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Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 1995 22/3–4

In the Wake of Aum

The Formation and Transformation of a Universe of Belief

SHIMAZONO SusumuSå Z

The purpose of this article is to consider Aum Shinrikyõ as a religion, andto clarify the defining characteristics of its universe of belief. AsaharaShõkõ was a member of Agonshð, one of the New New Religions, andspent several years diligently practicing that faith before founding his ownreligious group in 1984. He emphasized intense ascetic practices for theachievement of gedatsu (emancipation) and the teaching of a world-renouncing enlightenment. The tendency towards an introspective faith,seen broadly in the New New Religions, is especially striking in AumShinrikyõ. The group fell into conflict with the surrounding societybecause of its push to rapidly increase the number of its world-renouncingmembers, adopting a style of proselytization common to previous NewReligions aimed at mass mobilization. Rather than trying to resolve thetensions peacefully, Aum adopted an aggressive position, and especiallyafter 1989 its isolation deepened and headed towards violent introversion.Although its destructive violent nature only became evident in 1994, theroots of that violence were already present from the group’s beginning.Elements that invite an eruption of violence, such as a conception of thehuman person as a mass of data that can be manipulated, a distortedunderstanding of Buddhism as justifying violence as a means and per-ceiving reality as an illusion, and an intense leader worship, were all pre-sent in Aum’s universe of belief.

WITH THE LAUNCHING of the police raids on 22 March 1995, the truenature of Aum Shinrikyõ ±«èO7î has increasingly come to light.The sect’s crimes include not only a large-scale indiscriminate terror-ist attack, but also kidnapping, drugging, homicide, the production ofweapons of mass murder, and conspiracy to commit armed insurrec-

* This article, a condensed version of SHIMAZONO Susumu’s book Aum Shinrikyõ no kiseki(1995c), was translated from the Japanese by Robert Kisala.

tion. The public, reeling from shock at the revelation of theseunimaginable crimes, is desperately trying to understand how some-thing like this could have happened.

The answers to this problem must to a large extent be sought in thesocial conditions of present-day Japanese society. Although it wasAsahara Shõkõ &ã½m, the sect’s founder, and his immediate follow-ers who ³nally triggered the explosion, these individuals were born ofand nourished in the soil of contemporary Japan. There is thus apressing need to examine at greater length the way in which the vari-ous ills of contemporary Japanese society—the poverty of the educa-tional system, the ineffectiveness of established religions, the collapseof traditional values, and the bankruptcy of the political order—havecontributed to the perpetration of Aum’s alleged crimes.

The present article is an attempt to analyze this problem in light ofthe universe of belief of Aum Shinrikyõ. There may be some truth tothe view that Asahara Shõkõ is little more than a madman gripped bydelusion, or a swindler out for money and power and unworthy of theappellation of religious leader. A certain weight is also carried byexplanations that see Aum Shinrikyõ as a hodgepodge of elementsfrom the leftist culture of the late 1960s and early 1970s and themanga culture prevalent in the post-1970s era.1 I will attempt to show,however, that Asahara’s universe of belief developed in the context ofexperiences that were explicitly religious in nature, and that anunderstanding of this universe of belief is vital if one is to understandthe sect’s subsequent actions.

The examination of Aum’s universe of belief provides us with twoadditional bene³ts. Hodgepodge though it may be, this universe ofbelief has deep roots in the Buddhist, Shinto, and folk religious tradi-tions of Japan, and forms one of their contemporary expressions.Aum, in addition, is one of the many new religious movements ofJapan, which altogether account for at least ten percent of thenation’s population and which cannot, therefore, be dismissed as“fringe groups” or “cults.” We need to consider Aum Shinrikyõ as aproblem of Japanese culture—speci³cally Japanese religious culture—in the context of this complex religious background.

The other advantage of focusing on the universe of belief of AumShinrikyõ is that it provides clues to the relationship of the group tocontemporary religiocultural trends throughout the world (as well asto possible post-Aum developments in Japanese religion). Advances intransportation and communication have made the world a smaller

382 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 22/3–4

1 Manga (comics) are a graphic art form occupying an inµuential position in Japanesepopular culture, with a readership that includes a large percentage of young adults.

place, and one can identify correlations between many events occur-ring around the globe. One worldwide trend seen since the latter halfof the 1970s is one that might be called “the revenge of religion.”2

The worsening of the environmental situation and of the problemsaccompanying urbanization (such as increased crime, poverty, andfamily breakdown) have engendered doubts concerning rationalism,science, and the ability of the secular state to further the welfare of itscitizens. Young people throughout the world are looking for some-thing to replace modern concepts of freedom and rationality, andhave begun to place their hopes in religious precepts, ascetic morality,meditation, and experiences of the mysterious. The development ofAum Shinrikyõ’s universe of belief is not unrelated to this worldwidereturn to religion by the young.

Aum Shinrikyõ as a New New Religion

It was in February 1984 that Asahara and about ³fteen followersopened a Yoga training center in the Shibuya district of Tokyo. InApril 1986 this group became the Aum Shinsen no Kai ±«èPäul,a name changed in July of the following year to Aum Shinrikyõ. Let usbegin our discussion by situating this group within the overall contextof the Japanese new religious movements.

Although the so-called New Religions have a history going back tothe early nineteenth century, they are often considered to haveentered a new stage in their development during the 1970s. I refer tothe groups that experienced most of their growth during this periodas Fourth-Period New Religions,3 but I have no objection to the morepopular “New New Religions,” as opposed to the “Old” New Religionsthat date from before 1970.

Aum Shinrikyõ is new even among the New New Religions. Groupssuch as Shinnyoen OØä, Õyamanezu no Mikoto Shinji KyõkaiØ[MfP½îl, Sekai Kirisutokyõ Tõitsu Shinrei Kyõkai ›ƒ_—îjsP‘ál (Tõitsu Kyõkai; The Uni³cation Church), Mahikari OM(Sekai Mahikari Bunmei Kyõdan ›ƒOMkgî:, Sðkyõ Mahikari‡îOM), GLA (God Light Association), and Agonshð %L;, whichexperienced most of their growth in the 70s or early 80s, can be seen

2 The Japanese translation of La revanche de dieu by Gilles KEPEL (1991) was titled Shðkyõno fukushð;îuPN [The revenge of religion].

3 Japanese New Religions are often classi³ed according to the period in which they werefounded or experienced their greatest growth. These periods correspond roughly to theMeiji Era, Taishõ and early Shõwa eras, the postwar period, and 1970 to the present day. Seethe Editors’ Introduction in this issue and my Shin-shinshðkyõ to shðkyõ bðmu (1992a).

SHIMAZONO: In the Wake of Aum 383

to comprise the ³rst wave of the New New Religions, while AumShinrikyõ, Kõfuku no Kagaku aSuD¿, Worldmate (Cosmomate),Jõdoshinshð Shinrankai þFO;V°l and Hõ no Hana SanpõgyõÀuTXÀ‘ belong to the second wave.

In the spring of 1995 Aum Shinrikyõ claimed about 10,000 followersin Japan, of which over 1,100 had adopted Aum’s world-renouncingcommunal lifestyle. A membership list discovered by the police indi-cates that 47.5% of the 1,114 commune members were in their 20s,and that 75.4% were either in their 20s or their 30s. Although theNew New Religions tend to be characterized by the youth of theirmembership, this is especially so in the case of Aum Shinrikyõ.

In the age of its members Aum Shinrikyõ resembles Tõitsu Kyõkai(Uni³cation Church), Kõfuku no Kagaku, Worldmate, and Jõdõ-shinshð Shinrankai. It further resembles Tõitsu Kyõkai in its aggres-sive recruitment activities, demands for large donations to the group,and employment of front operations. Its use of media and advertise-ment resembles that of Agonshð, Kõfuku no Kagaku, Worldmate, andHõ no Hana Sanpõgyõ, while its emphasis on death and the afterlife issimilar to that of Jõdoshinshð Shinrankai and Kõfuku no Kagaku. Inits concern with mysticism and paranormal phenomena it resemblesMahikari, GLA, Agonshð, and Worldmate. Like Mahikari, TõitsuKyõkai, Agonshð, Kõfuku no Kagaku, and Worldmate, Aum Shinrikyõemphasizes an apocalyptic vision, and, like Tõitsu Kyõkai and Kõfukuno Kagaku, it exhibits an emphasis on leader worship and the aggres-sive criticism of other religions.

Although some of these traits are also found in the “Old” NewReligions,4 in general they tend more to characterize the New NewReligions. Aum Shinrikyõ is typical of these groups in that it manifestsall of these traits. Aum, however, also possesses a strong introspectiveside that focuses on the inner transformation of body and soul, andthat concentrates more on the condition of one’s own consciousnessthan on happiness in the present world. Although this trait is presentin several other New New Religions, in Aum it is especially conspicu-ous. Let us look now at how this introspective religiosity evolved.

