Imperial TychesAuthor(s): Kathleen J. SheltonSource: Gesta, Vol. 18, No. 1, Papers Related to Objects in the Exhibition "Age ofSpirituality", The Metropolitan Museum of Art (November 1977-February 1978) (1979), pp. 27-38Published by: International Center of Medieval ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/766787 .Accessed: 30/04/2011 18:35

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Imperial Tyches*

KATHLEEN J. SHELTON The University of Chicago

In 1917, sixty-four pieces from an Albanian treasure hoard entered the Metropolitan Museum of Art with the col- lection of J. Pierpont Morgan. The treasure had appeared on the market, piece by piece, from 1902 to 1907 and had pre- sumably been purchased shortly thereafter by Morgan. The hoard was said to have been found by a farmer on his land near the village of Vrap, but no further details are known of the discovery or of the route taken by the pieces which surfaced in Istanbul, Trieste, Tirana and Durazzo. The bulk of the treasure was held by Morgan, although prior to his purchase seven (of eight) small, rough bars of gold had been melted down by the imperial mint in Vienna, conveyed there most probably by the Austro-hungarian consul in Durazzo who knew of the treasure at an early date.

The original treasure contained four gold goblets, one silver and three gold shallow bowls with "ear" handles, a silver ewer, a silver footed bowl with a swing handle, two round gold discs of uncertain function and the eight gold bars. The remaining pieces were cast and chased gold ornaments- buckles, small plaques, studs-quite clearly of barbarian manufacture. Within the year of the Morgan gift, Strzygowski published the Albanian treasure along with several others in an investigation of the arts of the Germanic and nomadic tribes.1 To be sure, Strzygowski was far more interested in the stylized ornament of the fifty-three barbarian pieces in the hoard, but he discussed the goblets, ewer and footed bowl as well. He saw in them types and motifs similar to those of Coptic, Sasanian and early Islamic origin.2

It might be objected that the types are Mediterranean. The ewer and footed bowl correspond to late Roman pieces, and the goblets are close in overall form to vessels dated to the sixth and seventh centuries, localized in the East, possibly to Constantinople.3 The Albanian chalices are all characterized by broad, hemispherical bowls and conical stems which rise from horizontal base plates (See Fig. 1.) A bulbous convex molding interrupts the taper of the stem near the bowl, and simple, shallow convex and concave moldings mark the junc- tion. Their Constantinopolitan counterparts are far more elegant in form. Base plates carry moldings, stems rise with broad, graceful curves and the attachment of bowl and stem is handled less abruptly. But the difference is one of degree not kind; the Albanian pieces might be explained as late or

. . .

provlncla coples.

One of the goblets in the treasure imitates the Constan- tinopolitan type even to an engraved and niello-filled inscrip-

FIGURE 1. Gold cup with personifeation of Rome. TheMetropolitan Museum of Art, gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917.

tion which circles the top of the cup (Figs. 1 and 2).4 Set off by inscribed lines which establish an upper margin, the legend reads + KuNCT ANT HNOtIOlSHC + [IulSHC KV[IOC + [IulSHC PuMHC + [IulSHC A1SHC A1VeZAN/\PHA + in wobbling uncial script.4 a. The legend is far removed from the stately, niello-filled capitals found on the Constantinopoli- tan pieces, but the Albanian chalice with its awkward inscrip- tion allows the observation of a late and possibly provincial survival of a Roman imperia] type which delights the student of the late antique and early Byzantine periods and testifies to the continuity of the two cultures.

27

GESTA XVIII/1 t The International Center of Medieval Art 1979

Below the inscription on the body of the bowl, are four bust-length representations of female figures. Each is depicted as wearing a long-sleeved garment and a mantle which crosses the body at the waist and passes over the left shoulder. Two additional pieces of drapery billow out behind, arching in the air like wings.5 Each figure carries a scepter, crowned with a cluster of circles, before the body in the right hand. The left breaks the silhouette and gestures, palm open, to the side. All four wear bracelets and mural crowns, and two, opposite one another on the cup, carry orbs topped with three small circles in their extended left hands. The crowns identify the figures as Tyches or city goddesses, and each is represented, roughly centered, below an identifying legend. Starting at the break in the inscription marked by an engraved vine with tendrils, they are Constantinople, Cyprus, Rome and Alex- andria. Quite clearly, the two that carry orbs are Rome (Fig. 1) and Constantinople, whose equality and opposition are announced by both attribute and placement on the surface of the cup.6 Cyprus (Fig. 2) and Alexandria, at some level equivalent, are secondary figures within the quartet.

A simple terminus post quem for the representations is provided by the presence of Constantinople. The inclusion of this personification requires that the group date to the period after the dedication of the city. Constantine began construction in 324, and references to activities of 328 sug- gest that there may have been a personified image at that time. The first representations of the Tyche of the new city, however, are found on silver medallions struck at the mint of Constantinople to celebrate the consecration of the city on 11 May 330. Further, it has been pointed out that repre- sentations of Constantinople as the equal or sister city of Rome are innovations of the vota coinage of Constantius II, with the earliest examples dating to 343 A.D.7 In cor- respondence with Strzygowski, the classical scholar Bruno Keil ingeniously suggested later bracket dates drawn from the iconography of the vessel. For Cyprus to be classed along with Constantiople, Rome and Alexandria, the cup must date after 431 and the Council of Ephesus. At that time the church of Cyprus, under the leadership of the metropolitan of Constantia (ancient Salamis), broke with the patriarchate of Antioch. A terminus ante was provided by the destruction of Constantia and the occupation of the island by the Arabs in 647.8 Strzygowski, in agreement, considered the decora- tions of the goblet to reflect an episode of ecclesiastical politics and, specifically, to have preserved the perspective of a Cypriote chauvinist.9

Keil's solution is simple and elegant, although both scholars were clearly disappointed at the poor workmanship of the piece. Both held out the possibility that the Morgan cup was a later copy of an original made in Constantia be- tween 431 and 647.1° It might be added that the Arab inva- sion of 647 mentioned by Keil lasted a mere two years and that a lengthy occupation of over 150 years only began in 802.1 l More recent scholarship, however, would date stamps and monograms found on the silver bowl and ewer from the

28

FIGURE 2. Personification of Cyprus, detail of gold cup in FIG. 1.

treasure to the late sixth and seventh centuries.l2 And an inscription which circles the neck of the ewer is a virtual match with that on the gold cup. Keil's dating is therefore buttressed by additional evidence. The brevity of his argu- ment, however masks complex developments in the imagery of the later Roman empire which provided the context in which the message of the gold cup was grounded.

