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ARCH 1230, Semester 2, 2010

Housing People and Places Assignment 2

Topic 5: Architectural Determinism

“Can architectural determinism be considered a viable social theory?”

Annalise Varghese

s4235272

Course Coordinator: Greg Bamford

Due date: Tuesday 16th of November, 2010

Word count (excluding citations, quotes, captions): 2156

Number of pages (excluding title page): 15

Essay: pages 1-‐8

Appendices for images, plans, diagrams: pages 9-‐13

Reference list: pages 14-‐15

ARCH 1230 Assignment 2 Architectural determinism s4235272

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Architectural determinism: A viable social theory?

Architectural determinism is a social theory which postures that all human behaviour can be derived

interactions with one’s surroundings. Whether architectural determinism is a viable social theory is a

question subject to extensive debate. Many sociologists and architects claim the built environment is

responsible for all human interactions, some reject this theory by claiming it unnecessarily glorifies the

role of architect, and others posture that influence of architecture is secondary to influence of social and

cultural history. This essay will explore arguments and evidence supporting and opposing the theory of

architectural determinism, and then with these findings, review the public housing estate of

Thamesmead, London: to assess whether its built form noticeably influences the behaviour of its

inhabitants.

The tenets of architectural determinism have been employed in many attempts through history, to

reform human behaviour. In the 19th Century London, moral reform of lower classes was believed

possible through changing their living conditions. In the 1840’s, London urban growth reached

unsustainable levels, resulting in overcrowding in slum districts (Evans, 1978, p.25). These districts, as

plotted by Charles Booth in his “poverty maps” (Evans, 1978, p.26) (See Appendix 1, Figure 1) were

recognised as a breeding grounds for immoral behaviour. The Health of Towns Committee in London

believed that “in addition to the physical evils entailed upon the poorer classes by the state of their

dwellings…their moral habits are affected by the same causes” (Evans, 1978, p.25). These dwellings

facilitated and enabled immoral behaviour: multiple entries and exits allowed thieves to evade

policemen and strangers to enter and leave the property at will. The “Rookeries” also forced multiple

families to live in rooms where “cooking, undressing, sleeping, working, washing, bathing, defecating,

urinating, fornication, dying and giving birth-‐took place in close proximity” (Evans, 1978, p.30); allowing

perverse acts to occur. Committee member Hector Gavin stated that improving living conditions would

provide “the entire groundwork upon which much of the moral and social improvement of the

population must be based” (Evans, 1978, p.32), and the creation of model dwellings by Henry Roberts in

1851 were deemed the solution to overcrowding and moral reform by firmly designating public and

private living spaces (Jones, 1971, p.183) (See Appendix 1, Figure 2). The environment as a tool for moral

reform was used by creators of the “separate system” for 19th Century prisons (Tomlinson, 1980, p.97-‐

98). The “separate system” relied on the complete separation of the inmate from other inmates and

“the cross fertilization of criminal ideas”, the outside world and all other human beings. This meant total


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submission to the isolated environment forced upon them so make inmates amenable to chaplain visits:

subsequently encouraging reflection and repentance (Tomlinson, 1980, p.97-‐8). Australian Aboriginal

missions also exploited the effects of a controlled environment, with hopes of expunging undesirable

cultural attitudes in Indigenous groups. The 1863 Station “Ramahyuck”, in Gippsland, Victoria, run by

Moravian missionaries was located in a stable location, to prevent Indigenous attitudes towards

nomadic behaviour (Attwood, 2000, p.41). The missionaries separated living functions of bathing,

sleeping, eating by enforcing the use of wash houses, dormitories, individual houses for Aboriginals

couples, school houses, church, mission house, segregated playgrounds and segregated seating in

churches (Attwood, 2000, p.45). Parents were physically separated from parents and elders as not to

“contaminate” them with cultural values and ideas. This physical environment destroyed Aboriginal

social customs, replaced them with European ones: thus heavily influencing their behaviour. In these

instances, the built environment is shown as having a direct psychological effect on people’s behaviour.

