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INTRODUCTION:
In recent years, academics in fields of several business administrations have studied the
economic and managerial implications of corporate social responsibility (CSR). CSR may be
defined, consistent with Mcilliams and Siegel (!""#), as actions on the part of a firm that
appear to advance the promotion of some social good beyond the immediate interests of the
firm$shareholders and beyond legal re%uirements. &hat is, CSR activities of companies are those
that e'ceed compliance with respect to, e.g., environmental or social regulations, in order to
create the perception or reality that these firms are advancing a social goal. It is not surprising
that some firms choose to be socially responsible in this sense. Most large multinational
companies encounter e'tensive pressure from consumers, employees, suppliers, community
groups, government, nongovernmental organiations (*+s), and institutional shareholders to
engage in CSR. Such CSR activities might include incorporating social characteristics or features
into products and manufacturing processes (e.g., producing aerosol products with no
fluorocarbons or ma-ing greater use of environmentallyfriendly technologies), striving to reach
higher levels of environmental performance via recycling or pollution abatement (e.g., adopting
an aggressive stance towards reducing emissions), or promoting the goals of community
organiations or *+s (e.g., nited ay or +reenpeace). /rom an economics perspective,
companies would be e'pected to engage in such activities if the perceived (measured or
unmeasured) benefits e'ceeded the associated costs in the view of the decisionma-ing entity.
Recent theories of CSR (0aron, !""#, Mcilliams and Siegel, !""#, 0agnoli and atts, !""1)
thus con2ecture that companies engage in 3profitma'imiing4 CSR, based on anticipated
benefits from these actions. 5'amples of such benefits might include reputation enhancement, 6
the potential to charge a premium price for its product(s), or the enhanced ability to recruit and
retain high %uality wor-ers. /or a CSR action to be underta-en by a company, the benefits of
engaging in this activity must offset the higher costs associated with the additional resources that
must presumably be allocated for the firm to achieve CSR status. 7ue to rising pressures for and
visibility of CSR activities in the increasingly socially aware climate of developed countries, the
end result has been a substantial increase in investment in such activities in all 5C7 nations.
0ased on the profitma'imiation CSR hypothesis, most academic studies of CSR have focused
on a narrowlydefined businessoriented research %uestion8 do socially responsible firms achieve
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higher, lower, or similar levels of financial performance than comparable firms that do not meet
the same CSR criteria (+riffin and Mahon, #99:, 7owell, ;art, and oor?s Compustat or stoc- price data from the Center for Research in Security >rices). @lthough
the business administration perspective of this body of research 2ustifies an e'clusive focus on
financial measures of performance, from an economic perspective this is unfortunate. @ more
salient issue in this conte't is the relationship between economic performance and CSR
activities, where economic performance involves technological and economic relationships
between output production and input demand, recogniing opportunity costs of inputs and capital
accumulation. /or e'ample, economic performance may be defined as A the amount of (good or
mar-etable) output producible from a given amount of inputs (productivity), the deviation of
output produced from that implied by 3best practice4 production (technical efficiency), or the
input$resource use re%uired to produce a given amount of output (cost effectiveness). 0ecause
such measures are based on evaluating mar-eted outputs and inputs, this raises %uestions about
whether conventional productivity$performance estimates are biased from not recogniing
environmental or other social e'ternalities, and how economic performance might be affected by
reducing such e'ternalities. /or public policy ma-ers, clarifying such relationships helps to
identify the resource costs of CSR, or 3mar-et failures4 with respect to CSR (Siegel, !""#). Such
information in turn provides guidance on optimal levels of 3social responsibility4 regulation. /or
managers, information on such relationships is useful because it helps to inform resource
allocation decisions regarding CSR activities. &hat is, empirical evidence on the magnitude of
the tradeoff between cost or productivity and CSR facilitates determining the amount of CSR
e'penditure that is economically 2ustifiable. ur ob2ective in this special issue is to e'plore this
economic perspective to CSR, and thus address some of these gaps in the literature on CSR.
