How Pressure Groups Operate

7/30/2019 How Pressure Groups Operate

1/11

American Academy of Political and Social Science

How Pressure Groups OperateAuthor(s): Henry A. TurnerReviewed work(s):Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 319, UnofficialGovernment: Pressure Groups and Lobbies (Sep., 1958), pp. 63-72

Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and SocialScienceStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1032437 .

Accessed: 23/11/2011 07:15

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Sage Publications, Inc. andAmerican Academy of Political and Social Science are collaborating with JSTOR

to digitize, preserve and extend access toAnnals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sagehttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aapsshttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aapsshttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1032437?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/1032437?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aapsshttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=aapsshttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=sage


2/11

How PressureGroupsOperateBy HENRY A. TURNER

ABSTRACT: uring the past few decades the number of pres-sure groupshas rapidly multiplied,the scope of their activitieshas vastly expanded, and their methods and tactics havebecome more professionalizedand subtle. Today the morehighly organized groups have lobbyists in Washingtonand inmany state capitals, well-staffed bureaus of press agents andresearch personnel, and active membershipgroups across thenation. In general, pressure groups function in a pragmaticfashion, employing any proceduresor methods which will ef-fectively promote their aims. Pressuregroups attempt to ex-ert influence on every phase of the political process. They en-deavor to influencetheir own members and other groups; urgepoliticalparties to endorse favoredpolicies; work for the selec-tion of "friendly" officials; and attempt to secure favorabledecisionsfromexecutive, legislative,andjudicialofficials. Pos-sibly the most significantcontemporarydevelopment in pres-sure-groupactivity is the continual increase in their efforts tomoldpublicsentimentby utilizingthe media of mass communi-cation. Noteworthy recent developments in this area includethe widespread use of institutional advertisingand the estab-lishmentof the foundation,commit'tees, ouncils,and instituteswhich have as their basic purpose the influencing of publicattitudes.

Henry A. Turner, Ph.D., Santa Barbara, California, is Associate Professor of PoliticalScience at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He has also taught at the Uni-versity of Missouri, University of Nebraska, Iowa State College, and the University ofCalifornia, Berkeley. He received a Ford Foundation Fellowship for the 1952-53 aca-demic year and spent this time in Washington, D. C., working with the Democratic Na-tional Committee, the Bureau of the Budget, and the White House staff. His articleshave been published in a number of professional journals, and he is the Editor of Poli-tics in the United States (1955). 63


3/11

THE ANNALSOFTHE AMERICANCADEMYPRESSURE groups have participatedactively in politics from the estab-lishment of the first governments inAmerica and must, therefore, be con-sidered as an intrinsic element of ourpolitical system.The manner in which pressuregroupsoperate in the United States today is de-termined basically by the political en-vironment: the federal form of govern-ment; separation of powers; electoralsystem; political parties; technologicaldevelopment; and the economic, social,ethnic, and religious composition of thepopulation. Individual interest groupsgenerally function in a pragmatic andopportunisticfashion, using any methodor technique which they believe willserve their purpose effectively. Un-doubtedly dictating most pressuregroupactivity is the criterion: what actionwill produce the maximum desired re-sult with the minimum expenditure oftime and resources. The techniquesand tactics which any particular groupemploys will be determined largely bysuch factors as size and geographicdis-tribution of the membership, cohesionof membership, inancialresources,pres-tige position of the organization,qualityof leadership and staff, and relationswith the political parties and other or-ganized groups.

