A HUMAN SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPMENT POLICYFOR THE PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

by

AWAIS MURTAZA

B. Sc. , The University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan, 1978B. Sc. , City and Regional Planning, University of Engineering

and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan, 1984

A MASTER'S THESIS

submitted in partial fulfillment of the

reguirements for the degree

MASTER OF REGIONAL AND OCMMUNTTY PIANNING

Department of Regional and Community Planning

KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITYManhattan, Kansas

1988

Approved by:

Major Professor

aw,? A11E06 SD6SDS

Mpy>jj

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Thomas L.

C. Z- Daniels, Dr. Mark B. Lapping, and Dr. E. Wayne Nafziger.

Each of them has played a vital role in the formation of my

ideas and ideals as they relate to Regional and Community

Planning

.

I especially want to thank my major Professor,

Dr. Thomas L. Daniels, for his help, support, and guidance

throughout the past fourteen months.

In the end, I wish to thank my late aunt "Sheedi" who

gave me love, encouragement, and her blessings to achieve my

academic goals. She was waiting for me on July 5, 1987.

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UST OF TABLES

Table Pacre

Administrative Levels in the Punjab4.1: Calculation of the Hoover's Index for all the .

tehsils of the Punjab

proposed spatial development of the Punjab

cities by using the non-linear regressiontechnique

. . 56

.. 67

. 73

. 83

. 106

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IJST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1: The Punjab, Pakistan 6

4.2: Proposed Secondary Cities in the Punjab 74

4.3: Portion of a Scalogram for settlements in 79

a District (Mianwali District)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER CONTENTS Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS i

LIST OF TABLES iiLEST OF FIGURES Hi

I. INTRODUCTION 11.1. Introduction 1

1.2. Problem Identification, Need and 2

Hypothesis1.3. An Introduction to the Punjab Province ... 4

1.3.1. History 4

1.3.2. Physical Geography 7

H. A REVIEW OF REGIONAL PLANNING THEORIES 10AND APPROACHES2.1. Central Place Theory 11

2.2. Growth Pole Theory 13

2.3. Urban Functions in Rural Development 16

and Secondary Cities Dev. Approaches2.3.1. The Urban Functions in Rural 16

Development Approach (UFRD)

2.3.2. Secondary Cities Dev. Approach .. 22

2.4. The Agropolitan Development Approach 38

2.5. The Aga Khan Rural Support Program 46III. RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AND THE 53

ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTURE IN THE PUNJAB3.1. Problem Identification and Need 53

3.2. Local Level Administrative Structure 54

3.3. Rural Development Programs 57

3.3.1. The Village AID Program 583.3.2. Basic Democracies/Rural 60

Works Program3.3.3. Integrated Rural Dev. Program 613.3.4. The People's Works Program 63

3.3.5. Agrovilles Development Program 64

IV. A HUMAN SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPMENT POLICY 66FOR THE PUNJAB4.1. Hoover's Index 664.2. Identification of Secondary Cities 724.3. Human Settlements Development Policies.... 76

and Recommendations for the PunjabV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 96

BIBLIOGRAPHY 110APPENDIX A 114APPENDIX B 128ABSTRACT 134

CHAPTER-I

INTRODUCTION

1,1. Introduction

This study deals with a Human Settlements Development

Policy (HSDP) for the Punjab, one of the four provinces of

Pakistan. It concerns both urban and rural aspects of

settlements planning in the province. Although the scope of

the study is strictly limited to the Punjab Province, the

methodology can be extended to other provinces with some

modifications

.

The task of devising an HSDP for any particular region

is not a simple one. This is perhaps one of the areas of

regional planning where one can find the most disagreement

among planners and policy makers. The recommendations given

in this study should not be considered as the final and only

guidelines to solve the complex and interdependent problems

faced by the settlements in the Punjab Province. I have

tried to be as comprehensive in my approach as possible

within the limited data sources available to me. In today's

developing countries, the poor quality and quantity of data

are often considered to be major factors in limiting problem

analysis. But this does not mean that planners should turn

away from these problems. Data problems are always going to

be present, at least in the near future. There will always

be complaints about inadequate data availability. But the

planning process should not be handicapped by such

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constraints. The process must continue no matter what the

constraints. This was the basic understanding with which I

undertook this task.

1.2. Problem Identification, Need, and the Hypothesis

1. Present policies have a strong urban bias with

little or no attention being paid to other areas. For

example, the major urban centers -- Lahore, Rawalpindi,

Faisalabad — are given the highest priority in the

allocation of development budget. The development of

secondary cities (e.g., Sahiwal, Sargodha, Sialkot,

Bahawalpur, Jhang, etc.) is given less importance. Such

policies have resulted in further concentration of

population in a few urban centers and this has exacerbated

the already existing problems of slums, squatter

settlements, urban sprawl, urban decay, traffic congestion,

unemployment, poverty, pollution, and inadequate

infrastructure.

2. There is a need to identify the secondary cities in the

Punjab Province for a number of reasons. First, such

settlements offer a buffer zone between the large

metropolitan areas and the rural habitat. If intelligent

investment is encouraged in such cities, the high rate of

rural to metropolitan migration will tend to decrease. As

literature review will show, some of the third world

countries have been successful by implementing this policy.

Second, some of the basic problems faced by major urban

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centers also exist in these secondary cities. For example,

the problems of obtaining clean drinking water, inadequate

health facilities, and energy shortages are common to both

such categories of settlements. An HSDP is thus needed to

identify secondary cities, recognize their problems, and

suggest measures for their improvement.

3. No HSDP exists for Pakistan in general and for the

Punjab Province in particular, although PEPAC (Pakistan

Environmental Planning and Architectural Consultants

Limited), a semi-government organization, has taken up the

task of devising such a policy.

It is hypothesized that in the absence of an HSDP, the

current national and local financial, physical, and human

resources are not utilized in an effective manner. It is

also hypothesized that some of the intermediate level

(secondary) cities in the province are growing more than

expected when compared to the five large primate cities,

i.e., Lahore, Rawalpindi, Multan, Faisalabad, and

Gujranwala. To test the hypothesis, a population settlement

model will be developed to identify underachieving and

overachieving communities. Overachieving settlements will

get more share of the national budget and productive

services. This will serve as the basis for devising an HSDP

which will emphasize strategic investment in secondary

cities

.

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1 .3. An Introduction to the Punjab Province

The word "Punjab" means "five rivers", which signifies

the rivers that flow through the area: the Indus, Jehlum,

Chenab, Ravi, and Sutluj. Before the construction of the

present canal irrigation system, much of the Punjab was no

better than a desert or a semi-desert. The river waters

were then used to convert the barren desert to agricultural

lands

.

1.3.1. History

The history of the Punjab goes back to antiquity. The

Potwar Plateau and the Soan Valley in the northern Punjab

are the sites of the earliest relics of stone-age man in the

subcontinent. The form and extent of this culture, which is

probably 300,000 years old, is as yet only vaguely defined

(Mumtaz 1985: 4).

Punjab formed a part of the Indus Civilization which

lasted from about 2500 B.C. to 1500 B.C. It remained under

the Persian occupation from 518 B.C. to 359 B.C. Alexander

the Macedonian established Greek rule over the area in 326

B.C., which lasted for about nine years. The Punjab formed

a part of the Mauryan empire from 317 B.C. up to the last

decade of second century B.C. The first century B.C. and

the earliest centuries of the Christian era witnessed a

number of invasions of the Punjab by Sakas, Parthians,

Kushans, Sassanians, till the Gupta dynasty was established

by the middle of the fourth century A.D. In the third

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quarter of the fifth century A.D., came the invasions of the

white Huns followed by a long period of political

instability. The Muslim influence came to the Punjab in 712

A.D. when Sind and the adjacent parts of the southern

punjab, up to Multan, came under Arab rule. Then came the

invasions of Mahmood of Ghazni from 1001 to 1027.

Afterwards, for a period of about five hundred years, Punjab

changed hands between the rulers of Ghazni, Kabul, and

Delhi. • The rulers of Delhi included the Khiljis (1296-

1321), the Tughluks (1321-1398), and the Lodhis (1450-1526).

The Mughal rule was established in 1526 by Babur. The

Mughal rule was weakened by the invasions of Nadir Shah and

Ahmad Shah Abdali. The Sikhs, taking advantage of the

situation, established their confederacies. Ranjit Singh,

the chief of one of these confederacies, rose to power in

1792. The British forces defeated the Sikh forces in 1849

to end Sikh rule. The Mughal rule also came to an end in

1857 when the British defeated the Mughals and established

the British Empire. The British rule ended in August 1947

when the two sovereign states of India and Pakistan were

created. The British Indian province of the Punjab was

divided into West Punjab and East Punjab. West Punjab

formed a part of Pakistan, and later became known as the

Punjab (Pakistan), and the East Punjab became a part of

India (now the center of the Sikh movement for the creation

of their homeland known as "Khalistan" ) . At that time, this

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FIGURE 1.1: The Punjab, Pakistan

International boundary

Provincial "

Divisional "

District •>

Capital

Provincial Htodquorttrs

Divisional "

Oistrhl "

Othtr towns

Railway lint. Brood. Doubti

Railway tin* , Broad, Single

Railway lint, Narrow, »

Roads, Main

SOURCE: Kureshy, K. U. : A Geography of Pakistan (Karachi: OxfordUniversity Press, 1977).

(6)

province consisted of administrative districts, and the

princely state of Bahawalpur. In 1955, Bahawalpur lost its

princely status and was divided into the three

administrative districts of Bahawalpur, Bahawal nagar , and

Rahim Yar Khan (Kureshy 1977: 155-56). In 1981, the Punjab

had a total population of 47.2 million with 21

administrative districts. There are five major urban

centers (referred as primate cities in this study) in the

Punjab. Lahore is the provincial capital of the province

and a major administrative, political, educational,

commercial, and trade center. Other four major urban

centers in the Punjab are Rawalpindi, Multan, Faisalabad,

and Gujranwala.

1.3.2. Physical Geography

The Punjab province lies between latitudes 27° 42/ and

34° 2/ North and longitudes 69° 18/ and 75° 23/ East, and

covers an area of 78,030 square miles (Figure 1.1). Most of

this area comprises a level plain formed by the Indus system

of rivers and is divided by these rivers into several

"doabs" (or interf luves) . The general slope of the land is

from north-east to south-west, the direction of the axes of

the doabs, with an average gradient of one foot per mile.

However, within each doab, the land slopes downward from the

axis to the bounding rivers. The north-west part of the

Punjab is hilly, rising to five thousand feet and higher.

The Potwar Plateau lies between these foothills and the Salt

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Range. Its average elevation is only 1000-2000 feet but it

is highly dissected. To the south and west, bordering the

province of Baluchistan, lies the Sulaiman (or Solomon)

Range, with a maximum height of 11,000 feet. The

agricultural heart of the province lies in the doabs and, to

a lesser extent, the Potwar Plateau. The climate is

continental, signifying aridity and marked ranges of

temperature, both seasonal and daily. Summers are very hot

and winters cold; the mean annual range of temperature at

Lahore is 28.2° F In the northern sub-mountain strip,

annual rainfall is over twenty inches which decreases

southward to about five inches (Ibid.: 154). Old alluvial

soils cover most of the area in the Punjab. These soils are

deep, calcareous, of medium to fine texture, low in organic

matter, but very productive when irrigated and fertilized.

Summary

This study deals with a Human Settlements Development

Policy for the Punjab. The present policies of settlements

development have a strong urban bias with little no

attention being paid to other areas. Therefore, there is a

need to identify the secondary or intermediate level cities

in the Punjab. Also, no Settlements development policy

exists for the Province. it is hypotnesized that in the

absence of a settlement policy, the current resources are

not utilized in an effective manner and it is also

hypothesized that some of the intermediate level cities in

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the Punjab are growing more than expected when compared to

the five large primate cities in the Province. The Punjab

Province has a rich and varied cultural and historical

heritage. It history goes back to the stone-age period.

This area has seen many invasions from the north. In 1981,

it had a total population of 47.2 million with 21

administrative districts. The areas has a continental

climate with long hot summers and cold winters. It snows in

the northern Punjab during winter.

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CHAPTER-II

A REVIEW OF REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT THEORIES AND APPROACHES

Scope of the Chapter

This chapter provides a review of alternative regional

development approaches and a possible application of such

approaches in the Punjab, Pakistan. An extensive literature

review of different theories is done as they apply to

today's developing countries. Theories presented by

Friedmann and Weaver (1979), and Rondinelli (1981) are

examined in greater detail.

Almost all of the models are taken from developing

countries. Although it was not possible to cover each and

every piece of work published on this vast subject, an

attempt is made to include the major publications and

journal/magazine articles.

The following theories are discussed here as presented by

different regional planners:-

- Central Place theory (by Walter Christaller )

;

- Growth Pole theory (by Francois Perroux);

- Urban Functions in Rural Development (UFRD) and

Secondary Cities Development approach (by Dennis

A. Rondinelli); and

- Agropolitan Development Approach (by John

Friedmann and Clyde Weaver).

The last two approaches are discussed in greater detail

because they are of more recent origin and appear based on

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certain realities which seem more applicable to the Punjab.

In the end, a detailed review of Aga Khan Rural Support

Program in Pakistan is also provided.

2,1. Central Place Theory

While describing the central places in southern Germany,

Walter Christaller (1933) stated that "[ t ] h e chief

profession of a town is to be the center of a region". He

identified the two important concepts of " threshold demand "

and " range of a good " respectively. According to Weaver

(1974), "[o]ne of Christaller * s fundamental assumptions was

that some power limit of numbers of consumers was required

before a given type of function could come into existence."

This simply means that a minimum number of demands (i.e.,

human population) is needed before a particular use will be

located in a particular town and also that there will be a

range of trade areas associated with this particular use:

this is the range that customers would be willing to travel

to satisfy their demand for a particular good or service.

An efficient settlement system is one which is constructed

on these principles of threshold demand and range. This was

the main idea behind Christaller ' s theory.