@fter identifying some of the leading contributors to the literature on environmental e'ternalities
and economic performance, we solicited manuscripts on the economics of CSR and held a
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wor-shop in *ottingham, 5ngland, 2ointly sponsored by the School of ;umanities and Social
Sciences at Rensselaer >olytechnic Institute and the International Centre for Corporate Social
Responsibility (ICCSR) at the niversity of *ottingham. @mong the authors and discussants at
the wor-shop were scholars from several academic disciplines (economics, political science,
accounting, finance, and management), including many international contributors and 2unior
scholars. B &he best economicsoriented papers generated from this wor-shop were selected for
this special issue, after an additional round of reviews. &hese studies address two critical themes
of the economics of CSR8 (#) methodological issues relating to productivity measurement when
3bad4 outputs that impose social costs are 2ointly produced with good or mar-etable outputs and
(!) empirical relationships between environmental and social regulation$performance and
economic performance$productivity. In addition, all but one of the articles in this special issue
are based on establishmentlevel data, which is generally regarded as more appropriate for
productivity measurement than firmlevel data. In the remainder of our introduction to this
special issue, we provide a brief summary of each of these studies in the conte't of the
economics of CSR and CSR impacts on productivity and costs. &he role of corporations in
society is clearly on the agenda. ;ardly a day goes by without media reports on corporate
misbehavior and scandals or, more positively, on contributions from business to wider society. @
%uic- stroll to the local cinema and films li-e D0lood 7iamond?, D&he Constant +ardener? or
DSupersie Me? reflect a growing interest among the public in the impact of corporations on
contemporary life. Corporations have clearly started to ta-e up this challenge. &his began with
Dthe usual suspects? such as companies in the oil, chemical and tobacco industries. @s a result of
media pressure, ma2or disasters, and sometimes governmental regulation, these companies
realied that propping up oppressive regimes, being implicated in human rights violations,
polluting the environment, or misinforming and deliberately harming their customers, 2ust to give
a few e'amples, were practices that had to be reconsidered if they wanted to survive in society at
the end of the twentieth century. &oday, however, there is virtually no industry, mar-et, or
business type that has not e'perienced growing demands to legitimate its practices to society at
large.
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Theories and hypothesis:
/rom @gency to Sta-eholder Eogics of CSR *umerous articles have documented the emergence
and institutionaliation of the agency logic of corporate control whereby a corporation is
regarded as merely a ne'us of contractual arrangements between individuals (Fensen G
Mec-ling, #9:B illiamson G inter, #991 Ha2ac G estphal, !""6). &hus, managers are
assumed to be fungible agents of shareholders who are li-ely to pursue corporate actions that
advance their own personal interests at the e'pense of shareholder value (e.g. /ama G Fensen,
#91b, #91a seem, #991 7avis G &hompson, #996 estphal G Ha2ac, #99A seem, #99B
Ha2ac G estphal, !""6). @ccording to Ha2ac G estphal (!""6) and other scholars, such strong
agency assumptions resulted in the surfacing of a different model of economic resource
allocation termed as 3investor capitalism.4 &he model?s main idea is that if a firm is simply a set
of contracts and if managerial action results in significant agency costs, then the capital
allocation process is better left to investors rather than managers (p. 61B). Contrary to the
dominant beliefs under a previously prevalent 3corporate4 logic then, managers and e'ecutives
were no longer regarded as 3professionals with uni%ue strategic -nowledge that is re%uired for
efficient allocation of corporate resources4 (Ha2ac G estphal, !""68 61B). *ot surprisingly then,
a number of corporate policies were viewed and interpreted through the lens of the agency logic.
/or e'ample, Ha2ac G estphal (#99A) show that in the midtolate #9"s, e'ecutive incentive
plans were 2ustified as a mechanism to align managerial and shareholder interests (consistent
with an assumption of agency costs) rather than as a mechanism to attract and retain scarce
e'ecutive talent. Moreover, Ha2ac G estphal (!""6) show that due to the switch to the agency
logic, stoc- mar-et reactions to repurchase plan adoptions shifted over time, from negative to
positive. Meanwhile, articles in the accounting and finance literature provide empirical evidence
according to which investment analysts? e'pectations regarding a focal company?s future growth
and performance are in fact a good pro'y for the e'pectations of the company?s own
shareholders (/ried G +ivoly, #9! ?0rien, #9 @barbanell, Eanen, G Jerrecchia, #99A).
More generally, these sellside analysts are employed by bro-erage houses and research firms,
they trac- the performance of a specific set of firms over time, and they generate and publish two
main products8 forecasts of these firms? future earnings as well as investment recommendations
that clients buy, sell, or hold their shares in the stoc-s of these firms. &he same literature
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provides plenty of evidence that mar-et participants e'tensively use these products, and
documents their significant influence over stoc- prices and trading volumes (Stic-el, #99A
omac-, #99B /rancis G Soffer, #99: 0arber, Eehavy, Mc*ichols et al., !""#).