Where are pressures applied? De-pending on the aims and characteristicsof the individual organization,an inter-est group may attempt to influence itsown membership;otherpressuregroups;the electoral process; the legislative, ex-ecutive, and judicial branches of thegovernment; and public opinion.INFLUENCING THE MEMBERSHIP

One characteristic of virtually everylarge organization is the tendency for afew individuals to gain effective con-trol of the group. In some associationsthe officers may enjoy near permanent

tenure, and in others they may be se-lected from a relatively small elite.These officersand the paid bureaucracyin many instances literally run the or-ganization. Hence, from the standpointof originationof policy, they becometheorganization.In some organizedgroups,a consider-able portion of the time and energy ofthe staff may be expended to influencethe members of the group and poten-tial members. Most associations wishto retain and enlarge their membership-if for no other reason-in order toincrease the political strength of thegroup. In group meetings, publications,and direct communicationsto the mem-bership, efforts are also directed towardproducing greater group cohesion, to"educating" the membership to acceptand support the policies of the organi-zation, and to inducing the membersto engage in desired political activity.Types of activity urged on group mem-bers include: registering and voting;workingin political campaignsand mak-ing financial contributions; and com-municating via personal conversations,letters, telegrams, and telephone callsto public officials and those who con-trol the media of mass communication.

CO-OPERATION BETWEEN GROUPSIn a sense, pressure groups lobbyother pressuregroups. Organizedinter-est groups seek the active support oftheir allies or potential allies, the en-dorsement of groups less directly inter-ested, and the neutralization of theiropponents. Such co-operation may beachieved by one group merely activat-ing another, by promising future assist-ance, or by making concessions or com-promises. In some cases co-operatinggroups develop only informal workingarrangements,but there are instances inwhich organizationshave signed formalagreementsto pool their political efforts

64


4/11

How PRESSURE GROUPS OPERATEin working for a program. Examplesmay also be cited of groups co-operatingthrough interlocking directorates.1

In 1950, a Congressional committeeinvestigating lobbying found that inter-est groups co-operate not only "withinso obvious a functional area as an in-dustry," but also on an ideological ba-sis, for "there is a growing joint effortin lobbying by groups whose unity isphilosophical rather than functional incharacter." The Committeeadded, 'Thegeneral theme of combination ratherthan conflict grows bolder and more in-sistent every year." 2A particular type of pressure organi-zation, the catalytic pressuregroup, hasbeen developed to promote joint actionby interest groups. Catalytic groupsusually consist of representatives ofseveral pressure organizations, but anestablished pressure group may itselfserve as a catalytic organization. Somecatalytic groups have been establishedon an ad hoc basis for the purpose ofstimulating and co-ordinating the ac-tivities of several organizations to se-cure the adoption of a specific policy;and once the policy has been effected,the catalytic group has been disbanded.An example of such a group is the Citi-zens Committee to Repeal Chinese Ex-clusion.3 Other catalytic groups suchas the National Tax Equality Associa-tion have been established on a perma-nent basis.4PRESSURE ON THE ELECTORAL PROCESS

By definition, pressuregroupsare non-partisan organizationswhich attempt to1 General Interim Report, House Select Com-mittee on Lobbying Activities, H. Rep. 3138,81st Congress, 2d Session (Washington, D. C.:Government Printing Office, 1950), pp. 48-50.2Ibid., p. 47.3 Fred W. Riggs, Pressures on Congress: AStudy of the Repeal of Chinese Exclusion(New York: King's Crown Press, 1950).4 Donald C. Blaisdell, American DemocracyUnder Pressure (New York: Ronald Press Co.,1957), p. 113.

influence some phase of public policy.They do not, themselves, draft partyplatforms or nominate candidates forpublic office. Pressure associations do,however, appear before the resolutionscommittees of the political parties tourge the endorsement of their programsas planks in the parties' platforms.They often attempt to secure the en-dorsement of both major parties andthus remove their program from thearena of partisan controversy. Manygroups are also active in the nomina-tion and election of party members topolitical offices.Most interest groups which are activein election campaigns will support acandidate of either party if his generaloutlook is similar to that of the group.Thus organized labor has followed thepolicy, first prescribedby Samuel Gom-pers, of "rewardingfriends and punish-ing enemies" by support or oppositionin campaigns and at the polls. Ap-parently, however, some labor, business,farm, professional, and other organiza-tions have found most of their "friends"in one party and most of their"enemies"in the other, for they have tended toalign themselves with one or the otherof the two major parties.The most common method of aidingin a campaign is through financial con-tribution. Labor unions and corpora-tions are prohibitedby law frommaking"a contribution or expenditure in con-nection with any election" at which amember of Congress or the Presidentand Vice-President are selected; butthey have devised means for evadingthe spirit, if not the letter, of the law.Testimony before the Senate subcom-mittee investigating the 1956 electioncampaign revealed that both labor un-ions and corporations pay salaries toofficers and employees working full timefor a party or candidate, publish politi-cal argumentsin their house organs,andpurchase television and radio time and

