Design History Society

Review: [untitled]Author(s): Tag GronbergSource: Journal of Design History, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1989), pp. 302-307Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of Design History SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1315670Accessed: 03/11/2010 14:34

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Oxford University Press and Design History Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve andextend access to Journal of Design History.

http://www.jstor.org

exploration-via a historical example- of the contradictions he has had to negotiate as an 'artist' working within the context of big business and the mass media.

Tucker has been called 'a parable' and 'a fable'. One critic writes: 'Something awful happened to America between 1948 and 1988. And the tale of Preston Tucker is an illustration'. What hap- pened is that the USA lost its lead in terms of technological and business innovation and in terms of its domina- tion of world markets. Countries such as Germany, Italy, and Japan showed that they too could invent and design new products that would appeal to American and European consumers. The reason for America's decline, according to Coppola, is that the spirit of enterprise and creativity was smothered by the develop- ment of a corporate, bureaucratic system. His film is, therefore, on the one hand nostalgic-a celebration of the 1940s, when America was all powerful-and on the other hand contemporary, a warning to today's Americans that they should value and encourage their inventors and creators, otherwise the American dream will never be realized. Major American movies are generally distributed glob- ally. Coppola and Lucas do not seem to have considered that the nationalistic message of Tucker might not be wel- comed by people outside the USA. After all, citizens of other countries usually want their own businesses and indus- tries to thrive and this, in present circum- stances, requires them to defeat foreign competition including that of America.

Coppola has remarked that Tucker is 'a political film', an 'agit-prop film'. He does not use these terms, of course, in any left-wing, revolutionary sense. Coppola is critical of capitalism but not because he wants to replace it with socialism. He is critical of the corporate or monopoly form of capitalism because he seeks a return to an earlier, entre- preneurial form of capitalism. It is prob- ably inconceivable to Coppola that some people might even question the funda- mental assumption of the film-'more and more privately owned cars made in assembly line plants is a good thing'- that they might prefer instead efficient and cheap public transport systems. There could be no greater contrast in

attitude toward cars than in the way the left-wing, European director Jean-Luc Godard represents them in the famous extended traffic jam/crash sequence in Weekend (1967).

However, to be fair to Coppola, he does envisage a philanthropic role for the creative energy he hopes to release: 'I want to say: creative America; all of you who have creative yearnings and aspirations-let us double our invent- iveness and our so-called Yankee ingenuity to create an economy that is able to uplift our continent-to end the division that allows America to live in one world and Haiti in another-and pay for it with talent which is some- thing that America has a lot of'.4 Those who are aware of the actual relations of wealth, power and domination between the advanced countries of the world and the developing countries, will no doubt regard Coppola's ideas as politic- ally naive. Tucker can be enjoyed as a fascinating film about American indus- trial design and its celebration of creativity can also be welcomed, but non-Americans and socialist Americans will find its political message highly dubious. The contention that creativity and innovation cannot flourish in a corporate environment is itself debat- able: the Japanese appear to have had no problem in this respect. JOHN A. WALKER Middlesex Polytechnic

Notes 1 John Tucker quoted in M. Lewis, 'Tor-

pedoed', YOU magazine, 18 December 1988, pp. 62-6.

2 Coppola quoted in B. Lewis, 'Coppola's coup', Films & Filming, (410) November- December 1988, pp. 6-8.

3 D. W, 'Too much too soon', On four wheels: the encyclopedia of motoring, Orbis Publishing, 1975, pp. 2385-6.

4 B. Lewis, op. cit.

Book Reviews II Futurismo e la Moda ENRICO CRISPOLTI. Marsilio, Venice, 1988. 183 pp., plus 277 pp. b&w and col. illus. 35,000 lire, paper. ISBN 88 7693 035 3.