Defining CSR:
*avigating through the 2ungle of definitions In the conte't of such an ine'orable rise to
prominence of CSR, the literature on the sub2ect, both academic and practitioner, is
understandably large and e'panding. &here are now thousands of articles and reports on CSR
from academics, corporations, consultancies, the media, *+s, and government departments
there are numerous conferences, boo-s, 2ournals, and magaines on the sub2ect and last, but not
least, there are literally millions of webpages dealing with the topic from every conceivable
interest group with a sta-e in the debate. ;ow then to best ma-e sense of this vast literature so as
to construct a coherent account of what CSR actually is= @fter all, few sub2ects in management
arouse as much controversy and contestation as CSR. /or this reason, definitions of CSR
abound, and there are as many definitions of CSR as there are disagreements over the appropriate
role of the corporation in society. @s Mcilliams, Siegel, and right (!""B) recently declared8
Dthere is no strong consensus on a definition for CSR?. In /ebruary !"":, this lac- of consensus
blew up into something of a storm on the i-ipedia online encyclopaedia when the phrase
Dcorporate social responsibility? was nominated to be Dchec-ed for its neutrality? following a
series of disagreements about its meaning from supporters and critics (5thical >erformance,
!"":). /igure # gives 2ust some e'amples of the different ways that CSR is described and defined
by different organiations across the globe. @s this clearly shows, there are some similarities in
the &his is the prepublication version of Chapter # from Crane, @., Matten, 7. and Spence, E.
(!""), Corporate Social Responsibility8 Readings and Cases in +lobal Conte't, way that
different actors understand CSR, as well as considerable differences. Moreover, although we
often loo- to academic research to provide clarity amongst so much ambiguity, this diversity is
also reflected in scholarly definitions of CSR. /or e'ample, one early writer on CSR, Keith
7avis described CSR as Dthe firm?s consideration of, and response to, issues beyond the narrow
economic, technical, and legal re%uirements of the firm?(7avis #9:1 cited in Carroll, #999),
whilst a few years later @rchie Carroll (#9:9) defined it much more broadly to include e'actly
those elements that 7avis e'cluded8 Dthe social responsibility of business encompasses the
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economic, legal, ethical, and discretionary e'pectations that society has of organiations at a
given point in time?. &his heterogeneity in CSR definitions has continued unabated. hilst the
Carroll definition given above is arguably the most commonly cited one, it remains contested, as
we will see later in chapter 1. &herefore, others have ta-en a different route and rather than
specify particular responsibilities, have offered more general definitions that see- to include the
different opinions on CSR that are evident across the literature. /or instance, 0rown and 7acin
(#99:) define CSR as a company?s Dstatus and activities with respect to its perceived societal or,
at least, sta-eholder obligations,? whilst Matten and Moon (!""6a) offer the following8 DCSR is a
cluster concept which overlaps with such concepts as business ethics, corporate philanthropy,
corporate citienship, sustainability, and environmental responsibility. It is a dynamic and
contestable concept that is embedded in each social, political, economic and institutional
conte't.? In this boo-, we will not see- to simply follow one of these definitions, nor will we
provide a new improved one that will simply add to the comple' 2ungle of CSR definitions. In
the contested world of CSR, it is virtually impossible to provide a definitive answer to the
%uestion of what CSR Dreally? is. &herefore, our intention is to identify some core characteristics
of the CSR concept, which we hope will help to delineate its essential %ualities, and will provide
a focus for the definitional debates that continue to surround the sub2ect.
Core characteristics of CSR
&he core characteristics of CSR are the essential features of the concept that tend to get
reproduced in some way in academic or practitioner definitions of CSR. /ew, if any, e'isting
definitions will include all of them, but these are the main aspects around which the definitional
debates tend to centre. Si' core characteristics are evident8
Voluntary
Many definitions of CSR will typically see it as being about voluntary activities• that go beyond
those prescribed by the law. &he views of the K government and the 5C as shown in figure #
certainly emphasise this characteristic. Many companies are by now wellused to considering
responsibilities beyond the legal minimum, and in fact the development of selfregulatory CSR
initiatives from industry is often seen as a way of forestalling additional regulation through
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compliance with societal moral norms. &he case of K soft drin-s companies introducing a code
of responsible practice in !""B (see 5thical >erformance, !""B) is a good e'ample of such a CSR
initiative that has arguably been introduced to head off potential regulatory action. Critics of
CSR, therefore, tend to see the element of voluntarism as CSR?s ma2or flaw, arguing that legally
mandated accountability is where attention should really be focused, as the Christian @id
definition.