After all, there is nothing in the representations or in the inscription per se to indicate that the presence of a per- sonficiation of Cyprus is in any way unusual. She is dressed in garments completely comparable to those of the other three, her gestures are identical; and her attributes, equivalent to those of Alexandria if of lesser importance than those of Constantinople and Rome. If Cyprus is an island while the other three are cities, all four were equivalent administrative units with claims of apostolic foundation within the early church.l3 The perception that the presence of Cyprus re- quires explanation springs not from events of ecclesiastical history but from the iconography of Tyche figures in the late Roman world. Cyprus is represented as a city goddess with the appropriate costume and attributes, most signi- ficantly with a mural crown, but so were many provinces and other geographical personifications. On the Morgan cup, however, Cyprus is understood to be an intruder within a college of sister cities whose conventional fourth member would be Antioch. In such a context, the substitution seems conscious and depends in part for its effect on the audience's expectation of the missing member.

In the late fourth century, at the time that the Cypriote church began to petition for its independence, assemblies of Tyche figures were an aspect of contemporary official imagery. This had not always been the case; the assemblies were a relatively recent development of the previous century. Suf- ficient numbers remain to indicate that the iconographic type was widespread with no obvious concentration in any one

geographic area. The monuments seem to show that, while the motif did not rival the older, established images of em- perors or victories, it was a distinct addition to the imperial iconographic repertory. In the late empire, single Tyche figures achieved a new prominence as well. The city, the basic unit of civilized society for both the Greeks and the Romans, appears to emerge in the fourth century A.D. as a central image in the iconography of empire. And the as- semblies of Tyches would depict the late Roman state as a "commonwealth of self-governing cities." 1 4 The concept was hardly new to the period, but its translation into official imagery was. At a time when many observe the weakened condition of the empire and that of its cities in particular, it seems ironic that the ideal if not the reality of the city would be officially championed.

Personifications of cities have a long history in the Greco- Roman Mediterranean, although some of the developments in the visual arts are traced with difficulty. There is the peren- nial problem of lost or destroyed images, but there are also problems of language, both ancient and modern. At base, the modern concept of personification does not have an automatic equivalent in the ancient world. The human forms and attributes with which certain concepts were made mani- fest were not necessarily mere poetic conceits. What the modern student can only call personfications appear to have been at some level "real," to have been understood along with the major deities of the Greco-Roman pantheon as possessing aspects of human appearance and behavior. Like the major deities, many were the recipients of cult, arch- eological evidence of which exists in shrines and dedications. Unlike the major deities, however, these minor divinities existed in a restricted sphere: possessing attributes but not histories or myths; interacting with gods, humans and other personifications in only the most limited fashion.l 5

Tyche was one of these powers. The earliest reference occurs in Hesiod, and the earliest known image was sculpted by Bupalus of Chios for the citizens of Smyrna in the sixth century B.C. (Paus. 4.30.6).1 6 Although the statue by Bupalus apparently represented the Tyche of the. city, the association of Tyche with specific cities and single individuals was a later development of the Hellenistic period. Tyche was a divinity who governed the success or failure of human enterprises. Less powerful than Fate, the Greek TvXr1 was the Latin Fortuna, and it was in the world of the Roman Republic and Empire that her cult attracted its largest following.l7 She was represented along with a host of other personifications as a mature female figure dressed in a long chiton and mantle; her conventional attributes were a ship's rudder, which rested on a wheel, and a cornucopia. The combination is interesting. The rudder and wheel allude in a neutral way to her power to direct and control events. The cornucopia, shared with such figures as Abundantia, Concordia and Felicitas, would indicate that this control was (always) beneficial. The images of Tyche-Fortuna most widely distributed in the ancient world were those of the Tyche of the Roman emperor whose

good gifts were her essential, most important characteristic. Temples and altars to Tyche-Fortuna were erected in

most major Mediterranean cities, often coexisting with cults of the Tyches of the individual cities themselves. The nature of the relationship between the more broadly defined Tyche- Fortuna and the Tyches whose charge was the welfare of individual cities is difficult to define. The apparent closeness of the modern terms is an appropriate reflection of ancient usage, and scholars discuss city and personal Tyches as grow- ing out of the worship of Tyche-Fortuna in the third, second and first centuries B.C.1 8 The images are distinct: as a rule city Tyches did not inherit the rudder and wheel, nor did Tyche-Fortuna borrow the numerous geographical, historical and religious attributes which signaled specific cities. While no precise determination can be made, it seems significant that Tyche-Fortuna passed from the Roman coinage along with Sol, Hercules, Jupiter and other major deities in the course of the fourth century A.D. City Tyches remained, along with members of imperial families, conquered barbarians and Victories. The distinction drawn by a Christian empire, in a medium under imperial control, would reveal a hierarchy of beings, all of whom had been recipients of cult, but some of whom were not considered antithetical to the new Christian state. The two Tyches, although related, were perceived to be distinct.

The most famous representation of Tyche is actually that of a city goddess. In 300 B.C., Seleucus Nicator founded the city of Antioch in the lands of Alexander's empire which had passed to him upon Alexander's death. Contemporary with the foundation was the commission given Eutychides

FIGURE 3. Tetradrachmon of Tigranes I, reverse; Tyche of Antioch.

29

of Sicyon for a statue of the city goddess. Other Greek cities had erected images in the years between the sixth century work of Bupalus and that of Eutychides, but none was so fre- quently copied and easily recognized as the Tyche of Antioch (Fig. 3.) Her posture, with right leg crossed over left, right elbow to right knee and left arm at a diagonal away from the body, was complex and sculpturally ambitious. The reasons for the statue' s immense popularity are obscure, although the dramatic shifts of axis described by the figure make the work compelling in even the poorest copy. Other sculptures adapted the postural type, the statue was depicted on souvenirs and coins of Antioch, and other city Tyches were conceived as frank imitations.l9 The Tyche of Antioch was seated on a rock outcropping, accompanied by the youthful male per- sonification of the river Orontes. She carried a sheaf of grain and fruits or a palm branch in her right hand and wore a mural crown. The topographical references were taken over by cities where appropriate and the grain and fruits most commonly retained.20 But the crown is perhaps her most important attribute. The statue of Eutychides was the f1rst Tyche to wear the mural crown. So appropriate seems the reference and so ready its adoption by subsequent Tyches, that it is difficult to remember that the mural crown had other applications and that some city goddesses went without.

