INDIA Ambition into Reality - South Asia Supreme Court of the Maldives ... Ambition into Reality 26...

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Ambition into RealityINDIA

www.southasia.com.pk

Afghanistan Afg. 50Australia A$ 6Bangladesh Taka 65Bhutan NU 45Canada C$ 6China RMB 30France Fr 30Hong Kong HK$ 30India Rs. 65Japan ¥ 500Korea Won 3000Malaysia RM 6Maldives Rf 45Myanmar MMK10Nepal NcRs. 75New Zealand NZ$ 7Pakistan Rs. 150Philippines P 75Saudi Arabia SR 15Singapore S$ 8Sri Lanka Rs. 100Thailand B 100Turkey Lira. 2 UAE AED 10UK £ 3USA $ 5

4 SOUTHASIA • FEBRUARY 2015

26India

Ambition into RealityModi’s economic development agenda is ambitious but there are serious caveats.

38NepalIdentity ConundrumVoices against the secular status of Nepal are gaining momentum in the country.

30Afghanistan

Challenges GaloreThe power-sharing deal that divided authority between two competitors has resolved the crisis for the time being. But will this arrangement address the challenges facing fghanistan?

Contents

40Maldives

Justice in the DockThe Supreme Court of the Maldives is in the limelight following the sacking of two of its judges.

32Bangladesh

Route to MiseryIllegal immigration creates an embarrassing situation for the Bangladeshi government whenever a tragedy involving illegal migrants occurs.

Pakistan’s National Plan is the first step in the long struggle against

extremism and terrorism.

12National Action Plan

SOUTHASIA • FEBRUARY 2015 5

CONTENTS

REGULAR FEATURES

Editor’s Mail 8On Record 9Briefs 10COVER STORY

National Action Plan 12Directionless 14A Paradigm Shift 16Action in Inertia 18Too Little Too Late? 20REGION

PakistanMilitary Courts – Fear and Prejudice 22Rigged Trust 24IndiaAmbition into Reality 26AfghanistanWinds of Change 28Challenges Galore 30BangladeshRoute to Misery 32Diplomatic Success 34Sri LankaYours Truly 36NepalIdentity Conundrum 38MaldivesJustice in the Dock 40BhutanNeighbourly Vibes 42INTERNATIONAL

Unending Darkness 44NEIGHBOR

A Tale of Two Ports 46ANALYSIS

Love Thy Neighbor 48FEATURES

PakistanThe Game of the Masses 50Dogma Dilemma 52AfghanistanSports for Peace 54NepalLiving Goddess 56MaldivesWhere You Go Star-spotting 58Book Review

Striking a Chord 60No Left Turn 61SOUTHASIA 15 Years Ago 62

54Afghanistan

Sports for Peace

58Maldives

Where You Go Star-spotting The Maldives has invested money

and resources for a place fit for celebrities.

56Nepal

Living GoddessThe Kumari, or living goddess, must be brave,

courageous and have a calm temperament.

50PakistanThe Game of the MassesKabaddi is a popular rural sport and is followed by the masses all over South Asia.

International

44Unending Darkness Press freedom in Egypt has become a thing of the past.

It is remarkable how sports have flourished in the country which is embroiled in a never-ending war.

Ad 3

COMMENT

Syed Jawaid Iqbal

A Matter of Friendship

President Barack Obama visited India for three days and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi showed off their friendship in no uncertain terms, even making a cup of tea for his guest. They talked about closer cooperation

on defense, economic and civilian nuclear issues, and Obama even endorsed India’s bid for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. All through this, Pakistan watched the happenings with consternation and wondered where it stood in the South Asian equation vis-à-vis the US. It emerged that Pakistan had critical questions about the way Obama embraced India and it was quite obvious that the wily Modi was all set to put a spanner in the works and spoil Islamabad’s relationship with Washington, troubled though it already is.

As could be expected, the US subsequently asked Pakistan to come down hard on the militants and, further, bring the perpetrators of the 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai to justice. Both Obama and Modi talked about the way China’s influence was growing in the region, one of Pakistan’s main patrons and promised cooperation with Afghanistan. Obama’s visit to India was big news in Pakistan and the media particularly noted the fact that while Obama had been to the country twice on state visits, he had not cared to touch Pakistan though former president Bill Clinton had taken out a few hours to visit Islamabad during his visit to the region. Why this discrimination? It is said that following the Sept. 11 attacks, Washington had funded Pakistan with billions of dollars in military and economic assistance to help it fight terrorism. But Pakistan’s commitment to the fight was also questioned all along and it came into sharper focus when U.S. forces purportedly found Osama bin Laden living in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in 2011. Therefore, if there were any plans that Pakistan be included in the South Asia itinerary of the US President, these were scrapped and the Pakistan government had to be happy with just a phone conversation between Barack Obama and Nawaz Sharif. However, the US has continually said that it regards Pakistan as a crucial partner in its counter-terrorism efforts. It is true that the US is concerned about extremists operating with arrogance in Pakistan’s tribal regions and the Pakistan Army’s Operation Zarb e Azb has largely watered down the militants’ potential for such attacks. This effort was supported by US Secretary of State John Kerry, who during a recent visit to Islamabad praised the Pakistani Army’s ongoing offensive against the militants.

It is a fact that relations between India and Pakistan are perhaps at their lowest point since 2008 when terrorists hit Mumbai. A bid to restart negotiations between the two neighbours was called off in 2013 by India because they said a Pakistani diplomat had met an Indian Kashmiri separatist group. In the meanwhile, armies from both countries have clashed on the border several times, causing fatal casualties and making thousands of people to flee. After the Taliban attack on innocent schoolchildren in Peshawar in December 2014, Pakistan has again vowed to take action against all insurgent groups on its soil. At the same time, the Pakistani military has also stepped up its allegations against India and has presented evidence to the U.S. that Indian intelligence operatives have been supporting anti-Pakistan militants. There were also murmurs in Pakistani political circles that while they understood Obama’s trip to India favoured the country, the U.S. could not abandon Pakistan.

Pakistan and the US have had a chequered history, more so than any other two nations in recent times. When President Obama was visiting India, the Pakistan Army Chief was paying an equally significant trip to China where he met with his Chinese counterpart. The timing of the two trips can even mean that the axis of alliance is shifting in the subcontinent. President Obama may have been playing to the gallery and mildly admonishing Pakistan by praising India and its potential during his visit. It is true that China’s runaway growth is troubling Washington which also considers Pakistan surplus to its requirements. General Raheel Sharif may have earlier had a good reception in the US and UK as well but if the US is no longer bound to its previous strategic interests in South Asia, then it should let other friendships develop in the region, such as the growing warmth between Pakistan and China.

