Ikwezi April 1977

7/28/2019 Ikwezi April 1977

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1A JOURNAL OF SOUTH AFRICAN AND SOUTHERNAFRICAN POLITICAL ANALYSISNUMBER 5 APR IL 1977

AFRICA :BEWARE OF RUSSIANSOCIAL-IMPERIALISMANDSUPER POWER RIVALRY

THIS ISSUE INCLUDES: AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS OF SOUTH AFRICA(AFRICAN NATIONALISTS): WHITE-LED SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTYPARTY USE MARXISM LENINISM TO MAINTAIN WHITE PRIVILEGES IN SOUTHAFRICA: HARRY HAYWOOD, AFRO-AMERICAN MARXIST LENINIST ON THEBACKGROUND TO THE BLACK REPU BLIC; BASIL DAVIDSON AND |REVISIONISM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA; FRELIMO THESIS ON CONVERSIONTO MARXIST LENINIST PARTY ANGOLAN MARXIST LENINISTS ON MPLA:MASSES AND REVOLUTION IN THE PEOPLES CONGO: BLACK ARTSFESTIVAL: IMPERIALISM AND AID; NATIONAL AND SOCIAL LIBERATION50p


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EDITORIAL (1)THE LA ND AN D WEALT H TO THE BLACK PEOPLES OF A ZA N IA .

We have wi theld our own analys is of the 1928 Black Republ ic Thesis of the CommunistInternat ional . Instead we carry a very interest ing account f rom the pages of the Af ro-Amer icanMarx is t -Len in is t , Har ry Haywood 's fo r thcoming autob iography to be pub l ished in spr ing th isyear . The accou nt g ives a ba ckg rou nd to the Thesis dra wn up at the Co mi nte rn C onference andshows the ear ly h is to ry o f the rac ia l ism and chauv in ism o f the wh i te "communis ts " o f the SACP.

Ha ywo od 's account shou ld be read in con jun c t io n w i t h the rep ly docu me nt o f the AN C(Af r ican Nat iona l is t s ) who sharp ly t race the h is tory o f man ipu 'a t ions tha t the wh i te SACP havebeen engaged in in sabotaging the freedom struggles of the Black peoples in Azania. I t is thesesame people who try to teach the Black peoples of Azania to hate the great Peoples Republic ofChina , a Th i rd W or ld cou nt ry tha t the peop le o f Azan ia natura l ly look up to . But the days o f theSlovos, Carnesons, Bu nt in gs , etc. are fast co m ing to an en d. Th eir Black hangers-on bette r takenot** and not be fool ishly p lay ing their game. Their is no future wi th them, despi te a l l the Cubanmercenaries and Russian armaments they might be able to harness.Both these ar t ic les should be read in the l ight of the ext ract f rom Mao-Tse-Tung's Ten MajorRe la t ionsh ips , wh ich enab les Azan ians to co r rec t ly approach the quest ion o f wh i te rac ia l ism, tore jec t the "non - rac ia l de m oc rac y" approach tha t the wh i te CP wants us to accept .I t is a lso im po r ta nt fo r Aza nian revo lut ionar ies to approac h the que st ion of nat io na loppression ( rac ia l ism) f r o m a c lass po int of v iew and for th is reason we car ry an ar t ic le f r o m ano ld schoo l o f wr i t ing shwoing the umbi l ica l l inks between South A f r ican cap i ta l ism. Imper ia l ismand nat ion al opp ression . I t is im po r ta nt n ot to look at So uth Af r ica n Ca pi ta l ism apar t f ro m i tsroots in the h is tory o f Impe r ia l sm, wh ich nur tures and s js ta ins i t in the co un t ry , and to w ho mit is a m uc h ju ni or par tn er . Fai lure to do so w i l l mean that we ca nno t have a corre ct co ncep to f na tiona l i ndependence , and f i e mean ing o f our s logan : TH E L A N D A N D TH E W E A LT H TOT H E B L A C K PE O PL E S O F A Z A N I A .Ti to ar t ic les of the Angolan Marx is t -Lenin is ts on the s i tuat ion in Angola dur ing the war ofintervent ion by the two super powers, the USSR and the USA, should be read in conjunct ionw it h the ar t ic le on the "Masses a id Re vo lut i on in the People 's R epub l ic of the Co ng o. " B othof these under l ine the new types of "socia l ism" that is being promoted in some Af r ican s ates,in some cases - as w i t h So mal ia - under the pat ronage of the Russians. This typ e o f "s oc ia l is m "w hi le i t m igh t car ry wi th i t cer ta in we l fare ben ef i ts , is of te n mere rheto r ic and phrase-m onger ing,and real ly co nst i tute s a fo rm of s tate bureau crat ic cap i ta l ism and new el i t i sm . What w e have istha t an unre pre sen tat ive m ov em en t (as in the case of the Ne to cl iqu e of the MP LA ) seizes Statepow er and declares i tself a Ma rx is t Len in is t Par ty . This so-cal led Marx is t - le nin is t P ar ty , w i t h o u tbasing i tsel f on mass mobi l isat ion intends to br ing socia l ism to the unenl ightened masses byadminist rat ive decress. This was the road of the Russian Revolut ion and that has led r ight backto th e re sto rat i on of c ap ital is m in Russia, and even given r ise to a soc ial- im peria l ist phase inRussia's h is tor y. Wh i le we d o n ot categor ise FRE L IM O in the same manner w e also realise tha tthe danger remains w i th i t t oo .

The documents of the Angolan Marx is t -Lenin is ts throw a great deal of l ight on the realnature of the M P L A w hi ch i ts apologists canno t shrug aw ay. Cer ta in ly the c lass analys is th atthe Ango lan M arx is t -Len in is ts present revea l wh o are the t rue revo lu t ionary Marx is t -Len in is tsi n t h e c o u n t r y .On the quest ion o f Z imb abw e whi le i t is the po l icy o f I KW EZ I not to in ter fe re in thein terna l a f fa i r s o f the l ibera t ion movements , and we be l ieve tha t the Z imbabwean revo lu t iona

r ies i f le f t to themselves wi l l eventual ly be able to sor t out their problems through st ruggle andat ta in u n i ty against the ir co m m on impe r ia l is t foes, nevertheless we canno t accept the cru deinter ference of the Front -L ine States in mat ters that are real ly the business of the ZimbabweanLiberat ion Movements. Let them sor t out the quest ion of their representat ive organisat ionsand leaders. The Zimbabweans through their own st ruggle were able to ra ise the level of their


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o lays the seed o f f u tu re d iv i s ions in the co un t r y . The fac t is tha t ne i the r MU gabe nor Nk om oe the m a jo r mass fo l l o w in gs in Z imb ab we , and wh i l s t we have no i l l us ions abo u t t he pe t i tp Muz ore wa , the fac t i s tha t the mass o f t he Z im bab we an peop les t h im as a hon es t leader and sup po r t h im . H is org an isa t ion , the A N C , is the on ly masshe Z imb ab we an peo p le . The y are s i c k and t i r ed o f Z A P U and Z A N U wh o haveass fo l l o w in gs ins ide the co un t r y . The na tu re o f the Z imb abw ean s t rugg le can on lyise the AN C and br ing i t unde r the leadersh ip o f the mo s t revo lu t ion ary e lem ents , as

Oppose Russian Social-Imperialismas t is sue we car r ied an a r t i c le po in t ing ou t tha t the con t ine n t o f A f r i ca was no w und ergo in gnew phase o f im per ia l i s t r i va l r y : t ha t be tween Russian soc ia l - imper ia l i sm and Wes te rn Imp er ia l i s mby the U n i ted S ta tes . Recen t even ts on the A f r i c an co n t i ne n t have borne ou t h ow t r ue th i s i s.s no t on ly a qu es t io n o f Ang o la whe re the re was f l ag ran t and w i l y i n te r fe rence on th e par t o f t h e

ians and the i r p aw ns , th e Cub ans , under the cover o f repu ls ing So ut h A f r i ca n aggress ion. Theu th A f r i can s w ho had no desi re to in te r fe re in the f ir s t p lace , an d d i d so und er the p rom pt in gs o ft o the r Super Pow er , U .S ' Im pe r ia l i s m , in i ts co n te n t i on w i t h the USSR , have long ago w i th d r aw nt the Cuban A rm y i s s t i l l i n Ang o la , on the one hand f i gh t in g aga ins t UN IT A guer i l las , w h o m theb in ed m igh t o f t he Russ ians , Cubans and M P L A have fa i l ed to subd ue , and on the o ther han dl l y r u n n i n g t h e c o u n t r y o n b e h a l f o f t h e A n g o l a n s . I f t h a t h as n o t r e d u c e d t h e M P L A t o a p u p p e tus we do n ' t w ha t can . The Cubans cou ld si t do w n w i th An n ib a l Esca lan te an d B ias Roca and bec ometo the i r C om m u n is t Par t y tha t sided w i t h Ba t i s ta a t t he t ime o f the rev o lu t ion ary s t rugg le

a l governm ent in Ang o la , so tha t the k i l l i n g and su f fe r ings o f t he A ngo lan peop le can be b ro ug h tend , and the Ango lan s can be a l lowed to ru n the i r o w n a f fa i r s .I t i s be com ing c lea r a l so tha t the in te rv en t ion in Ang o la is no t go ing to s to p the re and tha t thea tas te o f v i c to ry w ish to push on w i t h the i r advan tage . The recen t i ncurs ionsto Za i re , rep or te d ly led by Cubans , demon s t ra tes qu i te c lea r l y tha t Ang o la is go ing to become these fo r Sov ie t aggression aga ins t A f r i ca n coun t r ies . A t the t im e o f the Ang o lan War o f I n t e rv en t io n ,en Z ai re asked fo r the re tu rn of the Katangese mercen ar ies , w h o in the pas t were h i r ed by theuguese fasc is ts to k i l l i nno cen t Ango la n peo p le , and w h om the oppo r tun is t M P L A had no hes i ta t ionh i r ing - 6 ,000 o f t h e m , fa r ou tnu m be r in g the o ther m ercenar ies, - i t knew w ha t i t was do in g .th at th e M P L A w ou ld * use the Katangese mercenar ies against Za i re has co me t ru e. Can anyess ive or de mo cra t sanc t io n the breakaway of Ka tanga (no w ca l led Shaba) f r o m Z ai re , overi ch so m uc h Za i rean b loo d was sp i l t . I s th i s no t encou rag ing t r i ba l i sm and the weak en in g o f ann s t a te .The Sov ie t Union and i ts rev is ion is t apolog is ts l ike Bas i l Dav idson have for long been at tack ingas a C IA ag ent , e tc . There has been a de l ib erate a t te m pt by th e rev is ion is t w o r l d in recen tn ths to p ick ou t Za i re fo r a t tack . Cer ta in l y we w ou ld l i ke to see a genu ine ly an t i - im pe r ia l i s ts governmen t take over f r o m M o bu to . Bu t tha t is a task tha t Z a i rean re vo lu t ion ar iesder ta ke . We w ou ld de f in i t e l y sup por t and we lcom e a s t rugg le o f t ha t so r t t h a t i s ind igeno usples of Za i re . Wha t we are not foo le d by is unde r the gu ise of labe l l ing Mo b u to as a C IAs ia n s o c ia l -i m p e ri a li st s a r e d o i n g a t t h e m o m e n t . W E S A Y W I T H O U T A N Y H E S I T A T I O N :N D O F F Z A I R E .As far as we can learn the invas ion in Sha ba, Za i re , has no t in any wa y been l in ke d w i t h th ee o f t he Peop les Revo lu t ion ary Mo vem en t . The y a re too weak t o mus te r such an up r i s ingIn the case of Za i re the Sov ie t Union and the rev is ion is ts label the count ry as ' reac t ionary ' ;case o f I nd ia , t he y sup po r ted Ind i ra G ha nd h i , a fascis t bu tch er w h o pu t thousand s