Christaller believed that some ordering principle

governed the distribution of central places. The region

served by a central place was termed its complementary

region. Central places whose central activities extended

their influence over a large area were termed central places

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of higher order, whereas central places whose activities

were less extensive in influence were described as central

places of lower order. The service limit of each central

activity was described by the outer limit of the range of

the commodity in which it dealt*

Ul-Karim (1985) describes the application of central

place theory in the Punjab during the Mughal and the British

periods. He states that the settlement pattern during the

Mughal Empire was influenced by the creation of the Inn

Towns (known as "Saraey" in the local language) which were

the headquarters of area chiefs. They were established to

maintain law and order, insure uninterrupted movement of

mail, and the exchange of goods and services. A saraey

existed every twenty to thirty miles (lower level central

places). The condition of perfect competition was satisfied

by the flat land and the agrarian economy. There were only

a few large cities, quite widely separated, offering high

order goods and services (higher level central

places) ( ibid .: 37) . Ul-Karim further states that the

introduction of civil and military bureaucracy by the

British and the division of the Punjab into administrative

units: Division, District, and Sub-district (or Tehsil)

changed the previous pattern. The towns which were

administrative seats started providing opportunities for

economic specialization. Introduction of the railroad also

disturbed this pattern. In order to facilitate the

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collection and transportation of raw materials, the British

established many market towns at the railroad terminals.

This condition formed a pattern of solar central places.

That is, the lower-level centers are not int er s t i t ial 1

y

placed as they are in competitive central place hierarchies,

so the market areas tend to be elliptic. Due to political

and economic control the trade flows to one large market

(ibid.:38). This clearly implies that political and

economic factors are equally as important as physical

factors. Ul-Karim further states that "[t]he central place

advocates the thought that pinpointing the crucial market

town and investing in it would bring development to the

whole region. Theoretically it might be correct, buy it has

not proved to be correct in the Punjab. Dual economy and

the elites were dominant to subvert reforms for the

development of rural areas." (ibid.:38).

This conclusion is further justified when a careful

study of the rural development programs in the Punjab is

done (see chapter 3 on rural development programs). This

study demonstrates that all such projects met with a low

degree of success.

2.2. Growth Pole Theory

The idea of "growth poles" (or centers) originated with

Francois Perroux (1964) whose original notion of growth was

intended to convey a non-spatial polarization of the economy

which had a great deal in common with the problems of inter-

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industry linkage and multiplier effects. In simple terms it

means that declaring a certain city (or cities) as a growth

center and injecting investment in the form of

infrastructure and industries would help enhance development

in the less developed (hinterland) regions. The process of

development will have "trickling down" or spread effects to

the less developed regions. This will help in reducing

regional disparities among developed and less-developed

regions. The application of this theory in the Punjab met

with limited success. The government of the Punjab built

four new cities in the less developed regions and industries

like cement manufacturing, sugar, fertilizers, pesticides,

and textiles were established to make use of the raw

materials and the produce of these regions. But this did

not alter the growth pattern as large metropolitan areas

like, Lahore, Rawalpindi, Multan and Faisalabad, continued

to attract capital and human resources while the new towns

(growth centers) were stagnant and were surviving largely on

governmental grants and assistance (Ul Karim, 1985:43). The

government could avoid this failure by investing in the

existing secondary cities and by not creating new towns.

This clearly suggests that a planner in a developing

country must proceed with care while applying the approaches

borrowed from the developed countries. An approach which is

successful in a developed nation may not necessarily be

successful in a country like Pakistan. This is largely due

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to the physical, social, economic, technological, and

political factors which vary from one particular country to

another. Especially, the political and social factors

inherited in the rural areas are of great importance and

should be considered in any development policy if it is to

be made effective and more adaptable and realistic.

Otherwise it will be ineffective like other policies in the

past and just an exercise in futility.

The failure of growth pole applications in developing

countries is well summarized by Rondinelli (1983). He

states that "[s]ome governments have promoted new towns and

urban growth poles by concentrating industrial investment in

regional and provincial capitals and by offering financial

incentives to firms locating in industrial estates far from

the largest city. But few of these policies have been

successful in countries lacking systems of secondary cities

that could support economic activities requiring high

population thresholds and extensive services and facilities.

Thus in most countries growth-pole policies have done little

to develop rural hinterlands, and in some they have

exacerbated regional economic dualism" (ibid.:10). Hence,

it may be concluded that investments in a large urban center

will not necessarily bring prosperity to the surrounding

poor regions as assumed in the growth pole model. As shown

in the later discussion on secondary cities development, the

economic growth and prosperity of a large city (i.e., a

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growth-pole) is not always capable of developing backward

and poor regions. The spread effects of such growth pole

become weaker and weaker with the increase in the physical

distance from the- center. Only the area within the

immediate vicinity of a growth pole benefits to a certain

extent

.

2.3. Urban Functions in Rural Development (UFRD) and

Secondary Cities Development Approaches (Dennis A.

Rondinelli )

2.3.1 . The Urban Functions in Rural Development Approach

(UFRD)

This section reports on the work done by Dennis A.

Rondinelli (1983 and 1985). He advocates the idea of

locating "Urban Functions in Rural Development" (UFRD) and

states that UFRD provides a way of identifying the

settlements where investments in social services,

infrastructure, and other productive activities can be

situated more effectively and efficiently and thus integrate

the rural and urban sectors of regional economies. This

approach assumes that achieving economic growth with social

equity involves spatial dimensions that are often ignored or

overlooked in national, regional, and local planning in

developing countries (ibid. 1983:434). He argues that

"[a]lthough place oriented development policies are usually

not sufficient to achieve social equity, yet greater

physical access for the rural poor to services, facilities,

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and productive activities that must be sited in towns and

cities can be an important factor in increasing the incomes

and raising the living standards of the rural population.

But while place oriented development is not sufficient to

achieve social equity, neither do social welfare and income

redistribution programs, in the absence of development

policies aimed at increasing the productive capacity of poor

regions, usually alleviate poverty. Place oriented and

people oriented development programs can supplement each

other in the effort to stimulate socially equitable economic

growth." (ibid., 1983:446-44 7). The distinction between

"place oriented" and "people oriented" is an important

consideration when proposing a settlement policy for any

region. The present study is an example of a "place

oriented policy" with less emphasis on "people oriented

development" (although some important people oriented

policies are also discussed in the proposed policy).

The importance of having a spatial or place oriented

policy in the developing countries was also realized by

Schumacher (1973) fifteen years ago. He writes:

"[I]n the poor countries in particular there is no hope

for the poor unless there is successful regional

development . a development effort outside the capital city

covering all the rural areas wherever people happen to be.

If this effort is not brought forth, their only choice is

either to remain in their miserable condition where they

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are, or to migrate into the big city where their condition

will be even more miserable. It is a strange phenomenon

indeed that the conventional wisdom of present-day economics

can do nothing to help the poor" (Schumacher, 1973:73-74).

This further supports Rondinelli's idea of implementing

the UFRD approach in less developed regions. Let us discuss

his ideas in more detail as given in the Autumn, 1985 issue

of the APA Journal ,

a. History of UFRD

This approach was developed for United States Agency for

International Development (AID) by Filipino planners in the

economically backward region of Bicol River Basin,

Philippines. Some aspects of this approach have already

been tried in Upper Volta, the Cameroons, Malawi, and

Ecuador, as well. The UFRD method was derived from analysis

of settlement systems in India, Indonesia, and Ghana and

other pilot projects. "[0]ne critical concern in designing

the UFRD approach, however, was less with discovering new

methods of analysis than with identifying techniques that

already had been tested or that were thought to be

applicable in developing countries. The primary object of

the project was to develop a process of spatial analysis

that could be applied easily under the conditions prevailing

in poor rural regions" (Rondinelli, 1985: 435). UFRD may be

called a "package" strategy rather than a "one shot"

approach of solving spatial problems in developing

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countries. Generally, the following four types of questions

are asked in this approach:

1. What type of town-based services, facilities,

infrastructure, and productive activities (i.e., "urban

functions") do settlements within a region now have?

2. How well do functions in existing settlements within

the region serve their residents and those of

surrounding areas (i.e., how accessible are those

settlements and their functions to people living in the

periphery)

?

3. Which areas in a region lack services, facilities, and

infrastructure that are important for agricultural

development and employment generation, either because

those areas lack settlements of sufficient size and

diversity to support such functions, or because the

settlements where functions are located are physically

inaccessible to people who live outside their

boundaries?

4. How can new needed investments for rural development be

distributed so that they reduce geographical

disparities by serving better the areas and groups that

do not have access to basic social and economic

functions? (ibid.)

Why the above questions should be asked? Why not

follow the traditional approach of physical planning which

pays less attention to such questions? It depends how much

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degree of equity we want to achieve. If we want development

to benefit the landowning elites, then traditional approach

may be followed. But if it is meant for the all who are

involved in the process, then the above questions are

important to ask.

But in a region like the Punjab, it is not easy to

derive quick answers to the above questions. This is due to

the lack of related data at Municipal Committee and Town

Committee levels. In order to identify urban functions of

settlements in the Punjab and answer the above questions,

every single settlement must be surveyed and analyzed in

all of the 21 administrative districts (as shown in 1981

Census of population) of the province. This task will

include the collection of data about every Municipal

Corporation (including cantonment board), Municipal

Committee and Town Committee in all of these 21 districts.

At least one town planner can be appointed in each Municipal

Corporation, Municipal Committee, and Town Committee to

furnish this goal. The detailed policies in this regard

will be discussed in a later section,

b. Basic principles of UFRD

Rondinelli (1985) describes the following five

principles on which the UFRD approach is based:

i) The analysis focuses on the spatial characteristics of

a region and is primarily a "place oriented" form of

planning that supplements other forms of economic,

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social, and physical planning;

ii) the UFRD approach seeks to create an ongoing planning

process rather than merely to produce a spatial

development plan;

iii) UFRD uses research methods and techniques that can be

applied easily by planners who do not have extensive

technical training in regional science and that can be

understood easily by policy makers who may not be

specialists in regional development;

iv) UFRD approach attempts to use as much existing data as

possible and limit new data collection to areas where

significant information gaps appear; and

v) UFRD uses a combination of analytical methods that are

suitable to the area under study, make extensive use of

local planners' knowledge of the region, and draws

heavily on the knowledge of various groups of people—-inside and outside of government who live in the

region (ibid.:436).

These principles are based on more realistic

assumptions when compared with other regional development

approaches. They advocate a gradual change in the existing

settlement system; a major change in the existing system is

discouraged

.

c. The process of regional analysis in UFRD

The process of regional analysis in UFRD includes ten

different types of methods as suggested by the author. They

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include the spatial linkage analysis, analytical mapping,

accessibility analysis, functional gap analysis,

identification of development projects and programs,

monitoring and evaluation, and institutionalizing spatial

analysis in regional development planning. Some of these

methods are also included in the regional analysis of the

Punjab in this study and are discussed in a later section.

2.3.2. Secondary Cities Development Approach

Rondinelli (1983) advocates the idea of developing

secondary cities in less developed countries and justifies

the need for developing secondary cities. He introduces this

concept in a well written b o ok

,

S e c o n d a r y Cities in

Developing Countries . The following section is based on a

review of this book,

a . Definition of secondary cities

The author defines secondary cities in developing

countries as "[u]rban places other than the largest city (or

cities) with a population of 100,000 or more" (ibid.:48).

This definition may exclude, in some developing countries,

smaller towns which governments may consider to be secondary

urban centers and that indeed have urban characteristics.

He also proves that in most developing countries, towns of

less than 100,000 population are predominantly agricultural

and rural service centers. This justifies fixing a minimum

limit of 100,000 inhabitants. In the Punjab Province,

cities other than Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Multan,

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•

and Gujranwala and having population 100,000 and above, may

be termed secondary cities (using the 1981 census of

population). These includes: Sialkot (pop. 258,147),

Sargodha (pop. 231,895), Jhang (pop. 195,558), Kasur (pop.

155,523), Gujrat (pop. 155,058), Bahawalpur (pop. 152,009),

Sahiwal (pop. 150,954), Sheikhupura (pop. 141,168), Okara

(pop. 127,455), Rahim Yar Khan (pop. 119,036), Chiniot (pop.

105,559), and Dera Ghazi Khan (pop. 102,007).

b . Need and importance of a secondary cities development

policy

Rondinelli gives eight basic reasons why secondary

cities should be developed and encouraged:

(1) Deconcentrating urbanization : Many developing countries

have a primate city system. Almost all the urbanization

takes place in one large urban center. In Pakistan, Karachi

and Lahore are the examples of primate cities in the

provinces of Sind and the Punjab respectively. Rondinelli

points out that the value of one pattern of settlement over

another can only be assessed in relation to national policy

objectives and development goals. He fully supports

Richardson's idea that if interregional (within region)

equity is an important objective, a dispersed urban system

with large regional metropolis in each region might be

regarded as highly efficient. But if rapid

industrialization is the goal, the size and spatial

dispersion of cities may not be important; the objective is

(23)

to achieve "industrial targets in urban areas with

locational advantages, regardless of their size and

location." He concludes that "[f]or those countries

pursuing a policy of economic growth in which both urban and

rural populations can benefit from development,

concentration of investment in the largest metropolitan

areas is likely to be undesirable and widespread

distribution in rural areas is likely to be ineffective."

Hence a concept of more balanced development—deconcentrated urbanization -- has emerged. Deconcentrated

urbanization underlines the importance of moving away from

the highly skewed distribution of urban population and

resources found in primate city systems and towards a more

diffused pattern of urbanization (ibid., 1983:21). This

diffused pattern of urbanization cannot be achieved

effectively without developing the secondary cities. For

Pakistan, such a system may be useful in many ways. A

diffused patten of urbanization may encourage more political

and economic freedom, more independence, and more barriers

to uncontrolled rural-urban migration.