FEBRUARY 2015 Vol.19 ISSUE 2

PRESIDENT & EDITOR IN CHIEFSyed Jawaid Iqbal

MANAGING EDITORZeba Jawaid

EDITORJaved Ansari

ASSISTANT EDITORJaveria Shakil

CONTRIBUTING EDITORS. G. Jilanee

CONTRIBUTORSAsna Ali - Daud Khattak - Fakhar Ahmed

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Shahid Javed Burki - Malik Muhammad Ashraf

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GRAPHICS & LAYOUT Haroon Rasheed

Kamran Ghulam Nabi

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SouthAsia is published every month

by Syed Jawaid Iqbal for and on behalf of

JAWZ Communications (Pvt.) Ltd.

and printed by Union Graphics, Karachi.

Published since 1977 as Thirdworld, the magazine

was re-launched in 1997 as SouthAsia.

Views expressed by the contributors are not necessarily shared by the editors.


EDITOR’S MAIL

No Excuses

I fail to understand how much of a push does a government need to take action against certain adverse or negative elements prevalent in society. Honestly, how many more people must die and how many more tragedies such as the Peshawar incident must occur for them to take this crisis seriously? I totally agree with the writer of ‘The Binding Force’; the total lack of governance on behalf of the government regarding major areas of concern, especially when dealing with the issue of terrorism, is, as the writer very aptly puts it, ‘inexcusable’. This holds true not only for the current situation but for all the previous civilian governments that were in power in Pakistan. In fact, the only time Pakistan as a country progressed in terms of socio-economic conditions was during military rule; Ayub Khan’s era as well as the time when Pervez Musharraf was in power, is a testament to this.

One can only hope that Nawaz Sharif’s government, after facing much criticism and outrage for the lack of immediate response to the hostage crisis in Peshawar resulting in nearly 150 deaths, will now adopt a more serious attitude.

Mariam Ather Karachi, Pakistan

Hot and ColdPakistan and the United

States have enjoyed a love-hate relationship for the past many decades as made evident by the article titled ‘Back in Step’. One can’t help but feel a little disconcerted after reading about the various times the U.S. came to Pakistan’s help on certain issues, only to

completely abandon them later. These events display an impression of the U.S. being rather selfish and self-centered and thus uncaring for the problems and sentiments of the Pakistani people. One cannot ignore that, on each of these occasions, Pakistan was standing at the brink with its solidarity and sovereignty, in fact its entire existence, at stake. It had no option but to abide by the demands of the American government in the hope that by doing so it would be able reap valuable benefits in the form of military equipment and aid packages.

In spite of whatever anti-American groups in Pakistan may say, completely pulling the plug out of the relationship would prove to be disastrous, even though Pakistan itself is responsible for the political and economic quagmire it is currently in. It would help to build a certain level of sustenance so that, if we fall out favor with the U.S. again, we would be able to adjust accordingly.

Zulqernain Haider Lahore, Pakistan

Inroads into South Asia

It is rather disappointing to see a prestigious and promising institution such as SAARC deteriorate into a rag-tag group of countries the heads of which are barely able to get along. The smaller countries such as Nepal, Maldives and Bhutan are ignored while Pakistan and India having too much of a historical animosity between them to even consider restoring cultural and trade ties with each other, I believe it was only a matter of time before a country as economically and politically strong as China came in and took advantage of the situation, as articulately outlined by the author of the article titled ‘Big Brother Politics’.

After reading the piece and getting to know about the various ways in which China is

capitalizing on opportunities present in countries such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, it is necessary for India to get off of its high horse and address these issues. It has to regain its status of being a mentor and guardian for smaller countries. Furthermore, India and Pakistan must also put aside their reservations and instead pursue good relations that may open doors to lucrative trade opportunities along with cultural exchanges.

Rajan KumarChennai, India

Afghanistan’s Future

It is quite saddening to see how a country as rich in culture and natural resources as Afghanistan has fallen victim to the greed of world superpowers, the leaders of which are only interested in exploiting the country’s resources to the maximum so that they are able to fulfill their own selfish interests. A positive sign has come in the form of the decision to pull out American and NATO forces from the country, with only a handful staying behind to ‘help the Afghan army and police force in their counter-terrorism efforts’, as outlined in the article, ‘Paradise Gained’. Yet, what remains to be seen is whether the Afghanistan government will be able to effectively tackle the ever growing Taliban insurgency which has so far been responsible for the loss of many lives in the region.

Moreover, tribal conflict is another issue that the Afghan government will have to deal with as ethnic clashes are also expected to occur after the departure of international forces. Indeed, great economic uplift is needed to alleviate the sufferings of the locals as it is mostly poverty that pushes people to sacrifice their lives for a cause. Yet, apart from this, I believe a massive awareness campaign needs to be conducted for the benefit of Afghanistan’s tribal residents in order to educate them on the damages of creating ethnic divides. Only then can Afghanistan continue on its road to recovery.

Hafiz InamAbu Dhabi, UAE

SLAUGON RECORD

“I only wanted to put in place checks and balances, because no govern-ment, president or prime minister can work without such a

mechanism.” Pervez Musharraf, Former President of Pakistan

“Denmark generates 42% of its total en-ergy from wind and can assist Pakistan.’’Jesper Moller Sorenson,

Ambassador of Denmark in Pakistan

“A single change that could transform the public education system is shifting the focus from rote learning to

activity-based educational tools.”Dr. Muhammad Memon, Professor, Institute of Educational Development, Aga Khan University, Karachi

“How can I forget that terrorists beheaded our sol-diers and played football with their heads? How can I prefer my personal

interest out of fear that the mili-tary courts might also try me?”Nawaz Sharif, Prime Minister of Pakistan

“I will not allow my soil to be used against my friends and neighbours. That will not hap-pen in Sri lanka as long as I’m here.”

Mahinda Rajapaksa, former President of Sri Lanka

“I want to work for the little guy...the common man...to do big things for ‘small people’. That is my focus.”Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India

“Banks should begin financial lit-eracy programmes to educate women entrepreneurs about business procedures and financial management.”Fehmida Jamali, Vice President, FPCCI

“With a positive out-look for economic growth, coupled with assured political stability and a liberal investment regime, there is no better time to invest here in the Maldives than now.” Abdullah Yameen, President of the Maldives

“We don’t allow room for women but women are capable of seeing things with a dif-ferent angle from us, with a different

eye. Women are able to pose ques-tions that we men are not able to understand.” Pope Francis, Pope of the Catholic Church

“Sufism has taught me that just as the rain and the sun do not differentiate between people, neither should we. only when you experience friend-ship across cultures, you understand there are many good people in all communities.”A.R. Rahman, Indian musician

“Project comple-tion in Pakistan was a ‘novelty’ due to general lack of know-how about successful implementation of projects.”Dr. Ishrat Husain, Dean & Director, IBA, Karachi

Here is another example of the failure of SAARC as an institution. In spite of unanimous a g r e e m e n t s geared towards the exchange of resources for the

benefit of smaller, less developed countries such as Bhutan, Nepal and the Maldives,

there has been virtually no development in any country. Bhutan has been at the receiving end of utter neglect at the hands of a mismanaged SAARC. As pointed out in the article, ‘Devil and the Deep Sea’, Bhutan is a largely agrarian economy with little electricity and poor infrastructure owing to its rugged terrain that has so far hindered the development of proper roads for transport. On its own, Bhutan has displayed a great sense of determination as apart from converting from a monarch to a parliamentary democracy, it has also managed to maintain satisfactory progress in terms of economic growth and has even established trade relations with India and Bangladesh. Yet, amidst growing tensions between India and Pakistan and India’s aversion to China as a dominating member of SAARC, it seems as if all members of the institution are caught up in their own issues to properly address the problems of other countries.