The environment as a tool to change undesirable social behaviour has been acknowledged in the 20th

Century for preventing crimes in cities. Adam Graycar, Director of the Australian Institute of Criminology

is an advocate of “crime prevention through environmental design” (Graycar, 1999). He explained in an

interview how cities boast higher crime rates than small towns, as longer distances between shops,

workplaces and schools provide long “transportation corridors” (See Appendix 1, Figure 3), and

opportunities for offenders to anonymously disappear into large city crowds (Graycar, 1999). Graycar

conducted a New York project based on “crime prevention through environmental design” in areas

where increased security cameras and police patrols had been ineffective. Changes to the environment

included reducing the size of cubicles in public bathrooms to prevent drug use or sleeping in these

facilities, eliminating “vast unassigned spaces” between shops, schools and workplaces by installing

stalls, kiosks, information points and changing the design of entrances, stairways and escalators with the

intention of “opening up areas through the removal of obstruction to allow natural surveillance”

(Graycar, 1999) (See Appendix 1, Figure 4). In manipulating physical surroundings, he changed the

nature of the social environment by “encouraging interaction between strangers” and creating a

watchful and secure environment (Graycar, 1999). By using principles of determinism, he has directly

made some social behaviour more likely to occur for a majority of the population.


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In educational and office-‐based institutions, some human behaviour can result from environmental

factors. According to sociologist William Cameron, “in many cases physical form can limit, permit, and in

extreme cases virtually determine the kinds of activities that can be engaged in” (Cameron, 1963, p.57).

the physical environment of educational institutions can either foster or destroy a “good intellectual

climate” (Cameron, 1963, p.56). Aspects of the physical environment make certain behaviour more

likely: placing a door at the back of the classroom can cause disruptions to a class when a student enters

late (Cameron, 1963, p.58). The internal structure of a room may determine the activity occurring

within: rows of bare desks instruct students to be organised and scholarly, placing a lectern at the front

of classrooms suggest the class be run in lecture format and some chairs and tables formations suggest

study or informal conversations (Cameron, 1963, p.59). Cramped, small or stuffy work rooms may inhibit

the concentration and study habits of the students in there (Cameron, 1963, p.57). Designers of office

institutions may consider that the built environment may increase the productivity of the worker, by

creating “a more communicative environment in which they are likely to meet one another more often”

(Marmot, 2002, p.252). It is difficult to ascertain whether architectural determinism is evident in this

manner; the effect on workers’ productivity may stem from the newness of the environment inspiring

one to work, or the fact that workers feel appreciated by the management to improve their

surroundings that drive their work (Marmot, 2002, p.252). Likewise with educational institutions, a room

designed to be a study area may not be used as such, due to the personal tastes or attitudes of the

students. In some cases, the influences of built form can be observed for a majority of the population,

but not specifically determine the behaviour of individuals and groups.

Sociologist Maurice Broady supports the idea that that the environment plays a part in influencing

behaviour, but does not determine it. Broady investigated the role of an architect and claims that many

architects “believe that their function is socially critical” (Broady, 1996, p.11), which he dismisses as

arrogance. Broady explains that determinism

“asserts that architectural design has a direct and determinate effect on the way people behave. It implies a one-‐

way process in which the physical environment is the independent and human behaviour the dependent variable. It

suggests that those human beings for whom architects and planners create their designs are simply moulded by

their environment which is provided for them” (Broady, 1996, p.174).

He refutes this, by explaining that individuality can emerge in the most plain, standardized surroundings.

Broady pleads for a more viable social theory to emerge to replace determinism by discussing the

findings of sociologist Herbert Gans:


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“The physical form is only a potential environment since it simply provides possibilities or clues for social behaviour.

The effective or total environment is the product of those physical patterns plus the behaviour of the people who

use them, and that will vary according to their social background and their way of life; to what sociologists, in their

technical language, call social structure and culture” (Broady, 1996, p.181).

Broady postures that although the environment may influence some behaviour, it is not the chief factor

influencing social interactions. Another sociologist Alice Coleman concurs with this statement to some

extent. Coleman conducted an extensive study into a housing estate Clover Hill, in Rochdale, England,

found many links between the atmosphere of “social malaise” and crime rates, and the conditions of the

built environment. Despite revealing causal links between certain social issues and certain living

conditions, Coleman does not claim that she is a determinist, but prefers a different explanation called

“Possibilism”. This claims some environmental conditions will make social interactions more likely to

occur, but not determine them:

“none of this is to be construed as a claim that design is the only factor in the prevention or promotion of social

breakdown. On the contrary its influence is bound to be differentially offset or reinforced, diverted or distorted, by

innumerable other factors. But in spite of all these disturbances, known or unknown, it nevertheless shows through

as having an effect.” (Coleman, 1990, p.3)

These other factors include social and cultural connections people forge with their surroundings, or

associate with them.