(2) Rapid growth of the largest cities : Rondinelli argues

that one of the strongest rationale for an increased

interest in secondary city development lies in the

unrelenting growth of the largest metropolitan centers

(ibid., 1983:24). For example, Mexico City is expected to

become the world's largest metropolitan agglomeration in

(24)

1990 with 31 million people, followed by Sao Paulo, Brazil,

with 26 million. Shanghai and Peking are expected to reach

20 million people each, Rio de Janeiro to surpass 19

million, and Bombay, Calcutta, and Jakarta to grow to more

than 16 million. Seoul, Cairo, Madras, Manila, and Buenos

Aires, along with Bangkok, Karachi, Delhi, and Bogota, will

exceed 12 million, and Teheran, Baghdad, and Dacca are

expected to reach or surpass 10 million in population. If

present demographic trends hold, there will be about 284

metropolitan centers of a million or more people in

developing nations by the end of the 1990's, with a combined

population of 1 billion (ibid.:25).

(3) High levels of population and resource concentration in

primate cities : Rondinelli argues that it is not merely

the pace of urbanization that presents growing problems, but

also the pattern of urban population concentration and the

social and economic inequalities usually associated with

spatial polarization with which developing countries have to

cope in the future. He further states that "[I]n many

developing countries, the middle levels of the urban

hierarchy — including secondary cities -- that could absorb

more migrants and create a more balanced distribution of

urban population are extremely weak. In those (countries)

with primate city spatial structures the largest metropolis

has grown to such size and level of wealth that it dominates

the nation's settlement system and economy" (ibid.:28). An

(25)

important aspect of this phenomenon is explained by the fact

that primate cities and large metropolitan centers also have

concentrations of national resources and social overhead

capital vastly greater than their share of national

population, and from which only a small percentage of the

nation's people obtain direct benefits.

(4) Alleviating problems in largest cities : The author

points out that the creation of massive urban centers and

primate cities in the developing countries have created

serious problems of health, sanitation, food, education,

housing, pollution, and employment such cities. Problems of

squatter settlements and uncontrolled urban sprawl are

common characteristics of such cities. By building up the

capacity and increasing the number of secondary cities, many

governments in developing countries hope to relieve

population pressures on the largest metropolises and thus

contain the growth of secondary cities to sizes that are

more manageable (ibid.:32).

(5) Reducing regional inequities : Rondinelli agrees with

the approach that developing secondary cities is one means

of spreading the benefits of urbanization to a larger number

of people and of reducing interregional disparities. This

is true in most of the metropolitan areas where, on average,

the residents are far better off than people living in the

rest of the country (ibid., 1983: 33).

(26)

(6) Stimulating rural economies ; Rondinelli describes the

important role that secondary cities play in rural

development in the following way:

"[I]f serious problems of large-scale urban

concentration have been one motivation to promote secondary

city development, the contentions that urban and rural

development are inextricably related, that intermediate

cities can play important roles as catalysts for rural

development, and that a system of secondary cities can be

important in achieving economic growth with social equity

have been far more influential" (ibid:33).

(7) Increasing administrative capacity : Rondinelli argues

that many developing countries are giving priority to the

middle level of urban hierarchy for two reasons. First, it

is the desire of the governments to expand the capacity of

the secondary cities to perform service and production

functions more efficiently and productively because many

such cities have low levels of administrative capacity, poor

planning and management capability, inefficient service

delivery programs, and low levels of revenue raising

capacity, and are dependent on the central government for

authority and financial resources to perform even basic

functions. Thus they cannot easily fulfil their potential

roles in absorbing rural migrants and stimulating the rural

economy (ibid:37). Examples of Panama, Costa Rica,

Honduras, and Kenya are cited by the author where

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governments are taking steps to develop secondary cities. A

second reason for developing more secondary cities is the

growing recognition of their importance for decentralizing

development planning and management. Rondinelli further

states that experiments with administrative decentralization

in Sudan, Tanzania, and Kenya during the 1970's faltered for

lack of cities of sufficient size, other than the national

capital, to take up these responsibilities (ibid: 38). He

further contends that a system of geographically dispersed

secondary cities seems essential for the decentralization of

private investment as well and that long-term consistent

decentralization policies must precede deconcen t r a t ion of

private investment.

(8) Reducing urban poverty and increasing productivity :

By providing examples from Costa Rica, Egypt, Kenya, and

Ecuador, Rondinelli states that much of the urban poverty in

developing countries is found in intermediate and smaller

cities. He cites a reference to Pakistan in a World Bank

study that "[s]urveys of economic conditions in Pakistan

point out that while the prime importance of attacking rural

poverty cannot be denied, the incidence of urban poverty

appears to be somewhat disturbing and deserves attention.

The capacity of secondary cities to employ the poor must be

improved both because migrants continue to flow into urban

places to escape rural poverty and because their

concentration in the largest cities creates potentially

(28)

severe social and political problems. Despite higher

incomes, the number of urban poor is higher than a similar

figure for rural areas. Cities continue to amass slums at

an ever increasing rate; and what is more important, acute

awareness of poverty in urban areas has bred considerable

discontent expressed frequently in street violence"

(ibid:40).

In his concluding remarks about the need for developing

secondary cities, Rondinelli maintains that "[A] secondary

city development strategy, by emphasizing the importance of

place rather than of program, is a significant and

innovative shift from the conventional emphasis on the need

for planners to meet basic human needs largely by throwing

money at them a development policy aimed at creating

a productive system of settlements can meet social needs

more effectively by expanding employment opportunities and

generating income for the poor, allowing them to demand and

obtain the services they need. A productivity-directed

policy must be concerned with the economic and residential

organization of the urban community, and thus it must be

place oriented" ( ibid : 40-41 )

.

c . The Functions of Secondary Cities

After discussing the case histories and case studies of

31 cities in 17 developing countries of East and Southeast

Asia, Africa and the Middle East, and Latin America,

Rondinelli indicates the following twelve important

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fun ctions of secondary cities in these countries:-

(1) They can provide convenient locations for

decentralizing public services through municipal

governments, field offices of national ministries or

agencies, or regional or provincial government offices,

thereby creating greater access for both urban and

rural residents to public services and facilities that

require population thresholds of 100,000 or more. One

of the primary benefits of decentralization is

increased access to different services and facilities.

(2) They can offer sufficiently large populations and

economies of scale to allow concentration within them

of health, education, welfare, and other services, and

can act as regional or provincial centers for a variety

of basic social services and facilities.

(3) They usually offer a wide variety of consumer goods and

commercial and personal services through small-scale

enterprises and through extensive "informal sector"

activities .

(4) Many act as regional marketing centers offering a wide

variety of distribution, transfer, storage, brokerage,

credit, and financial services through their regularly

scheduled and institutionalized markets or through

periodic markets and bazaars.

(5) They often provide conditions that are conducive to the

growth of small- and medium-scale manufacturing and

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artisan and cottage industries that can serve local

markets and satisfy internal demand for low-cost

manufactured goods, and some also support large-scale

industrial activities.

(6) Many act as agro-processing and agricultural supply

centers for their regions and provide services to rural

populations in their hinterlands.

(7) They often create conditions — through relatively high

levels of population concentration, advantageous

locations, marketing and agro-processing functions,

linkages to rural communities — that are conducive to

the commercialization of agriculture and to increasing

agricultural productivity and income in their

immediately surrounding hinterlands. This is a very

important function of secondary cities and should be

considered vital for the success of any secondary city

development approach.

(8) They can be sources of off-farm employment and

supplementary income for rural people and, through

remittances of migrants, provide additional sources of

income to people living in rural towns and villages in

their regions. This may suggest that instead of rural

people migrating to primary cities, they will now go to

secondary cities. But rural to secondary city

migration will not create as many or as serious a set

of problems (urban congestion, underemployment of rural

(31)

people, squatter settlements, etc.) as created by rural

to primate city migration. This is so because secondary

and intermediate size cities have more growth potential

as compared to primate cities. Also, these communities

act as barriers to the movement of people to primate

cities. They also offer more agro-based jobs (in which

the village people are more trained) as compared to

primate cities because secondary cities are more agro-

oriented as compared to primate cities (due to the

proximity of secondary cities to rural villages -- a

more direct link with the rural hinterland as compared

to primate cities).

(9) They often serve as area-wide or regional centers of

transportation and communications, linking their

residents and those of rural villages and towns in

their hinterlands to larger cities and other regions in

the country.

(10) They can absorb substantial numbers of people migrating

from rural areas to urban centers, transforming a

"rural-to-primate city" migration pattern to a "step-

wise" pattern, and offer long-term or permanent

residence to some migrants, thereby creating a more

balanced distribution of urban population.

(11) They can function effectively as centers of social

transformation by: (a) accommodating social

heterogeneity and encouraging the integration of people

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from diverse social, ethnic, religious, and tribal

groups; (b) accommodating organizations that help

to socialize and assimilate rural people into city

life, supporting them during their transition and

mediating conflicts among them; (c) infusing new

attitudes, behavior, and lifestyles that are more

conducive to urban living; (d) providing

opportunities for economic and social mobility;

and (e) offering new economic and social

opportunities for women.

(12) They can be channels for the diffusion of innovation

and change, the spread of benefits of urban

development, the stimulation of rural economies, and

the integration of urban centers and rural settlements

within their regions through social, economic, and

administrative linkages" ( ibid : 1 18-20)

.

They (i.e. secondary cities) may, in some cases,

benefit maintain some degree of r e g i o n a 1 / c u 1 1 u r a 1 or

regional/ethnic diversity and creativity. And if such a

phenomenon takes place, then perhaps this can be a counter

to the emergence of territorial-based political divisions

(certainly a problem which Pakistan cannot afford to have),

d . Factors effecting the developmental impacts of secondary

cities on their regions : It would be unrealistic to assume

that merely developing a secondary city (i.e., a city of

100,000 population or more) in a poor region will boost the

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economy of the city and its respective region. In reality,

such an assumption may end up in a total failure. A number

of factors should be considered before a secondary cities

development policy is framed. In today's developing

countries, a majority of these factors are political and

social in nature. Rondinelli describes the following ten

important factors effecting the "developmental" impacts of

secondary cities on their regions:

(1) the degree to which local elites and leaders identify

their own success and status with the economic growth

and Social progress of the city and its region;

(2) the degree to which local leaders in both the public

and private sectors are willing to invest their

resources in the growth and development of the city

rather than investing surpluses generated from city

activities in other places (mostly primate cities and

even abroad in some cases)

(3) the degree to which local leaders and entrepreneurs

are innovative and aggressive in introducing the more

effective methods and techniques of production to

increase output and income within the local economy;

(4) the degree to which local leaders and entrepreneurs

in both the public and the private sectors are

aggressive, and successful, in bringing external

resources into the city for development;

(5) the degree to which the national government supports

(34)

the internal growth and development of the city and

its region, rather than draining resources from them

to support the development of the national capital or

the national economy;

(6) the degree to which economic activities established

within the city are linked through mutually

beneficial processes of exchange to the city's

hinterland, thereby serving the needs of rural people

and promoting higher productivity and greater

distribution of income for the rural population;

(7) the degree to which economic activities are linked to

each other within the city to generate "multiplier

effects" in investment, employment, and opportunities

for ent r epr eneur shi p in both large and small

enterprises

;

(8) the degree to which economic activities within the

city are organized to generate income for local

residents and promote internal demand for goods and

services that can be produced and distributed

locally

;

(9) the degree to which public and private sectors

cooperate in promoting economic activities that

generate widespread participation and distribution of

benefits; and

(10) the degree to which the city's leaders are willing to

promote and encourage — and residents are willing to

(35)

accept and advance -- social and behavioral changes

that are responsive to new conditions and needs as

they arise" ( ibid : 182-83)

.

Rondinelli further cites examples describing three cities

in developing countries to prove that if the above factors

play their positive roles, overall community development is

possible. These cities include: Chiangmai, Thailand (a city

that seemed to have generated economic and social benefits

for its own population and for that of its rural

hinterland); Huancayo, Peru (a city that seemed to have

exploited its own resources and that of its region during

its growth); and Davo City, Philippines (a city that has

been exp loi ta

t

ional , but created conditions for potential

development through "anticipatory urbanization") (ibid:184).

e. Policies for secondary city development : Rondinelli

argues that there are no universally applicable or optimal

settlement patterns and that each country must attempt to

shape its settlement system to meet its own national

economic and social objectives, within its own resource

constraints, and at pace with its own economic,

administrative, and technological capacities. Furthermore,

secondary cities can play important roles in balancing the

distribution of urban population and economic activities, in

stimulating rural development, and in generating more

socially and geographically equitable distributions of the

benefits of urbanization when secondary urban centers are

(36)

economically strong and linked to each other and to larger

and smaller settlements within their regions (ibid:197).

Three policies are recommended by the author:

(1) Strengthening the economies of existing secondary cities

by: (a) extending basic social services and municipal

facilities and infrastructure that support productive

activities and improve human resources. Top priority

should be given to the e

x

pan s i o n / i n t r o d u c t i o n of

educational institutions (both primary and secondary).

Vocational training centers may be established to provide

more job-oriented and technical training, (b) improving

physical structure to make these cities more efficient

and conducive to productive economic activities; (c)

strengthening the economic base and employment structure;

and (d) strengthening the planning, administrative, and

financial capacity of local governments to manage urban

development

;

(2) stimulating the growth and diversification of smaller

towns and market centers to increase the number and

geographic distribution of secondary cities within the

national settlement system;

(3) strengthening the physical, economic, social, and

political linkages among secondary cities and between

them and larger and smaller settlements to provide

greater access to urban services, facilities, and job

opportunities to people living in rural areas, and to

(37)

create an integrated system of urban centers through

which the benefits of urbanization and economic

development can be spread more widely.

2.4. The Agropolitan Development Approach ; Friedmann and

Weaver (1979) propose an "agropolitan development approach"

which is based on meeting the basic needs of the rural

people and involving them in the local decision making

process. The authors state that suitable conditions for the

application of the policy are:

"[d]ensely populated agrarian societies characterized by

low profiles of social development, high rates of

population increase, incipient urban-based

industrialization, high external dependency, and arising

indices of inequality. Such societies are typically

found in Asia and parts of Africa" (ibid, p. 194).