It is imperative that other member countries of SAARC put their differences aside and worked together for the betterment of all nations involved, otherwise it is just a matter of time before smaller countries like Bhutan will be completely left behind.

Yasir HameedDubai, UAE

Social Hierarchy

A real eye-opener – most of my knowledge base regarding India’s caste system came from watching some of the very rare Indian movies that dared to shed light on the subject. However, after reading ‘Caste Questions,’ I am left astounded as to the sheer level of discrimination individuals belonging to the lower castes have to suffer from those of the upper castes. It is rather ironic to see India’s growth as an economic giant and cultural hub, making it the attraction of many a Hollywood movie, but it knows no limits. There are reports of India’s growing poverty issue, with more and more people falling under the poverty line and much less talked about the issue

of caste discrimination. It is very sad how members of the Dalit community are made to suffer in virtually every aspect of life; whether it is in quest for a decent living or quality education for their children. In spite of there being a proper legislation governing the ways in which such people should be treated, there is rarely anything being done to alleviate the sufferings of such individuals. I am happy, however, to see that the Indian cinema has, on more than one occasion, taken up the issue, thereby forcing society and government to pay attention. Let’s hope, for the sake of the Dalit community, that this sentiment spreads to members of the government as well.

Sabita Roy New Delhi, India

“Pakistan is stra-tegically located to become Asia’s premier trade, energy and transport corridor and we urge investors to take advantage of it.” Mamnoon Hussain, President of Pakistan

Neglected and Dejected



BRIEFS

Karachi

DeLhi

Bigger ShareThe Ministry of Commerce has evolved a strategy to

gain a bigger share in the Russian Federation’s agriculture and food market. Five product categories covering citrus varieties, potato, rice, dairy products and tobacco have been identified for export to Russia. Currently, Pakistan’s major exports to Russia include woven cotton fabrics, fruit and fruit preparations, synthetic fabrics, rice, articles of apparel

other than textiles, vegetables and surgical instruments.

Bilateral trade between Pakistan and Russia stood at $419.34 million in 2013-14 as against $484.47 million in the previous year, reflecting a decline of $65.13m or 13.45 percent.

Young Entrepreneur Forbes Magazine has named 28-year-old Fiza Farhan, co-founder of the Buksh

Foundation, in its list of under-30 social entrepreneurs for 2015. The Buksh Foundation is a microfinance institution and has been operating in Pakistan since 2009. It brings clean energy projects to the poor and rural areas of the country. The foundation has trained 135 women as energy entrepreneurs and brought solar-powered lights to 6,750 households across the country.

Fiza Farhan was also nominated as the “Future Energy Leader” at the World Energy Council in September 2014. She is the fourth woman from Pakistan who has been included in the Forbes list of young game changers, movers and makers.

Public Interest The Bhabha Atomic Research Centre

will launch a massive public outreach program, allowing students, researchers, entrepreneurs, industrialists and the general public to visit BARC and some of its facilities, especially those related to medicine, healthcare and agriculture. The move came after Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s

visit to the BARC in July 2014, where he said that such facilities should be open for public as the face of India’s nuclear energy program leading to “should be societal benefits and applications.”

Says BARC Director Sekhar Basu, “We will specifically look at school students, science students and also members of the general public. There are some people who come for technology. We can give them a presentation

on what technologies are available with us. We are also very keen on having entrepreneurs to take these technologies out.”

E-Growth Venture capitalists and private equity investors put in $3 billion in India’s

e-industry in 2014, showing that India’s $3.1billion e-commerce industry is really thriving. The size of the domestic e-commerce industry is poised to double to $6-billion by 2016. The year also marked an advent of veterans such as Ratan Tata, Chairman Emeritus, Tata Group, Wipro chairman Azim Premji and Infosys co-founder NR Narayana Murthy into the sector.

“Digital commerce is at a nascent stage in India. However, India is one of the fastest-growing e-commerce markets in Asia/Pacific,” said Praveen Sengar, research director at Gartner. “India represents a $3.5 billion market, growing at approximately 60-70 percent every year,” he said.

Winning Carpets Afghan carpets are famous all over the world for

their beauty. This was proved once again when the carpets won first position at an exhibition in the United Arab Emirates. Around 160 companies

from the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia participated in the exhibition. Most of the carpets from Afghanistan were woven by Afghan women.

The Afghan carpet industry has a historic background but its popularity has been going down in recent years due to the negligence of the government and lack of patronage.

PaKiSTaN iSLamabaD

afghaNiSTaN KabuL

iNDia mumbai


bhuTaN ThimPhu

A Happy World Bhutan’s Gross National Happiness has attracted the

focus of the World Bank which is exploring the potential use of the concept. During a visit to Bhutan, the World Bank’s Senior Vice President Kaushik Basu, who is also the chief economist with the Bank, lauded the country’s pioneering role in the “incorporation of holistic dimensions in development philosophy” and said that Bhutan could be a model country for the rest of the world.

“We are exploring areas where Bhutan and the World Bank

can collaborate because we are now interested in the broader aspects of the economic dimensions of development,” he said. Basu praised Bhutan for its efforts to decrease poverty, saying that Bhutan’s poverty fall was sharper than that of China whose poverty rate is less than 6 percent.

Missing! As many as 262 Nepalese

women, from the mid-western districts of the Nepal, who left the country to seek employment in foreign countries, have gone missing or are out of contact since last year. The number of missing women is based on the applications filed by their families. With the increase in women going abroad for employment, the incidents

of their disappearance have also increased.

In most applications, the families requested to search for women and children who left for India and the Gulf countries. There is no proper or accurate address of the missing persons as many of them go abroad through illegal channels. It is feared that these women and children can be victim of labor and sexual exploitation. However, despite such cases, the trend among women to go abroad for jobs has not decreased.

Alternative Energy The Maldives has shown remarkable progress in

adopting advanced methods of producing electricity, such as solar panels. On the island of Thinadhoo in the Gaaf Dhaalu Atoll, 50 percent of the electricity needs are now being provided by solar panels.

In addition to being a clean method, it is also a cost-effective means of producing electricity and is likely to bring down the country’s oil import bill. In 2013 alone, the Maldives spent over MVR6 billion on importing petroleum products. The 109 resorts in the Maldives use 49 percent of the diesel imported into the country annually.

Super CarSri Lanka will soon launch its first

electric super car, Vega according to Dr. Harsha Subasinghe, CEO of Codegen, the company making the car. Vega will be priced at over US$ 400,000 with the Middle East and Sri Lanka being the target markets. Only 40-50 cars will be created every year to maintain exclusivity.