The attribute is said to have had its origins in the East and an introduction to the West in the fourth century B.C.2 1 Its appearance in the West after the fourth century would seem to indicate that the wearer was in some sense linked with the fortunes of cities. The independence of Tyche- Fortuna is suggested, in part, by the absence of the mural crown as a necessary attribute. And, conversely, the mural crowns occasionally given representations of Aphrodite, Hera, Artemis and others would mark the goddesses in their aspects as guardians of specific cities (e.g. Artemis of Ephesus). Local divinities in areas converted to Greco-Roman beliefs were understood as protectresses and merged with Tyche; the most telling sign of this interpretatio Graeca is the mural crown.22 The extention of the attribute to personifications of larger geographic areas seems natural and can be docu- mented with many examples. Best known might be the relief found at Porcigliano where two female figures wearing mural crowns are inscribed EXPQtlH and ANIA.23 Consorts of living rulers were occasionally depicted with mural crowns,24 and even M. Agrippa, honored for victories on land and sea, wears a combination of rostral and mural crowns on coins of 12 B.C.2s The relationship between the figure who bears the crown and any concerns for the care and protection of cities may seem tenuous in some cases. To the people of the ancient world, however) the attribute was apparently always understood for its specific reference. Cybele, a goddess fre- quently represented with the mural crown, processed in a chariot drawn by lions, attended by eunuchs, Curetes and armed Phrygian troops; her passage accompanied by loud, raucous music. In such a display, the crown seems a modest, if ill-suited, attribute But in a description of one such pro-

cession, there is a ready explanation. " . . * they have sur- rounded the top of her head with a mural crown, because embattled in excellent positions she sustains cities" (Lucr. 2. 606-610).26 Cybele is not a Tyche, nor M. Agrippa. When context or circumstances were appropriate, however, they and many others were depicted with the attribute which called up associations with city Tyches.

There were city Tyches conventionally represented without the mural crown. Certainly, they define a minority, but legends on coins and inscriptions permit the identifica- tion of another type. Several cities in Asia Minor had Tyches in the guise of Amazons. The temple of Hecate at Lagina in Caria was decorated with a frieze depicting an alliance of cities represented as helmeted Amazons and as stately females in chitons and mantles.27 The mints of the Greek cities, which survived into the Roman empire, issued coinage in bronze for local circulation which celebrated single cities, joint treaties and the like through the images of their Ama- zonian and more conventionally garbed city goddesses.2 8 The objection might be raised that these Amazons are per- sonficiations or founders of cities not Tyches.29 But such sharp distinctions were not native to the Greeks, and the material evidence would indicate that the different types were roughly equivalent. Perhaps the most famous figure taken to represent an ancient city appeared in both types and is debated to be either goddess, or Tyche or personif1ca- tion. Or any combination thereof. The figure, of course, is Roma.

There are partisans for every position. The literature is vast; the discussions are heated; and the arguments, at times, seem narrow. For present purposes, it is appropriate to note that, while Roma was much more than a city goddess, her image did represent the city, and the empire governed by that city, as the image of the Tyche of Antioch might stand for Antioch itself. In the Hellenistic period, as the power of Rome grew, the Greek cities of the East created a cult of ea Pxfxtl. Again, this cult was more ambitious and far reaching than the cult of an ordinary city Tyche, commonly practiced only within the limits of a city's domains.30 But the imagery of ea Px,url was that of a city goddess. A third century coin from Locri Epizephyrii in Magna Graecia shows Roma en- throned, wearing a long chiton with a mantle draped about her hips. A female personification of Loyalty stands before her, extending a wreath to crown her.31 The Roma from Locri rests on a shield, a military attribute like those carried by the Amazonian Roma on the near-contemporary coins of the Roman Republic. There Roma is commonly helmeted, in short tunic and boots, with attributes of shield, sword, scepter, staff and lance.32 This martial aspect of Roma was to con- tinue and become dominant in the early empire, but the more peaceful Roma, comparable to traditional Tyche imagery, was to survive as well. A glimpse of such a figure is afforded by Claudian coins from the imperial mint at Ephesus (Fig. 4). Within a temple to the cult of Augustus and Roma, a statuary group is represented with a Roma who carries a cornucopia

30

and related personifications were appreciated and their imagery used to new ends. What better announcement of territorial gain than the head of the Tyche of a captured city on the coin of a Republican general?35 What clearer depiction of the benefits of Roman rule than the image of a province raised up by her captor?36 Once worshipped in isolation-each Tyche in her own city-the cults of the many Tyches may be an appropriate image for the autonomy enjoyed by the Greek cities, even when somewhat curtailed in the Hellenistic period. With the conquests of the Republican generals, how- ever, the individual cities were drawn into larger units and their Tyches with them.

On coins of Gnaeus Pompey, Hispania greets its con- queror while one of her cities, possibly Corduba, kneels before him and crowns him.37 Both figures are females with mural crowns, and, while there could conceivably have been an earlier Tyche of Corduba, there could be no Tyche of Hispania before Hispania was formally constituted by the Romans in the second century B.C. The exact identification of these two figures might be debated, but they establish a pattern which lasts into the imperial period when coin legends confirm a Hispania and show her clasping hands with a figure of Gallia.38 A coin representation of the Gallic provinces, clearly labeled TRES GALLIAE, illuminates the iconographic process.39 These are new Tyches of a sort, Roman Tyches. Quarrels over terminology-are these personifications or goddesses?-point up problematic questions of cult but obscure the accomplishments of the Roman image makers. Heirs to the cults and concepts of the Hellenistic age, the Romans preserved existing Tyches, drew on their associa- tions and created new images with which they narrated their history and, in a sense, populated their territories. The three Gauls can only be personifications of administrative districts of the Roman empire, but in the context of the culture of the mid-first century A.D., they are also the immediate kin of the Hellenistic Tyches. Formerly, there had been personifica- tions of the broad divisions of the known world (Europe, Africa), of the lands within and immediately bordering the Hellenistic kingdoms (Macedonia, Persia) and of the indi- vidual Greek cities (Smyrna, Alexandria). With the Romans, previous settlements in the West, new cities and provinces received personified images which were created as equals to the older Tyche figures. Some sense of their differing origins was preserved in the imagery, nowhere better illustrated than in the Hadrianic province series.40 The city of Nico- media, restored by Hadrian after an earthquake, kneels before him wearing a mural crown. Nicomedia's province of Bithynia also wears the crown as do Arabia, Asia and Cappadocia, while western provinces such as Britannia, Gallia, Hispania, are in classical dress but lack the crown. Hadrian's groupings do not define fixed types but suggest a variable division of western provinces without and eastern provinces with the crowns of Tyche figures.