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g a o l , a n d m u r d e r e d m a n y t h o u s a n d s m o r e . I n E q u a t o r i a l - G u i n e a ,C u b a n s g iv e p r o t e c t i o n t o o n e o f b l o o d i e s t b u t c h e r s o n t h e A f r i c a n c o n t i n e n t . T h i s d u p l i c i t yo n l y fo o l t he na ive L e f t i s t s w h o l i ke to engage in s logans and phrase-m ong er ing . I t ce r t a in l yno t fo o l those w h o unde rs tand the deeper mo t i ves o f t he soc ia l - impe r ia l i s t sTh e Cubans a re obv ious ly a paw n in the wh o le game. How can Cu ba , a co un t r y t ha t i t se l fi n t re me nd ou s de b t to th e Sov ie t U n i on have the resources to be me dd l ing in so many cou n t r ie sA f r i c a , La t in Am er ic a and the Ca r r ibea n , excep t tha t she ac ts as a paw n and a mercena ry fo r ther ia l i s t s w ho m ake use o f he r qu i te cyn ic a l l yI t has been rep or te d th a t i n he r a t te m pt to wo o E t h io p i a , wh ere the soc ia l - impe r ia l i s t s need

ses to g ive th em c o n t r o l o f th e v i ta l Red Sea area, Cub a has de no un ced th e E r i t rea n gue r i l lam e n t f i g h t i n g f o r n a t i o n a l s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n . T h i s is h a r d l y a n e x a m p l e o f t h e p r o l e t a r i a nrna t ion a l i s m tha t was supposed to have been p rac t i sed in An go la ! Cuba o f course has thea g e o f p o s i n g as a n A f r i c a n c o u n t r y , L a t i n A m e r i c a n c o u n t r y a n d T h i r d W o r l d c o u n t r y ,every ins ta nce she speaks una bash edly on be hal f o f the in teres ts o f the soc ia l - im per ia l is ts .I n S u d a n t h e R u s s ia n s o c i a l -i m p e r i a l is t s m a de t h r e e a t t e m p t s t o t o p p l e N u m e i r i , o n ce t h r o u g hco up d 'e ta t eng ineered by e lemen ts o f t he rev is ion ist Sudanese C o m m u is t Pa r t y . I t f a i l e d b u tey t r i e d ag a in , an d Sudan i s aga in the ta rge t o f Russ ian a t tack and c r i t i c i sm . The soc ia l - impe r ia l i s t sm p t s t o a p p l y a n e c o n o m i c s t r a n g l e h o l d o n E g y p t is n o w w e l l k n o w n . T h e R u s s ia n s h o p e d t h a ti n a t i n g E g y p t t h e y c o u l d d o m i n a t e t h e M i d d l e E ast s i t u a t i o n a n d o u s t U .S . i m p e r i a l i s m f r o mlead ing ro le in the a rea . Bu t the y s t i l l pers is t i n c r i t i c i s ing E gy p t i n the m anner o f G rea t -Russ ianSupe r Po wer r iv a l ry as aresu l t o f the R uss ian thr us t has a b o revealed i tse l f in Ug an da , and th eWes te rn cam pa ig n to d isc red i t I d i A m in i s no th in g mo re tha n the We s te rn fea r tha t A m in i si ly arm ed by th e Russ ians and tha t , ma ver ic k an d c razy as he is , he m igh t upset the Eas t A f r ic anc a r t , w h i c h i s v e ry c o m f o r t a b l e t o W e s t e r n I m p e r i a l i s m a t t h e m o m e n t . W e w o u l d l i k e t oe t h e b u t c h e r A m i n t o p p l e d b u t l e t h i m b e t h r o w n o u t b y a n i n d i g e n o u s m o v e m e n t o f t h e U g a n d a nI t i s a kn o w n fac t t h a t man y o f Am in ' s o f f i ce rs a re be ing t ra ine d by the R uss ians , andt he h imse l f is no t una ware o f t he Russ ians' i n te n t io ns and tha t on some occas ions he hadlead ing o f f i ce rs t ra in ed in the Sov ie t U n io n sho t . W hat is mo re mos t o f t hese o f f i ce rsr n f r o m t h e S o v ie t U n i o n h a v in g d u l y i m b i b e d a h e a l t h y d o se o f a n t i - C h i n a p r o p a g a n d a .In E t h io p ia a lso th e Sov ie t Un io n has been in te r fe r in g in a c rud e mann er and has inc ur r ed the w ra the ' s Re vo lu t ion ar y M ov em en t , t he EPRP . Her in te res ts in E th iop ia has been tha t o f nake der in te res ts , as i t a t t em pts to ga in a c ruc ia l base in the ma in la nd .In So u th ern A f r i c a , apa r t f r o m A ng o la , t he Russ ians a re despera te ly t r y in g to edge ou t the Ch inesea m b i q u e , a n d t o b r i n g S W A P O u n d e r i t s u m b r e l l a . I n t h e case o f Z i m b a b w e t h e y e x c l u s i v e l yp o r t Z A P U a n d i n d e e d Z A P U ' s i n f r a s t r u c t u r e is t o t a l l y m a n n e d b y p r o - S o v i e t e l e m e n t s . Z A P Us a s tand ing a rm y o f ab ou t 4 ,0 00 s ta t io ned in Som al ia and Zam bia ready to take over t h * co un t r ywa r is over . Th is A rm y i s no t engaged in any f i g h t i ng a t t he mo m en t . T ra ined in con ve n t io na li t is t he so r t o f A rm y geared to take over a co un t r y and es tab l i sh a gov ernm ent . Th ro ug h i tsen ce in Mo za m biq ue ensur ing a ro le fo r N ko m o in the Pa t r io t i c F r o n t , t he Russ ians a re in fac tthe fu tu re o f t h e i r p rogen ies . In the case o f S ou th A f r i ca tne soc ia l -imper ia l i s t s have the

m b o w i n g o f t h e A f r i c a n N a t i o n a l C on g re ss a n d t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n C o m m u n i s t P a r t y c o m p l e t e l yp p e d . B o t h t n es e o r g a n i s a t io n s a n n o t e x is t f o r a s in g le d a y w i t h o u t R u s si a n s u p p o r t .So a l l i n a l l t he Russ ian th rus t i n A f r i c a i s a ve ry se r ious one an d A f r i ca n revo lu t ion ar ies mus tk e n u p t o i t .I s the Russ ian in te rve n t io n a go od th i ng . De f in i te l y no . The Russ ians a re no t i n te res te d int ing gen u ine ly soc ia l i s t s ta tes in the A f r i ca n cou n t r ie s . L i ke any o th er im per ia l i s t p ow et the yin te re s ted in b r ing ing these cou n t r ie s under the i r co n t ro l i n the in te res ts o f t he i r ow n d om ina T h e y w i s h t o c re a te a n e w w o r l d - w i d e e m p i r e u n d e r t h e o u is e o f M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m . T h es e n t c r is i s o f I m p e r i a l i s m a f f o r d s t h e m a n o p p o r t u n i t y t o p u sh t h e U . S . i m p e r i a l i s t s o u t o ts t r e n g t n . H e n c e t h e i r c u r r e a L o h a s e o r e x p a n s i o n i s m .I l i s im po r t an t to no te tha t tn e Sov ie t push is mean t no t on ly to edge the Wes te rn im per ia l i s t s

t , i t can a lso enab le her to ba rga in m ore e f fec t i ve l y w i t h the Wes t over t rad e , a i d . e t c . Was no tt i on o f a l l o w i ng Jews to leave the Sov ie t U n i on to bash in A r ab sku l l s i n th e M id d l e Easte d t o t h e S o v i e t U n i o n b e i n g g ra n t e d p r e f e r e n t i a l t r a d e a rr a n g e m e n t s w i t h t h e U . S . C o l l u s i o nas m uc h a fac to r as co m p et i t i o n , as the OCA ana lys is o f j o i n t Super Power exp lo i ta t io n e lsewhereT h e m e a n i n g o f d e t e n t e m ea n s c o l l u s i o n as m u c h as c o m p e t i t i o n .


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Reminisces AboutJimmy La Guma and Black Republic

A WORD IN INTRODUCTIONT h e f o l l o w i n g a re t w o s h o r t e x t r a c ts f r o m t h e b o o k , ' M e m o i r s o f a B l ac k B o l s h e v i k " , w h i c h

w i l l be pub l ished in la te spr ing of 1977 by L ib era tor Press, Bo x 7128, Ch icag o, I l l in o i s 60 68 0,U.S.A.Har ry Ha yw oo d was a leading mem ber o f t he Co mm un is t Par t y o f t he U.S.A. f r o m 1 9 2 4 u n t i lh is exp uls io n in 1959 for opp os ing the rev is ion is t take-over . In h is bo ok he t reats the ac t iv i t ies andl ine o f t h e par t y b o t h in i t s good re vo lu t ion ary p er iod o f t h e 1920'$ and 30 's , and i t s degene ra t ioni n t o B r o w e r d i s m a n d f i n a l l y i ts c o m p l e t e r e f u t a t i o n o f M a r x i s m - L e n i n i s m i n t h e m i d - r 9 5 0 ' s .Ha yw oo d was a de lega te to the C om in te rn , hav ing f i r s t been sen t as one o f several A f r o -A me r ica nCommun is ts to s tudy in the Len in Schoo l i n Moscow in the ear l y 20 ' s . He par t i c ipa ted in the d ra f t i ngo f the Co mm un is t I n te rna t iona l ' s pos i t ions on the A f ro -A me r ica n na t iona l que s t ion in the U .S . andthe B lack Na t i ve Repub l i c pos i t i on on Sou th A f r i ca .The f i rs t ex t ra c t sketches h is impress ions of th e So uth A f r ic a n co m mu nis ts , in par t ic u lar i t is af o n d r e m e m b r a n c e o f Ja m es L a G u m a , w i t h w h o m H a y w o o d c o l l o b o r a t e d o n t h e S o u t h A f r i c a nr e s o l u t i o n .