According to Vega Project Manager Dr. Beshan Kulapala, the country can save US$ 2.5 billion a year on energy if it

relies completely on electric cars instead of fuel guzzlers. It will be an indigenous project by and large with all other components of the car except the batteries manufactured in Sri Lanka.

Sri LaNKa coLombo

NePaL KaThmaNDu

maLDiveS ThiNaDhoo

COVER STORY

A well-functioning state is expected to take care of the basic needs of the citizenry. Some of these are

provided directly such as defense of the territory in which the citizens live. The state is also expected to ensure law and order in the territories it governs. Some of the citizens are helped by the state associating itself with the private sector. The private sector itself has two parts: those entities that work for profit and those who provide services for non-profit reasons. There are services that are often entrusted to state monopolies. This is the way in which the state in developing countries provides electricity, gas, drinking water and sanitation to their populations.

Maintenance of law and order is one of the more vital functions of the state. This function has essentially three elements. Writing the laws within which the security agencies work is the responsibility of the legislative branch. Enforcing the laws is the work of the police force which generally works within the jurisdiction of sub-national governments. The judicial system has the responsibility of punishing those who commit transgressions against the established legal framework. State failure occurs when any one of these functions are not performed to the citizenry's satisfaction. Major failures call for extraordinary measures.

There was political consensus in

Pakistan on December 25, 2014 that such a situation had been reached in the country. The prime minister addressed the nation late at night and announced a mutually agreed 20-point National Plan of Action (NAP).

Even the slow moving and evolving political order in Pakistan picked up speed after the Peshawar tragedy of December 16, 2014. The PML-N government worked with other political parties to develop a twenty-point National Action Plan (NAP) aimed at dealing with the scourge of extremism. At the top of the to-do list was the lifting of the moratorium on the death penalty. As soon as the prime minister announced that his government would

National Action PlanThis is the first step in the long struggle against extremism and terrorism.

By Shahid Javed Burki

This is the first step in the long struggle against extremism and terrorism.

By Shahid Javed Burki



no longer be constrained, a parade of prisoners started from the death cells, in which they had lived for years, to the gallows. It was of some significance that most of the early executions were of the people convicted of attempting to assassinate General Pervez Musharraf when he held the reins of power as president.

The second item was by far the most important on the list. Those alleged of committing terrorist acts were to be tried in military courts that would not be constrained by such British-era niceties as the laws and rules of evidence. The third point concerned the non-state actors. No armed organizations would be allowed to operate in the country.

It was revealed later that Punjab, by far the least troubled of Pakistan's four provinces, had 97 such organizations – or lashkars in the local parlance.

The government has also pledged to strengthen the National Counter Terrorism Agency (NACTA) that was established several years ago following a spate of terrorist activities. The authorities will use the laws that were already in place to curb "hate speech" by the print and electronic media. The category of print is to be interpreted broadly to include books and magazines. Some steps have already been taken and more measures will be adopted to stop the flow of funds to terrorist organizations from sympathizers both within and outside the country. As the American author Jessica Stern pointed out in her book, young boys were being brain-washed to become suicide bombers since such acts often resulted in the payment of monetary rewards to their handlers. According to her, terrorism had become big business in Pakistan.

The NAP makes clear that the organizations that had been banned by the state would not be allowed to carry out their activities under any other nomenclature. Lashkar-e-Tayaba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi are two prominent organizations that changed their names and carried on with their activities. It was of some consequence that of the 19 persons executed until the middle of January – one month since the Peshawar incident – a few belonged to banned outfits. The creation of a special anti-terrorism force is also underway to augment the efforts being made by the various police forces. Social media networks will be closely monitored and blocked if their activities are found to be disturbing public peace or spreading hate.

What was of considerable interest was that while announcing the plan, the prime minister said that "there will be no space left to terrorism in Punjab as in every other part of the country." Punjab has been the principal base of support for his party the Pakistan Muslim League. At the same time, he reemphasized that his government will continue with the anti-terrorism operation in Karachi that had been underway ever since he took office. In the same vein, the government of Balochistan is to be given more support and greater authority. The prime minister also vowed to curb sectarianism that had become one of the more important manifestations of domestic terrorism. The number of lethal attacks mounted against the Shias and the Ahmadis had become a major worry.

The government, having played host to millions of refugees from Afghanistan, also decided to register those who are living outside the authorized camps operating under the care of the United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Islamabad intends to speed up the repatriation of the Afghan refugees. This is one of the several areas in which the government hopes to have the cooperation from the authorities in Kabul. Finally, the prime minister indicated that he and his party would reintroduce amendments to the constitution as well as laws in order to strengthen the judiciary’s hands.

The parliament began debating the establishment of military courts on January 6. The discussions resulted in the passage of the 21st Amendment, first by the National Assembly and subsequently by the Senate. It was signed into law on the same day by President Mamnoon Hussain. There was, however, some fraying of the unity of purpose displayed by all parties spanning the political spectrum following the Peshawar episode. Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman, a powerful cleric-politician from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, became the most vocal critic of this measure. His voice was important since he represented the Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) group, the largest Islamic political party. The JUI-F holds 15 seats in the National Assembly, with 3.2 percent of the total votes. It is the fifth largest party in the assembly and has a strong presence in KPK, including the province’s tribal belt.

Opening the debate in the National Assembly, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan said that the proposed military courts would be restricted to cases of terrorism only and their power would not be abused. “No ordinary citizen, no politician, no businessman, no trader, no media person and no member of any section of the Pakistani society will be tried in these courts. The normal judicial system, which has our trust, will continue to decide cases and we will continue to bow before it.”

However, it should be understood that the NAP and the passage of the 21st Amendment is the first step in the long struggle against extremism and terrorism. Actions will be required on a number of other fronts. Among them is the political, social and economic development of the areas that have become the breeding ground of terrorists who are fighting the state.

The writer is a former finance ministerand served as vice president of theWorld Bank.

National Action Plan

COVER STORY

DirectionlessPakistan today stands at a juncture where it needs to find radical solutions to threats

both from within and without.

By Syed Jawaid Iqbal

It has generally been observed that people of a nation struggle for long periods before they achieve

democracy. It is different for Pakistan. We were first handed a nation by Quaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and we then set about creating a democracy. Jinnah did his bit and even laid down the required guidelines. But he did not live much longer and we have been set adrift after his passing away.

Everyone asks: Where is Pakistan headed? And whither democracy? Six decades may be a brief period in the wider context of the evolution of a nation but it is time enough for the country to have survived all the knocks and blows and emerge as a confident and forward-looking nation with a thriving economy and moving forward on the road to democracy. We

have wasted six decades in quest for democracy and we still do not know where we are going.

As Ghalib said,

Chalta Hoon Thori Dur Har Ek Rahrau Ke SaathPehchanta Naheen Hoon Abhi Rahbar Ko Mein

(I walk a little distance with every traveller But still do not know who my leader is.)