It would be misleading to imply that representations of Tyches and personified provinces were dominant in the

and offers a crown to the emperor. The creation of the eastern cities, the Roma with cornucopia and mural crown was repre- sented in the Greek im. perial coinage until the local mints ceased major production in the third century A.D.3 3

At the close of the Roman Republic, the cult of Tyche- Fortuna was established and growing. Cults of individual city Tyches flourished in many Mediterranean cities. And a cult of eaPx,ur1. Rome represented and perhaps under- stood as a Tyche, was spreading as Rome was expanding. The imagery of Tyche-Fortuna was singular, with an em- phasis on her good graces. By comparison, a clllster of images and associated concepts had grown up around the personified cities. There were two types and a host of specific attributes. One device, the mural crown, had developed an independent existence: always associated with Tyches and cities, it was incorporated into the imagery of other geographic units, living rulers and deities. Yet Tyche figures, whose prime attribute it was, did not always wear the crown. The number of individual Tyches was large, but few individual images, such as that of Antioch, were known over a large area. And fewer, such as ea Px,ur1, were worshipped by diverse groups.

The private iconography of the Roman Republican families reflected this general repertory of the Hellenistic age. Geographical personifications of Europe, Asia, Arcadia and Persia graced wall paintings, sculptures and objects in the minor arts.34 It was in the coinage, in the public iconography of these families, that the political associations of the Tyches

FlGURE 4. Cistophorus of Claudius, reverse; Temple of Augustus and Roma.

31

the divine Hadrian, shows two kneeling figures with mural crowns.47 Grouped with a personification of a province in native dress, the two are best identified as eastern provinces like those of the coin series. Septimius Severus on a relief from the quadrifons on Lepcis Magna is shown enthroned, attended by the city Tyche.48 It is possible that there were more official monuments, now destroyed, but there cannot have been many. Pausanias' reference to statues of cities which stood before the temple of Zeus at Olympia (Paus. 1 .18 .6) is difficult to reconcile with such meager extant materials. From the context of his statement a Hadrianic date might be inferred, but even the rich Hadrianic series contained only two city Tyches. The date may be incorrect, but, more importantly, the Olympian Tyches may have been private rather than public dedications.

The small number of Tyche figures on official, imperial monuments is somewhat puzzling in view of their popularity at the local level and in the private sphere. The mints of the Greek cities continued to produce coin images of Tyches for local circulation, and the many Hellenistic Tyches des- cribed by Pausanias were clearly still standing in the mid- second century A.D. The Tyche of Antioch, possibly re- stored by Trajan after an earthquake, continued to serve as a model for other Tyche representations into the third cen- tury.4 9 Many small-scale copies after the statue were of Roman manufacture and traded throughout the Mediterranean during the imperial period. But such images were to enter official iconography only at a later date.

In the mid-third century, the emperor Gallienus opened an imperial mint in the Pannonian city of Siscia. Within ten years a coin bearing the personified image of the city was issued, and, during the brief reign of the Pannonian emperor Probus (276-82), a medallion (Fig. 5).5° The medallion shows Siscia enthroned, flanked by personifications of the rivers Savus and Colapis which met at the site of the town. It is a modest image, but it was the first of a number of similar imperial strikes which date to the late third and early fourth centuries. Between 298 and 307, the various members of the first and second tetrarchies struck eleven different imperial types at the mint in Carthage which bore images of that city's Tyche. Between 308 and 3 11 , two additional types were struck for L. Domitius Alexander.s l During the same period, imperial bronze medallions with representations of Alexandria were struck for Diocletian, Maximianus Herculius and Con- stantius Chlorus.s 2 The most famous of the tetrarchic Tyches, however, is known from a single specimen. It is the silver medallion minted at Trier from the treasure of Arras which shows Constantius Chlorus as victor, approaching the kneeling figure of London. 5 3

Towards the end of the tetrarchic period, during the joint rule of Constantine and Licinius, the imperial mint at Arles struck a series to celebrate its foundation. The figure of Roma escorts a personification of the mint at Ostia (Moneta) to her boat in one coin, and in another Arles, complete with mural crown, welcomes the mint at the end of her voyage.54 The

FIGURE 5. Medallion of Probus, reverse; Sisciv between the Savus and

Colapis.

official iconography of the early empire. Far from it. The Hadrianic province series, the Trajanic which preceded it and the Antonine which followed, were a marked break with tradition never equaled or repeated.4 1 They articulated a definition of the empire and an emperor's duties as existing in the varying relations of the central authority and its sub- ject peoples.42 The Hadrianic repertory of types and their associated meanings were never lost; they were replaced, how- ever, only partially by single images issued atirregularintervals. Victorious campaigns continued to be celebrated with the images of provinces as they had since the Republic, and a Septimius Severus might honor his birthplace with images of Africa.4 3 But no programmatic development took place. The officiaI iconography of the Roman empire in the first, second and third centuries A.D. placed emphasis on imperial virtues and imperial activities, civil and military, and the benefits which resulted from both. Tyches and provinces appeared only when their presence was appropriate to the illustration of specific deeds: as mentioned above, Hadrian helped the citizens of Nicomedia recover from the earthquake of 123 and was saluted RESTITVTOR NICOMEDIAE in the company of the city Tyche.44

Nicomedia was only one of only three city goddesses to appear on the imperial coinage through the middle of the third century A.D.4 5 Contemporary historical reliefs featured few more. At Benevento, Trajan was represented distributing tokens of his alimenta to four Tyches of Italian cities and recruiting soldiers and establishing colonies in the company of others.46 An Antonine panel, probably from an arch to

32

allegorical paraphrase appeals in its simplicity, but more im- portant than the tale of the transfer of the mint is the implicit equality of Rome and Arles. Were these coins from the mint at Arles unique, it would seem appropriate to see in them a bit of local sentiment. It is precisely in these years, however, that other cities rose to challenge Rome within the imperial iconography. Most striking and most richly documented is Constantinople, conceived at its dedication as a rival, a new Rome.5 5 The building of Constantinople did not cause a sudden change in the fortunes of Rome: Rome had gradually relinquished its primacy during the third century. During the fourth, it continued as one of the imperial residences along with Nicomedia, Milan, Trier, Sirmium and Antioch. The imperial imagery, however, would portray this gradual change as an abrupt one. After centuries of reigning alone as goddess and protectress, Roma is suddenly pictured as one (although perhaps first) among equals.