Th e second ex t rac t t r ea ts the f i r s t mee t ing o f t he negro Com miss ion o f t he Co mm un is t I n te r na t io na l , wh ich occur red dur ing the S ix th Wo r ld Congress o f t he Com in te rn in the summ er o f 1928.E lsewhere in the bo ok comrade H ayw oo d desc ribes the com miss ion in th i s man ner :"A l t ho ug h se t up as an independe n t co mm iss ion , i n rea l i t y i t was a sub-co mm i t tee o f t heCo lo n ia l Co mm iss ion . The reso lu t ions fo r mu la te d by i t were inc luded in the f i na l d r a f t o f t heCongress Theses on the Revo lu t iona ry Mo vem ent in the Co lon ies . Th e Negro C om miss ionwas set up on Augus t 6 ,1928 at the 23rd sess ion of the Congress . I t was a memorable day ,par t i cu la r l y fo r us Negro Com mu n is ts - a day t o wh i ch a l l had looke d fo r wa rd . A t l as t t he rewas to be a fu l l -dress d iscuss ion on the ques t ion. '

The Negro Com m iss io n had 32 delegates represen t ing 18 cou nt r ie s , inc lu d in g the U.S. , Sou thA f r i ca , B r i t a in , USS R, F rance , Ge rma ny , Be lg iu m, I t a l y , Sp a in , Tu rke y , Ind ia , Pa les tine , Sy r ia ,and o thers . The Cha i rman was O t to ma r Ku us in en , w ho was a lso a member o f t he C I S ec re ta r ia tand Cha i rm an o f the Co lon ia l Com miss io n . Th e U .S . de lega tes inc luded f i ve B lack co mm un is ts , amongt h e m H a r r y H a y w o o d , h is b r o t h e r O t t o H a l l , and James F o r d ; * n d t w o w h i t e m e m b e r s , B i t t l e m a nand Loves tone . A lso on the Commiss ion were Bun t ing , two represen ta t i ves o f t he Young Commun is tIn t er na t io na l , and severa l o th er de legates inc lud ing a Swiss and some Sov ie t m emb ers . Oth erpar t ic ipants who were not Commiss ion members a lso addressed the meet ings . These inc ludedM a n u i l s k y , a C I o f f i c i a l , a nd S k r y b n i k , a U k r a i n i a n C I d e le g a te . "T h e h a l l , ' H a y w o o d r e c a l l s , ' w a sa lways c rowd ed w i t h in te res ted observers /The f i rs t order o f bus iness w i th the Commiss ion was the passage of a new resolu t ion on theNegro Qu es t io n in the U.S. I t was publ ished on Octo be r 26 , 1928 as "C I Re solu t ion on the Ne groQues t ion in the U .S . ' ' i n an i s sue o f THE COMMUNIST

Th en the meet ing moved on to Sou th A f r i c a . Th e fo l l ow ing e x t rac t descr ibes par t o f t hes t ruggle w hi ch too k p lace t h e n . Al t ho ug h th i s is on ly a b r ie f de sc r ip t io n i t cap tu res mu ch o f thef lavo ur and essence of the s t ruggle . Headl ines and i ta l ics are our o w n .EXTRACT ONE (MOSCOW 1927)BUNTING DENOUNCES NATIONALISMOur draft resolu tion on the US Negro que stion was turned over to the Petrosky (Be nn ett),

chairman of the Anglo-American Secretariat. He seemed quit e pleased with i t. expressed hisagreement, and suggested some minor changes. He agreed to submit it to the Negro Commission atthe forthcoming Sixth Congress.I con tinue d to work with Nasanov on prep arati ons for the Congress. By that time we had bec om e

Harry Haywood

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quite a team. Our next project was the South African question, a question which also fell underthe jurisdiction of the Anglo-American Secretariat.We were assigned to work with James La Guma, a South African coloured comrade, who hadcome to Moscow to attend the Tenth Anniversary celebrations and stayed on to discuss with theE.C.C.l. (Executive Com mittee of the Comm unist International - Ed.) and Anglo-AmericanSecretariat the problems of the South African party. Specifically, we were to draft a new resolutionon the question, restating and elaborating the Comintern line of an independent Native S outhAfrican Rep ublic. This line, formulated the year before with the coop eration of La Gum a, duringhis first visit to the Soviet Union in the spring of 1927, had been rejected by the leadership of theSouth African party.La Guma , as I recall, was a youn g, brown-skinned man of Malagasy and French parenta ge, whichin South Africa placed him in the category of "Coloureds", a rung above the Natives on the racialladder established by the white supremacist rulers.Coloured persons were denned as those of mixed blood, including descendants of the aboriginalHottentots and also descendants of Javanese (Malay) slaves, mixed in varying degrees with Europeanwhites.La Guma, however, identified completely with the Natives and their movement. He had beenGeneral Secretary of the l.C.U. (Industrial and Commercial Union, the Federation of Nativetrade unions) and also Secretary of the Cape Town Branch of the A.N.C. (African National Congressthe Federation of Native organisations). Later, after his expulsion from the l.C.U. by the red-baitingclique of Clements Kadalie ( a Native Social-Democract) La Guma became Secretary of the Non-European trade union federation in Capetown.La Guma was the first African communist I ever met; I was delighted and impressed with him andwas to find, in the course of our brief colloboration, striking paralells between the struggle of theU.S. Blacks for equality and that of the Native South Africans; in both countries, the white leadership underestimated the potential of the Black movement.La Guma had mad e his first t rip to Moscow the year before . He and Josiah Gu me de, presiden tof the A.N.C, had come as delegates to the inaugural conference of the League Against Imperialismwhich ha d convened in Brussels, Belgium, in Feb ruary , 1927. Gum ede attend ed as a delegate fromthe A.N .C , while La Guma was a delegate from the Sou th African Com mun ist Party. It was his(La Gum a s) first internatio nal gathering, and he had the op portu nity to meet with leaders fromcolonial and semi-colonial countries and discuss the South African question with them. MadameSun Yat-Sen and Pandit Nehru were among those present. The conference ad opted the resolutionof the South African delegation on the right of self-determination through the complete overthrowof imperialism. The general resolution of the Congress proclaimed: ' Africa for the Africans, andtheir full freedom and equality with other races and the right to govern Africa/

After Brussels, La Guma went on a speaking tour to Germany, after which he came to Moscow.Although the Brussels conference had called for the right of self-determination, it left unansweredma ny specific qu estions th at are raised by that slogan: ! Were the natives in Sou th Africa a n ation?What was to be done with the whites? La Guma was to find the answer to these questions in Moscow,where he consulted w ith the E.C.C.l. leaders, including Bukha rin, 'hen President of the Co mintern.He participated with E.C.C.L leaders in the formulation of a resolution on the South African question,calling for an "independent South African Native Republic, with equal rights for racial minorities asa stage toward the final overthrow of capitalist imperialism*, and the return of the land to theNatives.It was this resolution which was rejected by the Sou th African par ty leadership in 1927, at itsannual conference in the latter pa rt of December. La Guma returned to South Africa with theresolution in June 1927; Gum ede also arrived hom e in th e same mo nth . The resolution was receivedhostiiely by the Bunting leadership.(Bunting was a British lawyer who had come to South Africa some years before; an early SouthAfrican socialist and a founder of the Communist Party, he was the son of a British p eer. As Buntinglater commented, he used up the small fortune! he had inherited in the support of Party work andpublications.).Bunting and his followers insisted that the South African revolution, unlike those in the colonies,was a direct struggle for socialism without any intermediary stages. To the Comintern slogan of a"Native South African Rep ublic," Bunting counterposed the slogan of a 'W ork ers and Peasants


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1 This concept of "pure" proletarian revolution was an echo of what we had found in theparty in respect to Blacks. But here, the error stood out in grotesque relief, given the realityIt was against this bac kgro und that La Gu m a and Gu m ed e lef t to go to Moscow to at te nd the

After the Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union, La Guma stayed on in the Sovietrk with Nasan ov and m yself on a draft of a new reso lution on th e So uth African

As already no ted . Bunting had p ut forward the s logan of a So uth African 'W or ke rs andG ov er nm en t/ According to him , the So uth African revolution would be a directfore he failed to see the inhe rent revo lution ary na ture of the Natives* struggle for em an

As opposed to this, our resolution began with a definition of South Africa "as a Britishdom inion of the colonial ty pe ' whose colonial features includ ed:

elming majori ty of the pop ulati on were Natives and Coloured (5 mill ion NativesWi million w hites, accordin g to the 1921 cen sus).Th e alm ost co m ple te landlessness of the Native s, w ho held only o ne-eighth of the land , theTh e corr up tio n of the white wo rke rs as registered in the "great difference in wages and

These features , we held, determined the character of the South African revolution, which, in

"a n ind ep en de nt N ative So ut h African Re pub lic as a stage toward s a workers* and peasants*blic, with full, equ al rights for all races, bla ck, co loured and w h it e .""S ou th Africa is a black co un try ," the resolution we nt on to say, with a mainly black peasants t ion l ies at the foun dation of the revolution. The black peasantry in al l iance with, and und er

* return of the Land to the natives.. . ."ot "retu rn of the land to the natives" doe s no t appea r in the resolu tion as asnally adop ted , which instead included the two form ulation s: (1) wh ites must accep t th errect principle tha t So uth Africa belongs to the Native po pu lat io n" and (2) " . . the basic

1

Bunting put forward his posit ion in a fourteen-page document in the early part of 1928. Hethe nationalism of the Boer mino rity to the nationalism o f the N atives , an d justif ied hisosit ion to nationalism on the basis that al l national m ove m ents were subject to capital is tfusion , in op po sitio n to it, of the Dutch and British imp erialists . ' Since itld only thu s consolidate the forces against i t , i t was no t to be suppo rted.