65


5/11

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYnewspaper space to present politicalviews. In addition, the subcommitteewas informed that corporations makepolitical contributions by permittingparty officials or candidates to use of-fices and equipment without charge andpay bonuses and permit expense ac-counts to be padded with the under-standing that political contributionswillbe made from the bonuses and paddedaccounts.5

INFLUENCING LEGISLATORSA century ago pressure groups con-centrated most of their efforts on pro-moting and opposing legislative propos-als. During recent decades, their ac-tivities have been expanded into otherareas; yet even today, the methods em-ployed to influence legislative decisionsare the most obvious actions of pres-sure groups.The major organized nterests maintain

permanent staffs of professional lobby-ists, research personnel, press agents,and secretaries in Washington through-out the year and have similar butsmaller staffs in most state capitalsduring legislative sessions. Associationswhich have only an incidental interestin legislative proposals customarily donot have a full-time lobby staff, butmay employ a lobbyist to representthem on occasions when legislative issuesof interest to their members arise.Some interest groups have "stables"of legislators who will work closely withthem either because they owe their elec-tion largely to those groups or becausethey are themselves members of thosegroups. Pressure organizations withlike-minded spokesmen in the legisla-ture, or "inside lobbyists," naturallyhave an advantage over other groups.5 1956 General Election Campaigns, Reportof the Subcommittee on Privileges and Elec-tions of the Committee on Rules and Ad-ministration, U. S. Senate, 84th Congress, 2dSession (Washington, D. C.: GovernmentPrinting Office, 1957), pp. 23-27.

Available information indicates thatpressure associations originate a largepercentage of the bills introduced inCongress and the state legislatures.Many organizations have their staffmembers read all bills introduced todetermine which they wish to support,which to oppose, and which to attemptto have amended. As would be ex-pected, lobbyists customarily watch thebills which they have sponsoredto helpexpedite their movement through thevarious stages of the legislative processto enactment.Committee hearings on bills providethe various organizations with oppor-tunities to present their informationand arguments and also to show howstrongly the members of the groupfavor or oppose a given proposal. Offi-cers of the association, their lobbyists,or lay memberswill testify before com-mittees, often with charts and graphs toshow statistical data. Sizeable delega-tions may be organized to attend com-mittee hearings. At crucial times-suchas when a committee is considering abill or when the measure is being de-bated by one of the houses of the legis-lature-pressure associations often havetheir members write, telegraph, or calltheir legislators. Some groups attemptto flood the legislators with messages,while others concentrate on having com-munications sent by the principal sup-porters of each legislator and other keypersons in each district.Basically, lobbying consists of com-municatingwith the legislators. Organ-ized groups utilize every available op-portunity to inform legislators of theirwishes; to provide them with facts, in-formation, and arguments; and to im-press upon them the ability of the or-ganization to reward or punish the legis-lator by giving or withholding supportat the polls, campaign contributions, orgifts and items of value to the legisla-tor. In spite of the pressures brought