The number of works which reflect the shift is relatively large. Some, such-as the fresco from the Via della Concil- iazione, the bronze casket from Croatia and the Calendar of 354, preserve groupings of Tyche figures with Roma repre- sented as their head, their superior. Many, however, do not. Countless imperial coins struck during the fourth and fifth centuries carry images of Rome and Constantinople as equals, analogous in type to representations of emperors as co-rulers. The two are depicted together on a gilded glass medallion, and their images, together with portraits of the consuls of the late fifth and early sixth centuries, are found on consular diptychs. An atypical example which focuses on the Tyches rather than on the consuls is the diptych in Vienna (Fig. 6). The two are here represented with emphasis on their differing aspects. Roma wears a tunic with right breast bared, a crested helmet, a staff (here a thyrsus) and a mantle pinned on her right with a f1bula: she is an Amazonian warrior. Constan- tinople, by contrast, carries a cornucopia and wears a long- sleeved gown with a mantle about her hips and a veil over her head, falling from a mural crown. Constantinople is con- ceived as a traditional Tyche. Where Rome carries a victory on a globe, Constantinople carries a torch with an Erote on her shoulder. The opposition is that seen in the coins, al- though an occasional image breaks the pattern, representing both figures as Amazons, as if they were two Romes (Fig. 7). 5 6

There are other pairs composed of Rome and a rival. Agnellus describes a mosaic which represents Theodosius standing between Rome and Ravenna. On the silver plate of the consul Adabar Aspar, Rome's partner resembles Con- stantinople although she is often taken to be Carthage for Aspar's African origins. Single cities such as Carthage and Ravenna were celebrated on individual monuments. Con- stantinople herself had an existence separate from Rome. The Tyche, like those of Antioch and Alexandria, had been commissioned for a new city, and she was installed in the forum of the founder, Constantine the Great. A sixteenth century drawing by Melchior Lorichs may preserve another image of the Tyche on the white marble base of Constantine's

FIGURE 6. Ivory diptych with Roma and Constantinopolis. Kunsthis- torisches Museum, Vienna.

FIGURE 7. Solidus of Theodosius II, reverse; Roma and Constantino- polis.

33

_ _ ^ Depicted holding the mappa, about to begin the games, the _ consul is seated on an elaborate chair dec rated with lions'

- 4 _[ ends of the seat re imag of nimbed Tyc e figures wearing

+ one of many offi.e holdl vdhteos aj;6<'s ti54< L g fi5t+ggj,. f.';,'.- s h o w n in the Anastasius diptych, like those from the silver

' -;l s pt bli ,ff.appearl tol .ave been among the mblems of high | ^ mosalc, the fresco fi ym the Vi ,ket i_2i4.,20. _ from Croatia and the Tabula Peutingerian cannot now be Av; i<Yi^ matched with known patrons or specific offices. But they

_ are the exceptions. The Calendar of 354 oins four Tyches FIGURE 8. Tabula Peutingeriana, detail; Constantinopolis. with portraits of Constantius II and his caesar Constantius

Gallus. The presence of such portraits indicates little con-

porphyry column located in the same forum. Both Tyche and column are represented marking Constantinople's place i; on the Tabula Peutingeriana, a thirteenth century copy of s

a fourth century world map (Fig. 8). The boyish image of Constantinople, with crested helmet and costume misunder- 3 ; 0

stood, is joined by personifications of Rome and Antioch. ,,;ff ;00 0

Other large cities (Ravenna, Aquileia, Thessalonica) appear q :0 00:; as walled cities; still others (Milan, Lepcis, Ephesus) are f ; l ! v ;00; ff ;:

represented by the sign of two small towers. There is a clear @ X

hierarchy within this symbol system, and at the top is not g -

one city but three.S 7 X * r _iX

Cities represented by both Tyches and models appear

in another late antique manuscript, the Notitia Dignitatum. 0 ; 0

Preserved in numerous late medieval copies, the late fourth, s4 _ 0t0 _.

early fifth century Notitia is an official register of civil and - _ 0

military offices within the Roman state with details of their duties and copies of their insignia. Even though many of the _ i insignia no longer survive, a total of eighty-four Tyches are _ l l preserved, associated with sixteen offices. The majority of _ E 5 1! the figures are identified as provinces who process bearing i _ 11 gold and wearing mural crowns. Roma in helmet and Ama- j |l l_ ; zonian dress prefaces the Notitia Urbis Romae; Carthage, w

p-Jlaws [ r [al SM ASnc F *r * S n 5i t 0 5 0(

south face of the base of the tnL uplwil .sIa xn st Arsadius:' 8 \f 0 0 X , 0

and Alexandria (Fig. 9) form part of the Esquiline treasure 0100t 0 t2ZgS8kv HAW Sgatbgg0 t 00 ; which dates to the mid-fourth century and preserves the 0 X kV ;, ;WXf Si; f

possessions of the aristocratic Roman family of the Turcii. i s ^ <fRt<1>\\< 0:0; 0 C; The statues are ornaments conventionally discussed as capping ;, Vi§ 0300 i; ; :0 0 X 0

the ends of a sedes gestatoria. The context for such fittings > ffE X t 0t !000E }X0-X; ;

might be suggested in part by the curule chair represented FIGURE 9. Silver ornament, profle view with fitting; Alexandria

on the ivory diptych of the consul Anastasius (Fig. 10).59 BritishA{useum,London.

