransforming 0usiness, +overnment, and Society. estport, C&8

    >raeger >ublishers. 5lan-umaran, S.,Seal, R., G ;ashmi, @. !""A.&ranscending &ransformation8

    5nlightening 5ndeavours at &ata Steel. Fournal of 0usiness 5thics, A9(#)8 #"9##9.

    5l-ington, F., G /ennell, S. !""". >artners for sustainability, In F. 0endell (5d.), &erms for 

    endearment8 0usiness, *+s and sustainable development8 #A"#B!. Sheffield8 +reenleaf.

    5thical >erformance. !""B. Soft drin-s firms sign code aimed at fighting obesity. 5thical

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