Asahara’s Membership in Agonshð

According to his own account, ASAHARA moved to Tokyo in 1977 aftergraduating from the Kumamoto Prefectural School for the Blind(1986a). In Tokyo he practiced as an acupuncturist while preparing

4 For example, Sõka Gakkai once showed signs of some of the same traits, especiallyleader worship and aggressive recruitment activities.


for the Tokyo University entrance exams. Apparently it was only afterthis move to Tokyo that he became interested in religion. Althoughhis acupuncture work went well, he says, he began to feel that hisefforts to heal people individually were in vain. A “continuing battlebetween self-con³dence and my complexes” resulted, leaving him“psychologically unstable and assaulted by the uneasy feeling thatthings could not go on this way.”

Asahara married in January 1978 and his ³rst daughter was bornthe following year. Given his high expectations for the future, as indi-cated by his desire to enter the prestigious University of Tokyo, we canwell imagine his frustration when he failed in the examination andwas forced to face the harsh realities of life with his new family.

For the ³rst time I stopped and thought, “What am I livingfor? What must I do to overcome this sense of emptiness?”

This is a feeling which we all experience from time to time,only not as intensely. In a situation like that some people willchange jobs, and some people just disappear. However, I setoff in a completely different direction.

The desire to seek after the ultimate, the unchanging,awoke within me, and I began groping for an answer. Thatmeant that I had to discard everything. Yes, everything that Ihad. It took great courage and faith, and great resolution.

(ASAHARA 1986a, p. 21)

Asahara started a business in Chinese herbal medicines in July 1978.At about this time he also began learning kigaku q¿, sendõ äŠ,shichðsuimei veuf, and other forms of fortune-telling. He also seemsto have taken up the study of traditional Taoist medicine and magico-religious prophylactic methods, perhaps in connection with his knowl-edge of acupuncture and his work with Chinese herbal medicines.

A major turning point in Asahara’s search for faith occurred whenhe joined Agonshð, founded by Kiriyama Seiyð +[©Í. While amember of this sect he completed the senzagyõ æã‘, performing theforty-minute kuyõgyõ Úï‘ in his home for a total of one thousanddays. Asahara writes, “I have the feeling that my earthly desiresincreased during these three years. The stability that I had acquiredthrough my previous disciplines was shattered. How many times Ithought about abandoning the practice of the senzagyõ! But I am inthe habit of trying everything for myself, so I continued to the end.”

In Agonshð, liberation from bad karma (innen ƒâ) is consideredof utmost importance.5 This teaching has been central to the group’s

5 For an explanation of the history and teachings of Agonshð, see KIRIYAMA 1983, READER

1988 and KOBAYASHI 1994.


faith structure since its foundation as the Kannon Jikeikai ?3²ˆlin 1954.6 It maintains that suffering has its origin in bad karma, andthat if one is freed from this karma one’s fortunes will change for thebetter; senzagyõ is considered the most effective means of erasingkarma. The realization of worldly happiness is thus important inAgonshð. As we shall see, Aum’s belief in removing karma is a contin-uation of this teaching, though in a slightly altered form.7

After 1970 a new element was introduced into Agonshð faith prac-tices when KIRIYAMA began to publish books like Henshin no genri [Theprinciples of transformation] (1971) and Mikkyõ: Chõnõryoku no himitsu[Esoteric Buddhism: The secret of psychic power] (1972). These hada great appeal for the young, answering the demand of the age fordirection in the practice of meditation and bodily discipline based onesoteric Buddhism and yoga. In Mikkyõ Kiriyama speaks of “extraordi-nary techniques for human transformation,” “psychic powers providedby science,” and “techniques for changing genes.” We can well imag-ine how fascinated the young Asahara must have been with this book.

Encounter with Yoga

Of the many things Asahara encountered in Agonshð, however, whatattracted him most was the theory and practice of yoga. Much ofKiriyama’s Mikkyõ is devoted to explanations of kundalin‡, the ninechakras, the three n„dhi (channels) of pingala, ida, and sushumn„, andliberation from karma through the power of a guru. There is also acurriculum for the development of psychic powers. These elementsoverlap to a great extent with the training techniques presented inASAHARA’s own book, Chõnõryoku: Himitsu no kaihatsuhõ [Psychicpower: A hidden method of development], written during AumShinrikyõ’s developmental stage in 1986.8 Asahara’s work on yoga alsoresembles that of Kiriyama in that it relies to a great extent on thewritings of Sahoda Tsuruji Õ˜,Æ¸; although Asahara may haveturned to Sahoda’s writings on his own, it is almost certain that he wasled to them by Kiriyama.

One other important concept that Asahara learned from Agonshðwas the notion of returning to early Buddhism. Kiriyama criticized the

6 The name was changed to Agonshð in 1978.7 ”Removing karma” in Aum refers to the belief that by enduring various sufferings and

ordeals one can rid oneself of bad karma accumulated in past and present lives. This con-cept has been used to justify the abuse of some members.

8 The practical application of this technique is developed in Chõnõryoku himitsu nokarikyuramu: Kenkõhen [The secret curriculum of psychic power: Health edition](1987a).


state of established Buddhism in Japan, taking the position that theÃgamas (Agonkyõ %L™), the sutras of early Buddhism, are to be hon-ored above all other texts. KIRIYAMA’s books stressing the importanceof the Agonkyõ, such as Ningen kaizõ no genri to hõhõ [The principle andmethod for the reformation of humanity] (1977) and Agonmikkyõ ima[The age of Ãgama esotericism] (1978), were published just beforeAsahara joined Agonshð. In these books a fundamental Buddhisttraining method, shichika sanjðshichidõbon ÌDXYÌŠõ (seven sub-jects and thirty-seven paths), is presented, with yoga comprising partof the system. In his early works Asahara often refers to this method oftraining. Although Asahara’s ideas on early Buddhism were alsoinformed by the well-known Buddhist scholars Nakamura Hajime_ªâ and Masutani Fumio †úkÍ, it was Agonshð, again, that ledhim to their writings.

In summary, during Aum Shinrikyõ’s developmental stage (from1984, when Asahara left Agonshð, until about 1987) Asahara inheritedmany elements of Agonshð’s faith system, including a deep concernwith freedom from karma through magical ritual practices; with thetransformation of mind and body and the development of psychicpowers through science; with meditation focusing on the awakeningof kundalin‡ through the union of yoga and esoteric Buddhism; andwith the development of a teaching and training system based onearly Buddhism. However, it would not be correct to say that Asaharasimply adopted the Agonshð universe of belief wholesale. As we saw,in Agonshð central importance is accorded to freedom from karma;in early Aum, however, that position is occupied by the awakening ofkundalin‡ through yoga (yoga remained a relatively minor aspect ofAgonshð’s teachings). Additionally, Agonshð devotes little attentionto the early Buddhist view of life and death, while early Aum empha-sized two teachings on this subject attributed to Š„kyamuni Buddha:the teaching of “transcending life and death” (relating to gedatsu mõ[emancipation]) and that of “absolute freedom, absolute happi-ness”(relating to satori ;™ [enlightenment]). Indeed, these two ele-ments formed the very core of early Aum’s universe of belief.

In this way Aum introduced a new element that was far more inner-directed than that of salvation and this-worldly bene³ts, a goal com-mon to many Japanese new religious movements and only partiallytranscended by Agonshð.

The Gedatsu Experience and Messianic Self-Awareness

Asahara states that he experienced the “awakening of kundalin‡” in


1981. Kundalin‡ is explained as the original life energy that is releasedfrom the mðl„dh„ra chakra, the lowest of seven (or, according to someinterpretations, nine) chakras located from the bottom of the spinalcolumn to the top of the head. This release of mysterious kundalin‡energy transforms both body and soul.

First of all, a red-hot energy is released from the mðl„dh„rachakra in the coccyx and travels up along the backbone, enter-ing the sahasr„ra chakra at the top of the head. After that,kundalin‡ travels up through the sushumn„ channel, whichconnects the perineum with the sahasr„ra chakra. Then thekundalin‡ passes through the sv„dhishthana chakra (genitals) tothe manipðra chakra (navel), on to the an„hata chakra (chest),and then through the vishuddha chakra (throat), and a spiritu-al awakening occurs. (ASAHARA 1986a, p. 113)

In the author’s introduction to Chõnõryoku: Himitsu no Kaihatsuhõ, themost important doctrinal text of the early years of this faith, this“awakening of kundalin‡” is the only accomplishment speci³callyidenti³ed as important. We can therefore assume that from the timeAsahara opened his yoga training center until about 1986 this awaken-ing was considered the most important component of the gedatsuexperience. Yoga, the means of attaining this awakening, thus becamethe central pillar of Aum’s religious praxis.

It was in 1985 that Asahara began to claim extraordinary experi-ences and exhibit an awareness of his qualities as a charismatic leader.In February of that year he reported an experience of levitation to anoccult journal, thereby attracting a great deal of attention. Anothervery important experience occurred in 1985, he says. While engagingin the practice of the homeless monk (zuda no gyõ w¼u‘) and per-forming prostrations (gotai tõchi 2¿VG)at Miura Beach in KanagawaPrefecture “in order to experience the suffering of all living beings,”suddenly the god Shiva appeared from heaven and declared, “Iappoint you Abiraketsu no Mikoto.” According to Asahara, this meansthat he is “the god of light who leads the armies of the gods” and is tocreate an ideal society made up of those who have attained psychicpowers, a society called the Kingdom of Shambhala.