34

cerning the donor or recipient of the lavish manuscript. But the grouping of the portraits with the Tyche figures suggests the illustrations might be best understood as aspects of official imagery. The hypothesis is strengthened by the associations witnessed for other pieces. The ivory diptychs were com- missioned and distributed by the imperial consuls to mark the beginnings of their terms in office. Inscriptions hail the donors by name and by title, and the consuls are represented as public benefactors, opening the games. Similar inscriptions and iconography are found on the plate of Adabar Aspar, consul ordinarius for the year 434. The plate with its alusions to the imperial house and to the largesse which commonly accompanied the games seems to have been Aspar's equivalent to a consular diptych. Many aspects of this imagery are repeat- ed in the insignia of the Notitia Dignitatum, a document which originated in the offices of the primicerii notariorum for the eastern and western halves of the empire. Other Tyches refer to specific imperial commissions. The Tyche of Con- stantinople, the porphyry column of Constantine and the triumphal column of Arcadius are all monuments erected by specific emperors to mark the achievements of their reigns and to do so in the major public spaces of the new capital. The coins, the images which knew the widest public, reflected imperial policy and, in specific strikes, celebrated the cities of the imperial mints. Not surprisingly, in the fourth century when the government began to certify the quality and value of silver and gold bullion, the official stamps, and with them certification, took the form of imperial Tyches.6 °

All the images are late: the first imperial Tyches begin in the mid-third century and become frequent in the fourth and fifth. The cities in question are numerous: those securely identified by inscription include Alexandria, Antioch, Arles, Carthage, Constantinople, London, Nicomedia, Ravenna, Rome, Siscia, Sirmium and Trier. The context is imperial: with few exceptions, the Tyches appear on objects associated either with high officials of the government or with the em- perors themselves. Excluding the many Tyche-provinces of the Notitia, the sixteen Tyches of the Arcadius column and the many coin images, approximately fifty separate repre- sentations of Tyches can be tallied for the period from the late third to the early sixth centuries A.D. And the imagery of the cup from the Morgan collection would add four more.

Keil's dating of the cup, of 431 to 647, located the vessel within a period when Tyche figures can be shown to be plentiful. In his analysis, the ecclesiastical history of the struggle between Antioch and Cyprus suggested a date after the council of Ephesus. As might be anticipated, the open dashes of the Ephesus council were only the most public airing of the dispute which had begun in the late fourth century. The quarrel was officially closed by proclamation of the emperor Zeno (476-91) in favor of the independence of the see of Cyprus.61 The bitterness, however, did not dissipate at once, and the pointed message of the Morgan cup might have been an appropriate reflection of Cypriote FIGURE 10. Ivory diptych, right leaf; Consul Anastasius.

35

sentiments over a period from the late fourth to the late fifth century. Keil's terminus ante of 647 was rather arbi- trarily set; knowledge of Tyche imagery during this period allows a clearer understanding of the chronology and reveals an unexpected complexity in the manufacture of the cup.

The dispute between the two churches began at a time when Tyche iconography was well established and associated with the state. The imagery was characterized in part by individual representations of the Tyches of the many admin- istrative capitals of the late empire. As such, the imagery may have functioned as an officially sanctioned expression of private and parochial interests. In the late fourth cen- tury, it was a vehicle perfectly suited to those who wished to claim Cyprus the equal of another major see. By com- plement the late imagery also included representations of multiple Tyches understood and represented as a college, most often a college of equals. The membership varied, ob- ject to object, but the concept was clear and consistent. The Morgan cup would appear to be a reflection of this practice, borrowing the official, imperial associations of the imagery and introducing a new member.

The individual Tyches, which had persisted on a local level for years before imperial favor, continued after the activities of the fourth and fifth centuries. But the colleges of Tyches did not. The early sixth century saw the numbers reduced to the pair of Constantinople and Rome, and the late-sixth century saw none. A parallel chronology would indicate that the ecclesiastical quarrels begun in the late fourth century had cooled by the early sixth. The combina- tion suggests that collegiate imagery of the Morgan cup is most easily understood as a product of the fifth century A.D. Comparisons for the vessel type, however, indicate a later date. The design of the Morgan cup appears to be derived from Constantinopolitan works of the late sixth and early seventh centuries,62 and the nature of the derivation speaks of distance either chronological or geographical from the workshops of the capital. The intended audience for the message on the Morgan cup most probably had passed away at the time that the vessel was made. The imagery has rich associations which can be fixed in time: it is an image of the late empire preserved on a medieval vessel.

NOTES

*I thank the Division of the Humanities at the University of Chicago for funds for the publication of photographs which accompany this article. I also thank Jeffrey Anderson, Richard Brilliant, Margaret Frazer and Stephen Zwirn for allowing me to see typescripts of entries from the Metropolitan Museum's Age of Spirituality catalogue prior to its publication.

1. J. Strzygowski, Altai-Iran and Volkerwanderung, Leipzig, 1917.

2. Ibid., Nos. 1-4, 10, 12; pp. 1-10, 14-17, 19-22; pls. I, II, IV; figs. 1-5, 7, 13-15, 19, 20.

3. Ewer, see D.E. Strong, Greek and Roman Gold and Silver Plate, Ithaca, 1966, pp. 188-92; bowl, p. 204. Goblets, see E.C. Dodd, Byzantine Silver Stamps, Washington, D.C., 1961, Nos. 8, 1 8, 34, 80.

4. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan, 1917, 17.190.1710; Age of Spirituality, New York, 1979, No. 156.

4a. As Figs. 1 and 2 partially indicate, the inscription consists of both majuscule and minusculc forms. Each U and e is minuscule; the ¢

appears a combination of capital and lower case. The broken-bar a

and o "crowned" with an U (in Constantinopolis, F;ig. 2, far left) defy the type fonts available. The spellings, necdless to say, are erratic.

5. Ostoia incorrectly identifics them as "wings. . . a symbol of victory ." V. K. Ostoia, The Middle Ages. Treasures from the Cloisters and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1969, No. 23.

6. Strzygowski, who must have worked from photographs or sketch- es, treated the decoration as a frieze and, though somewhat puz-

zled, thought it significant that Cyprus (not Rome) followed Constantinople. Altai-Iran, p. 6.

7. A. Alfoldi, "On the Foundation of Constantinople: A Few Notes," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 15-16; J.M.C. Toynbee, "Roma and Constantinopolis in Late-Antique Art from 312 to 365," Journal of Roman Studies 37 (1947): 135-44; G. Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale, Paris, 1974, pp. 43-47.

8. Keil quoted by Strzygowski, Altai-Iran, pp. 7-8. Keil strongly favored a late date within the period to satisfy the "Verwilderung" of the paleography and orthography of the inscription.

9. Strzygowski, Altai-Iran, p. 9. 10. Strzygowski: "Es ist schwer zu glauben, dass die Toreutik in

Zypern um 600 nicht imstande gewesen sein sollte, die men- schliche Gestalt besser zur Darstellung zu bringen." Altai-Iran, p. 9.