The authors point out that an agropolitan approach is in

some ways similar to the Chinese experience with rural

commune development. While agreeing with the Chinese

strategy, they state that "[t]he first-stage objective of

the development should be organized on a territorial basis;

that questions of production and distribution should be

jointly solved; and that the resource base for the

development of productive forces must be continuously

expanded" (p. 194).

Above conditions do exist in the rural Punjab these days.

Therefore, an application of the agropolitan approach to

(38)

this area will not be considered an unrealistic approach

(although some modifications may be needed).

The major elements of the agropolitan approach are:

(1) the basic conditions for its realization;

(2) the territorial framework;

(3) the expansion of production; and

(4) the role of the state.

1. The basic conditions : The authors state that three basic

conditions are essential to successful agropolitan

development: (a) selective territorial closure, (b) the

c o m m u n a 1 i z a t i o n of productive wealth, and (c) the

equalization of access to the bases for the accumulation of

social power (p. 195).

(a) Selective territorial closure: "[T]his refers to a

policy of enlightened self-reliance at relevant levels of

territorial integration: district, region, and nation ....

it is an expression of faith in the abilities of the people

to guide the forces of their own evolution. It means to

rely less on outside aid and investment, to involve the

masses in development, to initiate a conscious process of

social learning, to diversify production, and to pool

resources." (p. 195).

(b) The comnunalization of productive wealth: In poor

agricultural societies of the developing countries, land and

water sources are considered to be the sources of productive

wealth. The full mobilization of available resources (e.g.,

(39)

land and water), which agropolitan development implies, is

possible only where benefits from such an effort are

understood to flow in roughly equal measure to everyone in

the community. Where benefits are appropriated primarily

for private use, so that the gains accrue unequally, even

the initial effort is not likely to be made, and the

productive potential of the community will be realized only

in part (p. 195).

In the rural Punjab, land is not equally distributed.

Those who own large parcels of land are often the local

rural elites. Their power resfs in the land they own. The

land they own was given to them by the British and the

Mughals in recognition of their support for the state and

for extending their help in men and materials during

critical times (such as war or mutinies). In most of the

cases, the land they own was not acquired in a fair manner.

The concept of fair ownership needs to be studied in a

greater detail. Some research has been done which tries to

address the important question of equitable distribution of

land (Khan, 1981 and Gardezi, ed., 1983): Who has the right

to own land - the landlord or the cultivator? One such

piece of research states that:

"[Hjaji Sahib's (a landlord in a village called Sahiwal in

the Sargodha District of the Punjab) land traces its origin

from an ancestral owner who died in 1883. When he acquired

the title to his land from the British it was mostly scrub-

(40)

land, without irrigation. With the help of tenants and

artisans, whom he brought to the village, he cleared,

levelled and brought under cultivation a substantial part of

his land. A private irrigation canal was also dug; users of

this facility were required to pay 25% of their revenues in

kind to Haji Sahib.... The ancestral owner rented out all

land to tenant farmers in return for a fixed portion of

their crops. He himself lived in Isa Khel (an urban area

far from Sahiwal). The large landlords of the village have

continued to be absentees, administering their lands through

managers (intermediaries)" (Gardezi, 1983). The land given

to the ancestors of the present landowner by the rulers of

that time (the Mughals or the British) as a gift without any

effort on the part of the original ancestor is clearly not

an equitable distribution of land. But, if this argument is

accepted by the government, then a vast majority of the

large landlords will lose their land. This is rarely an

objective of a government whose officials also belong to the

same landowning class.

An agropolitan development strategy may only be

successful if government is ready to distribute land

equitably among all who earn their living from it. Only

then will the idea of equitable distribution of land and

water make any sense.

(c) The equalization of access to the bases for the

accumulation of social power: Friedmann and Weaver

(41)

argue that people must be involved in producing, managing

and using social power on a basis of equality and joint

decision. This clearly means deviating from the present

practice where decisions are taken and the destinies of the

rural poor are decided by a handful of local and/or non-

local power holders. To reverse this trend, and to

accelerate the slow process of social and economic change, a

socialistic and revolutionary approach will be needed.

2. The territorial framework : Territorially organized

communities may be conceived on the basis of common

cultural, political, and economic spaces or attributes.

Agropolitan districts are the smallest of these units that

are capable of providing their own basic needs (food,

housing, clothing, etc.) to their inhabitants with a little

help from the outside. The authors propose that:

"[I]n view of the need for face-to-face encounter in the

governance of agropolitan affairs - a form of governance

that concerns questions of both production and distribution,

and mindful of a population density criterion that would

require at least 200 persons per square kilometer of

cultivated land - agropolitan districts may be designed to

have a total population of between 15,000 and 60,000. The

inclusion of a country town within the district would raise

their totals by an additional 5 -20,000 people. Speaking in

rough numbers, we suggest agropolitan districts that would

range in population size from 20,000 to 100,000. This

(42)

derivation of agropolitan districts applies only to rural

areas. In cities, agropolitan neighborhoods may be

variously defined with approximately the same overall

population limits. According to this procedure, many

smaller towns will obviously fall within rural agropolitan

districts, while medium-sized cities would constitute

districts in their own right" (p. 197).

3. The expansion of production : Local production should be

expanded such that it encourages more self-reliance for the

agropolitan district and its region. Friedmann and Weaver

give the following five basic principles of a self-reliant

territorial development:

(a) development should aim at diversifying the

territorial economy;

(b) development should aim at the maximum development of

the physical resources consistent with principles of

conservation

;

(c) development should encourage the expansion of

regional and interregional (domestic) markets;

(d) development should be based as much as possible on

the principles of self reliance; and

(e) development should promote social learning (p. 198).

4. The role of the state : The authors advocate an important

idea of establishing political autonomy in agropolitan

districts. "[S]elf-reliance requires self-finance, and

self-finance calls for self-government. The political

(43)

autonomy of agropolitan districts is a fundamental principle

and may be exercised through assemblies, with delegates sent

by component functional and territorial units, representing

productive and residentiary interests respectively" (p.

203). The role of the state is protective, developmental,

f acilitati ve , regulatory, and r e d i s t r i b u t i v e . It is

protective by securing territorial boundaries; developmental

by coordinating national policies for the benefit of each

agropolitan district; facilitative through its own resources

to support agropolitan districts in the realization of their

own projects; regulatory by maintaining those critical

balances within the system of social relationships tiiat will

permit both change and growth to occur without excessive

disruption of the system as a whole; and it is

redistributive because its takes surplus resources from rich

districts to equalize redevelopment possibilities in less

favored areas (p. 203).

A practical application of the agropolitan development

approach has yet to be seen in the Punjab. However, Ul

Karim (1985) states that:

"[ T ] h e agropolitan theory with its stress on

decentralization of decision making process, reliance on

indigenous human and material resources, and gradual

relaxation of elite control through diversification of

economic base provides promising prospects for the

improvement of the quality of life for the rural masses in

(44)

the Punjab" (p. 48).

But the agropolitan development approach may not seem

fully applicable when the present conditions prevailing in

the rural Punjab are considered. As our analysis of the

rural-urban population distribution in the province will

show, more and more rural settlements are becoming urban

with the passage of time. The concentration of population

in district headquarter cities and towns is increasing.

This is a natural phenomenon of urbanization. There is a

need for a policy which goes hand in hand with the present

growth pattern of settlements and which tries to achieve

equity given the present state of constraints. The demand

is for locating more urban functions in the rural habitat.

The conditions required for an agropolitan approach,

although desirable, are too idealistic to implement and may

not be practicable in the present state of affairs. The

government will not take the drastic steps as proposed in

this approach because the people who constitute the

government are the ones who will be directly effected by

such a policy. Revolutions like that of China do not take

place very often. And an agropolitan development relies

heavily on social change, land reform, and political will.

This is possible if such a revolution takes place in

Pakistan. But this is highly unlikely in the near future.

However, the secondary cities development approach will

be more feasible if it is applied with some modifications to

(45)

the local conditions. The secondary cities approach can

realistically provide an improved standard of living to the

greatest number of people.

2-5. The Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP) in

Pakistan

The Aga Khan Rural Support Program (AKRSP) was initiated

in December 1982 by the Aga Khan Foundation (a private, non-

denominational, philanthropic network established by His

Highness the Aga Khan) for the purpose of implementing a

rural development program in the northern areas (Gilgit,

Chitral, and Baltistan Districts) of Pakistan. The area has

a total population of about 750,000 located in 1,030

villages. The area comprises a series of inter-linked narrow

valleys (between 4,500 and 10,000 feet above sea level). The

climate is that of a mountain desert (4-10 inches of annual

precipitation) with bitterly cold winters and hot dry

summers. Agriculture is dependent on irrigation except for

high altitude natural summer pastures. The villages are

green oases constructed on river terraces, the "fans" of

river valleys from the mountains (often terraced), watered by

ingeniously constructed irrigation channels which tap streams

flowing from the many glaciers as well as from springs and

snow melt (World Bank, 1987: p. xii). The material presented

in this section is taken from an interim evaluation of the

program done by the Operations Evaluation Department (0ED) of

the World Bank.

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Characteristics of the Program

The broad objective of the program is to increase

the capacity of local people in the program area to make use

of opportunities to improve their welfare and to overcome the

problems facing them. The main focus of the development

effort is on income-generating activities, toward meeting the

program's stated objective of"[a] doubling of (rural) per

capita incomes over a period, of ten years" (p. xi).

The central feature of the program is the establishment

of effective Village Organizations (VO). Once established,

the VO enters into a formal partnership with AKRSP under

which technical and financial assistance is provided. Out of

about 1,030 villages in the program area, some 526 now have

an active VO. Another essential element of the strategy is

the one grant-assisted Productive Physical Infrastructure

Project (PPI) per VO. The villagers select a PPI usually for

the construction of irrigation channels or link roads (but

storage tanks, flood protection works, and pony tracks have

also been chosen). Some 393 PPIs have been started and 226

completed (ibid: p. xii).

Methods of implementation : The purpose of the program is to

support the commercialization of previously subsistence

villages by creating village level organizations, building

productive physical infrastructure, establishing deposits to

facilitate credit, providing production and marketing support

systems and by training. The major programs of AKRSP

(47)

include

:

(a) the development of organizational skills and discipline;

(b) The first Productive Physical Infrastructure (PPI)

project

(c) land development and long-term resource management

planning;

(d) human resource development and training;

(e) agriculture and livestock development;

(f) savings and credit;

(g) marketing;

(h) women's development; and

(i) monitoring, evaluation and research (both socio-economic

and technical) (p. xiii).

Program Performance

(i) By June 1986, a total of 526 VOs had been established,

with a membership of 38,180 households (321 in Gilgit,

168 in Chitral, and 37 in Baltistan). Some 110 separate

women's Organizations were started in Gilgit District,

but recognizing that women do not function separately

from the household, AKRSP now encourages Women's

organizations to merge with VOs.

(ii) In the first four years of the program a total of 393

PPI's were initiated and 226 completed.

(iii) The agriculture program has three sections: field crops

and orchards, livestock, and forestry. There are two

types of activity: (a) loss reduction and yield

(48)

development for current production, and (b)

assistance for development of new lands irrigated

by feeder channel PPI's. Fruit losses have been

reduced by a training and a spray kit distribution

program. Fifteen courses have trained 152 VO

specialists in plant protection. Training in

livestock management and treatment has been

provided for 207 VO specialists, and 134,000

livestock have been vaccinated. Establishment of

forest plantations is underway with 550,000 tree

planted

.

(iv) Total savings by VOs amount to Rs. 14.5 million (Rs.

10.6 million in Gilgit, Rs. 3.5 million in Chitral, and

Rs. 0.4million in Baltistan). Short-term credit

extended over the four years amounted to Rs. 9.8 million

in Gilgit, Rs. 2.02 million in Chitral, and 0.31 million

in Baltistan. This has financed fertilizer, marketing,

plants, seeds, and other inputs. Medium-term credit has

financed mainly land development and agricultural

machinery

.

(v) Marketing is being improved for locally produced fresh

fruit, dried fruit, livestock and grains. Some 73 VOs

(85 specialists) have participated in training courses

in improved harvesting, grading and packing, and 2,250

households have benefited from AKRSP support for

marketing operations. Grouping villagers for transport

(49)

and marketing purposes has been attempted, and the

program will be broadened in future to include other

products and other villages,

(vi) AKRSP is currently benefitting 45 percent of the rural

population of the three districts. Analyses of costs

and benefits attempted by the AKRSP suggest that major

components of the program are highly profitable for

participants

(ibid : p . xiv)

.

Evaluation of the Program

An evaluation done by the World Bank (1987) indicates

that the program has achieved a high degree of success. It

states that "[t]he performance and achievements of AKRSP, as

verified by the evaluation team, are impressive. The

attitudes of the villagers have changed significantly and

provide a favorable environment for program activities.

These changed attitudes reflect four years of concerted

effort and solid achievement The achievements are

largely attributable to the effectiveness of the institution-

building efforts at the village level. Several management

principles are critical to this effectiveness. First is the

principle of primacy of the village organization (VO). The

VO is focal point of al the AKRSP activities but its

sovereignty is sarosanct, although AKRSP is firm in keeping

to the agreed conditions of the partnership. The VO and

AKRSP are seen as contractual partners where activities of

(50)

the VO s are supported but never undercut. Second is the

principle of continued attention to innovations. Villagers

and AKRSP staff alike are encouraged to innovate, using a

trial and error approach that is carefully monitored. This

creates a learning environment of active improvisation and

innovation" (p. xv).