To what extent did Italian Futurist design succeed in producing a 'modern- ity' expressive of national identity? Certainly, the Futurists consistently evinced a brash confidence in human ability to control the environment. The Futurists aimed to redesign the world and, in 1915, Giacomo Balla and For- tunato Depero published their Rico- struzione futurista dell'universo (Futurist reconstruction of the universe) in Milan declaring: 'we Futurists ... seek to ... reconstruct the universe by making it more joyful, in other words by an integral re-creation'. Architecture, inter- ior design, textiles, clothes, children's toys, graphic design, the theatre, photo- graphy, and cinema, food-as well as painting, sculpture, literature, and music-all formed part of the Futurist project for which Filippo Tommaso Marinetti and other Futurists produced the relevant manifestos. Case d'arte (such as that opened by Depero in 1920 in Rovereto) selling Futurist design were established in a number of Italian cities. Recent exhibitions on Futurism, such as 'Futurismo e Futurismi' organ- ized as part of the 1986 Venice Biennale have included some design work. But the huge scale and international remit of this exhibition (over fourteen countries were represented) and its joint sponsor- ship by the Fiat-funded Agnelli Founda- tion and United Technologies seem to have militated against a catalogue which effectively addressed historical issues in any detail. Thus the catalogue Futurismo e Futurismi largely ignored questions concerning the relationship of Futurism to, for example, Italian inter- ventionist movements at the time of World War I-or to Fascism, which has recently been the subject of extensive research and rethinking by Italian his- torians.

In Britain, on the other hand, the major exhibitions of Futurist work (such as the 1972/3 'Futurismo 1909-1919') have tended to foreground the 'fine

302 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00

arts'-painting, sculpture, and architec- ture, along with theatre and music. And the Italian-curated 'Balla' exhibition which toured Britain in 1987, while it did exhibit some of Balla's furniture and other of his designs, focused mainly on the artist's painting and sculpture. This historiographical emphasis on painting, sculpture, and architecture is, of course, part of the modernist legacy of post- World War II art history, which prior- itizes easel painting and positions 'design' as an ancillary activity, unprob- lematically reflecting the significant innovations taking place in 'fine art'. Such histories have regularly been produced and. reproduced, with sub- titles such as 'art into life' or 'from easel to machine'. The implication is thus inevitably that some mysterious process exists whereby 'fine' or 'high' art filters down or 'influences' design. Design historians will be all too familiar with such modernist and art historically led design histories. Quite how, historic- ally, the categories 'art' and 'design' come to be constructed as they are, or why interactions between 'art' and 'design' take place when, and in the form they do, are questions too often left largely unanswered. For these reasons we must welcome II Futurismo e la Moda which presents much useful material for those historians interested in problematizing the historical relation- ship between 'fine arts' and 'design'.

Unusually, for an English-speaking readership grown accustomed to the metamorphosis of exhibition catalogues into book, II Futurismo e la Moda started life as a lavishly illustrated book by Enrico Crispolti (also published by Marsilio Editori, in 1986, as II Futurismo e la moda. Balla e gli altri). This was subsequently revised and expanded to form the catalogue accompanying the exhibition of the same name held at the Padiglione d'Arte Contemporanea in Milan (February-May 1988). The ex- hibition, curated by Crispolti, was ambitious, focusing not only on Futurist attitudes to dress and fashion as revealed in numerous manifestos and surviving garments, but also on Futurist design for textiles and theatre costume. Many garments and costumes which no longer survive were reconstructed for the show by the Milanese couturier

Emanuel Zoo (who also sponsored the catalogue). The exhibition organizers are to be congratulated on avoiding the pitfall of so many fashion exhibits: the creation of spectacle for its own sake, often degenerating into a-historical and sexist window display. Although attractively designed and laid out, a considerable amount of thought- provoking documentary information was interspersed throughout the exhibi- tion thereby ensuring that the visitor was not lulled into an unquestioning attitude of letting exhibits 'speak for themselves'.

One of the principal themes to emerge from the exhibition concerned the role of dress and fashion in the construction of identity: whether of nation, party, or gender. The relation- ship of dress to politics (in the broadest sense of the term) is thus one of the central preoccupations of II Futurismo e la Moda. In this respect, the exhibition and the catalogue were able to draw on extensive recent work (mostly Italian) by historians on both Futurism and Italian Fascism. The involvement of the Italian Futurists with Fascism seems to have constituted an embarrassment for art historians, and (until recently at least) the whole question of Futurism and politics has been avoided. It is revealing how many earlier studies on Futurism defined their scope as either the period up to World War I (for example, Marianne W. Martin's import- ant Futurist Art and Theory 1909-1915 of 1968, reprinted in 1978) or to the end of the war (the 'Futurismo 1909-1919' exhibition mentioned above) thus avoiding any real confrontation of the Futurist involvement with Fascism from 1919 onwards. (Marianne Martin in her introduction mentions il secondo futur- ismo, the term applied to Futurism's development after World War I, and the problems-at that date-of studying work so closely associated with Fasc- ism.) This historically artificial truncat- ing of Futurism has sometimes been articulated and justified in modernist formalist terms: that the movement 'ran out of steam' after the war, partly due to the death of a number of the artists in combat. Such approaches, which either ignore or oversimplify questions of production and meaning, have had