Asahara’s knowledge of the concept of Shambhala undoubtedlycomes from the K„lacakra Tantra, a later-period text valued by esotericBuddhism. In the K„lacakra Tantra transmission Shambhala is imag-ined to be a hidden valley existing somewhere in northeastern Asia.According to this tradition, in time Raudra Cakrin, the ideal king ofShambhala, will be reborn as a messiah to defeat the in³dels in a ³nalwar and establish the reign of Buddhism (TANAKA 1994). The origin of


Asahara’s messianic self-awareness can be found here.In the summer of the following year, 1986, Asahara performed

ascetic practices in the Himalayas that led, he claims, “to a spiritualstage that was ³rm and immovable.” Later he described this state as ahigh form of gedatsu, the implication being that he had attained “³nalgedatsu” (“Kyðsai no kiseki” [The story of salvation], Mah„y„na 16–17).

Until 1986 the group under Asahara developed mainly aroundyoga lessons and “miracle” experiences, such as healings effectedthrough yogic practice. In 1987, however, it began to assume anardently religious character, with a clari³ed doctrine of satori based onearly Buddhism, a regimen of strict ascetic practices for the attain-ment of gedatsu, and a salvi³c faith system centering on the rite ofInitiation. The latter rite, as we shall see, was believed to greatly accel-erate the path to gedatsu and satori. Let us ³rst take a look at the con-cept of satori.

Teachings on Satori

Asahara presented certain teachings on satori in his 1986 book Seishi okoeru ´‘¤•Nš [Transcending life and death], an explanation of hisideas on early Buddhism. In this book the meditation for attainingsatori is explained as a deepening of the primitive Buddhist practiceknown in Japanese as shinensho vç‰, the fourfold meditation toeliminate false views: 1) the body is impure (shinnensho Xç‰), 2) per-ception leads to suffering (junensho 1ç‰), 3) the mind is imperma-nent (shinnensho Dç‰), and 4) the dharmas are nonsubstantial(hõnensho Àç‰). These meditations are included in the shichika san-jðshichidõhin of Agonshð. In Seishi o koeru this method of meditation ispresented brieµy as one of the four means to attain gedatsu, along with„sana (yogic posture), pr„n„y„ma (breathing methods), and mudr„(mystic postures believed capable of contributing to spiritual realiza-tion).

In 1987, however, Asahara published Initiation, a book welcomed inAum circles for its clari³cation of his teachings on satori (including anexplanation of the difference between satori and gedatsu). In this bookone is struck especially by the appeal made for the deepening of aunique self-perception:

Let me tell you straight, those who think that this world is fullof pleasure are not suited for our practice. For their lives havenot yet come to the dead end that provides the impetus forspiritual practice. Only after experiencing suffering are theyready to start practice.


To understand this point, you need to understand theprocess by which our true self loses sight of its true condition.Our true self, what you can call the real me, is our source ororigin. When you add to this your personal will and your col-lection of images and memories, then you have what we callthe soul. It’s probably easier to understand in this way.

The true self is inµuenced by the three gunas: virtue, vice,and action. It is under the inµuence of the gunas that we grad-ually lose sight of our true condition and are possessed byillusion. A person under the inµuence of illusion is like theperson I just mentioned, the one who thinks the world is pleas-ant. They still view the world as everything. Are you still withme?

However, when you come to the end of this process, whenyou run into that dead end, that’s when you begin to experi-ence suffering. That’s when you become keenly aware of thesuffering of being reborn into this world, the meaninglessnessof it all. It is because your true self has accumulated manyexperiences that ³nally you become aware of this.

These comments are from the period when Asahara’s homilies werebeginning to interest large numbers of young people. Asahara, likeTakamori Kentetsu ¢Ißó of Jõdoshinshð Shinrankai, is notable forcaptivating large numbers of the young with a straightforward teachingof denial and withdrawal from the world, saying, “Life is suffering,”and, “Look death straight in the eye.” A similar element is present,but not nearly as clearly, in the teaching of Takahashi Shinji ¢ï=µ(the founder of GLA, whose work Asahara had studied).

Asahara connects this message with the meditation experience,using parables to assert in an easily understandable way that the realityof this world is just an illusion.

Let’s suppose that we have here a foolish person and a wiseperson. The foolish person buys an orange. He eats theorange and ³nds it delicious.

The foolish person then continues eating oranges until he tires ofthem and goes to apples. But the same thing happens. In this way hegoes on and on, repeating the same error. The wise person, however,is different. When he tires of oranges he examines the reason why thishas happened, and he is not attracted to either apples or bananas. Itis the same with cars or with the opposite sex.

Moving from Jane to Mary to Paula, it’s all the same process,right?

Therefore, if we had understood the workings of the mind


in the case of oranges, we wouldn’t have been tempted byeither cars or the opposite sex. That is when satori makes itsappearance of its own accord.

You’re probably surprised that all of a sudden the wordsatori has appeared. You probably think that cars and orangesand satori just don’t go together. But satori is precisely the statewhere one sees objectively and realizes the workings of theheart, when one sees how the true self has entered the dark-ness. Okay? This is the process of satori....

Once you’ve achieved satori then you realize what you needto do now, or just what this thing called life is. Then you loseall interest in money.

After all, you’ve realized that there is something muchmore important than that. How can I live each day to the full?How can I live in such a way as to seek after absolute freedom,absolute happiness and joy, which is what the true self reallydesires? Gradually you begin to focus on these points. Thenyou begin training and head towards gedatsu.

This view of satori has remained central to the intellectual side of Aumuntil the present day. It is certainly a doctrine readily understandableto young people weary of the “afµuent society.” It is world-denyingand world-renouncing in the sense that it is indifferent to the waysand pleasures of the world, and it is inner-directed in that it encour-ages one to turn to one’s own heart and mind. This teaching is starklydifferent from that of the “Old” New Religions, which seek worldlyhappiness and ful³lling human relationships, and it presents veryclearly the world-renouncing characteristic of certain of the New NewReligions.

The Process of Gedatsu

In 1987 Asahara also made progress in providing a practice forgedatsu. This was undoubtedly aided by Asahara’s trip in February 1987to Dharamsala in northern India, where he experienced esoteric Bud-dhism ³rsthand. Asahara entertained the hope of steadily expandingthe ranks of believers, full-time practitioners, and spiritual adepts, towhich end the provision of a means to gedatsu was imperative.

While in India Asahara learned of the so-called Black Box used inTibetan Buddhism, and incorporated it into Aum’s system as “practicein solitary con³nement.” The Tibetan Buddhist practice that Asahararefers to as tsandari, in which one imagines one’s sexual energy µaringup and rising through the central arteries of the body, also came to be


taught in a kind of word-of-mouth process. In June 1987 Asahara’sforemost disciple, Ishii Hisako Ím±{, used this method to perfectkundalin‡ yoga, and many of Asahara’s other disciples soon followedsuit.

Although the goal of kundalin‡ yoga is relatively clear, it is not soclear how the attainment of kundalin‡ yoga connects to the ultimatepurpose of Aum training, the “³nal gedatsu” that Asahara himself issupposed to have attained. Indeed, the very concept of gedatsu, indi-cating absolute freedom and absolute happiness, is possessed of node³ning characteristics and is thus quite dif³cult to ascertain. Thelack of clear stages on the way to this goal comprised a major problemfor Aum, which sought to bring a large number of people to gedatsu inas short a time as possible.

The group thus tried several approaches between 1987 to 1988, asthe number of those who had achieved kundalin‡ yoga grew. The ³rstwas the formulation of a multitiered cosmology with correspondingtypes of yoga, to indicate that there were still deeper levels of practice.This cosmology postulated the existence of a lower and upper Astralworld; of a lower, middle, and upper Causal world; and, in the upperCausal world, of a region called Mah„y„na or Mah„nirv„«a. All ofthese transcend the phenomenal world. In terms of practice, onepassed through Astral yoga and Causal yoga to achieve the level ofMah„y„na or Mah„nirv„«a.9

Thus the completion of training in Aum no longer meant simplythe achievement of kundalin‡ yoga. We see, for example, the appear-ance of disciples recognized as having achieved r„ja yoga, involving theperfection of the six p„ramit„s: giving, discipline, patience, devotion,meditation, and wisdom. During a seminar in October 1987 Asaharastated, “Until now most people have assumed that ‘completion’ (jõju¨=) always referred to the same thing, but in fact that is not so.There are various stages. And you move up through the stages toreach the ultimate state” (Mah„y„na 20: 142–43).

In May 1988 Ishii Hisako was recognized as having achievedmah„mudr„, indicating yet another stage of “completion.” About thisAsahara says, “Keima Daishi’s [Ishii’s religious name] achievement ofmah„mudr„ demonstrates, I believe, the correctness of Aum’s doctri-

9 As explained in ASAHARA 1988a. The terms Astral world and Causal world are used inTheosophy, as well as in modern forms of occultism and spiritualism. In Japan they are con-nected with yoga and psychic science movements, which gained popularity in the years afterthe war and became well known to the general public with the increased interest in theoccult that formed part of the post-70s magicoreligious mass culture. It goes without sayingthat Mah„y„na and nirv„«a are basic Buddhist terms.


nal system. I consider Keima Daishi to be a model, a paragon, for alldisciples. By this I mean that she demonstrates what is supposed tohappen to us as we reach each stage. In this sense her achievement ofmah„mudr„ in May has great signi³cance for all of us” (Mah„y„na 20:133–34).