Internalizing or managing eternalities
5'ternalities are the positive and negative side effects of economic behavior that are borne by
others, but are not ta-en into account in a firm?s decision ma-ing process, and are not included in
the mar-et price for goods and services. >ollution is typically the first place. Much CSR activity
deals with such # See for e'ample the Corporate Responsibility (CR5) Coalition, a collection
of K *+s including / (K), @mnesty International, @ction @id and /riends of the 5arth,
that Dwor- to ma-e changes in K company law to minimie companies negative impacts on
people and the environment and to ma'imie companies contribution to sustainable societies?
(www.corporateresponsibility.org). &his is the prepublication version of Chapter # from Crane,
@., Matten, 7. and Spence, E. (!""), Corporate Social Responsibility8 Readings and Cases in
+lobal Conte't, Eondon8 Routledge, pp.1!". B B e'ternalities (;usted G @llen, !""B), including
the management of human rights violations in the wor-force, calculating the social and economicimpacts of relocation or downsiing, or reducing the health impacts of Dto'ic? or otherwise
dangerous products, etc. /or e'ample, a recent e'ample of CSR in @sia was nilever?s
collaboration with 'fam to assess the positive and negative impacts of its business on the lives
of poor people in Indonesia L this, in effect, was an attempt to account for one of the firm?s main
e'ternalities in the region (see Clay, !""A) regarded as a classic e'ample of an e'ternality since
local communities bear the costs of manufacturers? actions. Regulation can force firms to
internalise the cost of the e'ternalities, such as pollution fines, but CSR would represent a more
voluntary approach to managing e'ternalities, for e'ample by a firm investing in clean
technologies that prevent pollution.
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!ultiple sta"eholder orientation
CSR involves considering a range of interests and impacts among a variety of different
sta-eholders other than 2ust shareholders. &he assumption that firms have responsibilities to
shareholders is usually not contested, but the point is that because corporations rely on various
other constituencies such as consumers, employers, suppliers, and local communities in order to
survive and prosper, they do not only have responsibilities to shareholders. hilst many disagree
on how much emphasis should be given to shareholders in the CSR debate, and on the e'tent to
which other sta-eholders should be ta-en into account, it is the e'panding of corporate
responsibility to these other groups which characterises much of the essential character of CSR,as illustrated by the CSR @sia.
#lignment of social and economic responsi$ilities
&his balancing of different sta-eholder interests leads to a fourth facet. hilst CSR may be
about going beyond a narrow focus on shareholders and profitability, many also believe that it
should not, however, conflict with profitability. @lthough this is much debated, many definitions
of CSR from business and government stress that it is about enlightened selfinterest where
social and economic responsibilities are aligned. See, for e'ample, the definitions of the C0I, the
K government and ;S0C. &his feature has prompted much attention to the Dbusiness case for
CSR? L namely, how firms can benefit economically from being socially responsible.
%ractices and &alues
CSR is clearly about a particular set of business practices and strategies that deal with social
issues, but for many people it is also about something more. &his perspective is evident in both
the +ap and the Chinese +overnment definitions of CSR given in /igure #. &he values
dimension of CSR is part of the reason why the sub2ect raises so much disagreementL if it were
2ust about what companies did in the social arena, it would not cause so much controversy as the
debate about why they do it.
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'eyond philanthropy
In some regions of the world, CSR is mainly about philanthropy L i.e.corporate largesse towards
the less fortunate. 0ut the current debate on CSR has tended to emphatically claim that Dreal?
CSR is about more than 2ust philanthropy and community pro2ects, but about how the entire
operations of the firm L i.e. its core business functions L impact upon society. Core business
functions include production, mar-eting, procurement, human resource management, logistics,
finance, etc. &his debate rests on the assumption that CSR needs to be mainstreamed into normal
business practice rather than being left simply to discretionary activity. &he attempt to consider
how CSR might be Dbuilt in? to the core business of firms as opposed to Dbolted on? as an added
e'tra has become a ma2or theme in the CSR practitioner world (+rayson G ;odges, !""6). 5ven
the then K Minister for Corporate Social Responsibility, *igel +riffiths M>, noted in !""6 that
Dcorporate responsibility must be ingrained into the ethos of every business, built in, not bolted
on.? &hese si' core characteristics, we would suggest, capture the main thrust of CSR. ;owever,
as we will now discuss, the meaning and relevance of CSR will vary according to organiational
and national conte't.