unfortunate consequences for our understanding of Italian Futurism. On the one hand, the blanket condemnation of Futurist writings and work as 'fascist' has tended to obscure the complex development both of the relationship of Futurism to Fascism, as well as of Italian Fascism itself. Equally, the unwilling- ness to examine more precisely the circumstances of a work's production often results in formalist analyses which do nothing to enhance our knowledge concerning the historically specific nature of the meanings constructed for that work.

A vivid instance of the shifting meanings of one form of dress can be found in the Futurist 'Interventionist Men's Suit' of 1914. The design for the suit first appeared (in three different variations) as illustrations in Balla's manifesto on men's clothing, which was published in Paris on 20 May 1914 as Le Vetement Masculin Futuriste: Manifeste. The line drawing on the cover page of the manifesto shows a fairly conven- tionally cut grey suit with asymmetrical lapels and abstract black designs on the body, arms and legs; a caption describes red and blue decorations and a green vest. The manifesto condemns modern urban dress, which it dismisses as dull, colourless, and gloomy and calls for Futurist clothes which will be (amongst other things) joyful (in colour), asym- metrical, expendable, and hygienic. Individual outfits are to be enhanced and varied, according to personal inclination, by attaching scented, brightly coloured textile decorations called modifiants. In the 198os, all this may seem fairly innocuous, but Cris- polti argues that, for Balla and the Futurists, designs for clothing were conceived less as reform than as ideo- logical provocation. As in other Futurist manifestos, the Futurist demand was for revolution rather than reform, and this is expressed in the style of the mani- festos which are invariably written (whoever the author), in an aggressive and hectoring tone. Balla's experience in designing for theatrical performance- by 1914 he had already designed a number of bizarre costumes (including a boat-hat for himself) to be worn at Futurist poetry readings-undoubtedly affected his choice of urban dress as the

Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 303

IL VESTITO ANTINEUTRA Manifesto futurista

Glorifichiamo Ia guerra, ola Igiene del mondo.

MARINETTL fr MaiJuSto dd AWMrlmfe - 20 bbratmo 10W)

Viva Asinari df Brnezzol MARINMTTt.

(r' &rs ata fwrwa - T afro fir-aot itoa, rW I o 1910)

L'umanitb si vesLt sempre di qulete, di panu rw, di eautela o d'Indeeilone, portb sempre il lutto, o it piviale, o ii mantello. II corpo dell'uomo fiL sempre diminuito da fuilmature e da tinte noutre; avvitito dal nero, soffocato da cinture, impriginnato aa panneggiamenti.

Fioo ad oggi gli uomini usarono abiti di co- lor! e forme statiche, cio.{ drappeggiati, solenni, gravi, incomodi e sacerdotali. Erano espressioni di timidezza, di malinconia e di eQlavittl, negazione della vita muscolare, che soffocava in un passatismo anti-igienico di stoffe troppo pesanti e di mezze tinte tediose, effeminate o decadenti. Tonalita e ritmi di pace deso- lante, fumeraria e deprimente.

001 vof.llmno abollres 1. - Tutte Ie in neutre, * carine ,, sbia-

dite, fantasia, semioscure e' umilianti. 2. - Tutte le tinte e le foggie pedanti, pro-

fessorall e teutoniche. I disegni a righe, a quadretti, a puntini diplomatlel.

3. - I vestit da lutto, nemmeno adatti pe i beccbini, Le morti eroiche non devono essere complante, ma ricordate con vestiti rossi.

4. - L'equilibrio medloxrita, il cosidetto buon gusto e la cosidetta armonia di tinte e di forme, che frenano gli entusiasmi e rallen- tano ii passo.