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spectre of Blacks being given free reign, with a resulting cam paign to drive the whites into thesea. He was echoing the spectre that was haunting whites who remembered the song of the Xhosas.To chase the white men from the earthAnd drivf them to the sea.The sea that cast them up at firstFor Ama Xhosa 's curse and baneHowls for the progeny she nursedTo swallow them again. "

According to Bunting, the elimination of whites seemed to be implied in the slogan of "a Nativerepublic". He regarded the phrase, '.full safeguards for minorities," as having little meaning, sincewhites would assume that the existing injustices would be reversed; that, in effect, Blacks woulddo to them what they had been handing out for so long.While Bunting had held that all nationalism was reactionary La Guma distinguished between therevolutionary nationalism oj the Native and the ' nationalism " of the Boers (which in reality wassimply a quarrel between sections of the ruling class). He argued that you must not hold back on therevolutionary demands of the Natives in order to pacify the white workers who are still "saturatedwith an imperialist ideology" and conscious of the privileges they enjoyed at the Natives' expense.Bunting held that the road to socialism would he travelled under white leadership; but to La Guma.the securing of Black rights was the first step to be taken. As the Simons described it, "First establishAfrican majority rule, he lLa Guma) argued, and unity, leading to socialism, would follow.' Hecalled on Communists to ' build up a mass party based upon the non-European masses,' put forwardthe slogan of a Native republic and thus destroy the traditional subservience to whites among Africans./Reference to Simons from J.H. and R.B. Simons' Class, and Colour in South Africa page 390),The argument continued up through the Sixth Congress. The delegation from the South African CP waswas lily-white: Bunting, his wife Rebecca, and Edward Roux who had been studying at Oxford.La Guma was left at home while white Party leaders proceeded to the Sixth Congress, in an unsuccessfulat tempt to repeal the resolution on South Africa.Though defeated at the Congress, the Bunting leadership did at tempt to apply the new line, thoughwith misgivings. In (he election campaign of 1929, they used the program as their election platform.However, '.he bitterness from the fight remained, as shown by the expulsion from the party of La Gumain that same election campaign.EXTRACT TWO: THE STRUGGLE AT THE COMINTERN S SIXTH CONGRESS"SOUTH AFRICA IS A BLACK C OUN TRY"

There was keen interest as the Commission moved to the next point on the agenda - SouthAfrica. Here again it was a fight against the denial of the national liberation movement in the nameof socialism, the same right deviation on new turf. But in the South African setting, where four-fifths ol the population was Black colonial slaves, 'he deviation stood out in grotesque relief.It was true that in the past year or so the South African Party had intensified its work amongthe Natives, a ' turn to the masses." As the Simons noted, by 1928, 'here were 1,600 Africanmembers out ol a total of 1,750 in the party. The year before there were only 200 African members.The party had pursued a vigorous policy in the building of Black trade un ions ,


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These shortcomings had been bro ught sharply to the atten tion of the Com intern by La Gu ma .The result was the resolution on the South African question on which La Guma, Nasanov and Ihad worked the previous winter. It recommended that the party put forward and work for anIndependent Native South African Republic with full and equal rights for all races as a stage towardsa Workers' and Peasants' Republic. This was to be accompanied by the slogan/ Return the land tothe Natives." The resolution was not only rejected by the party leadership, but they had now senta "lily-white" delegation to the Congress to fight for its repeal. Whatever their hopes were on arrivalin Moscow, they now seemed dejected and subdued. Having sat through the discussion on theAmerican Negro question, they undoubtedly saw the handwriting on the wall.From the start, the South A frican delegation was on the defensive, having been confrontedby other delegates with the inevitable question, 'Where are the natives?" What answer could theygive? It was evident to all that their's was a mission on which Natives could not be trusted, eventhose "brought up in the old tradition," to use the phrase ofRoux. We Blacks asked about LaGuma. They replied, "Oh, he was here fust a short while ago and had his say. We felt that the otherviewpoint should be represented."After copies of the E.C.C.I. resolution on South Africa had been distributed, the South Africandelegates took the floor to challenge the line of the resolution. The South African revolution, theyargued, was a socialist revolution with no intermediary stage, an argument which posed a sort ofSouth African exceptionalism. The argument ran that South Africa was not a colonial country.Bunting then contended that "South Africa is, owing to its climate, what is called a white man'scountry' where whites can and do live not merely as planters and officials but as a whole nationof all classes, established there for three centuries, of Dutch and English composition."Bunting's statem ent came under attack on the floor of the Congress notab ly by Bill Dun ne.Bunting defended himself, holding that his description was solely factual, and was not an 'advocacyf a White Sou th Afric a/ . . .The very view we have com ba tted for the last 13 yea rs.'At one point Bunting argued that there were no Native peasants, they were all proletarians.Hence, the slogan, "return the land to the Natives," was wrong. He objected to Natives beingcalled "masses* ;' Our workers,'* Bunting said, "are not only mere 'masses', they are as trulyproletarians as any in the world," he proclaimed.Com rade R ebecca Bunting, addressing herself to the land question in a Comm ission meeting,denied that the land belonged to the Bantu in the first place. Both the Bantu from central Africaand the Boers coming up from Capetown had forced the aboriginal Hottentots and Bushmen offtheir land. Thus, there was no special Native land question.ECCA BUNTING SHOWS HER CHAUV INIST FANGSThe real question on Rebecca Bunting's mind, however, was not that of land, but of the positionof the w hite minority in a Native South African Republic. She came right to the point. "Who wiltguarantee equality for the whites in an independent Native Republic? Their slogan, as you know,is 'Drive the whites into the sea'.' We listened to her in amazem ent, and a laugh went through theaudience. The cat was finally let out of the bag, and a mangy, chauvinistic creature it was.'Manuilsky stepped forward, his eyes twinkling. '"Comrade Bunting has raised a serious question,one not to be sneezed at. What is to become of the whites? My answer to that would be that if the

white Party members do not raise and energetically fight for an independent Native Republic, then,kt4t znaet? (Who knows?) They may well be driven into the seal* That brought the house down.The Commission finally affirmed the resolution and it was passed onto the floor of theCongress where the fight continued.T H E A B O V E E X T R A C T S R E P R I N T E D W I T H P E R M I S S IO N O P T H E A U T H O R A N DL IBE RA TO R PRESS. COP YRIGH T L IBE RA TO R PRESS 1976. A L L R IGHTS R ESER VED .

JIMMY LA GUMA ON THE BLACK REPUBLIC"James La Guma's s tatement on the "So ut h Afr ica n s i t ua t io n" expla ined that the Black Republ icReso lution has been rejected by th e central executive of the SACP "fo r reasons wh ich are a bun da ntlyrefutod by everyday facts ." La Guma pointed out that th is at t i tude drove the Afr icans to theconc lu-sion that the SACP Central Executive "considers the mass mov eme nt of th e natives should be heldup un ti l such t im e as the w hi te wo rker is ready to ex tend his fa vo ur. " (Azania News ?A C orQan).

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The Class Structure in South Africaand Its Relation to the Colour BarWe reprod uce th is ar t ic le f ro m a Cape To wn radica l Journ al o f th e 50s because we agree w i t h i ts

ma in a rgument o f the connec t ion be tween the needs o f Sou th A f r i can cap i ta l i sm and rac ia l i sm . ( I t i simpera t i ve tha t Azan ian revo lu t ionar ies approach the que s t ion o f na t io na l oppression ( rac ia l ism) f r o ma c lass po int o f v iew.) Of course the na t ional o ppress ion of the na t ive inhab i tan ts reaches fu r th er inh is to ry in the co lon ia l conques t o f the cou n t r y . The a r t i c le a lso concen t ra tes on the in te rna l dyn am ismof cap i ta l i s t ex p l o i ta t io n , bu t is no t unaware o f the umb i l i ca l l i nks o f So u th A f r i ca n cap i ta l i sm to i tssenior par tne r . Impe r ia l is m. S ince the ar t ic le was w r i t t e n the re have been ma ny changes in the So uthA f r i ca n po l i t i ca l s cene , and cer ta in l y the au tho r ' s p rogno s t i ca t ion tha t the wa l ls o f rac ia l ism w i l l bebro ken d ow n by th e needs o f cap i ta l ism has cer ta in l y tu rn ed o u t to be un t ru e , s im p ly because in the50s Af r ikaaner pet i t buorgeois ie capi ta l ism assumed s tate power and needed to even more f ierce lyexp lo i t t h e B lack masses in an e f fo r t to conso l ida te i tse l f w i t h Ang lo -Am er ica n Im pe r ia l i sm , whosem a n in te rm ed iary was the U ni te d Par ty . This a lso necess i ta ted m ak ing greater concess ions t o thewh i te wo rk in g class and the A f r i kaan er fa rme rs , wh o were one o f it s p r in c ipa l sup po r t .

IS o u t h A f r i c a A C a p i t a l i s t C o u n t r y .Classes are rooted in production, in the means of exchange and distribution.To characterise the class structure of a country, therefore, i t is necessary to analyseits mode of production and distribution and the precise relationship each section ofpo pu latio n has to the produ ctive proces s. W ho owns the means of p ro du ctio n?How ar e these op era ted ? On the basis of com mo n ow nership , or priva te? Howare the goods accruing (herefrom distributed, and what purpose does such distribution serve? Are the goods distributed on the basis of private ap pr op ria tio n o rcom mo n ow ne rsh ip? Does the me ans of distrib ution serve the purp ose of com mo nuse or private accumulation of wealth?