66


6/11

How PRESSURE GROUPS OPERATEupon them, most legislators agree thatprivate groups performa valuable func-tion in presenting informationregardingthe multitude of bills-many of them ofa highly technical nature-introduced ineach legislative session.Any survey of pressure group opera-tions would be incomplete that omittedreferenceto the social lobby and the useof unethical or illegal methods. Thereis widespread agreementthat both typesof practices still exist, but that they areof much less importance than in thedays of the "old lobby." It should alsobe noted that these methods are un-doubtedly employed as much today toinfluence administrators as legislators.Although the social lobby, minor favors,and practices of a distinctly corruptna-ture may influence some public officials,their total impact on the political proc-ess is probably not great today.PRESSURE ON THE EXECUTIVE BRANCHOne of the most noteworthy changesin pressure-group activity during thiscentury is the increased effort to influ-ence the executive branch of the gov-ernment. Pressures are applied onexecutive and administrative personnelwho are in the position to render deci-sions or take action of interest to or-ganized groups. As in earlier years,after a bill has been passed by the legis-lature, interest groups may inundate theChief Executive with statements, letters,telegrams,and memorials;and they mayappeal to him personally to veto or signthe measure. Well aware of the impor-tance of the Chief Executive's recom-mendations regarding legislative policiesand budgetary matters, organized inter-ests urge the President or governors toincorporate or omit specific proposalsfrom their legislative programs and toincrease or decrease budgetary requestsfor particular administrative depart-ments or agencies.The vast expansion of governmental

regulation of economic life and thetendency of the legislatures to grant ad-ministrative officials broad discretionarypowershave causedpressureassociationsto evince more interest than in the pastin the selection of administrative per-sonnel. Moreover, it is apparent tomost groups that administrators mayforcibly execute a statute or virtuallynullify it. For these reasons it is notuncommon for groups to seek the ap-pointment of their members or of indi-viduals friendly to their group to ad-ministrative posts of particular interestto them. Pressure organizations withfriends in top administrative positionshave found that they have advantagesnot available to other groups in secur-ing permits, licenses, contracts, sub-sidies, favorable adjustments of taxproblems and antitrust suits, and vari-ous other types of privileges and favors.Administrative agencies which havebeen granted quasi-legislative powersfind that representatives of interestgroups commonly appear before themto oppose or support rules and regula-tions. On the national level, the Ad-ministrativeProcedureAct requiresmostadministrative agencies to hold publichearings on proposed rules and permitsinterested individuals to request theissuance, repeal, or amendment of rules.Pressureassociations have availed them-selves of these rights and lobby the ad-ministrators in much the same fashionas they lobby Congress or the statelegislatures.Interest groups may importune thelegislature to amend the statutes underwhich an agency operates and to in-crease or decrease its appropriation inorder to expand or curtail its opera-tions. In some instances, organized in-terests have been able to get legislatorsto investigate administrativeagencies inan effort to punish administrators forunco-operativeor unfriendly action. Itis incorrect, however, to assume that

67


7/11

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYthe relationshipbetweenprivate associa-tions and governmentalagencies is typi-cally one of antagonism. On the con-trary, it is not uncommon to findpressure organizations, legislators, andadministrativeagenciesworkingtogetherharmoniouslyfor their mutual benefit.PRESSURE GROUPS AND THE JUDICIARY

Although pressure organizations ex-pend considerably less energy and timeattempting to influence the judicialbranch of the government than eitherthe executive or legislative branch, ref-erence should be included of their ef-forts to influence the courts. Whetherjudges are elected or appointed, organ-ized interests often participate in theirselection.Occasionally groups seek to advancethe cause of their members by initiat-ing litigation to test the constitution-ality of legislation or the action of pub-lic officials. For a number of years theNational Association for the Advance-ment of Colored People has relied onlitigation as a principal means for up-holding Negro rights. Some organiza-tions also file briefs as friends of thecourt to support other groups involvedin litigation, or they have articles pre-pared for publication in law reviewswith the expectation that they will beused as briefs or may be read by judgesand possibly influence their decisions.6PRESSURE GROUPS AND PUBLIC OPINION

The continual increase in the effortsof interest groups to win support fortheir organizations and programs byusing the mass media of communicationto influence public attitudes is perhapsthe most significant recent developmentin pressure-groupactivity. Among fac-For an excellent discussion of pressuregroups and the courts see Blaisdell, op. cit.(note 4 supra), pp. 117-19, also Clement E.Vose, "Litigation as a Form of Pressure GroupPolitics,"this issue of THEANNALS.