. -- La aimmetria nel taglio, le linee eta- tlebh, che stancano, deprimono, contristano, le- gano i muscoli; I'uniformith di goffi rivolti e tutte le cincischiature. I bottoi inutili. I col-

leUi e. i polasii inamidadi. Noi faturisti vogliamo liberare la nosra razma

da ogni neutrfllt, dall'indecisione paurosa e quietita, dal peaimismo negatore e dall'inerzia

e Vftfto blanco - romo - verb porbt bet pAi bro htftuwtia CBaJUAI b i"ll ?*h.ouh zlonit bhie Furtmted coi I proIwioofi AmbcONM ,ie n, trIll"ti l*Uerit h Reoa(i - ? M *I; b 194M

1 Giacomo Balla, Interventionist Suit, from II vestito antineutrale: Manifesto futurista, 11 September 1914

304 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00

subject for a manifesto. The sense in which the Futurists conceived of the city as an extension of theatrical space is confirmed by their consistent use of urban spaces as platforms from which to harangue passers-by and to declaim their manifestos.

Many studies of Futurism ignore the fact that this manifesto appeared in at least three different versions. The significantly retitled II Vestito Anti- neutrale: Manifesto futurista (Anti- neutral clothing: Futurist manifesto) appeared on 11 September 1914. As Giovanni Lista has pointed out, in his 1982 study of Balla, the changes in the Italian version of the manifesto were made by Marinetti, who set about trans- forming Balla's manifesto of men's clothing into a strident demand for Italian intervention on the side of Britain and France (against Germany and Austria) in World War I. On the title- page he inserted the now notorious line from his first Futurist manifesto (g909): 'let us glorify war, the world's only hygiene'. Balla's original manifesto had continued a late nineteenth-century (and Symbolist) preoccupation with the excitement of the dynamic and collect- ive spaces of the modern city: men's suits were to form a facet of the constantly shifting, brilliantly coloured kaleidoscopic spectacle of the Futurist city. For Marinetti, however, the Inter- ventionist Suit (now described as being in the colours of the Italian flag-white, red and green) was a means of stimulat- ing the warrior soul of Italian male youth [1]. Colours are no longer con- demned for being merely dark and gloomy, but as 'neutral', and Futurist clothes, it is claimed, are to be aggres- sive, and enhanced with 'warlike' modi- ficante. Wearing the Interventionist Suit, the Italian man would thus become a living tricolour on the streets, a physical call to arms.

Quite how many versions of the Interventionist Suit were actually made up, or worn, is impossible to ascertain. In any case, it seems that Marinetti conceived of the wearing of interven- tionist clothes as more strategic than universal. For example, in a 1915 version of the manifesto, he enthusi- astically described an interventionist demonstration at Rome University

where Francesco Cangiullo had worn the tricolour Futurist clothing, citing this as a challenge to the pacifism of the traditional intellectual. Other Futur- ist artists were to produce visual calls for Italian intervention-Carlo Carra's collage, Interventionist Demonstration of 1914, for example. But it is indicative of the ambiguous status of fashion and dress within modern society that the September manifesto should have been vehemently attacked by Giuseppe Prez- zolini, who felt that to make a statement on such a serious subject as interven- tionism through a suit was merely frivolous 'buffoonery', in poor taste.

Whereas Balla came frequently to wear the clothing he had designed himself and appears to have enjoyed posing-and being photographed-in the Futurist interior of his own home, as part of a complete Futurist ensemble, Marinetti seems always to have adopted a sober, conventional taste in his appearance. Marinetti disparaged what he felt to be the bourgeois myth of the bohemian artist, and on the whole eschewed the wearing of outrageous or conspicuous dress. Photographs of Marinetti reading at Futurist serate show him wearing evening dress; he claimed, however, that he adopted evening dress not out of any respect for establishment formality but in tribute to the cafe-concert-to him the epitome of urban spectacle.

It is, of course, significant that both Balla's and Marinetti's version of the 1914 manifesto (the first of a number of Futurist manifestos to address them- selves to fashion and dress) should have been for men's clothes. In the case of Balla, this may well have been provoked by the fact that urban men's fashion seemed more unchanging and uniform; the French version of the manifesto promised a subsequent manifesto for women's dress, but this never appeared (despite Balla's evident interest in women's clothing during the 1920s). For Marinetti, however, it was only men who could take on the important task of interventionist provocation, and the warlike aggression he desired for modern Italian men was to be accom- panied by 'contempt for women'.