In So uth Africa the chief means of pro duc tion the mines and factories arethe fundamental contributors to the national wealth, and they are owned by a smallgroup of people who employ a large wage-earning class producing commodities fora mark et, for profit. South Africa is. in sho rt, a cap italist cou ntry : that is, asociety in which the two main sections of the population stand in a definite relationship to the instru m ents of la bo ur : a small m ino rity >hat owns to produce for profit ,and an overwhelming majority that works the labour devices on the basis of wage-ear nin g. Th e comm odities produ ced are distrib uted by their capitalist ownersthrough the medium of money.^Vhile it is true that goldmining is employing less labour than the factories andfarms, and while it is also true that i ts contribution to the national income is smallerthan that of man ufac turin g, it is nevertheless the mainstay of the capitalist econo my .The Chamber of Mines publication. Mining Survey* Septemb er 1951, for instance,describes goldmining as the predominant earner of vital foreign exchange, a magnetfor attracting overseas capital and investments, a vast market for other South Africanprod ucts and a prim e genera tor of incom es. Besides pay ing over 48 m illion incash earning s to all wo rkers, it spend s more than 46 million on South A frican products, agric ul tura l as well as ma nufactu ring. Indirect ly, therefore , the goldm iningindustry subsidises and protects other capitalist enterprises in this country.To-day, the manufacturing industry is, however, becoming ever-increasinglyim po rtan t in the economic life of the Un ion . It con tributes more to the natio nalwealth, hires mo re labour and produces more than goldm ining. Hence according


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The Industrial Com mission Report 195 1, " m anufac turing is the most im po rtan tstry in the present structure of the Union . . . I t is a well-known fact that therst stru ctu ral ch ang e in the South African ec onom y was the sudden tran sfo rm atio nring the perio d, 1870 to 1890, of the m ainly self-support ing agric ul tur al econom yand World War I I tha t

South Africa is now com peti ng on the world m arke t. The econom y,from contract ing, is expa nding . Acco rding to The Industrial Commission Report.51. mining contributed 24 .7% to the national income of which gold c ontr ibu tedtrad e and commerce com prised 13.9 % of the natio nal income end m anu2 2 . 5 % .The expansion of the capitalist economy implies the employment of larger ander layers of the dispossessed elem ents in the pro duc tive process . T he growththe pro letar ian class, mainly African in com position , is a car din al factor in thestructure of this country . In the W estern Cape, 22 .4 % of those employed

in Po rt Elizabeth they constitute 3 2 .4 % . To-day about two m illion Africansemployed in industry for var yin g perio ds of the year. M ore are becom inganen t u rban dwellers ano\ abso rbed into semi-skilled occup ation s from whichcolou r bar had hithe rto excluded the m . ll is this class which is gr ad ua lly underTh e third group of capita lists consist of the farm ers, mainly Afr ikan ers,

In South Africa, class relations are obscured by. and moreover, tend to coincidecolo ur and racial con sider ations . T his unique feature of ou r social org anismbe analys ed to reveal the true class content of this multi- racial set-up.the while populat ion comprising 1 5% of the tota l inhab itants receive 4 5 % of theal incom e. In relation to the m ean s of prod uction they are w o rk er s: that is,hir e their power to labo ur to the own ers of the mean s of pro du ctio n. But this

ers . Skilled jobs with accom pany ing high rates of pay are their mo no po ly;many of whom, because of the presence of toiling black labour, gradually

ut. Th eir ma intenan ce as a privileg ed, protected gr ou p is becom ing mo re and

r costs. The further developm ent of capita lism in this cou ntry is clearly

At the base .of the social s truc ture a re the non-E urop ean s, form ing 8 0 % ofpo pu lati on , but receiving only 16% of the national incom e. Th e overw helm ing


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m ajor i ty of this element are pro leta r ian s and sem i-prole tar ians whose eco nom icexploi tat ions f lows f rom thei r pol i t ical or nat ional oppress ion.Un l ike Ind ia or. Indon es ia, the dev elopm ent of cap i tal i sm in this cou ntry haspreve nted the emergen ce of any s ignif icant bou rgeois ie and pet ty bou rgeo is ie . Forless than 10% of the no n-E uro pe ans a pp rox im ate in va ryin g degrees to the s tatusof a m idd le class . They are some Ind ian capi tal i s t s and merch ants , som e A fr icanland ho lder s , and non-European profess ional m en teachers , doctor s, l awy ers an dclerkswhose l ivel ihood takes them into the ranks of the pet ty bourgeois ie .The na t ive pe t ty bourgeoi s i el ike every o ther pe t ty bourgeoi s i eare bothan ex plo i t in g and exploi ted sect ion. Th ey are , fir st of al l . the exp loi ters of theprole tar i ans who, in the process of buying commodi t i es f rom the capi t a l i s t s throughthe retai lers and merchants , are forced to pay more so that this smal l middle classcan profi t as interm edia r ies . Seco ndly, this sma l l m idd le class are largely de pen denton an d m ad e su bo rd ina te to the intere sts of big ca pit al and the f luctuating fortu ne sof capi tal i sm in general .In South Afr ica, moreover , the nat ive pet ty bourgeois ie arc not merely res t r ictedand exploi ted by capi tal i sm; they are also res t r icted and curbed in thei r economicact iv i ti es by colo ur oppress ion . Va r ious s t a tu tory me asures based on the colourbar and the need to protect a whi te minor i ty prevent the nat ive bourgeois ie f romes tabl i sh ing themselves anywhere , ge t t ing a r eady sa le for the i r product s , buyingland anywhere and market ing thei r goods speedi ly and wi th the necessary State aid.Th e non -Eu rop ean wo rking class i s exp loi ted in a du al ca pa ci ty : f irs t of a l ll ike workers in al l capi tal i s t countr ies , the black wage-earner i s exploi ted by theemployees of labour who pay them far less than the value of thei r labour output ;and secondlythis has no paral lel anywhere elsehis exploi tat ion i s intens i f ied byan ind us t r ia l colo ur bar which relegates him to semi-ski l led an d unski l led pos i t ion s ,or rather so-cal led semi 'ski l led and unski l led pos i t ions , wi th very low rates of pay.

Whi tes doing the same or more or less the same work as the blacks receive farhigh er wage rate s . In a word, the no n-E urop ean w orke r i s explo i ted both as aworker and as a no n-Euro pean.Co lour opp ress ion in the Un ion therefore tend s to bl u r the bas ic and fund am entalc las* explo i t a t ion of the mass of the people : the explo i t a t ion of the non-Europeanworkers , the lesser exploi tat ion of Whi te and non-White t raders , merchants , smal llandowners and retai lers as wel l as the largely technical exploi tat ion of the whi telab ou r ar is t oc rac y. Of cardin al impo r tan ce to the sociologis t i s the ind ub i tab le factthat colour oppress ion f lows f rom, and is . largely the resul t of , economic or classexp lo i t a t ion . The one s t r engthens the o ther .

C a p i ta l is t D e v e l o p m e n t a n d t h e F u t u r e o f t h e C o l o u r B a r .Th e colo ur ba r we know to-day d evelo ped at a cer tain s tage in the evolut ion ofmod ern cap i t a l i sm. I t i s in t imate ly houn d up wi th the beg innin g of d iamon dminin g in Kim ber ley and gold min ing on the W i twate r s rand af te r 1870.As to its ori gin , let us l is ten to the ra th er su rp ris in g adm ission of theNat ional i s t - inspi red Industrial Com mission Report of 1 9 5 1 : " T h e o c c u p a t i o n a l d is t r ibut io n of the pop ulat io n ini t ial ly or igin ate d in the cu l tura l di f ferences betweenthe var iou s gro up s under par t i c u lar h is tor ica l c i r cums tanc es . These h i s tor i ca l c i rcumstances are to be found in the mining developments in the lat ter par t of the

nine teenth century which l ed to the imm igra t ion of sk i l led Eu rope an wo rker s toSouth Af r i ca , loca l suppl i es of t r a ined l abour be ing absent or inadequate Af r i can11


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l a b o u r wa s fo r th c o m in g fo r wo rk wh ic h d id n o t r e q u i r e a n y p re v io u s t r a i n in g .Co nseq uen t ly co lour d i ffe rences co in c ided wi th occu pa t ion a l d i f fe rences , pa r t icu l a r ly in t h e T ra n sv a a l . "At t h e i n c e p t io n o f c a p i t a l i sm in t h i s c o u n t ry i t h a d th e re fo re p e r fo rc e t oim por t wh i te sk i l led lab ou r to op era te the ins t rum ent s o f lab our . T o a t t rac t thewhi te sk i l led a r t i san s the bourg eo is ie o f fe red very h igh wa ges . Th is p la ced th i sg ro u p of wo rk e r s in a sp e c i a l p o s i t i o n c o m p a re d w i th t h e p re se n c e a n d a b u n d a n c e

of chea p b lac k labo ure rs pa id a t ve ry low ra tes , the fo rm e rs pos i t ion in the p roces sof soc ia l p ro du c t io n became mo re un iqu e . Th e c i rcu m stanc es o f the t im e c rea teda w ide gu l f be tween these two lab ou r ca teg or ies . Th is i s the ind us t r ia l co lou r ba r a system of seg rega t ion on the Dasis of colour in lab ou r re la t ion s , a system wh icho p e r a t i n g de facto from the out set finally rec eived de jure recognit ion, f i rs t in 1911and then in 1926 , and extended to other ind ust r ia l proce sses as well as to the pol i t ica ls u p e r s t r u c t u r e .A nd th is i s how the whi te labour a r i s tocracy a r os e : no t as a resu l t o f Im pe r ia lp re fe renc e fo r whi te labo ur and the i r econom ic sad ism to th e b lac k w orke rs , bu t

as a resul t of the needs of capi ta l ism to run a great modern industry .S ince Union , however , the c i rcumstances which gave r i se to the indus t r ia lco lou r bar have gr ad ua l ly with ered as a resul t of the acq uis i t io n of ski l l on the par tof the bla cks wh o are now ab le to do ski l le d work with l i t t le t ra in in g. Th er e is ino ther w ords no econom ic reason why the indu s t r ia l i s t s shou ld con t in ue m ain ta in inga smal l g roup o f p r iv i leged whi te workers when there a re o thers who a re ab le todo the same work at very much less financial expense.Yet the pos i t ion of th is g#oup is s t i l l f irmly entr en ch ed . In the gold m ini ngind us t rv . at any ra te , the wage gap sep ara t in g whi te f rom b lack has been r ig id ly

m ain ta i ne d. Sk i l le d work the re is s t i l l the preserve of the wh ites , i f not in factthe a t least in law. It is in ' s ec on da ry in du str ie s that we see the cra cks in the colo urba r s t ru c tu r e . Lar ger and la rge r layers of Afr ican labour a re be ing em ploy ed inthe fac to r ies . Th e wage gap be iween whi le and b lack labour is g r ad ua l ly nar ro wing . " To what must th is na rro w ing of the wa ge-gap between the cash w ag es of theEu rop ea n and non-Eu ropea n worker be a t t r ib u ted bu t to the p rogres s ive ly inc re as ingex ten t to which non-E urope ans a re be ing employ ed in sk i l led and semi-sk i l ledw o r k ? " a s k s The Industrial Com mission Report of 1 9 5 1 .To effect the gradual absorpt ion of the blacks in to the product ive process , theindus t r ia l i s t s a re undermin ing the obso lescen t co lour bar sys tem, no t by making afrontal attack on it . but by the most subtle and careful devices lest they incur theope n hos t i l i ty of the wh ites . On e m etho d is the re-c lassif ication of job s wh ereby" ski l le d " now becom es " uns ki l led " and " uns ki l led "* becom es ** semi-ski l led ." ' Tobe sure , the ra t iona l i s a t ion o f p r od uc t io n mak es th i s d iv is ion in labo ur p roc essesa r t i f ic ia l fo r nowadays no t much t ra in ing i s requ i red to hand le labour dev ices .