tors contributing to this developmentare: the increasing awareness on thepart of interest-group eaders that pub-lic opinion is an entity which must beconsidered; the developmentand refine-ment of new propagandatechniquesanddevices; and the revolutionary changesin communicationmedia which make itpossible for literally millions of Ameri-cans to be reached daily via television,radio, the motion pictures, newspapers,and periodicals.The rise of the public-relationscoun-sel has occurredconcomitantly with thegrowthof pressuregroupsand the extra-ordinary development of the communi-cation media. To advise their highestofficials on public relations and to di-rect propaganda programs many busi-ness organizations, labor unions, farmgroups, professionalassociations,govern-ment agencies, and other organizationsnow employ public-relations counsels-some on a full-time basis in the top-echelon-planning and strategy group;others only occasionally to direct spe-cific campaigns.Propaganda

Although the term propagandais notnew, there is general agreement thatpropaganda as employed today is a"new thing." The distinctive feature ofmodern propaganda is that it is dis-seminatedprincipallythroughthe mediaof mass communications by pressuregroups who employ public-relations ex-perts to developtheirpropaganda hemesand techniques.7Pressure groups use propagandabothas a tactical means of accomplishingspecific short-term goals and as a partof their long-range political strategy.From a tactical standpoint, a well-or-ganized public-relations campaign mayhave either of two results. It may givethe impressionthat there is such broadpublic support for a proposal that the

7Blaisdell, op. cit. (note 4 supra), p. 192.

68


8/11

How PRESSUREGROUPSOPERATEcampaign itself will result in the effec-tuation of the desired policy. Or, thecampaign may activate the citizenryto the extent that they will demandthrough letters, telegrams, and othermeans that the officials make the deci-sion wished by the organizedgroup. Ineither event, the basic aim is to makethe program of the group appear syn-onymous with the general welfare.The strategic or long-term goal of apublic-relations campaign tends to beideological. Groups employing propa-ganda for strategic purposes often haveas their aim selling the public a par-ticular philosophy of government. Ineffect, they wish to condition the atti-tudes of the people so that a state ofpublic opinion will be created in whichthe public will almost automatically re-spond with favor toward programs de-sired by the group and reject programsopposed by the group. The NationalAssociation of Manufacturers has re-ferred to their strategic concept of pub-lic relations as the "bank account the-ory." In one of their publications theyexplain: "It necessitates making regularand frequent deposits in the Bank ofPublic Good-Will so that valid checkscan be drawn on this account when itis desirable. .. . 8Virtually all major interest groups at-tempt to influence public attitudes, butbusinessorganizationstend to exertmoreeffort and to enjoy more success thanmost. Business groups usually have thefinancial resources with which to em-ploy public-relations personnel and topurchase advertising space and time;they often have the added advantageof being able to compute these expendi-tures as normal operating expenses fortaxation purposes. The fact that Ameri-can culture is basically a business cul-ture and that such traditional American

8Quoted in Dayton D. McKean, Party andPressure Politics (New York: Houghton Mif-flin Company, 1949), p. 492.

values as low taxes and limited govern-ment are among the propagandathemesof organized business has undoubtedlycontributed to the success of their cam-paigns.As V. O. Key has noted, an organiza-tion's public-relationsprogram may in-crease the prestige of the group and itsleaders.9 Indeed, an organization mayelevate itself in the esteem of the publicby using proper publicity in a mannernot dissimilar to that by which moviestars, athletes, and Presidentialcontend-ers are made national celebrities. Defi-nite political advantages accrue to thegroup with status: their views are heardwith more respect and given greaterweight than those of lower prestigegroups, and their members may be ap-pointed to important advisory commit-tees or influential governmental posi-tions.PropagandacampaignsPressure organizations usually directtheir propaganda campaigns at specifictarget groups. For example, RichardGable notes that the public-relationsprograms of the National Associationof Manufacturers-which he describesas "the most intensive, comprehensive,and expensive means by which it at-tempts to influence the formation ofpublic policy"-are directed towardpar-ticulargroupsof individuals. He states:The NAM's public relationsand propa-gandaprograms an be classifiedaccordingto the audienceas external, ndirect,andinternal. The audienceof the externalap-pealis the generalpublic. The indirectap-proachcoverseducators, hurchmen,wom-en's club leaders,agriculturaleaders,andsimilar ommunityeaderswhoin turnmoldspecificpublics. Internalprograms re di-rected at state and local associations ffili-atedthrough he NationalIndustrialCoun-cil as wellas the NAMmembership.Their9 V. O. Key, Jr., Politics, Parties, and Pres-sure Groups(New York: Thomas Y. Crowell,1952), p. 160.