The people of Pakistan who are all for democracy, now again look towards the military to come and put the country back on rails. They are over-stretched by the continuous occurrence of terrorism incidents in

the country but even then, it is forced to play a more proactive role in running of the state. The so-called ‘democratic’ politicians do nothing but squander huge state funds on irrelevant projects. The situation today is very well depicted in ZA Bhutto’s words uttered at least four decades back: “In a sea of poverty, an island of prosperity cannot survive for very long.”

Our politicians do nothing except creating conditions wherein the military can step in and take charge. To some extent, the military has obliged this time but in a soft manner. It has not pressed Brigade 111into action but the Dec. 16 school carnage in Peshawar has prompted the army to take most of the initiative into its own hands. While it may not look like an obvious army takeover, it is quite clear


as to who really calls the shots. The prime minister did cobble together a National Action Plan just a few days after the Peshawar tragedy but it seems NAP may not see the light of day in its original form.

Every government that has come into power has spoken about Jinnah’s Pakistan to be restored but no concrete steps have been taken in this direction. Jinnah envisioned Pakistan as a nation where the fruits of democracy would devolve to the grassroots and the people would fully enjoy the real meaning of freedom. But this never happened.

If Pakistan is to survive as a nation despite all the odds, it must revisit Jinnah’s vision in a more pragmatic manner. The immediate need is to counter the militants and terrorists. The army, under the leadership of Gen. Raheel Sharif, is tackling the situation through Operation Zarb e Azb. But it is clear that much more needs to be done to tackle the monster of terrorism.

Pakistan needs to draw a route map that is in greater conformity with the ground realities. Many opportunities of nation-building have come and gone but succeeding rulers and governments after Jinnah have dismally failed in their task. It is obvious that the administrative setup of the country has outlived the concept of a single federal territory supported by four large and cumbersome provinces that are governed from one distantly located federal or four provincial capitals. The utter lack of communication with the people is unrealistic and painful. The distance creates a wide gap in awareness of the people’s problems, dispensation of justice and provision of administrative services. Pakistan is a vast country spread over 877,406 square kilometers. Its population is somewhere around 200 million but most of the people are far away from the conveniences they must get in a democracy.

The law and order situation is dismal as it were. The people are bereft of basic amenities, such as electricity, gas and even petrol. The administrative structure in most parts of the country is crumbling or has collapsed and there is hardly any governance. It is time, therefore, that instead of four large, ungovernable provinces, the country is divided into at least 20 states or administrative units. These units should be formed strictly on administrative lines and no consideration should be given to linguistic or ethnic divisions.

Each unit can have its own state capital, own governor and chief minister and an assembly under the Constitution of Pakistan (which should be accordingly amended).

Many countries around the world have broken their bigger provinces into smaller states or units to bring

the administration machinery closer to the people, so that services can be delivered more effectively. There are 29 states and seven union territories in India. The USA comprises 50 states. If Pakistan has more states, it will lead to a more united entity, such as the UAE, USA, UK or the former UAR and the USSR. Once this is done, the country should be renamed as ‘United Pakistan.’

Pakistan is also the only country in this region which still retains the feudal system and all the ills that go with it. It is time that concrete measures were taken to lessen the power of the feudals. A good way to do this would be to reduce the parliament’s term from 5 to 4 years. This would also be a good opportunity to bring in a presidential form of government, since the parliamentary system has all but failed. The new system would be closer to the Islamic concept of ‘khilafat’.

The president would serve a four-year term and the national and state assemblies would also be elected for four years. Elections repeated after every four years would establish more democratic traditions and the feudal lords would fall in line.

For greater administrative efficiency, some kind of a distinction should also be made between the people’s representatives elected to the national and state assemblies and those are made ministers. A distinction must be made between those who see assembly seats just to become ministers and the people’s representatives in the assemblies.

In the new system, the ministers should not be picked from among the elected assemblies– the way it

is done at present. They should be top-performing technocrats who are recognized in their respective fields and are able to do justice to the ministries they are given. They should also have sound knowledge of the ministry they are assigned to. An education minister should be an expert on education

while a health minister should be fully cognizant with the people’s health needs. After all, this country has the ‘pride’ of once having a provincial education minister – Dur Mohammad Usto – who had studied up to class VI only!

At present, the provincial governments are far away from the people – the functionaries responsible hardly ever come into contact with the public. The local governments, when they were in place, at least created some linkage between the rulers and the ruled but this lasted only for a few years. The subsequent ‘democratic’ governments did not seem to believe in attending to the people’s needs through the local government system.

To keep a watch on the interior and foreign security interests of the nation, Pakistan also needs a National Security Council, like the one initiated by the then President and Army Chief, Gen. Pervez Musharraf.

Pakistan has to find radical solutions to threats both from within and without. There is a limit to what the armed forces can do in terms of defending the national borders, countering the terrorists and also playing a role in judicial and administrative matters. It is time that the elected politicians ‘governed’ in a more result-oriented manner. If real democracy is to be given to the people, we must not wait for the next elections. Pakistan can only be saved from going adrift if we return to Jinnah's vision.

The writer is the Editor-in-Chief of SouthAsia Magazine. He is also the Founding Chairman of "Moderates," a private sector Think Tank.


Pakistan needs to draw a route map that is in greater conformity with the ground realities.

The December 16 attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar, and the wanton massacre of 132

students in their early teens, shook the nation. But more importantly, it woke Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif up to the realization that Pakistan is not limited to metro buses, motorways, underpasses and flyovers and that he is not the prime minister of the Punjab but of the entire Pakistan.

The realization has transformed him. He is no more the easygoing, indolent Nawaz Sharif who opposed military action against the Taliban in the past and insisted on talks; his usually expressionless face is livid as he talks animatedly about eliminating the scourge “without differentiation.”

Among his first acts was the withdrawal of the moratorium on the death penalty. Many terrorists have since been hanged. But it would be too early at this moment to express any opinion on how far this measure will be effective as a deterrent to terrorists.

The prime minister had a National Action Plan (NAP) drawn up and formed as many as 15 committees to implement the agenda. It is a comprehensive program undertaken for the first time to overhaul the security apparatus and society because, instead of being Taliban-specific, it is directed against terrorism and extremism in all forms.

The plan envisages an examination of the madrassah curriculum and

ban on publication of hate material and hate speeches inciting violence through loudspeakers at mosques and religious congregations.

Nawaz Sharif chaired three all parties conferences to work out a consensus on amending the constitution to establish military courts for the trial of terrorists, because it was felt that the normal procedure was unduly lengthy and the judges were often chary of handing down sentences for fear of retaliation. Significantly, the army chief was present at all APCs and the apex committee meetings in the provinces with the respective governors and chief ministers.

Ultimately, the 21st Amendment to the Constitution was passed and

A Paradigm Shift

Putting the NAP into action is a gigantic task that calls for an iron resolve and generous resources.

By S.G. Jilanee


COVER STORY

military courts have been established for a period of two years in all provinces, including Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir.

Amazingly, though, JUI (F) Chief Maulana Fazlur Rahman, who always sat on Nawaz Sharif’s left during the APCs where the NAP and military courts were debated, turned against the military courts and proposed to mobilize public opinion on the issue. Joining him in the opposition was Jamaat-e-Islami, while the Sindh High Court Bar Association decided to challenge the 21st Amendment in the Supreme Court.