CSR and the pri&ate sector:
&he main arena of CSR, as indicated by the Dcorporate? in CSR, is the business world. ithinthat arena, however, we have a plethora of different types, industries and organiational forms. In
the following, we will have a loo- at one of the main distinctions, namely between large
corporations and small and mediumsied enterprises (SM5s). @rguably, the language of
corporate social responsibility indicates that CSR is predominantly a concept that applies to large
corporations, typically owned by shareholders and run by employed managers. Certainly the
seminal contributions on CSR, as discussed in Chapters ! and 1 of this boo-, conceive CSR
against the bac-drop of these large corporations. &herefore, as entities in which ownership and
control is separated (0erle G Means, #91!), one of the prominent issues for thin-ing about CSR
in the conte't of large corporations is the %uestion of whose interest the company should be run
on behalf of by managers8 2ust the interests of the owners or also the interests of society at large,
represented by different groups such as customers, employees or local communities= ne could
also argue that large corporations are far more visible and thus far more vulnerable to criticism
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from the public than smaller firms. @ large company that wants to behave socially responsibly
therefore may well have formal policies on its responsibilities, and how these are managed. n
the whole, then, CSR in large corporations typically results in a fairly structured and formalied
approach. CSR policies will be translated into codes of conducts for employees or suppliers
there will normally be committees and managers responsible for CSR and many large
companies involved in CSR will document their engagement in a dedicated annual report. In
such a report, the corporation discharges accountability for how e'actly they have dealt with
different interests and e'pectations of society.
If we turn to SM5s, however, we will find a rather different picture. In a recent study in the
*etherlands, only !" of SM5s reported on their CSR as opposed to B! of large businesses,
and similar differences were found with regard to the implementation of codes of conduct or
CSR committees (+raafland, Jan de Jen, G Stoffele, !""1). &here are a number of reasons that
account for these differences (see Spence, #999). /irst, SM5s are normally managed by their
owner(s), who delegate decisions on CSR to a small number of people or often 2ust to one
person. &his will ma-e the approach to CSR rather informal and adhoc as opposed to the
structured approach of large corporations. Second, unli-e large corporations L who due to sie
and branding are often %uite visible and vulnerable to criticism L SM5s are generally rather
small and go under the radar of wider society. &heir -ey relationships with society are the
personal relations developed between the owner$manager and, for instance, his or her employees,
suppliers, customers, or neighbours. &hese personal relations, however, are of crucial importance
to the SM5 and therefore much of what we could identify as CSR in this conte't is targeted at
building good personal relations, networ-s, and trust (Spence G Schmidpeter, !""!). verall, it
is probably fair to say that given the importance of SM5s, which in much of the world account
for the ma2ority of private sector employment and +7> in their countries, the CSR literature has
so far paid disproportionate attention to larger organiations (Spence G Rutherford, !""1).
CSR and the pu$lic sector:
@t first sight, one would not necessarily e'pect CSR to be an issue for public sector
organiations, such as government ministries, agencies or local administrative bodies. @fter all, it
is Dcorporate? social responsibility. ;owever, in most industrialied countries, governments still
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supply a large amount of all goods and services, somewhere between 6"A" of the +7> in
many countries. Conse%uently, the same claims laid upon corporations to conduct their
operations in a socially responsible fashion are increasingly laid on public sector organiations as
well. /or e'ample, public sector organiations face the similar environmental demands, similar
claims for e%ual opportunities for employees, and similar e'pectations for responsible sourcing
as do private companies. Conse%uently, we increasingly find public sector organiation adopting
CSR policies, practices and tools very similar to the private sector. In some ways, these demands
for CSR in the public sector could be even considered as more pronounced (Seitanidi, !""6).
>ublic organiations, such as schools, hospitals or universities, by definition have social aims
and are mostly run on a notfor profit basis. &his establishes the social dimension of their
responsibility at the core of their operations. /urthermore, given the sie of many public bodies
and agencies, as well as their %uasimonopolistic position in many areas of services, they are
li-ely to have an impact on society which is often far beyond the impact of a single large
corporation. Conse%uently, the claim for responsible behaviour on the part of public bodies has
grown, as has the demand for greater accountability to society in the public sector. Fust as private
sector companies are e'horted to become more accountable in their reporting and
communication to the public, so we now witness a steady rise in the use of typical CSR
instruments, such as social auditing and reporting, by public bodies (0all, !""6). /or e'ample,
the publicly funded K media organiation, the 00C, now publishes an annual CSR report.