Another sociologist Charles Mercer likewise does not hold a totally deterministic view of architecture,

but claims there is evidence that it influences some social behaviour. The most obvious effect of built

environment on social behaviour is proximity, and Mercer discusses the friendships formed among

housewives in the housing development Westgate, at MIT University, America:

“The closer together the housewives lived to one another, the more likely they were to be selected as friends

(sociometrically chosen). The Investigators argued that physical closeness was responsible for the “passive contact”

between housewives: that is, the closer dwellings are to each other, the more likely the occupants are to meet each

other by accident, and such contact serves as a basis for establishing friendships” (Mercer, 1975, p.76).

Mercer explains how the environment does not determine friendships, but increases their likelihood. In

Greater London Council public housing estate of Greenleigh, London, the environment can also be

attributed to some human behaviours, but social issues can be linked also. Young and Willmot explored


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the social attitudes of Greenleigh residents. Some residents hailed from the London slum district Bethnal

Green, where they had many community and family ties. Residents “frequently complained about the

unfriendliness of the place” (Young and Willmott, 1957, p.147), compared to Bethnal Green. Residents

noted “they all come from the East End but they all seem to change when they come down here” (Young

and Willmott, 1957, p.147). Many residents believed communication with neighbours will lead to

trouble “we don’t get too involved, because we’ve found that causes gossip and trouble” (Young and

Willmott, 1957, p.148), and do not lend or borrow items, compared to in Bethnal Green, where “it was

different-‐neighbours were more friendly” (Young and Willmott, p.149). Greenleigh residents come from

many parts of London, and this diversity may preclude friendships: “You’ve not grown up with them.

They come from different neighbourhoods, they’re different sorts of people and they don’t mix”

(interviewee, Young and Willmott, 1957, p.152), and it takes people time to form friendships, this may

be due to low density: “low density does not encourage sociability” (Young and Willmott, 1957, p.153)

Also some residents who for the first time own a house, adopt a “toffee-‐nosed” and “high and mighty”

mindset (Young and Willmott, 1957, p.154). House based existences also increased materialistic

attitudes and competitively between neighbours (Young and Willmott, 1957, p.140). Ownership of a

home, alienation in a foreign environment may be environmental factors influencing behaviour, but lack

of social history, family and friendship ties are social factors influencing behaviour which must be

acknowledged in junction with the effects of the built environment.

The public Housing estate of Thamesmead, London provides an example of a city where many factors

regarding public unrest can be attributed to the built environment, but some also to cultural and social

issues. Thamesmead is public housing estate located in the Borough of Bexley, London by the Thames

River (University of Greenwich, n.d) (See Appendix 2, Figure 1). It was created by the Greater London

Council in the late 1960’s “to house Londoners who had been displaced by bomb damage in slum

clearance” following World War Two (Collins, 2008). Extensive crowding in London posed an issue, and

“In 1963 a report highlighted the age and condition of much of the housing in inner London and

declared that 500,000 new homes were needed in the following 10 years” (University of Greenwich,

n.d). The site occupies 1600 acres of marshland (BBC, 2008) and was anticipated to house up to 60 000

people (Walter, 1971, p.79). Three types of housing were built: 12 story high-‐rise buildings, 5 storey

duplex apartment buildings and three storey row houses (See Appendix 2, Figures 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8). The

designers planned for a diverse mix of socioeconomic groups to create a cohesive community

(University of Greenwich, n.d). Despite the fact that town designers won “the 1969 award for


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architecture and town planning by the Union Internationale des Architectes for Thamesmead” (Walter,

1971, p.84), many social issues arose after residents moved in.

Although the planners hoped for a self contained community, there were very little job opportunities for

town residents and “Surveys have revealed that 47 per cent of residents in the town worked in Central

London” (University of Greenwich, n.d). Resulting from this environment, many homes were not moved

into or occupied for an extended amount of time. In addition, the futuristic nature of the buildings,

made of “precast concrete panels” (Menteth, 2010) may have alienated residents or appeared bleak and

uninviting (See Appendix 2, Figures 3-‐8). Presently, many old buildings are being demolished due to lack

of use, as described by resident Roy Gisby, “It’s got ‘concrete cancer’” (Collins, 2008). Michael Collins,

reporter for the Guardian, conducted interviews Thamesmead residents, including resident of 18 years,

Don Tidely complains of the cul-‐de-‐sac formations of the monotonous linear buildings; “there is not one

iconic building on the corner, which I can relate to”. (See Appendix 2, Figure 2, 4, 5). Due to low

population over a large land area, many empty, unwatched spaces around buildings exist (See Appendix

2, Figure 3).