Meanwhile, the NAP has gone into action. Apex committees have been formed in every province to enforce its recommendations. A number of printing presses have been sealed and their owners prosecuted for printing hate literature. Nawaz Sharif receives periodical briefings from the interior minister and other officials connected with progress of the NAP.

But this is just the beginning. The

situation will crystallize after the first sentence is awarded and executed by a military court.

Madrassah control may also present problems. It is understood that their curriculum is based on centuries-old Dars-e-Nizami that is also taught in India’s famous Darul Uloom at Deoband. Any attempt to tamper with it might stir a hornet’s nest.

Pakistan has been like a jungle of militant outfits – some of them attacked U.S. troops in Afghanistan, some killed Shias and Ahmadis and some targeted Indian troops in Kashmir while the government looked the other way. Terrorists were extolled as jihadists when they turned their guns on India.

Jundullah and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi have been prominent in killing Shias and Ahmadis, the Haqqani network went after U.S. troops, while Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT), Harkat-ul-Jihad Islami, Harkat-ul-Mujahidin and Jaish-e-Muhammad had been operating in Kashmir with full knowledge of the Pakistani authorities.

But now it seems that the government is determined to act. In what observers describe as a paradigm shift, it has banned 12 organizations, raising the total number of banned outfits to 72. Prominent among them is the Haqqani network – whose proscription was long sought by the U.S. – as well as the JuD and LeT that were alleged to be behind the November 2008 massacre in Mumbai.

It was found that around 23 banned organizations were quietly functioning under new names – Jaish-e-Muhammad was operating as Khuddam-e-Islam or Al Rahmat Trust. These have now been brought into the net. Also included is the new list are the Falah-e-Insaniat Foundation (FIF), a welfare wing of the JuD and Ummah Tameer-e-Nau, as well as several money exchanges which were placed under sanctions by the UN Security

Council and the United States in 2012 for allegedly funding militant groups.

These are brave decisions which point to the government’s iron resolve. More importantly, they indicate that there will be no discrimination now between the good and bad Taliban and also between the good and bad terrorists. Hatemongers and killers of Shias, Ahmadis, Christians and Hindus will also be punished.

The start augurs well. It has drawn appreciation from the U.S., especially because of the decision to go after the Haqqani network as spelt out by Secretary of State John Kerry during his visit to Islamabad, extending full assistance and support.

Probably the ban on hatemongering will apply in India’s case as well. If that happens, it would indicate a radical change in the thinking of Pakistan’s military and civil policymakers and would be a true paradigm shift. Pakistan would no longer nurture terrorists and call them jihadists if they attack Indian troops in Kashmir or carry out terrorist attacks in that country. Such changes should open new vistas for peace in the region and pave the way for reopening the stalled bilateral talks for which Foreign Affairs Adviser Sartaj Aziz requested John Kerry to prod India.

Yet, it all seems too good to be true. For example, the UN declared JuD a terrorist outfit and its chief, Hafiz Saeed, a terrorist in 2008, following the Mumbai attack. Similarly, the U.S. put a bounty of $10 million on Hafiz Saeed. But Pakistan has taken action against JuD only now, while Hafiz Saeed struts about freely, spewing hatred and issuing threats against India.

How Nawaz Sharif lays his hands on such powerful terrorists will show how the much-hyped National Action Plan performs in the long run.

The writer is a senior political analyst and former editor of Southasia.


These are brave decisions which point to the government’s iron resolve. More importantly, they indicate that there will be no discrimination now between the good and bad Taliban and also between the good and bad terrorists.


COVER STORY

Action in Inertia

The initial shock and awe of the brutal Peshawar massacre united the nation but it became obvious soon that the

unity among politicians was short-lived.

By S. M. Hali

The National Action Plan (NAP) was evolved in the wake of the carnage at the Army Public

School Peshawar on December 16, 2014, in which nearly 150 people were butchered, including some 132 schoolchildren. The initial shock and awe of the brutal massacre galvanized the politicians in uniting for formulating the NAP but pretty soon it became obvious that the unity was short-lived. In fact, the first attempt to present the NAP Bill in the National Assembly had to be abandoned because the ruling party, the PML-N, failed to garner the requisite number of assents as some key allies chose to absent themselves. Ultimately, the Bill did make it through after the Leader of the House, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif expressed his displeasure at the dissensions. Even then the religious parties abstained from the ballot; an exposé of the peculiarly bent of mind of the orthodoxy!

The proof of the pudding is in the eating. Once the Bill had been approved into law and it was time for implementation, it became evident, as in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, that “something is rotten in the state of Denmark”. While the federal government is trying to implement the NAP, the provinces are not too eager about its implementation. The government’s whipping boy, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, expressed displeasure over the response of the provincial law enforcement authorities regarding the implementation of NAP and warned them to take the task seriously. Chairing a high level meeting which reviewed

the NAP, Nisar directed the police and officials of other security agencies to adopt a proactive approach on counter-terrorism as the country was in a state of war.

Officials from the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA), the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), the Federal Capital Police, the National Crisis Management Cell and intelligence agencies, along with officials from provincial home departments, attended the meeting.

Although senior officials wanted to give a presentation, they were stopped by the interior minister, who asked them to provide him concrete results over the implementation of NAP, which in turn embarrassed the officials.

It appears that each province has different grounds to harbor reservations. The Baloch groups are reportedly running their training camps in Afghanistan or Iran. The interior ministry is seeking details about the Balochistan Republican Army, Balochistan Liberation Army, Balochistan Liberation Front, Balochistan Bunyad Parast Army, Laskhar-e-Balochistan, Balochistan Liberation United Front, Balochistan Musallah Defa Tanzeem, Balochistan Waja Liberation Army, Baloch Republican Party Azad, Balochistan United Army and Balochistan National Liberation Army, just to name a few of the organizations reportedly engaged in anti-state activities. With such a serious insurgency, it is believably difficult to bring a sizable number of provincial politicians on board to support the execution of the NAP.

The province of Sindh, on the other hand, appears to have become a safe haven for terrorist groups. The military’s Operation Zarb-e-Azb in the tribal areas caused terror mongers to seek sanctuaries in other parts of the country. The cosmopolitan city of Karachi has the propensity to absorb diverse groups and let them remain incognito owing to its enormous population. The Sindh Home Department is updating on behavioral changes of Al Harmain Foundation, Rabita Trust, Tehreek Nifaz-e-Aman, Tahafuz Hadudullah, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and the People’s Amn Committee. Despite an across the board operation in the metropolis led by the Rangers, so far there is not much to write home about.

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s constraints are diverse. The province, which is in the vicinity of FATA and the Waziristan Agencies – erstwhile home to the harbingers of terror, has a number of sympathizers who will waylay any plan of the government to implement the NAP. The coalition government of KPK comprises Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf and the Jamaat-e-Islami, both of which are conscientious objectors to the federal government’s plan of action. Additionally, the IS or Daesh has been distributing pamphlets in some parts of the province, inviting recruits. Simultaneously there have


been rallies in Peshawar, eulogizing the assailants who targeted the French satire magazine Charlie Hebdo. With such dichotomy in their approach to terror, it is difficult to comprehend how the NAP will be successful in KPK.