@part from incorporating CSR into their own operations, many government organiations also
ta-e an active role in promoting CSR within their sphere of influence. hile CSR as such is a
voluntary business activity, governments have nevertheless tried to create incentives for and
facilitate the voluntary adoption of socially responsible policies by the private sector (Crane G
Matten, !"":8 6699). So for instance the S government, in issuing the S @pparel Industry
Code of Conduct! provided a regulatory basis for CSR by S companies in their overseas
supply chains. ften, governments are also part of multipartite initiatives to further CSR, such as
the S , which is a set of principles issued by the nited *ations for voluntary adoption by
corporations globally. In particular the K government, since the #9"s, has made considerable
efforts to encourage CSR in 0ritish companies through a number of initiatives (Moon, !""6b),
including the 5thical &rade Initiative (promoting fair trade practices) or the CSR @cademy
(educating business people about CSR). @ similarly pronounced role in promoting CSR has been
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adopted by the 5uropean nion. In a part of the world where CSR is still largely considered a
novel and @ngloSa'on idea, the 5uropean Commission has invested considerable effort in
defining and promoting CSR in 5urope, convening a multista-eholder dialogue which resulted
in a widely discussed hite >aper in !""! (Commission of the 5uropean Communities, !""!).
More recently, these efforts have continued in the establishment of the D5uropean @lliance on
CSR? which, though facilitated by the 5uropean Commission, represents a significant step
towards business ta-ing charge of CSR in a more autonomous fashion (+ardner, !""B).
CSR and ci&il society organizations
Intractably lin-ed to the rise of CSR is the role of civil society organiations (CS) or
nongovernmental organiations (*+s). Many of the initial demands for more responsible
business behaviour L such as the protection of the environment, improvements in wor-ing
conditions in sweatshops in the developing world, or prevention of human rights violations in
countries with oppressive regimes L have been brought to the attention of the wider public by
*+s such as +reenpeace, Save the Children, or @mnesty International. &raditionally then, the
role of *+s in the CSR arena has been more that of a police officer or watchdog, a constant
critic e'posing corporate misbehavior and mobiliing pressure against allegedly irresponsible
practices. &his role continues to be an important function of those CSs whose s-ills in raising
awareness.
CSR in different regions of the glo$e:
&he meaning of CSR not only differs from sector to sector (as we have discussed in the previous
section), but it also differs %uite substantially from country to country. &o put CSR Din global
conte't? (as our subtitle suggests) it is essential to understand the specific regional and national
conte'ts in which companies practice CSR. In the following section, we will therefore discuss
some basic characteristics of CSR in different regions of the globe.
CSR in de&eloped countries:
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In its most well -nown guise, CSR is essentially a S idea. It was in the S where the language
and practice of CSR first emerged. @lso, most of the academic literature on the topic, and most
of the -ey ideas discussed in the first section of this boo-, originate from there. &he main reason
for this lies in the specific characteristics of the S business system (Matten G Moon, !""6b).
@s such, @merican society is characteried by fairly unregulated mar-ets for labour and capital,
low levels of welfare state provision, and a high appreciation of individual freedom and
responsibility. Conse%uently, many social issues, such as education, healthcare, or community
investment have traditionally been at the core of CSR. >hilanthropy is high on the agenda with,
for instance, corporate community contributions by S companies being something li-e than ten
times higher than those of their 0ritish counterparts (0rammer G >avelin, !""A). In other parts
of the world, most notably 5urope, the /ar 5ast, and @ustralasia, however, there has always been
a stronger tendency to address social issues through governmental policies and collective action.
Many issues that S companies would typically boast about as CSR on their websites, such as
the provision of healthcare or fighting climate change, have not appeared until recently on the
screens of continental 5uropean companies. &he reason for this is that these issues have
traditionally been considered a tas- for governments or, in other words, the corporate
responsibility for social issues has been the ob2ect of codified and mandatory regulation. CSR for
5uropean companies, therefore, has predominantly come on the agenda through their overseas
operations (where regulatory framewor-s are different from 5urope), and it is fair to say that
even until the present day, multinational corporations (M*Cs) rather than domestic companies
can be considered to be the leading actors in 5uropean CSR. &he S5urope differences in CSR
are li-ely to persist and the way corporations address CSR issues, such as global warming, the
provision of affordable medicine to the developing world, or the use of genetically modified
organisms in food production, remains mar-edly different on both sides of the @tlantic (7oh G
+uay, !""B). Countries such as Fapan, and to a lesser degree South Korea and &aiwan, are
considered fairly similar to continental 5urope in terms of the institutional conte't for CSR. &hey
are characteried by high ban- and public ownership, patriarchal and longterm employment, and
coordination and control systems based on longterm relations and partnerships rather than
mar-ets. &he Fapanese DKeiretsu?, the Korean DChaebol? or the (mostly state owned) &aiwanese
conglomerates have a legacy of CSR similar to 5uropean companies L including lifelong
employment, benefits, social services, and healthcare L not so much as a result of voluntary
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corporate policies, but more a response to the regulatory and institutional environment of
business. &he reasons for the rise of CSR in 5urope and in these developed economies in the /ar
5ast in recent years are several. &o begin with, M*Cs with their home base in such countries are
challenged to implement more CSR in their operations located in countries with poor governance