V a r io u s g o v e rn me n t c o mm iss io n s a p p o in t e d to i n v e s t ig a t e la b o u r a n d p ro d u c t iv eprocesses have repea ted ly warned the whi te workers tha t they cannot hope to mainta in their posi t ions a t the top of the labour ladder indefini te ly , and that segregat ionin the pro ces s of cap i ta l is t pro du ct io n is in im ical to the need for econo m y andefficiency. The Industrial Com mission Report of 1 9 3 5 , for i n s t a n c e , w r i t e s :u Socia l asp i ra t ion s and po l ic ies sho u ld he in harm ony wi th econ om ic rea l i t i e s andsho uld not be in confl ic t with the econ om ic pol icy of en co ur ag in g the ex pa ns io n ofindus t ry and employment and thereby o f the na t iona l income, the source o f a l l wage


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pay m ents . Th e policy requ ires that everyo ne should be em ploye d in that capaci tywh ere he or she is as pro du ctiv e as po ssib le. The full ap plic atio n of such a policythere fore ru ns co un ter to the idea of ' colo ur bar s and co lou r ba r legisla tion as wellas une con om ic white labo ur policies. '" In 1951 the Industrial Legislation Commission issued a sha rper wa rnin g : " If Eur opea n w orke rs wish to main tain theirhigh sta nd ard of living and high wag e level," it says. " they must realise that t hiscan only be done by increasing production through bet ter t ra ining and greaterdevo tion to duty and not by me ans of artificial prot ectio n. No cou ntry can affordthe lux ur y of a pam pe red c lass wh o incide ntall y w ould be the first to suffer adv ersecond i t ions / 1

So there we have i t : the colour bar must , in other words, go unless the whitewo rkers can just i fy their wage rates by increased pro du ctio n. Th e quest ion i s :Wil l they be able to produce to something which can just i fy their present wages?And even if they are able to speed u p pr od uc tio n, can the present state of affairscon tinue indefini tely when a vast black lab our force is knock ing hard er and ha rd eron the colour bar door, waiting to do the selfsame jobs of the whites at very muchlow er co sts ? In the answ er to this que stion lies the future of the colo ur ba r. T h eoutm ode d inst i tu t ion . I t wil l e i ther have to be am ende d out of a l l recog nit ion orbe ab ol is he d. An d with it will have to go that grou p which it had hit he rtosusta ined and pamperedthe whi te labour a r i s tocracy .

a n d C o l o u r .It is therefore clear that the laws of economic necessity must finally overrule allidera t ions of race and rac ia l i sm, co lou r and colour pre judice . S ince Un ion .Imperial ism, for the purpose of exploi t ing the resources, materia l and human, ofthi s co un tr y, effectively h ad p erfo rce to use a sma ll white m inority a s a so cialbu lw ark . T his has led to the creat io n of a uniq ue econom ic and poli tical arr an gement: the establ ishment of a complete white democracy as the basis and the screenfor the na t ion al enslavement of 8 0 % of the po pu lat i on . In this l ies the mea nin gThis unparal le led re la t ionship between white and black has led sociologists andpoli t ic ians to bel ieve that colour considerat ions were and st i l l are the impell ingin th is count ry . They do not und ers tan d tha t the modus dominandi ofcon dit io ns prev ai l ing in each are a of capi ta l ist explo i ta t ion. In this co un try .

foreign ov erlo rd to gran t them not only poli t ical autonom y but a lso sin gu larom ic priv i lege s, so sing ula r , inde ed ,- t ha t man y have come to think of thisan ge m en t as the resul t of a capi ta l ist system blind ed by colou r and racia l conera t ion s. Even those who pro po un d the ra th er vulga r doctr ine that econom icsalways and in all instances determine events and the social and political instiAt bot tom, however, race is st i l l an economic factor working in a new guise .

itself. It was only on this basis that the


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social and political needs of Im pe rial ism . The econom ic factor is now a ttem ptin gbreak through the-colo ur bar walls of the social st ructure . Th is break -throu ghreveal the tru e class content of society. It will reduce the w hite lab ou ran indu stri al colo ur bar for a place in the process of prod uction . It will as sim ila teblack work ers, break down social and resid entia l segregation and re ga rd all

nd ry as equ als for the pu rpo se of thei r effective exp loitatio n.Object ively, therefore , the further development of capi ta l ism in this country is

Economic exploi ta t ion and poli t ical oppressio n are ins epa rab le , but becausepo rta nt task of the libera tory movement is the remo val of the co lou r ba r an drren volk institutions. Th is struggle can only be mad e effective on the basis of

The col lapse and the abrogation of the colour bar is not an automatic process.co ntr ary , it is a process *\ hirh the na tional l ibe rato ry mo vem ent mu st hastenby par ticipa ting in the general stru gg le for lull dem ocr acy . I regardval of the colo ur bar as a m ean s to an end . It is but the first st ep on theof strug gle for freedom from econ om ic exp loita tion . The ab oliti on of theur b ar will be the mean> by which a pow erful African pro leta ria t will have been

Our w hi t e Lef t is t m entors never t i re of c reat ing new confus ing vocabulary for us, po orThe la test one is "Ra c is t Ca pi ta l ism ". This non -wo rd presumably is meant to mean that the p l igh te Blacks in Sou th A fr ic a is the result of their ex plo ita t io n as worke rs by cap ital ism tha t is raciaWh at utte r nonsense. This is no th ing mo re than ano ther device to ma inta in wh ite pr iv i leges in S.A.Azania (Black Mans Land) is a co un try in wh ich an invading wh i te sett ler pop ulat io n f ro m abroadok the land and i ts co un try away f ro m i ts nat ive inhabi tan ts and ens laved th em . I t was a co lo nia l

the needs of a foreign colon ial po we r. Later w it h the discovery of gold and dia m on dsuc t io n in the coun t ry - The Land Depr iva t ion of the Af r ica n people was combined w i t hlo i ta t ion under local capi ta l ism and fore ign Imper ia l ism act ing in par tnership. Thist ion of the wh i te pop ulat io n as a fore ign co lonia l conqu eror remains up to th is day even t ho ug hhave been set t led in the coun try fo r a long t im e. The wh i te pop ulat io n is no t in terested in t rueal independence of the A fr ica n people, wh ich means return ing the land and the co un try backula t ion (set ting up a Black Rep ubl ic ) . He wishes to m ainta in S outh A fr ic a as par t o f

ts (and as is the case w i th the So uth A fr ica n w hi te "c om m un is ts" - w ho , in essonce are theing of the Sou th Afr ica n wh i te rac ia l is ts) they denigrate nat ion al ism . Where the Af r ic an peoplee to uti l ise the we alth of Aza nia in the interests of Pa n-Afr ica nism , the creatio n of a p ow erf ulf A fr ica n soc ia l is t s tates, the w hi te po pu lat io n wish to use i t t o do min ate other par ts

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Correct Approach to Problem ofWhite Racialism in South AfricaLEARN FROM MAO-TSE-TUNG

The Ten Ma jor R elationships b y Mao -Tse-Tung is a doc um en t re-issued recently by the Chinesemun is t Par ty to th ro w theore t ica l l igh t on the d ispu te invo lv ing the "Gang o f Fo ur " andthe re la t ion be tween Revo lu t ion and Pro duc t ion . I t is w r i t te n w i th a s im p l ic i ty andr i ty th at the masses can understan d and ye t i t deals w it h com plic ate d proble ms of the Chineseol ut io n. I t also serves as a mo del of ho w to analyse and handle co ntra dict ions in the re solu tion

Iproblems - the concrete resolut ion of concrete probelms - w hi ch is how Lenin def ined the Marx is tod and s ty le of w or k. In h is br i l l ian t analys is of the problems th at C hina has to face in herent tow ards a mo dern soc ia l is t industr ia l base w i th mo dern cu l ture , sc ience, techn ologye Mao-Tse-Tung br ings to i t a r ichness tha t com bines ph i loso phy , po l i t ica l econ om y andWe present herein an extra ct f ro m t he T en Majo r Relationsh ips wh ic h bears relevance as to ho w

relat ionship between the Han na t ion al i ty , wh ich compr ises over 98 % of China 's po pu lat io n, andvar ious nat ional m inor i t ies in China. Mao-Tse-Tung h imsel f be longed to the Han nat ion al i ty .In the excerpt M ao-Tse-Tung is loo k in g at the correct a t t i tu de t o be taken towards nat ional m inor i t ie socates the pro blem i n the chauv in ism of the Han m ajo r i ty . He ca lls upo n the Han m ajo r i ty tos no quest ion here of in tegrat ing the min or i t ies , the favo ur i te p ol icy of l ibera ls , rev is ion is tsther sham M arxists. Rather, as is the prac tice in Ch ina, the pol i cy is to encourage the natio nalr i t ies t o use the ir language and customs and to preserve the ir tra dit ion s. I t is also the po l icy ine 's China, wh i ls t urg ing greater b i r th co ntro l u pon the H an m ajo r i ty , to encourage greateru lat io n increase amo ng the m ino r i t ies . This is in sharp contrast to the t reatement of th e na t ional

r i t ies in the Soviet U n io n, whe re as ear ly as in 1956, Mao-Tse-Tung had already discerned th ere lat ionships between the whi te Russ ian major i ty and the nat ional minor i t ies whoro m rac ia l persecut ion and oppress ion, where the i r t rad i t ion s, language and customs undergoBu t wh at can we , Azanian revolut ionar ies, learn f r om i t?Firs t ly , we should learn to approach the problem from a mater ia l is t ic po int o f v iew, i .e . to lookth e roo t source of the p roblem instead of approaching i t f r o m an idealis t ic p o in t o f v iew o f thees l iv ing togeth er , non- rac ia l harm on y and other such libera l c laptrap . App roach ing i t f ro m th isv iew po int th e proDiem ot rac ia l ism in Sou th Afr ic a is c lear ly a prob lem o f the wh i te rac ia l ism. l t is fo r the wh i te man to l i f t h imsel ft of the racist shithou se into w hi ch he has plun ged him self and not f or Blacks to bend over back

t o accom odate themselves to t hi s racial ism in the name of th e races learning to l ive toge ther.i t , or face th e consequences.This mater ia l is t ic approac h is rad ica l ly d i f fe ren t f r om tha t o f th e rev is ion is t South Af r ica nmm unis t P ar ty ( that no w operates throu gh the AN C of So uth Afr ica ) wh ich t r ies to peddle to us

fr o m w ho m i t was s to len and to those w ho s to le i t , i .e . the burg led and the burg lar are equal .t as mu ch they t r y to peddle t o us th at i f w e do not in tegrate w i t h th e whi tes to create a no n-a l democrac y, the n we are th e rac ia l is ts ! Just as mu ch by pedd l ing th is m ul t i - rac ia l , non- rac ia locracy ap proach , the y ove r look th e sharp c lass d iv ion s between the w hi tes and the b lacks innce a class struggle between the w hi te b uorgeoisie an d the Black oppressed.