Coming to the most populous province of Punjab, the situation differs from the other provinces. It is ruled by Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif’s younger brother, Shahbaz Sharif, who should prima facie be all out in support of implementing the NAP. Unfortunately, his reluctance stems from other considerations. South Punjab is considered a hub of miscreants as most of the militants of the Punjabi Taliban and other jihadi organizations belong to South Punjab.

According to media reports, intelligence agencies found out that a SIM card that was in use of the TTP militants during their attack on the Army Public School in Peshawar, belonged to a resident of Hasilpur district of Bahawalpur.

Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan has stated that at least 95 banned outfits were functioning in Punjab. Nisar declared that law-enforcement agencies were proactively monitoring the madaris to check the spread of terrorist ideology in the country but a government critic has disclosed that despite repeated reminders by

the media about the growing militant presence in the province, the Shahbaz Sharif-led Punjab government failed to check the spread of such outfits and instead preferred to cohabitate with them.

Directives have been issued to the Federal Bureau of Revenue to ensure that funding to proscribed organizations is stopped. ‘Brotherly’ Muslim countries have also been asked to clamp down on the financers of sectarian and terrorist networks operating in Pakistan. It has been recommended to the NAP committee that Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates should be asked to stop funding the religious groups banned in Pakistan. Reportedly, the prime minister visited Saudi Arabia to request its monarchy to use their good offices to help block the funding of proscribed groups in Pakistan.

There is an obstacle here too. Unfortunately most transactions are carried out through informal means such as Hawala and Hundi for transfer of money, which are difficult to keep a check on.

As far as proscribing terrorist organizations is considered, there is no specific mechanism for banning any outfit. The situation is akin to the twelve headed monster, the mythical Hydra. If one head was chopped off, two more cropped up. As soon as one group is

banned, it resurfaces under a new name. Around 23 proscribed organizations are functioning with different names – like Jaish-e-Muhammad is operating as Khudam-e-Islam or Al-Rahmat Trust, Lashkar-e-Tayaba as Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) and so on.

The prime minister has also directed the Ministry of Information Technology to take steps for blocking websites and social media platforms used by terrorist outfits. The federal government plans to table its draft cyber security bill in the National Assembly to ensure quick implementation of NAP against terrorism but the draft bill still misses several key areas like online blasphemy, cyber stalking, spamming and spoofing which are considered serious offences in some other countries. Moreover, the new breed of terrorists is social media savvy and is conversant with the use of proxy servers to bypass firewalls.

In the current milieu, there is every danger of provincial politicians sabotaging the NAP and impeding its efforts towards success. Such an outcome smacks of jeopardizing the process of democratization, which is still in its nascent stage in Pakistan.

The writer is a practising journalist.He contributes to the print media,conducts a TV show and producesdocumentaries.


COVER STORY

A bleeding wound is visible and hurts, whereas most cancers are invisible, fatal and silent killers.

Equating the scourge of extremism prevalent in Pakistan – which has instigated some horrific terrorism incidents – to the worst forms of cancer is probably not an exaggerated statement. Pakistan is one of the leading nations in the war against terrorism and has suffered more casualties than any other country. It is plagued by multiple cancers of terrorism in various forms spread across the national landscape. This is the result of political incompetency, strategic neglect, past mistakes of the civilian and military leadership, especially during the Afghan war in the 1980s – with the United States

abandoning the Russo-Afghan crisis in the 1990s, lack of foresight in our own rulers and vested interest of anti-Pakistan players present both in our geographical neighborhood and in the international community.

In the aftermath of the Peshawar school massacre, the Pakistani government finally became serious about combating terrorism and laid more focus on it. However, conflicting views appeared when the time came to define national security. The basic definition of national security in holistic terms is still unknown to many strategists. Merely waging a war against the Taliban and religious extremists through military means may solve the problem for the time being but it will recur in the mid to long term.

The point scoring in the aftermath of the Peshawar attack by a number of political parties and their leaders has been an utter shame. In the haze of confusion and non-decisive political leadership, only the Army Chief, General Raheel Sharif and the top military brass showed overwhelming commitment to combating terrorism.

Realistically speaking, this is not enough to weed out the problem from its roots. The indifferent attitude of the majority of our politicians, corruption and lack of capacity in highly politicized law enforcement institutions are some factors that have worsened the issue.

These institutions have tried to deliver and are key elements in the war on terror, but the gradual deterioration

Too Little Too Late?The nation is looking towards the military, the political leadership and the judiciary to save Pakistan.

By Fakhar Ahmed


in their training, equipment, unity of command and weak organizational structures have reduced their delivery capacity. To improve their functioning is an uphill task and the question is who will do it, practically and beyond paperwork and political speeches? Additionally the long queues of legal cases and the highly complex litigation process has failed to bring the terrorists to justice in the past. Although the courts in Pakistan are fairly free, they are far from delivering swift justice.

Against this background, the National Action Plan is seen as the politicians’ way of shifting their responsibility to the army’s shoulder and not owning or leading from the front. This is due to many reasons, such as the fear of being targeted by terrorists

and losing their vote bank. There is also the apprehension that, equipped with the additional powers of military courts, if the military performs well in two years, the political leadership will take the credit. However, if more mess is created then the political leadership will easily pass the blame to the army for the failure.

Technically speaking, the National Action Plan has to be a combination of socio-economic interventions, robust judicial executions, effective policing in towns, media support, strong intelligence and a powerful foreign policy. The plan also focuses on strong district administration, the writ of the government, crackdown on institutions propagating religious extremism and hatred and economic opportunities for the people of tribal areas, rural Balochistan, southern Punjab and other areas which have a history of producing extremist militants. The plan also calls for providing extra protection to judges, witnesses and prosecutors. The implementation of most of the items mentioned in the policy is the responsibility of the civilian government and only a one-point agenda for military action against the identified targets is supposed to be delivered by the military. There are hindrances in the form of legal application of the military’s engagement and differentiation between criminals.

Does Pakistan have a fearless judiciary? Do we have examples from other countries where the judiciary tackled such wide-scale terror incidents? Are the rescue and fire brigade units efficient enough to tackle the imminent blowback of military operations? Are the civil defense organizations in towns and cities equipped and trained to deliver? Do the various intelligence organizations have a high trust level to share sensitive information?

While we expect the military to run the show for two years to eradicate terrorists, who will nail down street criminals is an issue that needs to be debated. Street crimes are fuelling insecurity in the country. Who will provide government agencies, other than the army, with the infrastructure, training and equipment as well as the will to deliver is a question that needs consideration.

More importantly, there is a huge nexus of evil strongly pitched against Pakistan. The country’s security needs to be redefined and the country needs to resolve its water management issue with India. It is time Pakistan raised its concerns about foreign interventions in Balochistan and the northern areas

on all relevant forums. The other key issue is the energy

crisis which is retarding the growth of the national economy and creating unrest. What should also be on the government’s to-do list is how to fight the anti-Pakistan propaganda on the digital and social media, both nationally and internationally.