The Dif³culty of Demonstrating Gedatsu

We can see that Asahara himself was groping to clarify the stages lead-ing to ³nal gedatsu. A bigger problem, however, was that the verypromise of gedatsu easily led to disappointment. Those who had leftbehind family, property, and social status in order to become com-mune members expected a quick advance through the stages leadingto ³nal gedatsu. After all, Aum had encouraged their sacri³ces withthe promise that such an achievement was possible. However, oncethe commune had been joined and the life of practice taken up,objectives beyond the achievement of kundalin‡ yoga were unclearand it was dif³cult to measure one’s own development. ASAHARA him-self seemed to be searching for means to clarify what the achievementof ³nal gedatsu signi³ed.

We have to prevent those of false gedatsu from wielding anyinµuence over people. For that reason I think I will have toshow you eventually the true state and power of one who hasattained gedatsu, as a kind of touchstone. (1988, p. 112)

In March 1988 Asahara attempted to demonstrate the existence ofpsychic powers, and thus gedatsu, by performing experiments such asone in which someone remained suspended in water and physiologi-cal functions were halted. It is questionable, though, how persuasivethis demonstration was, and whether such “psychic power” truly indi-cates the achievement of satori and gedatsu. One would expect a reli-gious leader attempting to demonstrate his attainment of ³nal gedatsuto put on a rather more powerful display of psychic power or prophecy.The lingering questions about gedatsu, questions that would hardlyconcern a religion that emphasized this-worldly bene³ts, were a con-tinuing threat in the more inner-directed Aum.

From Satori and Gedatsu to Salvation

In the postscript to the 1991 edition of Chõnõryoku: Himitsu no kaihatsu-hõ, ASAHARA says the following about his growth since the ³rst edition:

Since then I have continually increased the severity of my prac-tice and have been able to investigate thoroughly the ³nal


stage of yoga. This is nothing else than the goal that I have setfor myself.

When I reached that stage, however, I realized that thereare still more stages beyond, and I could not be satis³ed. Andso I began searching again.

As a result, I became aware of the limitations of practicedone for oneself, and I have moved to the practice ofMah„y„na, where “one takes one’s own suffering as happiness,and one takes the suffering of others as one’s own.”

Through the practice of Mah„y„na one is able to cultivateshimuryõshin v[gD [the four in³nite virtues] (love, compas-sion, joy, and equanimity). It is precisely shimuryõshin that causesthe expansion of the great Emptiness and has given me evenmore wonderful psychic powers.

The practice of Mah„y„na described by Asahara refers to the sacri³ceof oneself for the sake of saving others. Asahara describes three typesof salvation: saving others from the suffering of illness, bringing hap-piness to the world, and leading people to satori and gedatsu. The ³rsttype of salvation, meant to answer people’s need for healing, was rep-resented by the book Chõnõryoku himitsu no karikyuramu: Kenkõhen,cited above. As I will take up the question of happiness later, let meexplain here a bit about the third type of salvation, that of leadingpeople to satori and gedatsu.

The introduction of the rite of Initiation was an attempt to helprealize this type of salvation. In it the mysterious power of gedatsu wasshared with the believer through the aid of magical rites and instru-ments. One such instrument was the purusha, described as “a mysteri-ous ceramic that contains the Master’s energy,” which was worn as abadge on the believer’s clothes. Various other objects were also devel-oped, like the “purusha box,” said to purify the terrestrial elements byreleasing a perfumed smell, and the “astral teleporter,” believed totransport the energy of the mantras chanted by Asahara. The mostimportant element of Initiation, however, was the shakt‡pat rite, inwhich one who had attained gedatsu transferred power by placing hisor her hand on the forehead of the reclining believer.10 This was saidto accelerate the development of the chakras and the awakening ofkundalin‡. It was also said to require tremendous amounts of energy;in August 1988 Asahara ceased performing the rite and left it to hisleading disciples, claiming that he had already suffered considerable

10 Shakt‡ refers to power or energy, particularly the energy of the chakras. In TibetanBuddhism, pat indicated a sharp sound thath instantly transfers the consciousness to a higherlevel and signi³es the union of ef³cacious means and wisdom.


damage. It goes without saying that a large donation was requested forthis rite, and that it contributed greatly to the group’s coffers.

The new emphasis on Mah„y„na and the salvation of others com-prised a change in direction from the more personal pursuit of satoriand gedatsu. It also meant a shift towards the earlier New Religions,with their stress on the magical charisma of the leader and the attain-ment of this-worldly bene³ts. Given that the stated goal of Aumremained satori and gedatsu, however, the new direction caused a cer-tain tension among Aum believers. If one has taken up a religion insearch of a personal gedatsu, one would hardly be satis³ed with “salva-tion work” that amounted to little more than recruiting new membersfor the group.

Thus the new stress on the Initiation ritual and on saving othersfrom the suffering of illness was not suf³cient to redirect the interestof Aum believers towards the concept of salvation. This, perhaps, isone reason why an apocalyptic vision came to be stressed. This bringsup the second type of salvation mentioned above, that of bringinghappiness to the world.

From Salvation of the Soul to Salvation of Humanity

Salvation is related not only to the destiny of the individual but also tothe destiny of humanity as a whole. The latter aspect is something thatAum Shinrikyõ had exhibited an interest in from its very beginnings.In 1985 Asahara had already started entertaining a messianic self-con-sciousness relating to the aforementioned legend of Shambhala,which contains the prophecy of a ³nal war. The same year Asahara vis-ited Mt. Goyõ in Iwate Prefecture, his interest aroused by the apoca-lyptic vision that the prewar theorist of “ultra-ancient history” (chõko-dai shi •òÖt), Sakai Katsutoki ,m§t, is said to have receivedfrom God. The content of this vision was, “Armageddon will occur atthe end of this century. Only a race of compassionate sages will sur-vive. Their leader will come from Japan” (Mah„y„na 16: 118–19). Thisanticipated Asahara’s later apocalyptic prophecies.

Until about 1988 Asahara seems to have entertained a rather utopian“plan of salvation,” and often spoke optimistically of his hope to estab-lish an ideal society. This is clearly expressed in a pamphlet publishedin 1988 as an introduction to Aum, Kagirinaku tõmei na sekai e no izanaiï™qUtgq›ƒƒuJ]qJ[Invitation to an in³nitely clear world].Here we ³nd a concrete exposition of the second type of salvationmentioned above, that of bringing happiness to the world.

The legendary utopia of Shambhala...ruled by the god Shiva, is


a world that only those souls who have penetrated the fulltruth of the universe may enter. There the world’s saviors,whose goal it is to save all souls and lead them to gedatsu,progress in their own training. Master Asahara has been re-born from that realm into the human world so that he mighttake up his messianic mission. Thus the Master’s efforts toembody truth throughout the human world are in accordancewith the great will of the god Shiva.

Let us take a look, however, at the condition of Japan andthe world. Clearly we face a very dangerous situation arisingfrom the rapid growth of egotism. Master Asahara’s prophe-cies—worsening trade relations between America and Japan,increased defense spending, abnormalities in the Fuji volcanicregion and the Paci³c Plate, etc.—have already proved true.

If we allow the energy of the demon to increase, it will beextremely dif³cult to prevent a slide towards nuclear war atthe end of the century.

This is why Aum Shinrikyõ has developed a plan to trans-form Japan into Shambhala. This plan, unequaled in scope,will extend Aum’s sacred sphere throughout the nation andfoster the development of multitudes of holy people, makingJapan the base for saving the entire world. This plan cannot berealized without the help of our believers. Please come andjoin us!

Wouldn’t you like to build a society based on truth, wheremore and more souls can live according to truth, realize gedat-su, and make their way to a higher world? Let’s help the worldavoid disaster and attain a happy future. Let’s combine ourefforts, and translate into action the great will of the god Shivaand our guru, Master Asahara.

The plan to transform Japan into Shambhala is the ³rst steptowards transforming the entire world into Shambhala. Yourparticipation will result in great merit and lead you to a higherrealm.

There follows an outline of the plan, part of which is “The LotusVillage Plan: Towards the Construction of a Society and Culture ofTruth,” a proposal for the establishment of a type of commune.

This means the construction of an Aum Village, so that every-one can live a life founded on truth. We will build a completelyindependent society, providing everything from food, cloth-ing, and housing to places for religious practice, education,employment, medical treatment, weddings, and funerals. Wewill also establish facilities for creative research in medicine,


science, and agriculture. As a ³rst stage we plan to build thesevillages near Mt. Fuji and Mt. Aso, and in WakayamaPrefecture, Iwate Prefecture, and Hokkaido.