These vast spaces trouble residents. Walkways, high-‐rises, terrace houses and apartments are raised

above ground level, due to the risk of flooding, and garages occupy the ground level (University of

Greenwich, n.d) (See Appendix 2, Figure 3,6,9,10 ). Alison Breese, member of the Gallions Housing

Association of Thamesmead, complains of the emptiness of the streets

"The mile upon mile of walkways did mean that we had all this void space on the ground floor...What happened

was that you then dislocated people from living in the street -‐ there was no surveillance of the street…When people

came out of their cars, they were walking into 'no man's land'. Over the years it became a place where people felt

uncomfortable where it was dark, where sometimes vandalism occurred." (BBC, 2008) (See Appendix 2, Figure 5, 7,

10).

In these instances, the design is responsible for the unwary and troubled mindset of the residents.

Empty spaces create opportunities for gangs to meet in Thamesmead, which residents are wary of. A

teenager interview by Collins, described how many teenagers get drunk on Fridays, as there is nowhere

to go. He explains there is little interaction between strangers as it is difficult to know who is a gang-‐


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member, and if one talks to the “wrong person…they come up and stab you for no apparent reason”

(Interviewee, Collins, 2008). The many unused buildings and the identical row houses may be the cause

of vandalism and graffiti, which is prevalent in Thamesmead (University of Greenwich, n.d). This may be

an attempt to individual otherwise lifeless and monotonous surroundings, or from the destructive

tendencies of gang members (See Figure 11).

Many residents are unwilling willing to cross paths with strangers. This may have arisen due to a

uneasiness of leaving their homes or wandering the town. Resident Lisa Rogers relates to Collins of

disreputable parts of Thamesmead she is wary of her children being near: “Everyone sort of keeps

themselves to themselves now” (Collins, 2008). Another reason for lack of contact between strangers is

not due solely to the architecture, but due to the close community groups formed by the initial residents

when they moved to Thamesmead, and an unwillingness to meet new families. Many of the first

residents moved to Thamesmead in groups, and have been together since. One long time resident

described Thamesmead in the late 60’s as a “cockney-‐haven”, as many of the people who moved there

hailed from the East-‐End. Since then, people from many different parts of London have moved to

Thamesmead (Collins, 2008). People who moved to Thamesmead were from the slum districts of the

East End; their displacement can be seen as one of the causes of social unrest (University of Greenwich,

n.d). There are speculations, that families who moved to Thamesmead from slum districts were

identified by other residents as “problem families”, and brought with them to Thamesmead anti-‐social

tendencies (BBC, 2008). Where anti-‐social behaviour occurs, it can be partly because of the

environment, but also partly due to the personal beliefs and attitudes of the residents.

Architectural determinism can be considered a viable social theory to some extent. In Thamesmead, the

physical environment has shown to have a great role in influencing human behaviour for a majority of

the population, but not governing all social behaviours. In some situations, where there are controlled

and moderated conditions, such as a prison, where a person’s daily actions are controlled by their

environment, it has a great effect on their behaviour, due to the restrictions imposed on them. In daily

life, one’s interaction with the physical environment is not as direct; many social and cultural ideas are

often embedded within buildings, built forms, areas, and one’s personal history often dictates behaviour

is a more obvious manner. According to Marmot, “Environmental determinism can be seen as a concept


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that is too simplified to describe the complex relationships between individuals and their physical,

social, and psychological world” (Marmot, 2002, p253). Some aspects of the built environment make

some human interactions or attitudes more likely to occur of a majority of the population, but does not

govern them. Despite this, architects, planners and designers still must consider the physical and

psychological impact of their building endeavours, if they are to positively contribute to their daily lives

of human beings.


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Appendix 1

Figure 1: Fragment of Charles Booth Poverty Map (Ahmad, 1999)

Figure 2: Henry Robert's model home plan designed for four families (Evans, 1978, p.31)


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Figure 3: Example of transportation corridors, diagram by Author. “a house on a corner block for example, near a school is much more vulnerable than a house in a cul-‐de-‐sac” (Graycar, 1999)

Figure 4: Example of eliminating "vast unassigned spaced" and creating a watchful environment by modifying the physical environment (example by Graycar, 1999). Diagram by Author

People passing through purposeless spaces

More people drawn to a previously empty space by amenities

House by intersection: high traffic exposure

House in cul-‐de-‐sac: low traffic exposure


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Appendix 2

Figure 1: Thamesmead located by the Thames River (McQuade, 1971, p.84)

Figure 2: Aerial view of three different housing types: 13 storey tower blocks, three storey terrace houses, five storey duplex dwellings (Jelsoft, 2010)