The above evaluation indicates that the program has

achieved a considerable degree of success. Even the physical

constraints of the area have been reduced to a lesser degree

as a result of the policies adopted in this program. It

would also be logical to conclude that AKRSP is working in

accordance with the existing political and social structure

of the project area; otherwise it would not have achieved a

higher degree of success. The application of AKRSP in the

Punjab may be possible after making necessary modifications.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

A review of different regional development approaches

reveals that central place and growth pole approaches have

not met with much success in the Punjab. The secondary

cities and agropolitan development approaches have not been

tried in the province, but due to their basic assumptions and

realistic approaches on which they are based, they seem more

suitable, applicable and adaptable to the local conditions in

the province. At the micro-level, the Aga Khan Rural Support

Program has met with more success in the northern areas

(outside the Punjab) of Pakistan. Some techniques of this

(51)

program are very useful in local community development and

can be applied to the Punjab after making necessary

modifications

.

(52)

CHAPTER-III

RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS AND THE ADMINISTRATIVESTRUCTURE IN THE PUNJAB

Scope of the Chapter

This chapter examines different rural development

programs in the Punjab. It also examines the local level

administrative structure in the Punjab, and relates it to the

proposed Human Settlements Development Policy for the Punjab.

This chapter also describes the administrative aspects of

different Rural Development Programs in the Punjab, explains

why these rural development programs have had limited

success and, finally, explains the role of local

administration in the limited success of these programs.

3.1 . Problem Identification and need

Local level administration plays an important

role in the implementation of rural development programs in

the Punjab. There have been five major rural development

programs (including establishment of rural development

corporations and organizations by the Government) in the

Punjab since 1952. None of these programs achieved the goals

and objectives which were set forth at the beginning of each

program. An inefficient structure of local level

administration is one of the major factors responsible for

the low degree of success of these programs (Ahmed,

1984:98). Local administration is just not fully capable of

administering such programs*. There are two aspects related

to this problem. First , there is not enough technical staff

(53)

available at the local level to effectively administer the

rural development programs. Second , the existing staff is

already overloaded with other tasks and obligations that it

finds very little time pay attention to these programs. In

this way, both time and money are wasted on such programs

and the end product is almost nil. There is, then a need for

professional and technical people (i.e., Rural/Regional

Planners)at the local level of government to administer any

rural development program or policy. That is why an

evaluation of the existing administrative structure is

necessary to point out those administrative areas which

require special attention (e.g., need an increase in the

existing staff). This should be done before formulating any

settlement policy for the Punjab.

3.2. Local Level Administrative Structure in the Punjab

The Punjab Province had 21 administrative districts and

75 Sub-Districts (or Tehsils) in 1981. T he following is a

listing of some of the basic facts about the Punjab as given

in the 1981 census of population.

BASIC FACTS (THE PUNJAB. 1981)

Population = 47.2 million

Area = 78,030 square miles

Population Density = 606 persons/sq. mile

Rural Population = 72.2 %

Average Household Size = 6.4 persons

(54)

FIGURE 3.1: LEVELS OF LOCAL' ADMINISTRATION IN THE PUNJAB

(1) Provincial Level

(2) Divisional Level

(3) District Level

(4) "Tehsil" (or Sub-district) Level

(5) Union Council Level

(6) Village Level

Source : Weidner, Edward W. Development Administration inAsia , (Durham, North Carolina: Duke UniversityPress, 1970).

(55)

Table 3.1: LOCAL GOVERNMENT ADMINISTRATION AND ADMINISTARTIVELEVELS IN THE PUNJAB

Sr. ADMINISTRATIVENo POSITION

LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVELEVEL

1

.

Commissioner- Additional Commissioner

2. Deputy Commissioner- Extra Assistant Commissioner

3. Assistant CommissionerHead of Sub--District Level Admn

.

/

"Tehsildar"Naib

Supervisoryor assistant TehsildRevenue Collecting

ar

Officer or Kanungo (SRCO)orRevenue Collecting officer

"PatwariHeadman

"(RCO)(or "Lumber dar")

Watchman (or "Chokidar")

DivisionalDivisionalDistrictDistrictSub-DivisionSub-District/Tehsil

Sub-Di strict/ TehsilSub-District/Tehsil

Revenue Collecting(or Patwar) Circle

VillageVillage

SOURCE : Same as in figure 3.1.

(56)

- Average number of persons per district

= 2,252,000

Average number of persons per tehsil

= 630,560

The population of the Punjab had an annual average growth

rate of 2.75 percent during 1972-1981 and a growth rate of

3.4 percent during the period 1961-1972.

The different local administrative levels are shown in

figure 3.1. The most important levels are District, Sub-

District (tehsil), Union council, and village levels. The

local level administrative positions are shown in table 3.1.

The most important administrative positions in this

administrative hierarchy are the ones from serial number 2

through 6. The heads of sub-district level administration

and the revenue collecting officers form an important part

of the district administration. These persons are trained in

revenue collecting techniques and keeping records of land

transactions. But they are not trained to administer and

coordinate the different rural development programs and

other related policies. As a result, the development process

is slow and sometimes a total failure. Even if some rural

development officers are appointed, they rarely get

necessary support from the local administration and related

departments

.

3.3. Rural Development Programs in the Punjab

A review of rural development programs is important to

(57)

help us understand the basic approach the planners adopted

in their attempts to improve the condition of the rural

economy. The existence of extreme poverty in the rural

areas compelled planners to suggest different schemes and

programs throughout the last four decades whereby the

economic plight of the rural population could be improved,

especially that of the small farmers, the tenants, and the

landless labors. A review of existing rural development

programs is important to help us understand the basic

approach the planners adopted in their attempt to improve

the condition of the rural economy. The limited success of

each program which was implemented only led planners to

suggest new approaches, in many cases without seriously

considering the factors responsible for their failure. The

administration of these programs was one of the major

factors responsible for their limited success (Ahmed: 1984).

3.3.1 . The Village Agricultural and Industrial Development

Program (Village AID) (1952-1969)

The village aid program was initiated in 1953 to improve the

social and economic condition of villages through community

development methods. The first five year plan (1955-1969)

gave a very high priority to rural development and strongly

supported the Village AID program. All this was to be done

mainly through the initiative and energy of village people

themselves, cooperating and pooling their own resources. The

government was to provide the assistance to village workers

(58)

under the leadership of "development workers" who were to

help the villagers in making plans for local development and

in organizing themselves to carry these out. The government

was also to provide the services of specialists from

different governmental departments - agriculture, animal

husbandry, health, and so on - and some funds and materials

to enable the villagers to carry out work which they

otherwise could not do.

Some rural areas called development areas were to be

selected for intensive development. Each development area

was to consist of 150-200 villages with a total population

of about 100,000 and placed in the charge of a development

officer who was to have at his disposal the services of farm

management, animal husbandry, co-operation and marketing,

health and sanitation specialists. He was also to direct the

activities of the village workers, each of whom were to be

responsible for five to seven villages. The most important

objectives the Village AID program set itself were:

(a) To increase the output and income of the villagers

through better methods of farming and to expand cottage

industries

;

(b) To create a spirit of self-help, initiative and co-

operation among the villagers, a spirit that can be the

basis for continuing economic, social and political

progress;

(c) To multiply the community services available in rural

(59)

areas such as schools, health centers, and pure water supply

system ;

( d ) To create conditions for a richer and better life

through social activities including recreation for men and

women.

In spite of a variety of goals set for the program, the

Village AID program did not have much success with the

achievement of its goals and objectives. The major

shortcoming of the program and its limited success was

attributed to administrative failure. It was due to a

shortage of technical personnel and lack of proper

coordination among the various government departments at the

local level. Moreover, the program expected too much from

the people in the form of voluntary work. Further, the

whole of the leadership was imposed from outside rather than

evolving from within the village community.

3.3.2. Basic Democracies/Rural Works Program (1962-69)

The limited success of Village AID program was considered to

be due to the absence of local leadership and the

development and growth in institutions within the rural

society. The program of basic democracies was initiated by

1959 to combine the aspects of community development with

political development and to create the representative local

bodies at four different levels. The lowest level was a

union council consisting of a group of small villages. The

(60)

higher level of the councils (Tehsil Council, District

Council and Divisional Council) were dominated by the

nominated or official workers. The union councils were given

some limited judicial and taxation powers. The four tiers of

local government were hierarchically arranged and the higher

tier enjoyed the regulatory powers over the lower one in the

development functions. According to Ul Karim (1985), the

activities of the councils were marred by personal greed and

factionalism based on caste groups.

3.3.3. Integrated Rural Development Program (IRDP)

The integrated rural development program was formally

launched by the government of Pakistan in July 1972. To

serve the target group more effectively, the program

suggests two types of organizations to operate concurrently

in the rural areas. These organizations are:

(i) A local government setup which would contribute to

political stability, generate a sense a participation among

the people, and provide a structure for the articulation of

local needs and their subsequent transfer to provisional and

federal governments;

(ii) A co-operative system which would enable the people to

organize themselves at the village and markaz levels to meet

their immediate economic needs.

The administrative setup at different levels of IRDP

1« Primary uni

t

: The lowest unit, where farmers can get

together for operational performances, is the village or

(61)

group of villages. At this level, the main task is to

organize the people for the purpose of identification of

needs, formulation of action plans, and development of local

resources for self management of the project.

2. Markaz (or center) : The hub of development activities is

a Markaz (or Center). It is established at a focal point

which has the potential to develop into an agroville for

providing necessary support facilities to the surrounding

villages. The markaz is coterminous with the basic tier of

the local government system to ensure popular participation

at grass root level.

3. District Level : The selected district council is

responsible for financing, supervising, coordinating, and

evaluating the development project in the district.

4. Provisional Level : The local government and the rural

development department at the provisional headquarters is

responsible for setting operational targets, formulating

policies, allocating required funds for rural development,

and monitoring markaz plans in the provinces. The rural

development board presided over by the provisional chief

executive, co-ordinates and evaluates the work of various

departments in the field of rural development. The board is

also responsible for policy making, budgeting, and approval

of plans in keeping with national priorities.

To meet immediate economic needs, the arrangement was

made in the integrated rural development program to organize

(62)

and administer multi-purpose village co-operatives that

would initiate group action to secure economic and social

services for their members. A hundred and thirty seven

centers were set up during 1972 to 1977. In the absence of

local government administrative institutions efforts were

also made to organize people into village co-operatives.

An evaluation of the integrated rural development

program was done by Qadeer (1977) based mainly on two

centers in the Punjab. In his conclusion he states:

"[ T ] h e integrated rural development program has

attracted the same class of rural bourgeoisie, which

normally appropriate any public development program. In this

case, the voluntary association with the co-operative group

societies were ad-hoc functional groups which could seldom

be credited with local representatives. Whatever little

benefits the integrated rural development program confers

are most probably being appropriated by the middle and upper

classes" (p. 25).

3.3.4. People's Works Program (PWP)

The people's works programme was introduced by the

government in 1973. It aimed at enhancing employment

opportunities and improving rural infrastructure. The

program was not successful in generating employment and

improving rural infrastructure due to a number of reasons.

First, the main reason for the low employment generation was

the overwhelming reliance, for the construction of roads and

(63)

buildings, on contractors who preferred to use capital-

intensive methods to avoid labor management difficulties.

Second, the projects undertaken by the PWP were small and

widely scattered, and therefore the impact of the program

was not very visible. However, the program satisfied some

local needs such as roads and water supply. (Salam, 1980)

3.3.5. Agrovilles Development Program

The pattern of urban development in Punjab indicated

the rapid increase of population in a few large cities and a

weakening of the traditional distribution of population in

small urban settlements. In order to limit rapid migration

from villages to large cities, it was considered necessary

to develop small towns and medium sized cities through the

location of new productive enterprises and the provision of

education, health, water supply, waste disposal, energy,

transport, and other services. The successful development of

small towns in rural development was expected to reduce the

movement of population, prevent large scale transfer of

people to metropolitan areas, and develop small urban

settlements. For this purpose a new program called the

"Agrovilles Development Programme" was launched in 1973.

According to Ahmed (1984),

"[T]he achievements of this program have been extremely

modest. So far only five sites are reported to have been

developed. When the scheme was launched in 1973, it was

contemplated that under the IRDP, the center (markaz) will

(64)

ultimately develop in agrovilles and absorb surplus farm

labor from the surrounding rural areas by providing

employment opportunities in various areas. However, because

of administrative, organizational, and financial

constraints, the program was not able to take off properly"

(p. 98).

CONCLUSION

All the five major rural development programs discussed

above met with a limited success in the Punjab. A review of

these programs, as it is done by different scholars, reveals

that poor management of administrative, organizational, and

financial capabilities of the governmental resources were

important factors responsible for a low degree of programs

success. Therefore, it is necessary that before initiating

any new program, proper attention should be given to the

above three factors. A new program should never be

initiated if planner feels that the existing administrative,

organizational, and financial constraints may not change to

benefit the program. In this way, the already scarce

resources available to the community may be saved for some

other productive tasks and not for devising a useless rural

development program which may be more tuned to the interests

of a small group of rural elites with little or no attention

paid to the general public interest.

(65)

CHAPTER-IV

A HUMAN SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR THE PUNJAB

Scope of the chapter

This chapter proposes a Human Settlements Development

Policy (HSDP) for the Punjab. It analyzes the existing

settlement system by applying Hoover's Index of Population

Concentration and identifies the secondary cities by applyin°

the secondary cities identification criteria as proposed by

Rondinelli (1983). It also identifies the settlements which

should be given priority in the allocation of development

expenditures. In the end, detailed policies and

recommendations are given for the development of human

settlements in the Punjab. This is also done by using the

secondary cities development approach.

4.1 . Hoover's Index :

Hoover's Index (HI) (Petsimeris, 1986: pp. 58-59) is

used to calculate the concentration of population in a

particular settlement system. It is calculated by using the

following relation:

H = (1/2) SUM |P(i)-A(i)| x 100; i-1,2,3, n.