This optimistic outlook was shared by many believers at that time.Ishii Hisako’s address at the opening ceremony of the Aum headquar-ters near Mount Fuji (6 August 1986) overµows with hope for theLotus Village and the “transformation to Shambhala.” The believersare described as responding to Asahara’s address on the same occa-sion “with a great ovation. Master Asahara nodded in satisfaction. Thespirits of 1,100 believers joined as one to move towards the establish-ment of the Lotus Village” (Mah„y„na 15).

This is a scene familiar to both obser vers and followers of theJapanese New Religions: the bright hopes of establishing a “holy land”as a model of heaven on earth; the unity of the believers as they worktowards the ful³llment of that dream; and the ³gure of the foundersmiling benignly as he feels their enthusiasm and urges them on.Thus the desire to create a warm, tranquil community of believersformed part of Aum’s plan for salvation, less than two years before thesect’s turn toward apocalyptic thought.

In 1988 ASAHARA produced an interpretation of John’s Apocalypse,published as Metsubõ no hi [Doomsday](1989a) and Metsubõ kara kokð e: Zokumetsubõ no hi [From destruction to emptiness: A sequel to dooms-day](1989b). Since these books deal with the possibility of apocalypticdestruction, they can be seen as preparations for the aggressive, self-destructive apocalyptic vision later developed by the group. However,the sense of crisis is still vague. The earlier book relates that the SovietUnion will collapse in the year 2004 (1989a, p. 163), that China willbe destroyed towards the end of 2004 or the beginning of 2005(1989a, p. 152), and that “the American president elected in 1995 andthe Soviet Party Secretary at that time might lead the world toArmageddon” (1989a, p. 215). It also states that Europe will surviveArmageddon, but that after its subsequent destruction a “superhumanrace” will rule the world (1989a, p. 223). The second volume is morepessimistic.

It will be possible to limit the destruction if Aum works to pro-duce large numbers of people who have reached gedatsu. Thenumber of those who die at Armageddon will then be no morethan a quarter of the world’s population.... At present, though,my plan for salvation is behind schedule and the percentage ofthose who will survive is getting lower and lower. It is alreadyimpossible to limit the victims to less than one-fourth.

(1989b, p. 54)


We can see that the emphasis in Aum’s apocalyptic thought is shiftingfrom one of prevention to one centering on the survival of the cho-sen. Armageddon is already considered inevitable, and we see men-tion of “survivors.” However, at this stage it is still believed that Aumcan contribute towards the survival of people outside of the group.

In October 1989 Asahara stated that there were 380 communemembers and approximately 4,000 regular members of Aum (EGAWA

1991, p. 43); “A Progress Report on the Plan to Create Shambhala”was published in Mah„y„na that same month. In 1988 and 1989 thenumber of those who had achieved kundalin‡ awakening reached 52(SHIMADA 1992, p. 106). The work of salvation was de³nitely advanc-ing. However, it was from around this time that a de³nite increase intension was seen between Aum Shinrikyõ and the outside world.

Clashes with Society

It was in the summer of 1989 that Aum Shinrikyõ began encounteringresistance to its activities. At the time Aum was applying to TokyoPrefecture for legal recognition as a religious group, but was havingdif³culties obtaining it. Aum saw this as the work of “a certain lawyerrepresenting the discontented families of Aum members” (Mah„y„na27: 146). Tokyo Prefecture ³nally recognized Aum Shinrikyõ as a reli-gious body (Shðkyõ hõjin) on 25 August, perhaps because of its vigor-ous protest activities. In October, however, the popular magazineSunday Mainichi began publishing a series of critical articles under thetitle “Aum Shinrikyõ’s Insanity,” which focused on the sect’s aggressiverecruitment activities and elicitation of donations. In November,Sakamoto Tsutsumi *ûÎ, a lawyer who had been dealing with thesevery problems since around June of that year, suddenly disappearedalong with his family. Aum’s involvement was suspected, leading toincreased opposition activities by the families of Aum Shinrikyõ mem-bers.

Further setbacks accompanied an attempted foray by Aum into pol-itics. At a meeting of Aum leaders (taishi kaigi Ø‚l™) on 25 July itwas decided that religious activities alone would not suf³ce to accom-plish the plan of salvation, and that Aum candidates should thereforeparticipate in the next parliamentary elections. In February 1990Shinritõ O7J, the political party organized by the sect, ran twenty-³ve candidates for election to the Lower House of Parliament; everyone of them was defeated.

In April 1990, owing to a prophecy that the approach of Austin’sComet threatened the world, a gathering was held on Ishigaki, a


remote island located between Okinawa and Taiwan. Approximately1,270 people participated, and many became commune members as aresult. From May the group started using a large tract of land inNamino Village, Kumamoto Prefecture, leading to a long-running dis-pute with residents of the area.11

These events, all of which occurred in a span of less than a year,accelerated Aum’s development into a closed religious group—agroup that, unable to exist in a relationship of fundamental trust withsociety at large, creates a closed community and tries to increase itsinµuence by crossing swords with the outside world.12 This does notmean that closed religious groups are always antisocial, violent, dan-gerous, or prone to committing crime—there are paci³st closedgroups like the Jehovah’s Witnesses. (Indeed, groups that accommo-date themselves to the social establishment could be viewed as equally“dangerous,” as they contribute to the social control of everyday life.)In any event, it is beyond doubt that radical groups of both the closedtype and the accommodating type have increased during recent yearsin advanced industrial societies. Aum Shinrikyõ exhibited tendenciestowards introversion from the very beginning, but those tendenciesincreased rapidly during 1989 and 1990.

The Logic of Introversion

Among the signs of Aum Shinrikyõ’s increasing tendency towardsintroversion was its belief that society in general was under the rule ofthe devil, and that Aum was thus under attack by agents of evil. In ahomily published in Mah„y„na in May 1990 (volume 31) this notion isconnected with developments in Asahara’s apocalyptic vision. Theworld is rushing headlong towards Armageddon, it reports, with signsof the approaching end everywhere: the situation in the Middle East,the arrival of Haley’s Comet, the increase in UFOs, the democratiza-tion of the Soviet Union, the uni³cation of Europe, etc.

And what will happen after Armageddon? There will probablybe a division of those souls heading for heaven from thoseheading for true hell.

And there is nothing we can do about it. We are truly helpless.That is why we must explore now what we can do to protect


11 KUMAMOTO NICHINICHI SHINBUN (1992) has a detailed account of the dispute.12 See my articles “Shðkyõkyõdan no naiheika” [The movement towards closed religious

groups] Mainichi Shinbun (1995a) and “Shðkyõkyõdan no naiheika to kindai jiyðshugi”[The movement towards closed religious groups and modern liberalism] (1995b).

ourselves against this danger, how we can control ourselves inorder to enter heaven, or, even better, Mah„nirv„«a. We haveto enter a protective mode right now.

So, what kind of a protective actions will Aum Shinrikyõtake? First we have to secure a place where we can protect our-selves from bodily harm, where we can live and continue ourtraining, no matter what kind of weapon—nuclear, bacterial,or chemical—is thrown against us. We are beginning thosepreparations now. Around the 17th of May a certain place thatcan hold between one thousand ³ve hundred and two thou-sand people will be ready. We have been preparing this placeas quickly as possible following our recent gathering onIshigaki....

Next, we are working to acquire another piece of land ofabout 15 hectares. This land is almost completely µat, and willbe used as another place where Aum can carry out its commu-nal lifestyle. I would like to build a more perfect nuclear shel-ter on this land....

From this day, from this moment on you’ll have to dedicateyourselves to even stricter practice, and quickly raise yourselvesto the stage where you are prepared for death at any time.

(Mah„y„na 31: 51–54)

There is a big leap between the Lotus Village concept and the nuclearshelter plans presented here, a leap traceable, perhaps, to the sect’sfriction with society at large in 1989 and 1990. As mentioned above,Aum exhibited the traits of a closed religious group from the verybeginning, including aggressive recruitment, vigorous elicitation ofdonations, vehement self-justi³cation, and the cutting off of believersfrom outside human relationships and information. However, in 1989and 1990 these elements were strengthened, incorporated into a kindof conceptual complex, and kneaded into a thoroughly closed world-view. The incident with the lawyer Sakamoto in November 1989 mayhave been one decisive step in this transformation. It was several moreyears, however, before the group introduced violent forms of “asceticpractice” and regular kidnappings of ordinary people, leading to actsof violence involving chemical and biological weapons.

Living in a Mass Media Environment

At around this time ASAHARA wrote a number of books on apocalypticthemes, including Jinrui metsubõ no shinjitsu [The truth of humanity’sdestruction] (1991a), Kirisuto sengen [Proclamation as Christ](1991b), Nosutoradamusu himitsu no daiyogen [The great secret prophecy


of Nostradamus] (1991c), and Kirisuto sengen PART 2 [Proclamationas Christ Part 2] (1992b). This does not mean, however, that AumShinrikyõ was exclusively concerned with apocalyptic prophecies. Astensions with society increased the group encouraged its believers togive up everything, cut their ties with their families, and become com-mune members enclosed in the group’s own facilities away from theordinary world. Such encouragement was underlined with referencesto the impending apocalypse. However, the number of those whoactually joined the communes in 1991 and 1992 was not large.