Terrace houses

Tower blocks

Linear apartments


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Figure 3: Raised concrete walkways: large empty places (BBC, 2008)

Figure 6: Raised walkways between linear houses leave the ground level unprotected (BBC, 2008)

Figure 5: Linear five story duplex accommodation, raised ground level with dark garage ground floor spaces (McQuade, 1971, p. 81)

Figure 4: Ground level of 13 story tower blocks (McQuade, 1971, p.80)

Figure 7: Five storey linear apartments with raised ground level: dark garage and ground floor spaces (The Worldwide guide to movie locations, 2008) Figure 8: Linear housing axonometric (McQuade, 1971, p.82)


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Figure 9: Ground floor and first floor plan of linear housing (McQuade, 1971, p.82)

Living quarters on the first floor, leaving eh ground floor unoccupied and dark

Narrow, empty spaces between buildings

Figure 3: Dark ground level spaces result from elevating walkways and living quarters (Diagram by Author)

Figure 11: Sample of Thamesmead graffiti; Greater London Council symbol used for graffiti (Barbarasi & Round, 2005)

Dark, unoccupied ground level spaces

Living and walking areas elevated


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Reference List:

Ahmad, S. 1999. Charles Booth’s 1889 descriptive map of London poverty. University of Michigan. http://www.umich.edu/~risotto/home.html

Attwood, B. 2000. Space and Time at Ramahyuck, Victoria, 1863-‐85. In Settlement: a History of Australian Indigenous Housing, ed. Read, P., 41-‐54. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press.

Barbarasi, R & Round, S. 2005. Thamesmead Project 05. http://www.barbaresiandround.com/images/thamesmead.pdf

BBC. 2008. BBC, 2008 London Thamesmead. BBC.

http://www.bbc.co.uk/insideout/content/articles/2008/10/08/london_thamesmead_s14_w4_feature.shtml

BBC. 2008. Why Thames Gateway is good for Bexley. BBC. http://www.bbc.co.uk/london/content/articles/2007/03/08/thamesgateway_bexley_opinion_feature.shtml

Broady, M. 1996. Social Theory in Architectural Design, Arena – The Architectural Association Journal

81, January, 149-‐54. Cameron, W. B. 1963. Informal sociology: a casual introduction to sociological thinking. New York:

Random House. Coleman, Alice. 1990 Utopia on Trial: Vision and Reality in Planned Housing Rev. ed. London: Hilary

Shipman.

Collins, 2008, M. 2008. Dreams Set In Concrete. Michael Collins, 2008 Journalism.

http://www.michaelCollins, 2008.info/MichaelCollins, 2008.info/Index%20/8AF83FE5-‐33F1-‐4CA9-‐AE7D-‐6E1AFA41AECE.html video and online article

Evans, R. 1978. Rookeries and Model Dwellings: English Housing Reform and the Moralities of Private Space, Architectural Association Quarterly 10, No. 1, 25-‐36.

Graycar, Adam. Chunking and Channelling. Ockham’s Razor. ABC Radio National (15 August, 1999),

15mins. http://www.abc.net.au/rn/scienc/s44034.htm.


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Jelsoft Enterprises. 2010. Brutalist buildings in your region. SkyscraperPage. http://forum.skyscraperpage.com/showthread.php?t=163804&page=2

Jones, G.S. 1971. Outcast London. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Marmot, A. 2002. Architectural Determinism-‐Does design change behaviour. British Journal of General Practice, March, 252-‐253.

Menteth, W. 2010. Bell Menteth, 2010 Heron Court Thamesmead. Architecture Today.

http://www.architecturetoday.co.uk/?p=9269

McQuade, W., ed. 1971. Cities fit to live in and how we can make them happen. Urban Environment 1. New York: The Macmillan Company.

Mercer, C. 1975. Living in Cities: Psychology and the Urban Environment. Middlesex: Penguin.

The Worldwide guide to movie locations. 2008. A Clockwork Orange film locations. The Worldwide guide to movie locations. http://www.movie-‐locations.com/movies/c/clockwork.html

Tomlinson, H. 1980. Design and reform: the `separate system' in the 19th century English prison. In Buildings and Society: Essays on the Social Development of the Built Environment, ed. King, A.D., 94-‐119. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

University of Greenwich. N.d. Thamesmead: a late 20th Century new town. University of Greenwich Suburbia in focus. http://www.ideal-‐homes.org.uk/case-‐studies/thamesmead

Willmottt, P. and Young, M. 1957. Family and Kinship in East London. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

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