Where

P = Ratio of sub-area (tehsil) population to the total

(district) population;

A = ratio of the sub-area surface (i.e., area of a

particular tehsil in sq. km.) to the total surface

(i.e., total area of the corresponding district in

(66)

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concentration of population within the district of Jhang was

more than within the Lahore district. The concentration of

population in secondary cities may suggest that more

economies of scale can be achieved in these settlements as

compared to primate cities. The unit cost of producing a

good may be less in a secondary city as compared to small

rural villages or large urban centers. There may be

diseconomies with public services in the very large urban

centers. A higher value of concentration of population in

secondary cities suggest that cheap labor may be available in

an intermediate sized city as compared to a large urban

center. Hence a settlement policy should identify such

secondary areas in the settlement system which may be termed

as "overachievers", i.e., those settlements/areas which are

achieving more than expected. The next section identifies

such areas.

4.2. Identification of Secondary Cities in the Punjab

An identification of the secondary cities is done by

using the secondary cities development approach as advocated

by Rondinelli (1983). He defines secondary cities as cities

having population of 100,000 or more which do not include the

largest primate city (or cities). For the present study,

five major urban centers are excluded while identifying the

secondary cities. These urban centers include: Lahore,

Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Multan, and Gujranwala. These

centers are excluded because they are already getting a large

(72)

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FIGURE 4.2: Proposed Secondary Cities in the Punjab

a'/6 r^O JAMMU-

/*«„ck I ) \and

t, / / KASHMIR THE PUNJABK.- / Rawalpindi I .

•w- V PAKISTAN.

/i\ ^^ Jehlua I J^1m Nlanwall V / — x. J

.NORTH )\ ) CujracWIHV~—~^\

*7 ^^k ^^fc. GuJ ranwala fSargodha ^M ^B /

^f<V Shaikhupura ^^^Falsalabad ^H

^^^^r siaikot pSETTLEMENT

-PATTERN -1981

•*/Jhang^^^

( )Lj/^

<T p w a LEGENO

T '

^^ £** K«sur| Population s—

\

size / \*s J ^H y t 100,000 8, ABOVEl J

&J /SahlwalKV v__y

/ tlultan E£ /^ / Dera Chazl Khan -—^ ^aaa**^ /~ ^5 .f^^^ / \ Veharl Bahavalnagar

}

//•cU o cp// Muaaffanjarh /

s 50,000 - 99,93.9. C J

25,000 - 49,999 Qs •"•"•"•' y*

10,000 - 24,999 OQ) y UNDER 10,000 O

Secondary ^^<^ ^

/^ s ^SIND^ ^ ^B Hah tii Tar Etan /

S o 50 ioo 150 miles >;-*^T3i Department ol Hegional

KANSAS *"*

Seal* BTEfli I «B t-ommun'*y PlanningSOURCE s Canaua of Population, 1981 (Tha Punjab Prorlnce) B**w——• con»o« ol MaMaaaaa ana Oai.gn

(74)

share of the annual development budget. A total of 12

secondary cities have been identified in Table 4.2. This

system of secondary cities is ranked according to their

respective population. The city of Sialkot with a population

of 258,147 is the highest ranking city (with rank of 1) in

the system and Dera Ghazi Khan with population of 102,007 is

the lowest ranking city (with a rank of 12) in this system of

cities. The proposed secondary cities are shown in Figure

4.2. The economies of these cities should be strengthened by

extending the basic social services and municipal facilities

and infrastructure that support productive activities and

improve human resources. The smaller settlements surroundin°

these cities should also be developed after enough resources

are utilized for the secondary cities (if enough resources

are available for the development of these small settlements

after allocating funds for the higher order secondary

cities). For example, proper physical, social} economic, and

political linkages should be strengthened between the city of

Sialkot (a secondary city of population 258,147) and other

small towns in the area (i.e., within the same district).

This includes the following 14 small towns and settlements:

Daska (pop. 55,555), Sambrial (pop. 24,432), Jamke

Cheema (pop. 14,848), Bhopalwala (pop. 10,641),

Begowala (pop. 6993), Narowal (pop. 35,125),

Baddomalhi (pop. 13,244), Zafarwal (pop. 10,464), Qila

Sobha Singh (pop. 6,377), Pasrur (pop. 26,087),

(75)

Chawinda (13,185), Shakargarh (pop. 25,484), and Kotli

Loharan ( pop. 12,836).

A similar approach should be adopted for the rest of the

20 districts in the province.

4.3. HUMAN SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPMENT POLICIES AND

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE PUNJAB

A number of recommendations and policies can be

formulated to improve the present settlement system in the

Punjab. These policies should be framed both at micro and

macro levels o f the settlement system. Also, these policies

should include various important physical, social, economic,

political, an d technical aspects of settlement development

planning. For example, only considering the physical factors

will narrow our approach and hinder the solution of the

complex and interrelated problems involved in human

settlement pi anning in the developing countries in general

and the Punja b in particular. This section suggests

settlements d evelopment policies and proposals both at the

micro and maro levels of the settlement system in the Punjab.

An attempt is made to adopt a comprehensive approach in

proposing such policies and programs. Furthermore,references are drawn from the related material available on

developing countries. Some of these policies are proposed by

Rondinelli (1985) for the Bicol River Basin Development

Program in the Philippines. Some policies are also based on

the approach a dopted in the Aga Khan Rural Support Program

(76)

(World Bank, 1987) in the northern areas of Pakistan.

(1) Identification of Secondary Cities ; All the secondary

and intermediate cities in the Punjab are identified and

ranked according to their population size. Investment

and funds allocation decisions should then be made by

giving priority to those secondary cities which are

overachieving (e.g., their population is increasing more

than expected) as compared to the other settlements in

the settlement system. Productive investments by the

Government should be made in such cities in the form of

locating and strengthening the basic facilities and

utilities. For example, investments can be made in

constructing new roads, water and sewer systems, low-

cost housing, community centers, primary schools,

vocational and technical centers, agro-processing and

bio-gas plants, poultry and sheep farming and other

productive activities.

(2) Creation of Data Banks : Data banks should be created for

each individual settlement. This includes all the

municipal committees and the town committees in the

Punjab. The existing census information is not enough

to conduct effective analyses. The Punjab Housing,

Physical, and Environmental Planning Department should

be responsible providing such data banks. The data to

be collected may include such indicators as size of the

skilled and un-skilled labor force; individual income

(77)

and saving patterns; educational and skill levels;

migration patterns, the traffic capacity of all the

existing roads and streets; and existing land use,

industrial, commercial, and housing patterns. The

future development policies and priorities will

base on this data.

( 3 ) Comprehensive Plan and Zoning regulations : A

Comprehensive Plan should be framed for each Municipal

Committee (MC) and Town Committee (TC). Detailed zoning

and land sub-division regulations should also be devised

for each MC and TC to regulate the land development.

This will help promote the general health, welfare,

safety, and the public interest in the community.

(4) Population/Demographic and Spatial Analysis : Different

methods of population/demographic and spatial analysis

should be used to get a better understanding of each

settlement and the functions it performs. One method

may be the Hoover's Index of population concentration as

discussed in section 5.2 in this chapter. Another

method may be the use of scalogram to analyze different

functions which can be found in different settlements.

A portion of such a scalogram is shown in figure 4.3 for

the Mianwali district in the Punjab (Data showing a

function present or abscent in a particular settlement

is hypothetical). On the left side of the worksheet,

settlements are listed in descending order of their

(78)

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(79)

population. This type of analysis will help in

determining the location of different activities in

a particular settlement.

Threshold Analysis can also be used to access the

functional characteristics of settlements in a tehsil or

a district. It is done through an analysis of the

population sizes required to support those services,

facilities, and infrastructures that already exist

within an area. The following relation is used:

Threshold (TH) = 100 x PsPs x Ag

Where: Ps = number of settlements below a certain

population level having the function; and

Ag = number of settlements above this population

level not having the function (Rondinelli,

1985: 122).

Data collected in the scalogram analysis can be utilized

to perform the threshold analysis by using the above

relation. Similarly, different methods of regional

economic analysis (e.g., input-output analysis, factor

analysis, location quotient, shift-share analysis, etc.)

should be used to assess the economic potential of

different settlements and their respective regions. A

regional economist may be hired to perform this task if

rural planner finds it a difficult task to perform

(although different computer software packages for

regional economic analysis are easy to use).

(80)

(5) An Analysis of Urban and Rural Linkages : An analysis of

existing linkages between different areas in the

settlement system should be carried out by the regional

planners in the Punjab. Rondinelli (1985) states that

regional development occurs through the growth and

diversification of settlements and the creation of new

and stronger linkages among them. In some cases the

extension of physical linkages such as road, rail, or

river transport promotes growth and diversification in

existing settlements; in others it stimulates the growth

of new central places. New linkages usually promote

greater interaction between settlements and their rural

hinterlands. Simply improving transportation among

villages often leads to reorganization and expansion of

existing periodic markets (ibid., p. 141). The following

questions, as proposed by the United Nations Economic

and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP),

should be asked by the planner working in the Punjab.

These can be answered by doing the analysis on urban and

rural linkages:

(a)- What is the pattern of flows of agricultural

products from rural areas to demand centers?

(b)- Which areas provide the raw materials for

manufacturing activities?

(c)- To which do farmers go to obtain the agricultural

inputs they need, such as fertilizers, farm

(81)

implements, improved seed and credit?

(d)- What changes can be made in the road network to

improve the marketing of the rural products?

(e)- Does the regional resource base provide the

potential to support additional production and

processing activities?

(f)- What new activities can be supported? What

linkages are needed to support these activities?

(g)- What is the pattern of key communication linkages?

(h)- What are the daily, weekly, and seasonal commuting

patterns of the off-farm labor?

(i)- What are the key bottlenecks in the existing

linkage system? (p. 186).

A complete set of major linkages should be identified

while doing the settlement analysis in the Punjab.

Table 4.3 defines major linkages which should be

considered in a typical spatial development analysis.

(82)

Table 4.3.: MAJOR LINKAGES TO BE CONSIDERED IN THE PROPOSEDSPATIAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE PUNJAB

TYPE 1 M N

Physical Linkages Road NetworksRiver and Water TransportRailroad NetworksEcological Interdependencies

Economic Linkages Market PatternsRaw Materials andCapital FlowsProduction

Backward ,

LateralConsumption

patternsIncome FlowsSectorial and Interregional

Commodity Flows"Cross Linkages"

inter, goods

Linkages —Forward , and

and shopping

Population Movement Migration - TemporaryPermanent LinkagesJourney to Work

and

Technological Linkages Technology InterdependenciesIrrigation SystemsTelecommunications Systems

Social InteractionLinkages

Visiting PatternsKinship PatternsRites, Rituals, and religious

activitiesSocial Group Interaction

Service DeliveryLinkages

Energy Flows and NetworksCredit and Financial NetworksEducation, Training, and

Extension LinkagesHealth Service Delivery

SystemsProfessional, Commercial, andTechnical Service PatternsTransport Service Systems

(83)

Table 4.3 (cont.)

Political, Administrative,and OrganizationalLinkages

Structural RelationshipsGovernment Budgetary FlowsOrganizational

InterdependenciesAuthority-Approval-

Supervision-PatternsInter-jurisdictional

Transaction PatternsInformal Political Decision

Chains

Adopted from Dennis A. Rondinelli Applied Methods ofRegional Analysis (Boulder: Westview Press Inc., 1985).

(5) Micro-Level Policies : At the individual village level,

policies of self reliance and self sufficiency should be

followed. Such policies and programs are being

successfully implemented in the Aga Khan Rural Support

Program in the northern areas of Pakistan. Following

general policies are at the village level proposed.

Some of these programs are taken from the Aga Khan

Program:-

(a) Each village should have a village organization

(VO). Technical and financial assistance to a VO should

be provided by the government. Instead of creating a

new government department, the government should utilize

the existing staff of the Department of Rural

Development

.

(b) Every village should be assigned one Productive

Physical Infrastructure (PPI) project. A number of

projects (e.g., road construction, water channels, etc)

should then be identified in a particular village. The

(84)

villagers should then be asked to select one such

project. The project selected by the village

majority should then be implemented with the help

of the village labor force. Other projects should

be selected in the subsequent years in the same

way

.

(c) Other major programs should include: the development

of organizational skills and discipline; human resource

development and training; agriculture and livestock

development; savings and credit; marketing of

agricultural produce; women's development; and creation

of data banks at the village level after conducting

socio-economic and other related surveys (100% coverage

is desirable) .

(d) Individual village resource constraints should be

analyzed. For example, the livestock feed and domestic

fuel problems are the two major areas of concern to the

rural planners in the rural Punjab.

(e) "[ C ] onsideration should be given to complementing

work on agro-ecosystems analysis at the village level

with a farming system approach focussed on the

household, in order to provide a framework for promoting

household development activities in relation to resource

constraints, income opportunities and consumption needs"

(World Bank, 1987: p. xix).

(f) Because of the importance of irrigation to village

(85)

livelihoods and the proposed program strategy,

attention should be given to optimal layouts of

irrigation systems and water management (ibid, p.

xix) .

(g) The Marketing program should be strengthened by

giving even greater attention to marketing beyond the

farm gate (as it is being done in the Aga Khan Program),

including assisting farming to understand, evaluate, and

test markets, create market infrastructure, improve

produce quality, and avoid exploitation (ibid, p. xx).

(6) Poverty and income inequality : A Human Settlements

Development Policy should also address the question of

poverty and income inequality especially in the rural

areas of the Punjab. Such policy should include

different programs and strategies to reduce poverty and

income inequality in the rural areas. These policies

are well summarized by Nafziger (1984). He states that:

"[PJolicies that would increase rural income and

reduce rural poverty are manifold. The development

of labor-intensive capital equipment, the

establishment of rural credit agencies,

agricultural research centers that conduct on-farm

tests, institutes to develop and adapt technology

for small farmers, an extension service integrated

with development agencies, an irrigation authority

that conducts careful feasible study of proposed

(86)

projects, and government ministries that

provide suitable and timely inputs to farmers

are estimable goals. So, too, farm commodity

and foreign exchange prices close to market-

clearing rates, greater expenditures on social

and educational services in rural areas,

redistribution of the land to the rural poor,

the establishment of agro-industries, basic

consumer goods industries, and other small

industries in rural areas, and investment

in marketing, transport, and storage

facilities for agricultural commodities

would improve the lot of the rural poor

Well planned, cooperative ventures

can help small farmers improve

productivity by allowing them to take

advantage of economies of large scale

production Production-oriented

rural development projects like small

farmer credit, agricultural innovations

and new technology, and improved

extension services are likely to reduce

agricultural terms of trade, and thus

reduce rural incomes in the short run.