and low levels of state provision of public services, human rights protection, or environmental
protection. /urthermore, some of these developed economies have undergone substantial
overhauls of their welfare systems and regulatory framewor-s, resulting in lesser degrees of state
attention to social issues and more discretion for private actors. &he nited Kingdom is probably
the best e'ample here, where radical reforms that liberalied labour and capital mar-ets, together
with the privatiation of public services and publicly owned companies, contributed to a
significant surge in CSR (Moon, !""6a). Increasingly, corporations in the K have assumed
responsibility for regenerating local communities, addressing unemployment, sponsoring schools
and education, as well as improving public transparency and accountability. In addition to these
domestic political changes, globaliation also represents a powerful booster of CSR as we will
discuss in more detail in chapter ##. &he rise of global investors lin-ing their investment
decisions to Dsocially responsible investment? criteria, the growth in global *+ activism
scrutiniing corporate behaviour, and intensified e'posure of business by the media have all
boosted growing attention to CSR in 5urope and elsewhere (Matten G Moon, !""6b). It can also
be observed that in most developed countries we have specific domestic CSR issues that shape
the debate in the respective conte't. /or instance, many 5uropean countries see CSR specifically
with regard to the protection of the natural environment, while the CSR debate in the /ar 5ast
prominently features issues of corporate governance and transparency in large conglomerates
(ebb, !""B). ften the CSR debate in a country reflects longstanding and ongoing deliberations
in society at large8 for instance in @ustralia and South @frica, considerable e'pectations have
been directed towards companies to address and uphold rights of aboriginal and blac- people
respectively, or to contribute to their economic empowerment more generally.
CSR in de&eloping countries:
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&he activities of estern M*Cs in developing countries have also been a ma2or driver behind
the recent surge in CSR over the last two decades. Many companies use developing countries as
a source of cheap raw materials and, in particular, cheap labour. @gainst this bac-drop, it was for
instance, campaigns against Shell?s role in *igeria and *i-e?s labour practices in its @sian
supply chains that triggered significant changes toward more responsible practices in many
M*Cs (see case study 1, '''' for more on the *i-e story). 7eveloping countries can at times
be characteried by various features that can offer considerable scope for the e'ercise of CSR.
&hese include low standards for wor-ing conditions and environmental protection, high
corruption, oppressive regimes with low regard for human rights, poor provision of healthcare
and education, as well as low levels of per capita income and foreign direct investment. @lthough
this is not a fair representation of all developing country conte'ts at all times, the main challenge
for M*Cs from the developed world when they are faced with such circumstances lies in
conducting their business in a way that would be considered socially responsible in their
respective home countries. &he paper by Scherer and Smid in chapter ## (NNNN) describes
some of the approaches companies have applied to tac-ling such challenges. It is important to
recognie though that a growing number of domestic companies in developing countries have
also developed an interest in CSR. &he main CSR issues these companies are concerned with
include contributions to enhance the infrastructure of health, education, and transport, and to
serve as e'amples of good governance. Similarly, as the e'ample of the +rameen 0an-B ,
founded by *obel >eace >rie winner Muhammad
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these countries but business being present in these countries in the first place. &he article by
>rahalad and ;ammond in Chapter ## ('''') develops one particular approach to poverty
alleviation in developing countries that indicates a ma2or potential role for business in
development. &his role of M*Cs, however, is not uncontested. Many critics argue that profit
ma'imising corporations have only very limited interest in these more political goals, and that
evidence of M*Cs contributing positively in the developing world is at best s-etchy (/rynas,
!""A). ltimately, according to the sceptics, responsible corporate behaviour in the developing
world is an issue that cannot be left to the voluntary discretion of business people but needs to be
addressed by more stringent regulation in their home countries in the global *orth (@aronson,
!""A).
CSR in emerging(transitional economies:
0etween those two ma2or categories of developed and developing countries there is a third
category that deserves attention from a CSR perspective. Most countries of the former
communist bloc have changed from a planned and government run economy to a capitalist
mar-et system. hile the social responsibility of stateoperated business in the former model
was far reaching, including broad provision of education, healthcare, housing and a plethora of
other services, the transition to a mar-et economy has seen many of these former conglomerates
dismantled and transformed into shareholder owned companies. hile there is a plethora of
different approaches to CSR in these countries, one might argue that in some respects, Russia
and China represent the more e'treme cases. Russia, on the one hand, has seen privatiation and
the turn to capitalism accompanied by rather wea- and corrupt governmental institutions
resulting in what some would refer to as a Dcowboy economy?. It is therefore little wonder that
CSR is still a largely un-nown concept in Russia (+rafs-i G Moon, !""6) and for many Russian
business people, bears strong resemblances to communist times. China, on the other hand, has
maintained a strong capacity for the state in controlling and regulating the economy and whilst
the role and responsibilities of business in society might not always be referred to in terms of the
estern language of CSR we still see considerable involvement of companies in the area. Many
commentators e'pect that China, with growing economic development, will see a rise in
CSRoriented regulation in the ne't few years (Miller, !""A).