Aum Shinrikyõ also devised its own rites of passage, including abirth ceremony (the naming and blessing of the child), a weddingceremony, a funeral service (called the Poa System),13 and rites for thesalvation of ancestors. The wedding ceremony, birth ceremony, andancestral rites were clearly meant for believers who were not communemembers. Various ranks were also established for non-communemembers who had progressed to a certain point in their practice orstudy. These were all efforts to increase the ranks of believers by provid-ing non-commune members with an orderly framework for training andeveryday life.

Various efforts were also made to improve the group’s publicimage. Elaborate dance operettas based on the group’s doctrines wereheld, with nonmembers invited to attend. Progress was also made witha new translation of the P„li texts of southern Buddhism, a task begunin 1989. This was meant not only to increase support for the groupbut also to raise the level of its doctrine.

These (apparently) forthright steps appear to have been largelymotivated by developments in the controversy over Aum’s property inNamino Village. In October 1990 the police raided Aum’s Naminofacility and arrested three of the group’s leading members. This inci-dent served to increase sympathy for the group, however, and severalreligious scholars and commentators adopted positions favorable toAum. Asahara met with several prominent ³gures, and reports andphotographs of these meetings were carried in a number of weeklymagazines. Aum publications also printed statements of support fromthe people who had met Asahara. On 28 September 1991 Aumcrossed swords with Kõfuku no Kagaku on a popular television pro-gram, and many viewers felt that Aum had gotten the better of theargument (Kõfuku no Kagaku was at this time the target of severe crit-icism from the mass media, which served to make Aum look good incomparison).

13 Poa is a Tibetan Buddhist word which refers to the transference of consciousness,especially the transference to the Buddha world after death.


It should be noted here that Asahara and Aum had always beenquite sensitive to their public image, responding vigorously to any crit-icism while at the same time attempting to use the media for theirown purposes. Asahara’s ³rst contact with the power of the press wasin 1982, when he was charged with violating the Drug, Cosmetics, andMedical Instruments Act and severely censured in the newspapers. Itis said that his wife, Matsumoto Tomoko ÇûF{, was so upset by thisevent that for several years she refused to leave the house (Mah„y„na27: 171). The media became an ally of the group, however, when in1985 several occult journals, such as Mð è2, reported favorably onAsahara’s religious practice and psychic powers.

On the Path to Violence

This period of relative calm lasted until the fall of 1992, when AumShinrikyõ once again headed towards introversion. In lectures duringOctober and November 1992 at several prestigious universitiesAsahara predicted that Armageddon would occur by the year 2000,that the ABC weapons (atomic, biological, and chemical) woulddestroy ninety percent of the urban population, and that in order tosurvive one would have to become “superhuman” through spiritualtraining. Aum was planning several major projects, he said, such as anunderwater city, that would serve as aids for survival. The group laterattempted to prove that those engaged in spiritual practice possesseda special resistance to chemical and bacterial agents.

The sect’s outlook started to take on a militant coloring. In spring1994 Aum started claiming that their facilities were being attacked bysomeone with poison gas and biological weapons. By this time theirconcern had shifted to physical survival by any possible means, towhich purpose they attempted to build strength through increasednumbers. The outside world was cut off, mistrusted, and treated as anenemy; even as the sect turned to outside society for new members itprepared to engage it in physical battle. This concept of “survivalthrough combat” brought Aum’s introversion to an extreme level.

Why was it that Aum returned to the path of introversion in late1992 and early 1993? Various explanations can be advanced: the GulfWar of January–February 1991, with its threat of nuclear, chemical,and high-tech conµict; the group’s 1992 expansion into Russia and itsconsequent access to advanced weaponry; the group’s increasedcapacity to ³ght, both in terms of facilities and personnel; the deterio-ration of Asahara Shõkõ’s vision, compounded by a progressive liverdisease; and the approach of the prophesied year of the apocalypse. I


would like, however, to propose a different explanation. In 1991–92the sect’s image had indeed improved and the number of non-com-mune members was growing, but there was an increase in those leav-ing the communes and a lack of new volunteers to replace them. Thegroup leaders may have sensed a growing stagnation, or perhaps aneed to tighten up internally. Above all, there was a need to overcomethe vulnerability associated with the vagueness of the gedatsu concept.A spectacular apocalyptic prophecy would reestablish the group’s pur-pose, restore its sense of direction, and rekindle the enthusiasm of itstalented members. Although this interpretation is in large part con-jecture, it does explain these developments in accordance with theinternal structure of Aum’s faith.

Guru Worship

From early 1994 Aum Shinrikyõ became involved in incidents of kid-napping and abuse; people with no desire to join were forciblybrought to Aum facilities and drugged, and members who tried toquit were locked in small cells for extended periods of time under theguise of ascetic practice. There are no reports of such incidents priorto 1993—it was only after Aum became obsessed with the idea of animminent “³nal war” and adopted a “battle-ready” stance that it startedengaging in violent recruitment, forced returns, and extreme asceti-cism, activities that amounted to kidnap and assault. The new postureof aggression towards the outside world was accompanied, it seems, bya corresponding increase in violence toward those inside the group.

It must be pointed out, however, that the tendencies that gave riseto this existed from the group’s very beginnings. One example is thegroup’s unreserved guru worship. Although this is in some ways simi-lar to the leader worship (or founder worship) of other new religiousmovements, in Aum’s case it is more intense and directly challengesthe ideal of self-reliance (SHIMAZONO 1992b and SHIMAZONO, ed.,1994). The following interview from 1990 gives some idea of Asahara’sposition within Aum Shinrikyõ.

Emcee: First I would like to ask everyone in turn to tell us whatthe Guru or Master means to you.

Mah„ Keima [Ishii Hisako]: Because he has achieved ³nalgedatsu, I think he is the one who has the most perfect andsurpassing spirit, the one who has transcended everything.Since no earthly desires or base intentions are at work in theMaster he is absolutely calm, and is a perfect mirror thatreµects our own lives. Therefore, when I go before the Master


I know that I myself will be reµected and I feel extremelycomfortable. We can know ourselves as we truly are throughthe Master. In the end, I think the Master knows me betterthan I know myself.

Mah„kassapa [Kibe Tetsuya cHò˜]: As the Master himselfonce said, a guru appears warm from a distance, but as youget closer to him you realize that he is burning hot. The closerI get to the Master the more I realize the heat and intensitythere. I also realize that that intensity is rooted in love, tohelp raise the person to a higher level.

Ap„y„jaha [Aoyama Yoshinobu Á[Ÿ;]: I believe that theGuru is the only person who can lead us to the state ofabsolute freedom, absolute happiness, absolute joy. I believethat everything in this world is transient. Only the Guru’s loveis real, and I would like to be able to respond to the Guru’slove even a little bit. That singular, perfect existence is ourultimate aim. (Mah„y„na 23: 14–17)

Again, these expressions of adulation for the leader may seem prettymuch the same as those found in many new religious groups. The dif-ference lies in the speakers. In Aum’s case they are highly educatedpeople who have had ample opportunity to acquire a rationalistic out-look and learn the value of self-reliance. Furthermore, the expres-sions used are both strong and frequent, indicating just how deeplyworship of the guru has seeped into the total faith-life of these believ-ers, con³ned as they were within the small group of the commune.Loyalty to the guru and awe for his power were thoroughly inculcated.Not only that, a system of practice was established that institutional-ized the direct rule of the guru over the believers.

Power Worship and Rule by Power

Examples of Asahara’s authority are many. During the “practice insolitary con³nement,” for example, believers were shown videos ofthe master’s talks continuously for several days. In another commonpractice the believers were told to repeat the following formula six-teen to twenty hours every day for extended periods of time: “I pledgefaithfulness to Aum, the Guru and the god Shiva. Please lead me,[name], quickly to gedatsu.” While doing this the believer was to con-stantly keep the image of the guru in mind, and in this way deepen hisor her “subconscious devotion.” One would thereby hasten the“achievement of kundalin‡ yoga” (Mah„y„na 19:72–75). Furthermore,as mentioned above, it was believed that through the rite of Initiation


the leader’s own physical power, energy, and knowledge could bepoured directly into the believer:

The Initiation of Blood comes from a secret Tantric ritewherein the blood of the guru is taken into one’s own body.The introduction of the guru’s internal tissue implies theintroduction of the guru’s holy karma, and hastens progress inpurifying one’s own karma, thus elevating one’s practice....

Several days after receiving the Initiation of Blood I experi-enced bardõ (the world between death and rebirth). I wastransformed, and while sitting in the lotus position I fell into apitch-black dome. Although people are usually frightened bythe experience of bardõ, because the Master’s bardõ experiencewas input into my Causal world through the Initiation ofBlood I was not frightened at all. My psychological composurehas also gradually increased.

(AUM HENSHÐBU 1988, pp. 138–39)

The following report concerns the Initiation of gohõhatsu :µp,which involves drinking a brew consisting of Asahara’s boiled hair:

The pure, unpolluted karma of goodness of the one who hasattained ³nal gedatsu is contained in the Gohõhatsu. When weingest this our body and soul approach those of the Master,and, consequently, various mysterious experiences occur.