69


9/11

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYpurposeis to induce and assist membersand affiliates o conductcommunitypublicrelationsprogramsusingmanualsand ma-terialssuppliedby the Association.10Nationwide propagandacampaignsdi-rected by public-relations experts oftenare organized and executed with thecare for detailed planning and propertiming characteristic of highly success-ful military campaigns. One notableexample was the American Medical As-sociation campaign, directed by theWhitaker and Baxter firm, Campaigns,Inc., against the Trumannational healthinsurance program. The total cost ofthe three-and-a-halfyear campaign was$4,678,000, of which approximately$775,000 was spent for propagandaskills."l In this campaign, as in mostothers of this scope, virtually everyconceivablecommunicationmedium wasutilized. Physicians and laymen wereenlisted to deliver to various clubsspeeches preparedby the Whitaker andBaxter staff. In 1949 alone, 54,233,915leaflets, pamphlets, booklets, and otherpieces of literature were distributed.12Radio, television, newspaper, and peri-odical advertisingwas purchased. Phy-sicians placed literature in their waitingrooms,discussed the issue while treatingtheir patients, wrote letters to patients,and placed enclosures in bills mailed topatients. One physician even dropped50,000 leaflets from his airplane on acommunity.13Of the various methods of disseminat-ing propaganda,the distributionof press

10Richard W. Gable, "NAM: InfluentialLobby or Kiss of Death?," The Journal ofPolitics, Vol. 15, No. 2 (May 1953), p. 262.11Stanley Kelley, Jr., Professional PublicRelations and Political Power (Baltimore: TheJohns Hopkins Press, 1956), p. 106. For agood presentation of the entire AMA cam-paign, see pp. 67-106.12Ibid., p. 82.13 R. Cragin Lewis, "New Power at thePolls," Medical Economics, Vol. 28, No. 4(January 1951), p. 73.

releases, clipsheets, and prepared edi-torials apparently is one of the moreeffective. If used, such material givesthe impression of straight reporting oreditorials conceived and written by thestaff of the local press. Through itspublic-relations department, the Na-tional Association of Home Buildershas supplied its local associations withsuch items.'4Pressure organizationsin their effortsto influence public attitudes have notoverlookedthe educationalsystem. TheNational Association of Manufacturersand other groupshave preparedand dis-tributed to the public schools posters,booklets, books, radio skits, film strips,and other "teachingaids." In 1957 theNAM announcedthat it distributed"atleast two million booklets" free to theschools every year.l5 The gas and elec-tric public utilities duringthe 1920'ssur-veyed textbooks and suggested changesin the presentation of materials re-garding public utilities. Approximatelythree decades later an officialof the Na-tional Associationof Real Estate Boardstold a Congressionalcommittee that hisorganizationhad stimulated the writingof textbooks that were used "in 127 col-leges and universities in teaching...the economics of real estate." 16Institutional advertisingInstitutional advertising, which maybe defined as the use of paid space ortime in the communication media topromoteor oppose ideas,l7has beenused

14Housing Lobby, Part 2 of Hearings, HouseSelect Committee on Lobbying Activities, 81stCongress, 2d Session (Washington, D. C.:Government Printing Office, 1950), p. 351.15National Association of Manufacturers,Educational Aids for Schools and Colleges,1957-58 Catalog, p. 3.16 Housing Lobby, op. cit. (note 15 supra),p. 57.17Elmo Roper, "Who Tells the Story-tellers?" Saturday Review, July 31, 1954, p.25.