To increase incomes of rural poor,

production-oriented programs need to be

(87)

combined with policies to improve relative

agriculture prices and rural income

distribution"

(Nafziger, 1984: p. 141).

More stress on the attainment of basic needs (e.g.

providung food, shelter, clothing, safe water and

sanitation) has been advocated by different

scholars as an effective way to end poverty in the

developing countries (Streeten, Paul, et al.,

1981). This approach has been called the "basic

needs approach". Meeting the basic human needs in

a less developed region will reduce the level of

poverty and income inequality in that region. Such

scholars argue "[a] basic needs approach looks

deeper than the aggregate figures and their

distribution by deciles and, by more selective and

precisely targeted measures, seeks to fulfil basic

needs in a shorter period. In this approach

poverty is defined not by income, poverty lines,

and deciles of the income distribution, but as the

inability of identifiable groups of human beings to

meet certain basic human needs. Poverty is

characterized by hunger and malnutrition, by ill

health, and by the lack of education, safe water,

sanitation, or decent shelter. A vital task in the

elimination of poverty is thus to secure the access

(88)

of the poor to these goods and services"

(Streeten, 1981: p. 159).

(7) Development of Lahore -- the primate city : Although the

development of secondary and intermediate size cities in

the settlement system is important, yet attention should

also be focussed on large urban centers such as Lahore,

Rawalpindi and Faisalabad in the Province. These

urban centers are faced with problems of squatter

settlements, traffic congestion, housing shortage,

and un-controlled urban sprawl. Urban centers have

their own unique problems as compared to rural

settlements. For example, in 1983 Lahore had a

backlog of 300,000 houses and whose housing supply

was falling by 15-20,000 dwellings per year, and in

which about 40 percent of the population lived

without piped water and 10-15 percent of the

population did not have an access even to a shared

latrine (Qadeer, 1983: p. 267). Realistic policies

are needed to achieve effective and equitable urban

development. Qadeer (1983) has proposed the

following five strategies to achieve such an urban

development in Lahore:

(i) Institutional Reorganization and Administrative

Reforms: Top priority in attempting to ensure a

minimum quality of life to all in the city should

be given by streamlining decision-making processes

(89)

and to reforming administrative operations,

and reducing corruption, particularly in the

public sector — a mechanism which makes

public agencies responsive to public needs and

removes authoritarian insularity of

functionaries (p. 267). He argues "[I]t is

pointless to develop elaborate

housing standards and regulations if only

12 percent of houses are built with

official permission. What is the

relevance of the UN-sponsored fad for

computerization of land records when

every step of the land development is

tailor-made for graft? In the same vein,

can there be an adequate public transport

as long as managers cannibalize buses for

spares and drivers pocket fares? .....

Without an efficient an dependable

operational system, grandiose programs

and progressive policies have little

effect" (p. 268). The objective of

institutional reorganization should be

the creation of a city where basic

facilities and services are available to

all without favor. A citizen should be

able to get a reply to his or her letter

(90)

or be able to pay a tax bill without having to

bribe; to register a complaint with some

assurance of fair response; and to expect to

be treated as a human being in accordance with

the rule of law. These are the preconditions

for ensuring effective and equitable urban

development. Creation of such conditions should be

the first step in dealing with the urban crisis.

(ii) Collectivization of Basic Services: Latrines, water

taps, baths, garbage collection, and even

electricity should be provided on a shared or joint

ownership basis to almost everybody. For example,

two latrines (for men and women separately), a

water stand-pipe, and a common shed may be provided

to a cluster of three to four houses. This concept

of clustering and collectivizing may also be

extended to other uses such as telephones, and

refrigerated storage.

(iii) Indigenizing City Planning: "[C]ity planning in

Third World cities should rationalize, strengthen,

and build upon the developmental potential of

traditions and historical practices" (ibid: p.

269). For example in Lahore, the bazaar sector has

continued to be central to the economy of the city.

Yet the land use plans, housing schemes, or

transportation policies reflect little of this

(91)

reality. According to Qadeer, the fact that

the spatial order of Lahore consists of mixed

land uses and intertwined uses has not been

registered in the city planning practice. A

formal process of solving city's problems is

necessary, but it should be based on objective

understanding of the local

situation

.

(iv) Transportation: For a city like Lahore,

transportation needs can be met as much as by

extending road networks and building mass-transit

facilities as by reducing travel demand. Studies

have shown that if different services and

facilities (e.g., schools, dispensaries/clinics,

government offices, etc.) are located such that

they are easily accessible to the general public,

then travel demand in Lahore would probably

decrease by 10 to 20 percent (ibid, p. 270). The

existence of different modes of transport (slow and

fast) has created complex transportation problems.

A transportation plan should give highest priority

to the problems associated with slow moving traffic

(i.e., horse-driven carts, bicycles, and

pedestrians) in the city. The city of Lahore is not

characterized by multi-level traffic interchanges

and hugh clover-leave intersections and highways.

(92)

Lahore is rather a city known for its busy and

small streets, shopping and commercial areas,

and a walled city where traditions are still

followed and social interaction between

different social groups can be seen working at

its best. Transportation planning and

engineering standards developed for the

developed countries may not be suitable when

applied to a city like Lahore. The planners

working in Lahore will not find standards in

the literature written for western developed

societies. The planners will have to develop

their own standards,

(v) Housing: Like any other big metropolis of the Third

World, Lahore has a high housing shortage. The

housing delivery system should be such that it

should deliver houses to the same target groups for

whom they are built. Affordable housing should be

built and encouraged. Low-cost housing techniques

should be developed and applied. Site and Services

housing schemes should be constructed. Extensive

research may be done to find land for housing the

poor and to design and implement 1 o w -

cost/affordable housing by the Lahore Development

Authority (LDA), and Punjab Housing, Physical, and

Environmental Planning Department in collaboration

(93)

.

with the Department of City and Regional Planning

at the University of Engineering and Technology,

Lahore

.

(8) Professional education and training in rural planning :

Most of the expertise available in the field of

planning is urban oriented. Very few planners have a

background or an interest in the rural settlement

planning. There is a need to establish an institute for

rural settlement planning in the Punjab. The

Department of City and Regional Planning at the

Lahore Engineering University may also be expanded

to accommodate such a division. There is also a

need to educate even the "educated" planners about

the importance of rural planning in a developing

country. A need for such an education is described

by E. F. Schumacher (1973). He states that: "[I]f

we have learnt anything from the last ten or twenty

years of development effort, it is that the problem

(of human suffering in the rural areas) presents an

enormous intellectual challenge. The aid-givers

rich, educated, town-based know how to do things

in their own way; but do they know how to assist

self help among two million villages, among two

million villagers poor, uneducated, country

based? They know how to do a few big things in bio

towns; but do they know how to do thousands small

(94)

things in rural areas? They know how to do things with

lots of capital; but do they know how to do them with

lots of labors initially untrained labor at that?"

(Schumacher, 1973: 196).

One can imagine the drastic results that can follow as a

result if the above questions are not answered before

implementing any rural development program. Although this

idea will not be much appreciated by the urban-biased

planners, yet they should not be allowed to engage in the

practice of rural/regional planning without having sufficient

education and training.

(95)

CHAPTER-V

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

5.1: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

A number of conclusions can be drawn about the existing

settlement system and the ongoing development policies in the

Punjab. The following conclusions are based on the review of

regional development theories, the analysis of the existing

settlement system, administrative structure, and rural

development programs in the Punjab as presented in previous

chapters. Related references and studies have also been

cited where applicable. A number of conclusions about the

social, cultural, and political system in the Punjab are

based on studies done by different researchers in the field.

The study of social, cultural, and political factors is

undertaken because they are interrelated with the physical

and economic policies proposed in this study.

The major findings and recommendations of this study are:

(1) The hypothesis that the current resources are not

utilized in an effective manner has been generally

supported. It has also been shown that some of the

intermediate level settlements are growing more than

expected and can be termed as over achiever s , i.e.,

growing more than expected when compared with five

primate cities: Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad, Multan,

and Gujranwala.

(2) An analysis of population concentration by using the

(96)

Hoover's Index reveals that population is concentrating

with a higher rate in secondary cities as compared to

primate cities.

(3) An analysis of urban-rural population shows that the

percentage of urban settlements is increasing at a much

higher rate as compared to rural settlements (please see

appendix B). More and more areas are becoming

urbanized .

(4) The conventional regional development theories, (i.e.,

the central place and the growth pole theories) have

not met with much success in the Punjab.

(5) The programs undertaken by the Pakistani Government for

the development of human settlements are concentrated in

large urban areas like Lahore, Rawalpindi, Faisalabad,

and Multan. Development priorities are not set for

intermediate/secondary cities like Jhang, Sahiwal, and

Sargodha

.

(6) Since the intermediate level cities are not given enough

government funds and resources, these settlements can

only offer a low level of employment opportunities and

low wages to their inhabitants. Poverty and disease are

a common characteristic of such settlements, as a

consequence

.

(7) "[T]he bureaucratic control through synoptic planning

has created an environment where the masses feel that

the development is the sole responsibility of the

(97)

government (Ul Karim, 1985: 64). This practice has

resulted in stagnant communities where people do

not feel confidant to take development initiatives

(e.g., self-help housing and infrastructure

construction) or risks on their own. This

phenomenon is well summarized by Saghir Ahmad

(1977). He states that: "[UJnlike American

communities, Pakistani village communities do not

have the tradition of initiating and deciding plans

or programs for the total community. Almost all

programs of development or change are initiated and

carried on by governmental agencies. The most one

can hope to observe is who supports and who does

not support a particular program or issue. In my

observation, however, the people in general remain

apathetic" (p. 130).

This clearly suggests that a planner working in the

Punjab should not be very optimistic about the people

participation in the development process. Effective

techniques may be developed for more people

participation.

(8) Agriculture is the mainstay of the Punjab economy.

About 70% of the population still lives in the rural

towns and small villages. For a proper implementation

of any settlement policy, the class and power structure

in the rural areas should be considered in a greater

(98)

detail. - The people who play important roles in the

local decision making are the landowning elites. A

policy against their interests will end up as an

exercise in futility. These elites are also

actively involved in the legislative process, both

at the provincial and national levels. Not only

does this give them security from the government,

but also a chance to rule the poor peasants in

almost any manner they want. The distribution of

property and income is not equitable. These

conditions act as constraints to any rural

development policy.

(9) "Rural development" has become a popular political

slogan for the ruling politicians. It would be un-

realistic to assume that a carefully calculated and

designed rural development program will benefit the

target group(s) for which it has been initiated. In

"real life" this does not happen. It is rather a dirty

game played by the ruling classes and the landowning

elites. According to Qadeer (1983), "[ R ] u r a 1

Development Programs (in Pakistan) offer another

example of irrelevant institutional development wherein

forms are emphasized and substance ignored. Such

programs have come to mean a new set of officials and

offices every time a measure is instituted. Local

notables immediately calculate what they can get out of

(99)

(10)

a (rural development) program, and become coopted

as citizens' leaders. Thus, the officials and

notables together appropriate the funds and

monopolize the benefits. So predictable are these

patterns that the same locals nearly always

benefit, no matter what new twist is given to a

program. One of the few comprehensive evaluations

of these programs suggest that beneficiaries are

middle- and upper-middle class entrepreneurs. They

are town merchants, commercial farmers, teachers,

clerks, and other petty rural officials

This narrative suggests that the development

efforts benefit the middle-class entrepreneurs and

other respectables" (p. 63). These conclusions are

also well summarized by Gunnar Myrdal (1968). He

states that "[A]ll the significant policy measures

of agricultural uplift adopted by the government-

whether technological or institutional - have

tended to shift the power balance of the rural

structure in favor of the privileged classes"

(p. 1367).

Political, social and Religious considerations : A number

of political, social and religious factors should also

be considered while any settlement policy is framed for

the Punjab. The existing political and social

institutions favor the ruling and the landowning elites.

(100)

Poor masses are being exploited in the name of

religion and other related acts. Many crucial

problems such as malnutrition, high infant

mortality, and high illiteracy are being ignored to

be substituted with new ideologies and theories.

The ideology on which Pakistan was established was

never defined in a way the present rulers

interprets it today. The ideal for Pakistan was

clearly defined by its founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah

in 1947. He stated: "[Y]ou are free to go to your

temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to

any other place of worship in this state of

Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste

or creed, that has nothing to do with the business

of state Now, I think that we should keep

that in front of us as our ideal and you will find

that in course of time, Hindus will cease to be

Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not

in the religious sense, because that is the

personal faith of each individual but in the

political sense as citizens of the state"

(Khan, 1983: pp. 221-222). On the other hand, the

late former military ruler declared: "[Mjuslims

believe in one God, one prophet and one book, and

their mentality is that they should be ruled by one

man" (Richter, 1979 : p. 556).

(101)

There is a need to make changes in the constitution of

the country to make it more realistic and applicable to

the real world conditions (e.g., severe punishments for

the military to try to indulge in the business of the

state). There is a need to improve the institutions of

law and order (courts and the police departments) to

make people feel more secure from day-to-day problems.

(11) Local Level Administrative Structure : A number of

conclusions and recommendations can be framed about the

role of local level administration in the success of

rural development programs in the rural Punjab (as

discussed in chapter 3). These are summarized as

follows

:

(a) The argument that the existingadministr a t i v e

/

soc ia 1 structure and property

relations are factors which have never seriously

been taken into consideration when either

formulating or analyzing the success or failure of

these programs is certainly very correct and this

has played a very important role in the limited

success of these programs.