(AUM HENSHÐBU 1988, p. 145)

Aum thus displayed two elements that were new in the history of theJapanese new religious movements: 1) the demand for thoroughdevotion and obedience to the leader combined with the notion ofimplanting these characteristics through severe ascetic practice, and2) the physical introduction of the leader’s power, energy, and knowl-edge into the believer so that the believer became one with the leaderboth physically and mentally and thus attained gedatsu. Here the tiebetween leader and believer was not based on the inµuence of humancommunication but rather on grossly physical elements that made it adirect relationship of union and rule through power.

Although guru worship in Aum has its foundation in folk-religiousbeliefs in a living god (beliefs adopted by other New Religions aswell), it also incorporated elements from esoteric Buddhism, Tantricyoga, and the Chinese sendõ tradition, along with several additions ofits own. Interestingly, the form of guru worship that emerged fromthis assortment of beliefs bears curious resemblances to the religiousleader worship that has been arising in advanced countries through-out the world.


The Absolutization of Guru Worship

At a certain point direct devotion to the mystical power of the gurucame to be interpreted in light of the Tantra Vajray„na (Jap., himitsukongõjõ ¸OD¤ñ [Secret diamond vehicle]), said by its adherents tobe the highest form of doctrine and practice, surpassing both theH‡nay„na and Mah„y„na. Although the term “Vajray„na” is not oftenused in esoteric Buddhism, it nevertheless comprises one of the fun-damental concepts of that tradition.

Tanta Vajray„na is not mentioned in Initiation (1987b), where theguru’s secret instruction is called “Tantra Initiation,” or just “Initiation,”and refers to the various initiations mentioned earlier. The term(sometimes separated into Tantray„na and Vajray„na) ³rst appearedin 1989, after which it was used in a variety of meanings based onIndian Tantrism and esoteric Buddhism. Among the characteristicsassociated with it were: the deliberate commission of evil acts(Mah„y„na 27: 86–89); the af³rmation of worldly desires to draw themto the surface (Mah„y„na 34: 54–55); the guru’s power to raise soulsto a higher world; the extreme difference in the level of peoples’souls; detachment (mutonjaku [´^) from earthly desire (Mah„y„na32: 44–54); absolute devotion (Mah„y„na 34: 62); and secrecy of trans-mission (Mah„y„na 40: 66–70).

After 1990 Asahara began to place more weight on TantraVajray„na as the direct transfer of esoteric power by the guru, indicat-ing a shift in Aum towards esoteric Buddhism and away from yoga andearly Buddhism. As mentioned above, Asahara’s stress on salvation (aMah„y„na concept) after the earlier emphasis on gedatsu and satori(H‡nay„na concepts) gave rise to a certain tension in the teachings.Since Tantra Vajray„na was presented as a stage that superseded bothMah„y„na and H‡nay„na, it provided a way for Asahara to overcomethis tension.

The new emphasis on Tantra Vajray„na also led, however, to anincreasing absolutization of the guru’s use of power, so that gedatsu,satori, and salvation were all thought attainable through the energygenerated by the guru’s secret knowledge and ritual practice. Oneconcept in Tantra Vajray„na is that referred to by Asahara as poa, inwhich the spirits of the dead are transferred to a higher statusthrough secret rites based on the power of the guru. The absolutiza-tion of this power can give rise to the perverted logic that if a personof low spiritual status is murdered by one with gedatsu then the formerperson’s karma improves, making the murder a good deed. It wouldnot be surprising if a notion of this type was secretly taught in Aum.

I am in no position to say whether such teachings are present in the


traditions of yoga or esoteric Buddhism, or whether those teachingswere distorted by Asahara. Instead I would like to consider the rela-tion between guru worship and violence from the standpoint of thecontemporary transformation of interpersonal relationships withinreligion.

The Authority Structure of Aum Shinrikyo

It is hardly unusual for the founder or leader of a new religious move-ment to be worshipped as a kind of superhuman entity. This is a quitedifferent matter, however, from the founder or leader wieldingabsolute authority over the movement. Leader worship does notbecome truly dangerous unless the leader possesses unrestrictedpower.

The authority of the founder or leader is checked and mitigatedwhen a group permits the existence of independent communities andof mechanisms that reµect the independent opinions and activities ofthe believers. The organizational structure of Aum Shinrikyõ was suchthat these checks on the leader’s authority were inoperative, owingnot only to the demands for complete obedience to Asahara but alsoto the weakness of the ties between the believers themselves. Actually,it is not uncommon in the more successful New New Religions forlocal leaders to lack power and for branch communities to show a cer-tain incohesiveness. Aum was no exception; indeed, the sect wasnotable for its concentration of large numbers of believers in commu-nities where Asahara could wield direct control over every member. Itsfocus on an introspective practice aimed at self-transformation tendedto weaken horizontal relations between the followers and furtherstrengthen the leader’s authority.

Here the inµuence of the media was also important. In the past itwas common for the leaders of new religious movements to revealtheir emotions and admit their human failings even as they pro-claimed their greatness as leaders. Such leaders tended to attract sym-pathy for the genuine reverence they displayed towards God, Buddha,or the great religious leaders of the past, even as they offered guide-lines rooted in strong convictions to those who came for help. Recentleaders, however, who publicize themselves through books, television,videos, and the other media, have been able to avoid showing this lim-ited self (and are consequently able, perhaps, to overlook their ownweaknesses). Where close human relationships are valued such illu-sions cannot be maintained.


Introspection, Violence, Science, and Mind Control

We have examined how the introspection of Aum Shinrikyõ’s universeof belief led the group to develop in a closed and violence-pronedirection. This, of course, was hardly inevitable—in fact, it is ratherunusual for religious organizations that have chosen a life of seclu-sion, such as monastic groups, to launch attacks on secular society.What distinguished Aum from these other secluded communities wasits goal of rapid expansion, a common characteristic of the JapaneseNew Religions (which, after all, were formed within a society markedby competition and mass participation; see SHIMAZONO 1992c andSHIMAZONO, ed., 1994).

The new religious movements that have emerged in the post-WWIIenvironment of religious freedom have generally reached some kindof accommodation with secular society, despite traits—intense leaderworship, magic rites, apocalyptic ideologies—that would have earnedthem scorn in the West as cults. There have been exceptions, like theseparatist Honmichi (SHIMAZONO 1986), but these are few, and mostgroups, including Sõka Gakkai, Mahikari, Agonshð, and Kõfuku noKagaku, have managed to avoid all-out confrontation. This is probablybecause the New Religions are generally world-af³rming and dedicatedto the improvement of lifestyles and human relationships. The moreworld-renouncing stance taken up by some of the New New Religionshas its extreme expression in Aum, whose violence and introspectionwas fanned by the adoption of radical elements from both the world-af³rming and the world-denying movements.

The closed and violent nature of Aum was further increased by itsfascination with and utilization of certain of the more non-naturalaspects of science and information technology. The use of drugs, psy-chological control techniques, and media manipulation created anenvironment in which the believers’ relations with people and withthe environment broke down. Many of the concepts preached byAsahara, such as “The Four In³nite Virtues,” “memory training,” and“the replacement of brain data,” conceal a hidden af³nity betweenintroverted religiosity and a kind of manipulative technocracy. Let us³rst examine one of ASAHARA’s earlier descriptions of “The FourIn³nite Virtues.”

You can love all people. The ability to see all things as they areimmediately brings one happiness. What I am about to explainnow is a method of meditation that will make this possible: theFour In³nite Virtues....

First, we need to practice seeing all people and all things asequal....


Let us suppose, for example, that you are walking down thestreet. Let’s say that you see someone being carried into anambulance on a stretcher. You run up to make sure that it isnot your father or your mother that is being carried away, andthen what do you do? Walk away unconcerned? But thinkabout it for a while. The person is not your father in this life,but perhaps he was in a previous life. It’s the same for yourmother. Haven’t we all been reborn uncountable times in apast with no beginning? Isn’t it possible, then, that every livingthing has been our father or mother at one time or another?And shouldn’t we therefore love them all as our own fatherand mother?

Once we realize this, we are able to shed tears at the suffer-ing of any person. Furthermore, we are able to recognizewhich person in an argument or conµict is speaking the truth,whether it is someone we love or someone we don’t evenknow. This is the mind of equality. The foundation of themind of equality is equally loving all creatures. Or being equallycompassionate. Or sharing our happiness equally.

The Four In³nite Virtues, namely love, compassion, joy, andequanimity, is one and inseparable. (1987b, pp. 57–58)

In later works the “equanimity” (byõdõshin rfD) spoken of here isidenti³ed as “holy detachment” (seimutonjaku ¸[´^). The descrip-tion of this concept reminds one of such notions as “scienti³c objec-tivity” and “the production of data from reality,” familiar phrases incontemporary society.

The highest of the Four In³nite Virtues is detachment, thespirit of abandonment. The true spirit of abandonment is inaccord with this principle, namely, that whatever pleasure orsuffering we are currently experiencing is merely the manifes-tation of [our karma from] thoughts, words, and deeds per-formed in the past or in past lives. This means that the sadnessor happiness that we feel right now bears no connection withthe present moment. It is merely a phantom from the past andhas no connection with the present.