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Conclusion In this chapter we have discussed the development of CSR, and its recent rise to
prominence. e have also e'amined the mae of definitions that have been used to delineate
CSR in order to develop some core characteristics of the concept. /inally, we e'plored the
meaning and relevance of CSR in different national and organiational conte'ts. hat should
certainly be clear by now is that the term Dcorporate social responsibility? is very difficult to pin
down precisely L it can have many meanings, applications, and implications, and these are rarely
agreed upon by those who ta-e an interest in the debate. &his may not ma-e our lives any easier
when studying CSR, but it certainly ma-es it more interesting. e have adopted a deliberately
broad perspective on CSR in order to provide a wellrounded introduction to the sub2ect.
Included in the following chapters are those that espouse a view of CSR thoroughly embedded in
a procorporate Dbusiness case for CSR? as well as those that argue for a more political view of
CSR that attends to the need to ma-e corporations more accountable to the societies in which
they operate. &he point of this te't is not so much to suggest that any of these perspectives is
necessarily Dbetter? or more Dcorrect? than another, but more to provide an insight into the
richness and the diversity of the CSR literature. 5diting a collection of readings on CSR allows
us to present some of this heterogeneity whilst simultaneously providing some guidance as to
how to Dread? some of the different contributions. @fter all, it is clear that many of the authors
writing about CSR in this boo- are engaging in a discussion about CSR for different ends, and
bring with them very different assumptions about the nature and purpose of the corporation. &he
introductions to the readings will offer some useful insight on these purposes and assumptions, at
least as far as we see them.
DISCUSSION #ND SU))*STION:
e e'plore the sociological processes that affect the evaluation of firms with high CSR scores by
sellside investment analysts in the S, over a period of #A years. e argue and find empirical
evidence that a wea-ening of the prevailing logic L the agency logic L and the gradual emergence
of a sta-eholder focus, leads to an initial unfavorable and a subse%uent more favorable
evaluation of firms with high CSR scores by investment analysts. hereas under an agency logic
CSR was typically interpreted as an activity that primarily generated managerial returns or
satisfied managerial aspirations to the detriment of corporate profitability (i.e. an agency cost),
under a sta-eholder logic, CSR is conceptualied as a set of corporate policies essential to
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corporate standing that does not penalie a firm?s financial performance and may even generate
financial value in the longrun. ur article provides insights into the assessment of firms with
high CSR ratings, and suggests that firms may adopt CSR without being penalied by a -ey third
party in the financial mar-ets, namely sellside analysts. @s mentioned at the outset of this
article, an emerging strand of literature has focused on the relationship between CSR and
financial mar-ets but without e'plicitly ta-ing into account the sociological processes that affect
the assessment of firms? CSR ratings. @ccording to e'tensive prior literature, in financial mar-ets
such sociological processes have a direct and measurable impact on firm value (>hillips G
Huc-erman, !""# Ha2ac G estphal, !""6) ma-ing this an important gap that needs to be
addressed. Such sociological processes are particularly relevant for the domain of CSR where
sta-eholder e'pectations and e'ternal assessments by third parties are especially salient. ith
this paper we begin to fill this gap in our understanding by introducing the idea that the
prevailing agency logic was wea-ened by the gradual emergence of a sta-eholder orientation
within the analyst and investor community. &he findings of this article also provide support to
the institutional perspective that focuses on how financial mar-ets perceive and assess policies
such as those related to CSR. &he theoretical arguments, as well as the empirical evidence
presented here provide additional support for the influence of historical change on the dominant
belief system or institutional logic of -ey mar-et actors. /urthermore, we are able to provide
evidence that mar-et actors who possess more e'perience or en2oy higher status are more li-ely
to be the first to ad2ust their assessments based on this new and emergent logic. e therefore
contribute to the sociological research that focuses on understanding the macrohistorical and
institutional changes in the conte't, to the literature that focuses on the microsocial dynamics of
financial mar-ets (@bolafia, #99B estphal G Ha2ac, #99 Huc-erman, #999).
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