(b) According to Ul-Karim (1985), "[A]ll these programs

invariably suffered from top-down and centralized

planning reflected in the uniformities of various

activities undertaken. These programs failed to set

up effective local level institutions through which

(102)

people could articulate their demands and

actively participate in planning and

implementing various projects."

(c) It is obvious that no lessons were learned from the

previous programs while initiating new programs.

(d) The local administrative structure and local level

administration has been a major factor in the low

level of success in these programs. The

administrators at the local level did not cooperate

with those people who were given the responsibility

to carry out these rural development programs. They

were of the view, perhaps, that by extending their

cooperation they would lose their authority and

powers

.

(e) Local administration is not trained in carrying out

different development programs in the rural areas.

They are only trained in basic revenue collection

methods and keeping records of land sales and

related transactions.

(f) There is no city planner at the sub-district,

municipal committee, and town committee levels to

make comprehensive plans (although the need of

having a planner at the MC and TC levels was

realized by the government some time ago, but the

idea has not yet been implemented).

(g) Very few data are available at the village, union

(103)

council, sub-district and district levels. The

census of population records very little

information about rural settlements.

(h) Before initiating any settlement policy, at least

one city planner should be appointed at municipal

committee, town committee, and union council

levels. Adequate staff should be provided so that

the planner can work in an efficient manner.

(i) The planner should be given legal protection by

making changes in the local laws.

(j) Every municipal committee, town committee, and

municipal corporation should be required to prepare

comprehensive plans, and zoning and land sub-

division regulations.

(k) The decision making process should be decentralized

so that the village people can make their own

decisions

.

(1) Policies should be framed not to support the rural

elites and the bureaucracy, but to benefit the

local people (an idea which looks like an allusion

at this time since both these institutions have

very strong political support from the ruling

elites) .

(m) The element of urban bias should be eliminated from

the local administration. Policies should benefit

not only the urban areas but the rural areas also.

(104)

the twelve secondary cities are calculated in table 5.1

by using the non-linear (parabolic) regression

technique. Except for Okara city, the non-linear

coefficient of coorelation for rest of these cities is

very close to unity (0.99). For Gujrat city, it is one.

This clearly shows that the population of these

settlements is experiencing a rapid population growth.

Table 5.1: Population projections of the secondary cities byusing the non-linear regression technique

SECONDARY CITY CORRELATION COEFF. PROJ . POP .( millions )

(Ranked by 1981 pop) Linear Non-Linear 1988 1991 2001

Sialkot 0.9576 0.9959 0.32 0.35 0.48Sargodha 0.9551 0.9913 0.31 0.35 0.51Jhang 0.9668 0.9978 0.25 0.28 0.39Kasur 0.9448 0.9969 0.20 0.23 0.33Gujrat 0.9625 1.0000 0.21 0.23 0.34Bahawalpur 0.9967 0.9970 0.17 0.18 0.21Sahiwal 0.9874 0.9985 0.18 0.20 0.27Sheikhupura 0.9534 0.9996 0.20 0.23 0.34Okara 0.9791 0.9834 0.15 0.16 0.21Rahim Yar Khan 0.9898 0.9976 0.15 0.17 0.23Chiniot 0.9578 0.9995 0.14 0.15 0.22Dera Ghazi Khan 0.9790 0.9999 0.13 0.14 0.19

SOURCE: Computed by the author from 1951-81 census data.

(106)

5.2: CONCLUDING REMARKS

Although the recommendations given in this study may

help in achieving an equitable regional development, yet

important questions should also be asked about some important

issues. In the beginning, these issues may not seem to fit

into the scope of the present study. However, it is my firm

belief that without finding suitable answers to these

problems, equity in human settlements development planning

may not be possible at all. The critical issue is the

question of general consensus among the planners about the

form of planning to be followed for the human settlements

development. The three principal forms that planning can

take are: allocative, innovative, and radical (Friedmann,

1987: 33). Friedmann states that allocative planning is

concerned with the disposition of scarce resources

(financial, land, labor) among competing claimants and uses

(examples of allo.cative planning are program budgeting, land

use planning, economic development planning and various forms

of sectorial planning), innovative planning is concerned with

institutional changes in the system of societal guidance, and

finally radical planning is distinctive in drawing on

organized citizen power to promote projects pointing toward

social transformation. Friedmann further points out that

examples of radical planning efforts are found in conjunction

with action-oriented citizen movements, where they mediate

between theory and practice in such matters as alternative

(107)

economic development, producer cooperatives, feminist

projects, and alternative energy programs. Planners should

note that the three forms of planning seldom exist in their

purest form; rather they often overlap. The present study

has dealt more with allocative planning than with the other

two forms of planning. It stresses the need of an efficient

and equitable allocative planning for the secondary cities,

although- there may be a need for some institutional change

and radical planning in changing the attitudes of ruling

elites and rural and primate city dwellers.

The present study is limited to the Punjab Province

only. But the concepts, policies and recommendations given

in this study may also be extended to the other three

provinces of Pakistan. It may be more realistic and logical

to draft a national settlement policy to integrate major

social, economic, physical, technical, and political/cultural

aspects of city and regional planning both at the national

and regional level .

The present study may also be considered a tool to

control some of the rural-urban migration. But clearly, it

is not a tool to control the rapid population growth within

the proposed secondary cities. The high rate of population

increase in the province may best be controlled by a good

population planning program. So in this perspective, the

present study may be termed as an approach to "buy some

time". If rapid population growth is not brought under

(108)

control, then the proposed secondary cities may eventually

become major urban agglomerations just like the present five

primate cities, which is not a major objective of this study.

Furthermore, the development of an equitable and

efficient system of human settlements will also depend upon

the willingness of the ruling elites to solve the basic human

problems faced by the nation. It will depend upon their

degree of devotion to the citizens. Unfortunately, there is

a great scarcity of devoted and sincere public and political

leadership in Pakistan. A change in the government may bring

new faces, but the basic system will remain the same. In the

light of the above discussion, it would be unrealistic to

believe that any human settlement development policy will

result in a totally equitable and efficient development of

the land and the people. Thus, the policies and

recommendations framed in this study should be considered in

the above perspective.

(109)

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(113)

APPENDIX A

(POPULATION PROJECTIONS OF THE PROPOSED SECONDARY CITIES INTHE PUNJAB BY USING THE LINEAR AND NON-LINEAR STATISTICALREGRESSION TECHNIQUES AND THE CALCULATION OF LINEAR AND NON-LINEAR REGRESSION CONSTANTS, CORRELATION COEFFICIENTS, ANDSTANDARD ERRORS OF ESTIMATE)

(114)

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(APPENDIX B)

(128)

Table I: NUMBER OF URBAN LOCALITIES BY TYPE (1951-1981)(Punjab)

Census YearURBAN LOCALITIES 1951 1961 1972 1981Municipal Corporation 1 1 7

Municipal Committee 94 48 57 59Town Committee 58 130 141 131Cantonment 8 10 16 18

TOTAL 160 189 215 215

Table II: NUMBER OF RURAL SETTLEMENTS BY POPULATION SIZE(1981)

POPULATION SIZE NO. OF RURAL LOCALITIES5000 and over 7722000 to 49991000 to 1999

4,710

500 to 9996,156

200 to 4995.674

Under 2004,395

Un-inhabited2_,_582

977Total no. of Rural Settlements 25.266Average no. of Rural Populationper Rural Settlement 1 , 355 personsSource (I and II): Pakistan Census of Population (Punjab),

1981.

(129)

Table III: LOCAL LEVEL ADMINISTRATIVE HIERARCHY IN THETHE PUNJAB.

(1) COMMISSIONER AND ADDITIONAL COMMISSIONER

(2) DEPUTY COMMISSIONER AND EXTRA ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER

(3) ASSISTANT COMMISSIONER

(4) HEAD OF SUB-DISTRICT ADMN. AND ASSISTANT HEAD

(5) SUPERVISORY REVENUE COLLECTING OFFICER

(6) REVENUE COLLECTING OFFICER

( 7

)

HEADMAN

( 8

)

WATCHMAN

Table IV: RELATIONSHIP OF LAND TO ADMINISTRATIVESTRUCTURE IN THE PUNJAB (1978) .

1. Number of Villages 24,5412. Number of Land Revenue Payers 7,904,0003. Area of Land Revenue Payers (acres) 40,726,0004. No. of Revenue Collection Officers (R.C.O) 5,4255. No. of Supervisory Revenue Collection Of f icers(SRCOs) 4916. Ave. Land Revenue Payers per Village 3227. Ave. No. of Villages per Revenue Collection Officer 4.58. Ave. Land Revenue Payers per R.C.O. 1,4579. Ave. Area per Land Revenue Officer (acres) 7,5078. Ave. No. of RCOs Per SRC0 119. Ave. Land Revenue Demand Per RC0 Rupees* 29,493

*0ne U.S. Dollar = Rupees 18.20 (as on September 25, 1988)

SOURCE (III and IV) : Chan, Hahmood Hasan, Underdevelopmentand Agrarian Structure in Pakistan(Boulder: Westview Press, 1981),pp. 280-81.

(130)

FIGURE -I : The Punjab, Pakistan: Settlement Pattern, 1981.

^'/^S^^CX JAMMUI Attock V J \

^t" / Rawalpindi I

andKASHMIR THE PUNJAB

PAKISTAN

/X\ y^ Jehlian I

.^^k f Mlanwall V /

l i

.NORTH J\^y GUj r8C V

"^ / f \. Gu)ranwala

/ Sargodha 1J

^ ^_^Slaltot JSETTLEMENT

- PATTERN -1981/ Vj/ Sheikhupura ^ (District Headquarter Towns and Cities)

/ f/ Faisalabad i

"VI J jh«.g /^\ ( \ Lanor

*£-^ ( ) v^y LEGEND

j/ v-

Population s—

v

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/ Multan V J,. / Dera Chazi Khan ——*^ x*—-^

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>

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y

50.000 - 99,999 C J

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ScaleSOURCES Census of Population, 1981 (The Punjab Province)

KANSAS *"*

1—i' 1 'A' 1 ' U ! Community Planningu»«l\J«_rrT

coilegt of AeaWMrakM and Oasign

(131)

FIGURE-II NUMBER OF URBANSETTLEMENTS BY SIZE (PUNJAB)(1961-1981)

120

100

NO. OF SETTLEMENTS

Population Range

EH 100000

HI 50000 - 99999

HI 25000 - 49999

^ 10000 - 24999

I UNDER 10000

SOURCE : HANDBOOK OF POPULATION 1981

Above figure shows that the number of urban settlements having apopulation of 100,000 and above increased from 1961 to 1981. Thisclearly supports the notion of investing in the secondary cities.Also, it may be concluded that the same trend will continue in thenear future.

More and more settlements are becoming urbanized with the passageof time.

(132)

\

FIGURE-IIIMap of Pak istan

SOVIET UNON

r* \---v...

)

X.j

..—

•

?s AFGHANISTAN

PEOPIES BEPUBIICOf CHINA

/

IRAN V,s

mitmalional boundary

Pro*»nc« boundary

o Notorial capital

o Province capita)

• Orher cif'41

Source: The World Bank, 1984

(133)

(ABSTRACT)

(134)

A HUMAN SETTLEMENTS DEVELOPMENT POLICYFOR THE PUNJAB, PAKISTAN

by

AWAIS MURTAZA

B.Sc, The University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan, 1978B.Sc, City and Regional Planning, University of Engineering

and Technology, Lahore, Pakistan, 1984

AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS

submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree

MASTER OF REGIONAL AND COMMUNITY PLANNING

KANSAS STATE UNIVERSITYManhattan, Kansas

1988

Abstract

A Human Settlements Development Policy for a

developing country is considered to be an effective tool for

the social, economic, physical, technological, and

political/cultural development. Not only an effective

settlements development policy insures a healthy community

development, but also it guarantees an equitable

distribution of local, regional, and national resources.

The purpose of this paper is to formulate a

conceptually sound settlement policy for the Punjab, the

most populous of the four provinces of Pakistan, and to

demonstrate how a small package of settlement development

approaches may be useful in the overall community

development. This study has also attempted to show the

utility of developing and investing in secondary and

intermediate size cities in the Punjab for an effective and

efficient regional development in the Punjab.

After a brief introduction to the Punjab Province,

major regional planning theories and approaches are reviewed

and discussed. It is argued that a secondary cities (cities

having population of 100,000 or more excluding the primate

cities) development policy may be more suitable for the

Punjab because secondary cities are also growing at a high

rate (growth rate of some of the secondary cities is even

more than that of Lahore, the largest city in the system).

It is recommended that after making necessary modifications

in the 1 ocal/ vi 1 lag e level development strategy of the

ongoing Aga Khan Rural Support program in the northern areas

of Pakistan, the same strategy of village development may be

applied in the Punjab.

In the past, many rural development programs were

initiated by different political and military governments in

the Punjab. These programs are also reviewed and discussed.

It is shown that the existing administrative and political

structure in the Province was one of the major factors

responsible for the low degree of success achieved by these

programs

.

The proposed human settlements development policy for

the Punjab promotes and encourages the development of

existing twelve secondary and intermediate size cities in

the Province. It is argued that such a strategy may help in

reducing the negative effects of high rate of rural to

primate city migration, regional economic and social

inequalities, urban poverty in five primate cities, and

other related problems associated with an uncontrolled high

rate of population growth in the Punjab.

In order to demonstrate how the proposed policy can

be successful in the Punjab, brief conclusions and

recommendations are given at the end. The success of the

policy is very much dependant on the will of the political

and public leadership in the Province. It is argued that if

the existing political and social forces continue to exist

in their present form and content, then the proposed

settlements development policy may not meet with much

success. Furthermore it is also possible that if the above

mentioned forces continue to play their present roles, then

any further policy (economic, social, or physical) based on

the generally accepted principles of rationality will also

meet with a very low (or zero) degree of success.