11. G. Hill, A History of Cyprus, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1 940-5 2, 1: 284-95.

12. Dodd, Silver Stamps, pp. 19-22 and Nos. 88 and 103.

13. Cyprus based its claim on the mission of St. Barnabus, whose tomb was miraculously if conveniently discovered during the conflict with Antioch. S. Vailhe, "Formation de l'eglise de Chypre," Echos d'orient 13 (1901): 5-10; J. Hackett, A History of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, London, 1901, pp. 3-5, 23-25.

14. M. Rostovtseff, Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, Oxford, 1926, pp. 50-51. For a discussion of the place of cities and city life in Rostovtseffs conception of history, see A. Momigliano, "M. I. Rostovtseff," Studies in Historiography, London, 1966, pp. 91-104, esp. 96ff.

36

15. For brief discussion, see H. Mattingly, "The Roman Virtues," Harvard Theological Review 30 (1937): 103-17. Also F. Stossl, "Personifikationen," Pauly-Wissowa 37, cols. 1042-48; L. Deubner, "Personifikationen," Roscher, Lex. 3, cols. 2068-169; more recently, M. P. Nilsson, "Kultische Personifikationen," Eranos 50 (1952): 31-40, and F.W. Hamdorf, Grieschische Kultper- sonifikationen der vorhellenistischen Zeit, Mainz, 1964.

16. There 1S debate as to this date; see Hamdorf, Kultpersonifika- tionen,p.l30.

17. For an introduction to the problems and the literature, see H. Studing, "Lokalpersonifikationen," Roscher, Lex. 2, cols. 2074- 139, and L. Ruhl and O. Waser, "Tyche," 5: 1309-80; also K. Ziegler,"Tyche," Pauly-Wissowa, ser. 2, 14, cols. 1643-96.

Coinage, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1974; the classic art historical refer- ence is C.C. Vermeule, The Goddess Roma in the Art of the Roman Empire, Cambridge [Mass.], 1959.

33. Vermeule, Goddess Roma, No. 14A; C.H.V. Sutherland, Coinage in Roman Imperial Policy, London, 1951, pp. 135, 209. Kent, Roman Coins, No. 186, unnecessarily takes the figure to be"pre- sumably the Province of Asia." For Roma with a mural crown, see Deonna, "Couronne murale," pp. 168-69; Toynbee, Hadrianic School, p. 18; Mellor, GoddessRoma, pp. 145-54.

34. M. Robertson, "The Boscoreale Figure Paintings," Journal of Roman Studies 45 (1955): 58-67; Gardner, "Cities and Countries," pp. 64-68.

35. Turreted Utica on coins of Q. Metel. Pius Scipio and Crassus the Younger: Crawford, Republican Coinage, No. 460.3; H. Mattingly, Roman Coins, 2nd rev. ed., London, 1960, p. 68. The"regency" of Lepidus for Ptolemy V is commemorated by his descendents in a strike with his portrait opposite the turreted head of Alex- andria: Kent, No. 64.

36. Asia raised by L. Staius Murcus: Toynbee, Hadrianic School, p. 51; Crawford, Republican Coinage, No. 510.1. Crawford parenthetically suggests "perhaps Roma"; doubtful, considering the established iconography of Roma in the late Republic.

37. Kent, Roman Coins, Nos. 84, 85; Crawford, Republican Coin- age,Nos.470.1b,1c.

38. GALLIA, HISPANIA, RICI, p. 200, No. 5; p. 208, No. 81; p.211, No. 120.

39. RIC I: 210, No. 1 10; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 209.

18.

Ibid.; also Hamdorf, Kultpersonifikationen.

Coin of Tigranes I, 83-77 B.C.: C.M. Kraay, Greek Coins, London, 1966, No. 776. G. Downey, Ancient Antioch, Princeton, 1963,

19. pp. 28-37; M. Bieber, The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age, rev. ed., New York, 1961, p. 40. The most comprehensive treatment of the sculpture and its copies is provided by T. Dohrn, Die Tyche von Antiochia, Berlin, 1960. Discussions of the coin types with bibliographic references are also found in J.M.C. Toynbee, The Hadrianic School, Cambridge, 1934, pp. 1 31-33, and J. Babelon, "Dieux fleuves," Arethouse 7 ( 1 9 3 0): 109-15 .

20. See for example the Tyches of Dura and Palmyra at Dura-Euro- pos: Dohrn, Tyche, p. 12, pls. 6, 7, l;also A. Perkins, TheArtof Dura-Europos, Oxford, 1973, pp. 44-45, 79-82, pls. 12 and 32.

21. W. Deonna, "Histoire d'un embleme: la couronne murale des villes et pays personifies," Genava 18 (1940): 139-59.

22. Ibid., pp. 154-55; J.G. Szilagyi, "Tyche," Enciclopedia dell'arte antica, 7: 1038. For brief discussion of the Cincinnati relief of Atargatis-Tyche, see R. Brilliant in Age of Spirituality, No. 160.

23. S. Reinach, Repertoire des reliefs grecs et romains, 3 vols., Paris, 1912, 3: 218, No. 2.

24. Deonna, "Couronne murale," p. 184. For the cult of Tyche in Ptolemaic Egypt see D.B. Thompson, Ptolemaic Oinochoai and Portraits in Faience: Aspects of Ruler Cult, Oxford, 1973, pp. 51-55. I thank Sally Garen for bringing this title to my atten- tion.

25. RIC 1: 77, Nos. 170 and 172. For illustration and brief com- mentary, J.P.C. Kent, Roman Coins, rev. ed., New York, 1978, No. 137.

26. Trans. and ed. W.H.D. Rouse and M.F. Smith, Loeb Classical Library, rev. ed., Cambridge [ Mass ], 1975.

27. Late second century B.C.: Bieber, Hellenistic Age, p. 165, fig. 705; A. Schober, Der Fries des Hekatefons von Lagina, Vienna, 1933, pp. 31-41, 72-76, pls. V-XVII, fig. 21.

28. The Principal Coins of the Greeks, eds. G.F. Hill and G.K. Jenkins, rev. ed., London, 1965; K. Kraft, Das Systeme der kaiserzeitlichen Munzpragung in Kleinasien, Berlin, 1972; and P.R. Franke, Kleinasien zur Romerzeit, Munich, 1968, passim .