MAJOR REL ATION SHIPS BY MAO TSE-TUNGCom paratively speaking, our policy on the relationship between the Han nationality and thenationalities is sound and has won the favour of the minority nationalities. WE PU T THE
http://racialism.lt/http://racialism.lt/http://racialism.lt/


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EMPHASIS ON OPPOSING HAN CHA UVINISM, Local-nationality chauvinism must be opposedtoo, but generally that is not where our emphasis lies.The population of minority nationalities In our country is small, but the area they inhabit islarge. The Han people com prise 94 per cent of the population, an overwhelm ing majority. If theypractised Han chauvinism and discriminated against the minority peoples, that would be very bad.And who has more land? The minority nationalities, who occupy 50 to 60 per cent of the territory.We say China is a country vast in territory, rich in resources and large in population; as a matter offact It is the Han nationality whose population is large and the minority nationalities whose territoryis vast and whose resources are rich, or at least in all probability their resources under the soil are rich.The minority nationalities have alt contributed to the making of China's history. The huge Ha npopulation is the result of the intermingling of many nationalities over a long time. All through theages, reactionary rulers, chiefly from the Han nationality, sowed feelings of estrangement among ourvarious nationalities and bullied the minority peoples. It Is not easy to eliminate the resultant Influences in a short time even among the working p eople. S o w e have to make extensive and sustainedefforts to educate both the cadres and the masses in our proletarian nationality policy an d makea point o f frequently reviewing the relationship between the Han nationality and the minoritynationalities. One such review was made two years ago and there should be another one now. Ifthe relationship is found to be abnorm al, then we must deal with it in real earnest and not fustin words.We need to make a thorough study of what systems of economic management and finance willbest suit the minority nationality areas.We must sincerely an d actively h elp the minority nationalities to develop their econom y andculture. In the Soviet Union the relationships between the Russian nationality and the minoritynationalities is very abnorm al; we should draw a lesson from this. The air in the atmosphere, theon the earth and the riches under the soil are all Important factors for the building ofsocialism, but no material factor can be exploited and utilised without the human factor. Wemust foster good relations between the Han nationality and the minority nationalities andstrengthen the unity of all the nationalities in the comm on endeavour to build our great socialistmotherland.

National Independence and Social LiberationHENRY ISAACS ARGUES HER EIN THA T THE STRUGGLE FOR NAT IONA L INDEPENDENCEMEANS LITTLE IF IT IS NOT ACCOMPANIED BY THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REGENERA-TION OF THE MASSES; TH AT IS THE STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL EMAN CIPATION MUSTLEAD UNINTERRUPTEDLY TO THE STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALISM.

Historically the present era of national l iberation movements in Africa was preceded by one ofAfrican nat ional is t m ovem ents . These mov emen ts envisaged reform based on the exis t ing E urop eannat ional is t model ; they were buorgeois movements seeking not to change the sys tem, but to rearrangethe social order - to replace the colonial ruling eli te by an African eli te. Th e buo rgeois n atio nali stsaccepted and worked with in a European set of values . They sought independence.Indep ende nce in the narr ow legal sense is syn ony mo us with sel f-government : that i s the o vertretreat of the colonial power from the governing body of the nation. Many African states haveformal ly a t ta ined indepe nden ce they have their own nat ional f lags and anthem s, and a b lackadministration. However, this independence is in many cases quite nominal; in reali ty they are sti l ldepend ent on outs ide econ om ic and pol i tical in teres ts (neoco lonia l ism ), and the masses ins ide thecountry are s t i l l oppressed and exploi ted even though the colour of their immediate masters haschan ged. Th is is ind epe nde nce witho ut l iberation. We are now seeing the emergence of l ibe ratio nmove ments in som e of these indep ende nt s ta tes : for exam ple the People 's Revolut ionary Party(PRP) in Zaire and the Zambian Liberat ion Front (ZLF) in Zambia.

The A frican Liberat ion Co mm it tee of the OA U states as i t s a im the obtain ing of formal indepe ndence for African terri tories st i l l under the yoke of white minority rule. However the majority ofthe l iberat ion movements supported by the OAU are working towards something more than formalindependence. Genuine nat ional l iberat ion movements seek not only pol i t ical independence, butalso social and econom ic inde pen den ce for the people of their coun tr ies ; the con tro l of the co un try 'sresources by i ts people, and the end of exploi ta t ion of man by man both with in the country andinternat ional ly .


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" we felt the need to crea te a new society, stron g, he alth y, and prospero us, in which all me n,free from all exploitation, would co-operate for the progress of all." (Samora Machel, 1969).The achievement of such gaols requires an upheaval in the social order within the country: historyt this is possible only throug h the evolution by struggle of popular m ass supp ort. Thus thetactics of the buorgeois nationalists have, in the face of unyielding regimes and the developNational liberations movements then are revolutionary movements, and their struggle for liberation

"We felt especially that the struggle to create new structures would fall within the creation of anew m enta lity. Developing a healthy and revolutionary menta lity requires the destru ction ofinherited corrupt ideas and tastes". (Samora Machel).They seek to awaken the people to the realities of their own situation (conscientisation). From the

a common oppression will arise support for, and then participation in, the struggle

"T he revolution ary war is a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilising themasses and relying on them." (Mao-Tse-Tiing).Participation is more than the bearing of arms; it is the creation of a new liberated society. This

When we consider these features we see that the armed liberation struggle is not only a productculture. And this, beyond all doubt, is the prime compensationthe peo ple for th e effort and sacrifice that are the price of their war "After the setbacks for the PA1GC in 1965 Cabral also said:And with all this, as a proof of insufficient political work am ong our armed forces, there hasappeared a certain attitude (mania) of "militarism* which has caused some fighters and even someleaders to forget th e fact that we are arme d m ilitants and no t militarists ""(F or ) consider these features inheren t in an armed liberation struggle: the practice of dem ocracy ,

lives, literacy work, the creatio n of schools and h ealth services, the training of cadres wh o come

The situation which has given rise to the domination of national liberation movements was not createdcapitalism from its U.S. base in the post world war 11 period , initially in the reco nstruc tion of E uro pen elsewhere. Th e underdeveloped nations, whose underdevelopm ent was grounded in colonialism,

situation of dependenc e. This dependence led to the em ergence of elites within the cou ntries,s. This they have done by creating systems of internal dom inati on.

In their struggle then national liberation movements have a significance which transcends nationals. They are mo vem ents against external dependence (ne oco lonia lism ) and against internalination (elitism). The y are thus of necessity anti-imperialist and com m itted taxevolutuon axv change,

a focal po int for T hird World solidarity by th eir anti-colonialist and anti-imperialista focus which wo uld not o therw ise exist in the diversity of Third W orld natio ns.


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National liberation movements have forced the recognition that wars of liberation are a validcategory distinct from simple terrorism. The 28th Session of the U.N. General Assembly in 1974invited representatives of national liberation movements recognised by the OAU "to participate inthe relevant work of the main committees of the General Assembly and its subsidiary organs, aswell as conferences sem inars, and other m eetings held und er the auspices of the U.N. which conc erntheir coun trie s." This gave these African nationa l liberation mo vem ents a status similar to tha t r***previously granted to the PLO. It broke the monopoly of governments to be the sole representativesof the people of nation states in international forums. Also during 1974 the U.N. General Assemblycalled for urgent economic, financial and technical aid to be granted to FRELIMO to help it in thepre-independence p eriod; thus acknowledging FREL IMO as the rightful representatives of theMozambiquan people.In an effort to forestall the victory of national libera tion m ovem ents in Sou thern Africa, bothAfrican governments have been working overtime to manip ulate th e situation in their own interests.This can be seen in the current "Kissinger initiative" over Zimbabwe, where it is patently clear that theU.S. has been att em pti ng to play off against each othe r South A frica, the Smith regime, the four "fro ntl ine" states, and the Zimbabwean liberation movements, to achieve a settlement most likely to be in theinterests of Western capitalism. It is also noteworthy the number of times recently that the Westerncapitalist powers have exercised their right of veto in the U.N. in matters likely to benefit the nationalliberation movements and possibly jeopardise their own-long term interests.South Africa, seerr.by many as the last bastion of white minority rule in Southern Africa, isptin g to com bat liberation movements bo th internally (by increased arms exp end iture , morerepressive legislation, etc.) and also internationally by:1. Building closer economic and military links with major Western powers, including acquiring nuclearcapacity, and participation in NATO.2. Attem pts t o build a "Sixt h World" coalition with countries like Chile, Paraguay. Uruguay and Israel.3. Increased and more direct interference in the affairs of neighbouring states, particula rly Zim babw eand the "front-line" states - Tanzania, Zambia, Botswana, Mozambique and Angola.. At tem pts to gain intern ation al recognition of the Transkei as justification for a par the id.Seen in this co nt ex t, the struggle of national liberation mov em ents is not only an internal m atte rfor the peoples of the countries, but it demands the active support of all people concerned with the

e Indians & Coloureds Should notThe A N C (A fr ica n Na tional ists) have given a po w erfu l reply to the l ies and dis tor t ion s of the

the ANC (Tambo wing ) . Does th is not prove who contro ls the Tamb o AN C. The authors of thereply, cal led their docu me nt " I n Defence of the Af r ica n Image and He r itage." Defia ntly cal l ingthemselves African Nationalists, they acuuse the white CP of sabotaging the genuine interests ofthe Afr ican people in Azania. Indeed they bluntly state that the so-cal led white communists areracialists, w ho de l iberately and persistently disto r t the na tional question and co ntro l and div idethe Black l iberat ion m ovements in an ef fo r t t o mainta in the w hi t e s tatus quo in the c ou ntr y .The A N C (Afr ic an National ists) trace the h istory o f the wh ite- led CP and expose i ts racistor igins from the t ime i t emerged out of the reformist white workers movement of the 20s; alwaysputt in g the in terests of the whi te workers before that o f the nat ional movem ent, co nt inu al lyi o n of the Black Republ ic Thes is put forward by the Com munis t In terna t ional ; and mis takenlyreducing the struggle in Sou th Afr ica to one between wo rkers and buorgeoisie. In this wa y t he yatte m pt to legit imise wh ite sett ler ism in Azania, and den y that the coun try and the land was takenaway from the indigenous inhanbitants and must be returned to them. Therefore they mustdenigrate Afr ican national ism and equate i t with racial ism.We bel ieve that th e white- led SACP are agents of th e S outh Afr ic an State, del ibe rately set ou tto sabotage the Black peoples struggle. They util ise Marxism-Leninism in an attempt to achieve