Futurist misogyny (like Futurism's connections with Fascism) has become

another established cliche which, while broadly accurate, often obscures more about the historical workings of patri- archy and sexism than it reveals. Marinetti's numerous manifestos, it is true, abound with disparaging remarks about women. In Contro l'amore e il parla- mentarismo (Against love and parlia- mentarianism) he speaks of women as 'a symbol of the earth we ought to abandon', and advocates instead an adulation of the technological glories of the airplane, looking forward to the day when it will be possible for men to autogenerate mechanical sons. In the same essay, however, Marinetti calls for support of the suffragette movement and in other contexts advocates reforms such as equal pay for men and women. Whatever the anarchic and often sar- donic motivation for Marinetti's appar- ently more advanced views on the rights of women, the contradictory nature of such statements should alert us to the complexities of Futurist ideology.

This is particularly true in any attempt to formulate 'a Futurist' stance on women's dress. Marinetti had long fulminated on the decadent nature of women's love for adornment and fashion, and, in March 1919, he published Contro ii lusso femminile (Against feminine luxury). This was an expansion of ideas he had already sketched out in his 1913 essay Dis- truzione della sintassi-Immaginazione senza fili-Parole in liberta (Destruction of syntax-Imagination without strings-Words in freedom), in which he lamented the fact that modern woman had come to desire luxury more than love, that a visit to a great dress- maker had become the substitute for an amorous rendezvous with an adored young man. 'The woman finds all the mystery of love in the selection of an amazing ensemble, the latest model, which her friends still do not have.' Marinetti concluded the 1919 essay with a shrill denunciation of the state of post- war Italy in which-he claimed-an obsessive desire for women's (and particularly Parisian) luxury goods was all part and parcel of mounting prostitu- tion, pederasty, and infertility. This attitude was to find echoes in Fascist policy, which often represented women's preoccupation with elegance

Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 305

HOW TO CUr OUT THE "TIUTA" NEN PIRECE, STRAIGHT LINE GARMIENT FOR riMNa ANIh Boys i F DESIGNED &Y

.THAYAHT OrF FLORE.N CE. r[ITALYj A '

r sa'

^ I- 3P ' > T P y J. Y 1 - N

"-' , A 0' "

~ jY j . /

I < I :

l;7 .. . . ' " .|

11 Ir^ Ju rl '

? Z

*" \ j

N1 I

4. 7

- A- F. t t/T Uo-.

306 Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 40 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00

I : , I .:-- ~'- r

? C

(in particular a concern with slender- ness and fashion) as undesirable, because it was considered detrimental to woman's fecundity and role as mother. It was even suggested that 'slovenly' women were more fertile.

The years 1918-19 marked a crucial period in the alliance of Furturism and Fascism. Marinetti's decision to rework his earlier ideas on luxury in 1919 may have been partly triggered as a response to the increasingly important ideological roles assigned to women, and to femin- inity, in Italy during the war as well as in the Fascist era. But whereas for Marinetti women were the weak spot- the Achilles heel-of the national well- being, representations of supposed feminine vanity (in the context of the modern city this of course connoted the woman as consumer) could be deployed to construct calls for patriotism as much as condemnations of a decadent and 'effeminate' society. In an issue of L'Italia Futurista (July 1916), for ex- ample, a headline had demanded that 'Italian women scent the entire world with Italian perfumes: use Italian per- fumes made by Italian manufacturers from Italian flowers'. And Marinetti's ideas on women's fashion did not constitute the only Futurist view. In February 1920 Volt (Vincenzo Fani) published the Manifesto della moda femminile futurista (Futurist manifesto of women's fashion) in Roma Futurista. Unlike Balla's 1914 manifesto, it was not a call to revolutionize clothes, nor did it include illustrations as suggestions for women's dress. Rather, this was a paean of praise for women's fashion as a fashion system, which was described unequivocally as a paradigm of Futur- ism itself: 'Women's fashion has always been more or less Futurist. Fashion, feminine equivalent of Futurism.' It was the excitement, the inventiveness and the quick-changing nature of women's fashion which Volt cited as his justifica- tion for claiming such significance for fashion. Ratifications of the importance of women's dress were also to occur at government level, as when, for ex- ample, during the 1930S the Fascist regime activated the creation of Italian fashion houses following the sanctions against Italy during the Ethiopian war.

Struggles over the representation of

the modern 'fashionable' Italian woman thus occurred both within Futurism and Fascism, with the result that at this period the woman consumer could (in different contexts) function either as a model of patriotism or as the sign of a society in decay. Although there has recently been considerable research into the mobilization of concepts of feminin- ity (particularly in relation to maternity) within Fascism, more work is needed concerning the development of Fascist ideas concerning the design and con- sumption of dress.