70


10/11

How PRESSUREROUPS PERATEextensively to shape public sentimentsince the early part of World War II.18In 1954 the editors of the SaturdayReview wrote: "One of the extraordi-nary things about American business isthat it feels a responsibility to com-municate with the American peopleabout the ideas and philosophy thatanimate business and governs its multi-ple relations with our society." 19 Andthe Senatorial committee investigatingthe 1956 election reported finding "nu-merous instances of institutional adver-tising, either clearly political in natureor with definitepolitical implications." 0Thus another recently developed ac-tivity of pressure groups is their use ofinstitutional advertising to establish aclimate of opinion which will promotetheir political objectives.Committees, foundations, councils, andinstitutes

The dynamic nature of interest-groupactivity may perhaps be seen most viv-idly by noting a new type of pressureorganization, the oldest of which wasestablished slightly over two decadesago. These organizationshave as theirprimary purpose the publication anddissemination of leaflets, pamphlets,andbooks which present a particular view-point on current political and economicproblems. Some of the more active ofthese groups are: The Committee forConstitutionalGovernment, he Founda-tion for Economic Education, the Na-tional Economic Council, the Constitu-tion and Free Enterprise Foundation,and the Public Affairs Institute. Ofthese five groups, the first four have18 "SR's Advertising Award," Saturday Re-

view, July 31, 1954, p. 28. Institutional ad-vertising may apparently be traced to theearly 1920's, but it was used very little untilthe 1940's.19Ibid., p. 27.201956 General Election Campaigns, op. cit.(note 5 supra), p. 16.

been financed primarily by donationsfrom large corporationsand wealthy in-dividuals; the Public Affairs Institute,on the other hand, has been supportedin part by contributions from labor un-ions. All of these organizationsreceivesome income from the sale of their pub-lications.The Committee on Lobbying Activi-ties noted that to these organizations"the dissemination of literature is boththe reason for the group's existence anda primary means by which it exists." 21Much of the success of these organiza-tions in raising funds may be due to thefact that they have succeeded in gettingthe United States Treasury Departmentto classify them as educational founda-tions with contributions to them de-ductible for income-tax purposes. ASenatorial committee recently com-mented that "such foundations may beused as a device to avoid controls uponpolitical expenditures and to providetax benefits for political contributors." 2The efforts of organized interests topropagandize the public have causedsome concernregarding he future of theAmericandemocraticsystem. The veryfact, however, that pressure groups be-lieve it necessary to make extraordinaryexpenditures of time and resources toshape public attitudes may be evidenceof the fundamental strength of Ameri-can democracy; althoughinterestgroupscan on occasion manage public senti-ment, they are aware that they courtdefeat if they flout it.American democracy is based on thepremisethat the people if providedsuffi-cient informationcan be trusted to make

21 General Interim Report, op. cit. (note 1supra), p. 11.221956 General Election Campaigns, op. cit.(note 5 supra), p. 20. It might be noted, forexample, that the Foundation for EconomicEducation over a four-year period received$1,175,966.07 in donations and only $171,772.98from the sale of publications.

71


11/11

THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYcorrect decisions. The general public isnot well informed regarding pressuregroups. The basic problem, then, incontrolling pressure-group activity ishow to give the people more adequateinformation about organized interests,their methods of operation, and theiraims; for "an informed and vigilant

public is the only lasting guaranty thatpressuregroups will operate in an openand aboveboardmanner."2323 Report and Recommendations on the Fed-eral Lobbying Act, House Select Committee onLobbying Activities, 81st Congress, 2d Session(Washington, D. C.: Government PrintingOffice, 1951), p. 35.

72

Date post:	14-Apr-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	daniela-rusu
View:	218 times
Download:	0 times

How Pressure Groups Operate

Documents