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en before the Chinese and Vietnamese Com mu nist Part ies) !!) i t has never had a revolu tiona ry

bo's ANC Dominated by White SA "C "P; To o Many Members of Whitedo mi na t ed S ou t h A f r ican C om mu ni s t Pa r t y has i ssued a S t a t e me n t t ha t de l i be r a t e l yt s w h a t t hey ca ll " f a c t s " an d a t t r i b u t e t he d i s t o r t ed ve r s i ons t o us . The SA C P is unab l e t o

can N a t i ona l C ongres s o f Sou t h A f r ica and a l so t he SA C P do mi n a t i o n o f t he Ta m bo g rou p .Clear ly th e SACP has n o answ er to the prob lem s of revo lut ion fac ing th e Afr ican peo ple ,l y because t h e W hi t e - con t ro l l ed SA C P a l so be l ieves in Wh i t e do mi n a t i o n o f t he A f r i cans , eveni n t he na me o f Marx i sm-L en i n i sm.. In i ts St a te m en t the SAC P lum ps togeth er in a vulgar way and out of co nte xt d i s jo in ted phrasese r t he Ta m bo g rou p nor t he SA C P has a r ep l y i s t he O b i t ua ry on t h e dea t h o f R o be r t R esha .wish to re- i t e ra te th e fac t tha t Resh a was v il if ied to o in h i s l i fe t ime by the sam e enem ies ofi can f r eed om w ho co n t i n ue t he i r v i t upe ra t i on aga i ns t R esha *s co l l eagues t oday . N e i t he r t he Tambop nor t he SA C P pub l ished a t r i b u t e t o R esha w h en he d i ed ; bu t t od ay t he y pose a s h i s "comrad es '*havin g pol i t i ca l ly i so la ted h im in t o h i s grave T he seco nd do cu m en t tha t they di s tor t is abu te tha t Mzim kulu A. Ma kiwa ne pa id to Resha on the occas ion of a me mo r ia l service to unvei l abs t on e t o R esha ' s me m or y . I n i t Mak i w ane cl ea r ly show ed h ow t he SA C P w h i t e l eade r sh i pked t h e A N C . The l as t do cu m en t i s a r e j ec t ion o f t he bogus exp u l s i on s w r i t t en by T . X . M ak i w a ne .advise readers in te res ted in S .A. l ibera t io n s t ruggle to read the three or ig ina l do cu m en ts for the m

and no t to re ly on th e SA CP jum ble d e xt ra c t s .. Th e SA C P has n o right t o r ep l y on beha l f o f t he N a t i ona l Exec u t i ve C o mm i t t ee o f the A N C t ospeci f ica l ly address ed to th e AN C as regard s dec i s ions t ak en b y the N .E.C . of the AN C con cern ingem be r s . The SA C P mu s t exp l a i n w hy i t u su rps t he au t ho r i t y o f t he A N C t o r e spon d t o c r i t i c ismscted speci f ica l ly t o the AN C leadersh ip or is the A NC no longer capable of speaking for i t se lf? T heof Tambo is now simp ly a front or cover organisation used as a tool to achieve the objectives ofSACP . Th ose objectives of the SACP reside in domination of Blacks b y Wh ites in the name ofThis SAC P s t ra te gy of do m ina t ion of the AN C i s c lear ly se t out in the SAC P 1970

"T he 1965 p l ena ry se s s ion o f t he C en t r a l C o mm i t t ee r ec o rde d t he need fo r t hose comrad es d i r ec t l yi nvo l ved i n t he s t r a t eg i c a r eas t o keep t he C E. C . i n fo rmed on t he ma i n ou t l i nes o f t he A N Cac t i v i t i e s bo t h i n s i de and ou t s i de t he coun t ry i n o rde r " fo enable the C.C. to provide adequatepolitical leadership and guidance. But as t i me w en t on i t became more and more c l ea r t ha t t heabsence of proper instituitional links with the ANC i n t he ne w cond i t i on s ac t ed a s an obs t ac l eto the ability of the Party to exercise its vanguard role."S o t h e S A C P established the "proper instituitional links with the ANC " by f ight ing for open

s t he R ev o l u t i on a ry C ounc i l (R . C . ) w h i c h is com po sed a l mos t en t i r e l y o f C . P .em be rs . In th e R .C. a l l dec i s ions are ins t ig a ted by th ree Par ty l ead ers - Joe Slov o. Dr . YusufThe 1969 Morogo ro Conference was used to gain complete C.P.\of the ANC . T h e "links with the ANC " we re nee ded by th e Par ty to enable it to "ex erc i s es van gua rd ro l e" . So the P ar ty , no t the A NC , is in the vang uard ro le of d i rec t ing the s t ruggle for

They have reduced the Tamb o grou p of the ANC to mere puppets dancing to theHis Master's Voice. For how long are White South Africans going to continue to exploitically, dominate them politically and humiliate them socially? We say this practice

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must be stopped immediately. The Slovos and the Carnesons have no right even to attend meetings ofAfricans w here plans to overthrow White domination are discussed.3. We owe no a l l egiance to the whi te-cont ro l led SACP Too many m embers of the CentralComm ittee of the SACP h ave betrayed the Black Peoples struggle and yet the SACP has never issueda single statement denouncing them. We have already mentioned the Central Comm ittee memberArthur Goldreich as an enemy of the oppressed people- be they Arabs in Palestine or Africans inSouth Africa.He lives now in Israel; has fought on Israel's side; has not been denounced by theSACP. We now have t o add Jo e Mat t hew s . S ec re t a ry o f the R evo l u t i ona ry C ounc i l (R . C . ) t o t h isl is t of t rai to rs . His po si t io n is par t icu lar ly in form ative becau se he and his fr iend Jo e Slovo areachi tecH of the d i sas t rous pol ic ies adopted by the ANC at i t s 1969 Morogoro Conference . JoeMat thews, a l eading member of the C .C. of the SACP procured for h imsel f the pos t of Secre taryto the Re volu t iona ry Counc i l formed a t the 1969 Mo rogo ro Con feren ce . He soon af te rwards deser ted-He was not denounced by the SACP. He now denounces the Ol iver Tambo leadership of the ANC-in ex i le as "buf foo ne ry" . A ccord i ng t o t he "Sun da y T i m es" o f 18 th A pr il , 1976 Mat t hew s s t and sfor the fol lowing:(a) That the ind ep end enc e of the Transkei sho uld be acc epte d as a har d rea l i ty and recognised .(b) Tha t the ANC sho uld ab an do n arme d s truggle and ado pt a new pol icy of peaceful re fo rm .(c) Th at N elson Mand ela sho uld be released and b an s on AN C and PAC sho uld be l i f ted. I f pol i t icalleaders are released, they wil l have to accept al l laws in South Africa Statutes l ike the Suppressionof Communism Act , or face re-ar res t .(d) That Blacks shou ld ente r in to d ia logue a t a ll l eve l s wi th the Boer Gov ern me nt ra th er th an w i th t heLibera l s who have no power .(e) Th at th e ANC mad e a mis tak e in i t s pol icy of be ing so c lose ly a l igned wi th the Co mm un is t b lo c .(it would be more appropriate to say aligned with the Soviet Union against China - Ed.)

Well, Joe Ma t thew s i s s t il l a l eading mem ber o f the Tam bo gro up , the Secre tary of th eRev olut ion ary Counci l and a l eading me mb er of the Cent ra l Co m m it te e of th e SACP.5. GHETTO NATIONALISM: How SA"C"P White Leadership Uses RacialismTag Against Africans (sic); White Leadership of SA 4*C"P Disdains Africans;White "Communists" Hate and Fear African Nationalism; Set Themselvesas Leaders of African People and Earn Cushy Jobs; Make ANC Appendage ofMoscow Against China77ie White leadership of the SA CP has devised an effective swear word - racist - which it uses againstall its African opponents. This has paid handsom e dividends up to now in blackmailing the ANCmembers into accepting self-seeking Whites as leaders of the African people. The White leadership ofthe SACP ha s nothing but disdain for the African p eople whom they regard as inferior in the same waythat the Vorster regime regards Africans as children who cannot be entrusted with determining their ownfuture. The White controlled SACP is also terribly afraid of African nationalism. They fear the AfricanRevolution against W hite minority rule. They have tried to give an interpretation of African nationalismthat divides the African militants into 'reactionaries' and 'progressives'. We know thai this division of theAfricans flows from the inability of the SACP to give a proper assessment of the national question inSouth Africa. They try to ride two horses when they deal with the strategy and'tactics, let alone, thetheory of the South African revolution.

In the 1970 Sta tem en t of the C .C. of the SA CP the fo l lowing pol icy was rec om m en de d to th e non -A f r i can mi nor i t y communi t i e s :" 4 8 . Does al l this me an th at the re is no lon ger a role for bodie s l ike the SA IC (S ou th A frican India nCongress) even in the ad hoc , unc er ta in and i l l-def ined form in which they exi st to da y. Webel ieve the y do have a role- The se org anis at ion s are s t i ll form ally legal this legal i ty ca nn ot beent i re

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Ikwezi April 1977

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