Crispolti reproduces both the May and September versions of the 1914 manifesto, the Manifesto della moda fem- minile futurista, along with subsequent manifestos such as the Manifesto per la trasformazione dell'abigliamento maschile, 1932 (The transformation of Menswear), Manifesto futurista sulla cravatta italiano, 1933 (the Futurist manifesto of the Italian tie), and the Manifesto Futurista del cappello italiano, 1933 (the Futurist manifesto of the Italian hat) as well as introducing the work of Ernesto Thayaht, the inventor, in 1919, of a one- piece garment for men (as well as a version for women) called the tuta [2]. Thayaht, Crispolti claims, was the only Futurist to have any real contacts with the world of fashion production, work- ing for a brief period during the early 1920S for Madeleine Vionnet in Paris. Later, Thayaht was recruited as a designer for the Italian Fascists.

II Futurismo e la Moda records, even though there is not always space to expand on, many of the issues raised in the exhibition and Italian Furturist work in dress and theatre is contrasted to con- temporary developments in France, Russia, England, and Germany. Nearly all the exhibits are catalogued (complete with bibliographical and exhibition references) and most are illustrated. There is, in addition, a series of bio- graphies which includes figures (such as Thayaht) who were not documented in the catalogue accompanying the block- buster 'Futurismo e Futurismi' exhibi- tion at the Palazzo Grassi. The term moda in the title of the catalogue had ended up as something of a catch-all: it seems to apply indiscriminately to costume (for the theatre), dress (as in Balla's suits and women's dresses) and

to fashion itself (as in Volt's manifesto). The question remains as to whether Futurist dress design ever transcended its overtly theatrical and provocative roles to become part of more widely worn fashion. Nevertheless, the pub- lication will be useful both to readers who were unable to visit the exhibition as well as to those who wish to pursue further some of the questions raised by the show. It would be interesting to know, for example, what type of clien- tele purchased the garments, textiles, and interior design objects on sale at the Furturist case d'arte around Italy, as well as how such Futurist designs related to contemporary production.

II Futurismo e la Moda will un- doubtedly stimulate reconsideration of Italian design during the First World War and inter-war period, as well as of the function of fashion, dress and costume as spectacle and communica- tion. TAG GRONBERG Central/Saint Martin's The London Institute

Hablando de Diseiio ANDRt RICARD. Punt de Vista, Barcelona, 1987. 232 pp., 6 illus. 1.250 pts. Temes de Disseny, no. 2 Servei de Publicacions Elisava & Generalitat de Catalunya Departament de Cultura, Barcelona, 1988. 122 pp., i6 illus. 1.650 pts. Eina: Vint Anys d'Avantguardia, 1967-1987 Eina and Generalitat de Catalunya Departament de Cultura, Barcelona, 1987. 50 pp., 76 illus., 46 col. pls. 7.500 pts. Iniciaci6 a la Historia del Disseny Industrial ISABEL CAMPI I VALLS Col.lecci6 Massana and Edicions 62, Barcelona, 1987. 214 pp., 153 illus. 2.500 pts.

It is common knowledge that Spain's current design boom is undergoing questioning, analysis and even attack from its very own roots, the designers themselves. For over twenty years, the few active industrial designers

Journal of Design History Vol. 2 No. 4 ? 1989 The Design History Society 0952-4649/89 $3.00 307

Article Contentsp. 302p. 303p. 304p. 305p. 306p. 307

Issue Table of ContentsJournal of Design History, Vol. 2, No. 4 (1989), pp. 243-316Front MatterThe School of Design in Victorian Dublin [pp. 243-256]'The Noblesse of the Banks': Craft Hierarchies, Gender Divisions, and the Roles of Women Paintresses and Designers in the British Pottery Industry 1890-1939 [pp. 257-273]Re-Reading "The Corporate Personality" [pp. 275-292]Archives and CollectionsThe Archive of Art and Design [pp. 293-297]

ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 299-302]

Book ReviewsReview: untitled [pp. 302-307]Review: untitled [pp. 307-310]Review: untitled [pp. 310-311]Review: untitled [pp. 311-313]Review: untitled [pp. 313-314]Review: untitled [pp. 314-315]Review: untitled [p. 315]

Books Received [pp. 315-316]Back Matter