Thus in order to become a Buddha of the Mah„y„na andsave all souls it is important that we have this detachment, thatwe have absolutely no concern for the suffering or pleasure weare undergoing, and seek only to create the present moment....

So what should we do to attain this state? First, we mustinput data concerning what is truth and what is not truth.

Unless we continue inputting such data, repeating time aftertime what is truth and what is not truth, we will not be able to


see things correctly owing to the complications caused by ourpast lives. Therefore we have to be fervent in “memory train-ing.” (1992a, pp. 197–99)

The peculiar imperturbability seen in certain Aum believers may haveits theoretical foundation here. No matter what happens, one’s mindmust not be swayed, one must aim only towards the accomplishmentof one’s goal, all the while inputting the “data” of “truth.” One con-fronts the “evil mind control” of society with a thoroughgoing “goodmind control.” Such training might involve listening to a tape record-ing of the following passage.

Even if I should begin to doubt, that is only illusion caused byearthly desire. My doubts are illusions caused by earthly desire.My doubts are illusions caused by earthly desire. I will thusshut off those doubts. I will thus shut off those doubts. Whatshould I do when I can’t shut them off? Then I should justleave them alone. If there comes a time when I’m captured bysuch doubts then I should chant the mantra repeatedly andperform memory training. I’m going to train my memory forthe truth! I’m going to train my memory for the truth! (FromShin kaiin no negai o kanaeru hõseki no kotoba Gl‚uXJ¤

QqNšµÍuíè [Precious words in answer to the prayers ofnew members], Aum Shinrikyõ pamphlet)

The essence of this technique for control of the mind is “holy detach-ment,” a denial of natural emotions, of doubt, and, especially, of tiesbetween people. Although it is claimed that holy detachment does notimply the license to do as one pleases (ASAHARA 1994, p. 25), recentdevelopments are hardly reassuring on this point.14

Aum in the Context of Japanese Religious History

The examination of Aum Shinrikyõ’s development brings one face-to-face with qualities that have their roots deep in the religious history ofJapan. Many have been alluded to above, but let us review some of themajor ones:

1 a taste for religious syncretism;2 a concern with miracles, apocalyptic prophecy, and the power

of the founder/leader (living-god beliefs);


14 Concerning the appropriateness of the term “mind control,” see my essay, Maindo kon-torõru kõ (1994). Asahara’s views on mind control are presented in an interview published inMah„y„na 31.

3 a stress on recruitment, donations, and growth;4 a fascination with esoteric Buddhism and its attendant beliefs

(such as in “holy men,” living Buddhas capable of the directphysical transfer of power);

5 a taste for Buddhist doctrines and meditation practices that seereality as an illusion and approve of a calm and serene detach-ment;

6 an interest in occultism and psychological techniques as meansto effect physical and spiritual transformation (an interest wide-spread in mass culture since the 1970s).

Since, as we have seen, many of these items tie in with the introversionand violence that developed in Aum, the religious world in Japan can-not afford to view this sect as somebody else’s business.

On the other hand, it would be tragic if Aum’s crimes led to anexcessive mistrust of other religions, particularly other New Religions.It is true that among the Japanese New New Religions there are somethat isolate their members from society, engage in coercive recruitingand fund-raising activities, and take an aggressive stance toward criticsfrom the media, neighboring communities, and members’ families.There are also groups that promote activities apparently contrary totheir members’ welfare (medical or otherwise), stir up unrest withloud apocalyptic prophecies, and demand the fanatical worship of aleader who wields enormous authority over the believers. If any ofthese organizations are found to threaten the freedom and safety ofthe populace they deserve censure and, when necessary, regulation bythe appropriate authorities. It should be remembered, however, thatsuch cases are extremely rare. One of the outstanding features of theJapanese religious environment is its syncretism and its tolerance of awide variety of beliefs. It would be contrary to this fundamental char-acter to impose excessive controls on religion in an attempt toexclude “dangerous” elements.

Destruction as the Outcome of Freedom

Aum’s roots are not, however, limited to the soil of traditionalJapanese spirituality. In many ways the sect developed in step with theworldwide march of religious revival evident since the 1970s in devel-oping and advanced nations alike. Young people are increasingly plac-ing their hopes in spirituality, some turning to traditions—Islamic,Christian, or Jewish—that emphasize morality and religious ethics,and others trying a more Buddhistic approach that recognizes mysti-


cism, shamanistic meditation, extrasensory experiences, and tech-niques for psychological control. Although these approaches are quitedifferent, they share a common foundation in a dissatisfaction withthe rationalism and consumerism of modern life.

During the past two centuries there has been a steady removal ofoppressive religious restrictions from the norms of society, coupledwith a growing freedom of thought, expression, and political action.This has been accompanied by a growing reliance on rational thought,through which, it was optimistically believed, society and nature couldbe controlled in a way that would advance the welfare of all humanbeings. Though differing on details, liberals and socialists alike agreedthat these were the fundamental conditions for progress. When prob-lems arose, such as the development of a cutthroat market economy,thinkers like Marx attempted to resolve these, too, through the powerof rationality.

The religious movements that have increased most in inµuencesince the 1970s, especially in the Third World, have been those thatquestion this consensus on freedom and rationality. Their fundamen-tal question concerns the tragic result of modern freedom in theurban areas of the industrially advanced countries. Why has freedom,which should be greatest in these areas, resulted in such massivecrime, poverty, confusion, and corruption? Why are wasteful extrava-gance and environmental destruction, which threaten the very sur-vival of the human race, so openly promoted? The new religiousmovements place the blame for this confusion upon secularism, withits af³rmation of limitless freedom and its contemptuous attitudetoward religion.

Since the 1980s these issues have come increasingly to the fore.One reason is that the nation-state, which provided the framework formodern freedom, has experienced a decline in its ability to preservepublic order, its sphere of control eroded by the globalization ofeconomies and communication systems and the corresponding expan-sion of cross-border relationships. This trend has been exacerbated bythe collapse of the Cold War order, in which the two superpowers reg-ulated international relations. It was against this background thatAum Shinrikyõ was able to escape the watchful eye of the state author-ities and arm itself for battle.

Contemporary religions are acutely conscious of the destructivedangers of freedom, and thus the Japanese New New Religionsinclude among their ranks those that oppose secularism at the struc-tural level and seek to limit certain types of freedom. These character-istics are especially conspicuous in those groups that do not shun a


certain amount of confrontation with society, such as the Jehovah’sWitnesses, the Uni³cation Church, and Kõfuku no Kagaku. AumShinrikyõ, with its introverted religiosity and world-renouncing asceti-cism, appeared to be heading in much the same direction. It seemedto offer an alternative to runaway sexual freedom, to the confusioncaused by consumerism, and to the degeneration associated with thepeculiar Japanese form of freedom without self-restraint. It appeared,moreover, to possess the backbone to speak a word of truth and µatlyoppose the often sensational reports in the press. This was one of themajor reasons for its appeal among the young.

Aum Shinrikyõ’s believers no doubt saw the group as a leader inthe attempt to overcome the limitations of modern freedom andopen the way to a bright new future. Many believers were probablyquite sincere in questioning the situation of contemporary youth withtheir surfeit of freedom, and in seeking a solution to this problem. Yetunder the burden of their own freedom the founder and leaders ofthe group fell into a state of nihilism and complete moral collapse,ironically personifying the corruption of freedom taken to its limits.

The Aum affair will undoubtedly effect a change in the way theterm “religious freedom,” and, indeed, the term “freedom” itself, areperceived in Japan. We can anticipate a heightened criticism of themodern concept of freedom, along with a strengthened sense amongyoung people that freedom without morality is a heavy burden tobear. The attainment of true self-reliance—the ideal of the modernage—requires standards by which to measure the self, but such stan-dards are notably hard to ³nd in the value systems of present-daysociety. The New New Religions are attempting in their own way toprovide them. Kõfuku no Kagaku and the Uni³cation Church, forexample, have attempted to overcome the problems of unregulatedfreedom through a form of leader worship similar in many ways tothat of Aum; that they have avoided falling into the extreme introver-sion and violence of the latter is perhaps due to their stress on astrengthened class order based on free competition and the rehabili-tation of the family.

The conditions that made the closed, world-renouncing religiosityof Aum so attractive to many of the young are likely to remain with us,as is the tendency for religious introspection to develop into introver-sion and violence. However, the occasionally destructive results offreedom are hardly something associated with religion alone. The crisisof freedom and the lure of destruction may equally well arise from thesiege mentality of national and ethnic groups or from the all-pervadinginµuence of bureaucracy, the media, and scienti³c rationalism. Until


we ³nd a genuine response to the dilemma of modernity and the cri-sis of contemporary civilization we will lack an effective basis tocounter the destructive side of freedom. And can we ever ³nd such away without religion?

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Aum Shuppan.1986b Seishi o koeru´‘¤•Nš. Tokyo: Aum Shuppan.1987a Chõnõryoku himitsu no karikyuramu: Kenkõhen •ôj¸O

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