29. Gardner would establish categories of guardian deities, eponymous heroes or founders, allegorical figures and Tyches in an ambitious essay of 1888: P. Gardner, "Countries and Cities in Ancient Art," Journal of Hellenic Studies 9: 47-81. The categories aid in clas- sifying large numbers of monuments but seem drawn too tightly.

30. See R. Mellor, (H)ea Pu,ur1: The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World, Gottingen, 1975, esp. pp. 13-26.

31. POMA, nls'rls: Kraay, Greek Coins, No. 293. Mellor, Goddess Roma, pp. 19, 109.

32. For coins of the Republic, see M.H. Crawford, Roman Republican

40.

41.

Discussed at length by Toynbee, Hadrianic School, pp. 24-130.

Ibid., pp. 22-23, 144. Both Trajanic and Antonine series are small by comparison with that of Hadrian.

42. See F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, Ithaca, 1977, esp. pp. 3-58, 363-464, for discussion of this definition as on-

. , .

golng pOllCy.

43.

44.

AFRICA, RIC 4.1: 123, Nos. 25 3-54.

RIC2: 466,No. 961.

45. Alexandria and Antioch are the other two; all three are Hadrianic or Antonine in date: RIC 2: 427-28, 466, 451; Nos. 680, 686, 843-44, 876. RIC 3: 104, 106; Nos. 577-78, 593. A coin of Alex- ander Severus may represent a Tyche: RIC 4.2: 128, No. 720.

46. F. Haseel, Der Trajansbogen im Benevent, Mainz, 1966; M. Rotili, L'Arco di Traiana a Benevento, Rome, 1972, pp. 63-90; also T. Lorenz, Leben und Regierung Trajans auf dem Bogen von Benevent, 1973.

47 M. Cagiano de Azevedo, Le antichita di Villa Medici, Rome, 1951, Nos. 16, 20; L. Cozza, "Ricomposizione di alcuni rilievi di Villa Medici, Bollettino d'Arte, ser. 4, 43 (1958): 109-111; P. Veyne, "Venus, l'universe et les voeux decennaux sur les reliefs Medicis," Revue des etudes latines 38: 306-22.

48. J.M.C. Toynbee, "Picture Language in Roman Art and Coinage,s' Essays in Roman Coinage, London, 1956, pp. 207-8

49. Dura and Palmyra, for example. Supra, n. 20.

50. Gallienus, RIC 5.1: 182, No. 582; Probus, RIC 5.2: 99-100, Nos. 764-66. Kent, Roman Coins, No. 549

51. RIC 6: 426-34, Nos. 27-34, 39-40, 43-44, 46-47, 49-51, 59-63, 65-68; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 5 9 3.

5 2. Toynbee, Hadrianic School, p. 3 8, nn. 5-7

53. RIC 6: 167, No. 34. P. Bastien and C. Metzger, Le tresor de Beaurains fditd'Arras), Wetteren, 1977, No. 218.

37

54. RIC 7: 227, 237-38, Nos. 30-32, 49-51; Kent, Roman Coins, No. 646.

55. Supra, n. 7.

56. Basic references for many of the monuments may be found in Toynbee, "Roma and Constantinopolis. .. 312 to 365," and "Roma and Constantinopolis in Late Antique Art from 365 to Justin II," Studies Presented to David Moore Robinson, 2 vols., St Louis, 1951-53, 2: 261-77. Also, Fresco: M. Cagiano de Aze- vedo, "La dea Barberini," Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale d'Arch- eologia e Storia dell'Arte 3 (1954): 131. Casket: H. Buschhausen, Die spUtromischen Metallscrinia und fruhchristlichen Reliquiare, Vienna, 1971, No. A2. Calendar: H. Stern, Le calendrier de 354, Paris, 1953, pp. 125-44; S.R. Zwirn in Age of Spirituality, No. 67. Ivories: Zwirn Ibid., No. 153; J.C. Anderson, Ibid., Nos. 48-49; W.F. Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten der SpUtantike und des fruhen Mittelalters, 3rd ed., Mainz, 1976, Nos. 5, 15, 23-24, 28, 31, 35, 38.

5 7. Agnellus, cited by A. Momigliano, "Cassiodorus and Italian Culture of his Time," Studies, pp. 181-82. Aspar: Volbach, Early Christian Art, New York, n.d., No. 109, and Stern, Calendrier, p. 140. Constantinople: Strzygowski, "Die Tyche von Konstan- tinopel," Analecta Graeciensia, Graz, 1932, pp. 141-53; R. Del-

brueck, Antike Porphyrwerke, Berlin, 1932, pp. 140-45; G. Becatti, La colonna coclide istoriata, Rome, 1960, pp. 84-88; Shelton in Age of Spirituality, No. 154. Tabula Peutingeriana: K. Miller, Die Weltkarte des Castorius, Ravensburg, 1887; idem, Die Peutingersche Tafel, repr. ed., Stuttgart, 1962.

58. Notitia: I.G. Maier, "The Giessen, Parma and Piacenza Codices of the Notitia Dignitatum," Latomus 27 (1968): 96-141 (with earlier literature). Biregik: M. Jatta, Le rappresentanze fgurate delle provincie romane, Rome 1908; Nos. 1-4, 10. Arcadius col- umn: R. Grigg, "Symphoniam Aeido tes Basileias': An Image of Imperial Harmony on the Base of the Column of Arcadius," Art Bulletin 59 (1977): 469-82 (with earlier literature). For a similar base, possibly for a Theodosian column, see A. Grabar, L'Empereur dans l'art byzantin, Paris, 1936, pp. 269-70.

59. Esquiline: O.M. Dalton, Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities . . ., London, 1901, Nos. 332-35; Shelton in Age of Spirituality, No. 155. Anastasius diptych: Volbach, Elfenbeinarbeiten, No. 21.

60. Dodd, Silver Stamps, pp. 4-5; Nos. 81-84.

61. Supra, nn.11,13.

62. Dodd, Silver Stamps, Nos. 8, 18, 34, 80.

Photograph credits. FIGS. 1-2 (courtesy The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York); FIGS. 3-5, 7, 10 (Hirmer Fotoarchiv Munchen); FIG. 6 (courtesy Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna); FIG. 8 (after K. Miller, Die Weltkarte des Castorius); FIG. 9 (courtesy Trustees of the British Museum, London ) .

38