The government needs to improve the law and order situation in financial and industrial hubs like Karachi, Faisalabad and Sialkot, etc, otherwise investors from these cities will migrate to other countries. National security institutions such as the police, railways, shipping, defense production, airlines, etc. should be equipped with the latest defense gadgets and weapons on a war footing.

There is one important area that really needs to be looked at. The National Counter-Terrorism Authority (NACTA) has established a dedicated telephone number – 1717 – to report terrorism and terror-related incidents while the Army number for reporting of similar complaints is 1135. Similarly, the Hilal-e-Ahmar, Edhi Trust, Bomb Disposal, Civil Defence, Fire Brigade, Rescue Services, Police Emergency and the Hospitals have different numbers for different cities. The need of the hour is to combine all these services and merge them into a single system with a single number for enhanced public safety and convenience.

If the economy is weak, there will be no resources to fight the war on terror. The recent petrol crisis revealed that Pakistan does not have any sea vessels to import oil on its own. To imagine that in the case of a war or naval blockade, there will be no civilian or navy ships to support Pakistan’s logistics, should be enough to give many sleepless nights to the government.

Last but not the least, we need to redefine the definition and concept of national unity and this should begin at the school level.

Despite the many challenges Pakistan faced in the last 60 years, it has risen to the occasion and survived as a resilient nation which comes together in the time of crisis. But at this juncture, the country is faced with challenges from both within and outside and there is no room for error. The nation is looking towards the military, the political leadership, the judiciary and other national institutions to save Pakistan.

The writer is a seasoned columnist who has been contributing to various national and regional publications.


REGION PAKISTAN

Military Courts -- Fear and Prejudice

Military courts can wrest back the psychological edge from the terrorists who were taking advantage of the loopholes in Pakistan’s legal system.

By Taj M. Khattak

The cornerstone of any functional democracy is an effective, reliable and fair legal system

which promotes the rule of law. The responsibility to provide this kind of le -gal service to its citizens rests squarely with the state. Such a system should follow ‘due process of law’ to ensure that no innocent is punished and all possible evidence and circumstances have been factored in before pronouncing a verdict against an accused.

For the aggrieved party, it should also deliver justice in a timely manner in accordance with the well-known legal maxim ‘justice delayed is justice

denied’. This is not just another English phrase but contains the moral philosophy of human civilization going as far back as 1st century BCE and 2nd century CE when rabbis taught that the sword came into use because of ‘justice delayed and justice denied.’

Across the globe, most nations have finely balanced every citizen’s right to justice in a ‘reasonable timeframe’ with the accused also having the right to justice in accordance with ‘due process of law’. In Pakistan, this fundamental obligation of the state to provide equilibrium in its legal service has fallen well short of popular

expectations due to complex but well-known reasons. For quite some time now, we have been facing a situation where, instead of dispensing justice to all, the due process of law is itself perceived as promoting injustice due to unacceptable delays in trials and few convictions in courts.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif admitted during a debate in the National Assembly that in some instances, cases pertaining to heinous crimes have been pending in the courts for as long as 20 to thirty years. This failure of the state has sadly resulted in a popular perception where our normal legal system equates


with no legal system at all. The Peshawar school attack incident

was the proverbial last straw on the camel’s back which diminished any remaining confidence in the country’s normal legal system. It proved to be a catalyst towards a popular demand for necessary legislative measures which, after considerable consultative process, emerged in the form of an amendment to the Pakistan Army Act 1952 with a view to expand its jurisdiction for a speedy trial of cases under specified acts, providing such courts with a constitutional cover under a sunset clause of two years from the date of enactment. The military establishment, which is in the vanguard of this fight against terrorism, also wanted military courts to prosecute the accused persons instead of repeating the Swat experiment where most of the accused eventually found their way out.

Historically, military courts have their genesis in Section 2(1)(d) of the Pakistan Army Act 1952. Interestingly, it was not a part of the legal framework inherited by the army from the British at the time of partition but was instituted by former Field Marshal Ayub Khan to suppress civil disorder and widespread public resentment following the Tashkent Declaration. Originally, under this section, civilians could be tried only for inciting military personnel against the government and committing espionage related to military matters.

However, the Army Act’s scope was extended by Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf to include some other offences. But as far as it is known, most of these provisions were either not passed by the parliament or were struck down by the Supreme Court. The constitutional cover for any amendment in the Army Act was therefore essential in the prevailing environment.

The consensus on amendments was not without a heated and intense debate where, most prominently, former President Asif Ali Zardari initially opposed the creation of military courts for fear that such an action could possibly send him and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to jail one day. He clearly showed a preference for a system of justice where witnesses in the courts can be pilloried by his strongmen resulting in acquittals – the SGS-Cotecna bribery case in Geneva being the only exception with a different verdict, since his ‘supporters’ could not reach there. But Zardari fell in line when he noticed that Pakistan has moved on and it will serve no purpose to remain warped in a different era.

Similar self-serving apprehensions were also expressed by some other quarters. It was distressing to note that at such a crucial juncture of immense significance for the future of Pakistan, politicians were more worried about their own protection for the wrongs they may have committed instead of caring for the safety of the ordinary citizens who have lost their lives in thousands and whose votes help the politicians reach the august corridors of power. To his credit, Nawaz Sharif stated that the threat of such courts to his person would not be a reason to oppose their creation.

He perhaps also sees this moment as a unique opportunity for the reversal of his political fortunes because if he succeeds in improving the country’s law and order situation and turns the inflationary trends downwards, the electorate will probably forget his past politics which were effectively trashed

during the four month long sit-in by the PTI in Islamabad. With this amendment, we should also expect some of our neighbors to demand the trial of terrorism suspects under military courts since they have also been affected by this dark phenomenon from our soil from time to time.

The judiciary understandably opposed the creation of military courts for its own reasons as it exposes its failure to measure up to people’s expectations. For the record, in one of its judgments of 1999, the Supreme Court reconciles that “no patriotic Pakistani can have any sympathy with terrorists who deserve severe punishment, but the only question at issue is which forum is to award punishment i.e. whether a forum as envisaged by the Constitution or by a military court which does not fit within the framework of the Constitution. No doubt that when a terrorist takes the life of an innocent person, he is violating Article 9 of the Constitution, but if the terrorist, as a retaliation, is deprived of his life by a mechanism other than through due process of law within the framework of the Constitution, it will

also be violative of Article 9.” These are principled observations

except that they do not mention justice in a reasonable timeframe. Also, the country is passing thorough extraordinary circumstances requiring extraordinary efforts from all pillars of the state. Need one recall the case of Afzal Guru where the Indian Supreme Court held that there was no evidence of him being a member of a terrorist group or organization yet he was pulled out of the death row queue and executed out of sequence? Or the case of Aafia Siddiqui who is undergoing 84 years of imprisonment in the U.S. Aafia’s conviction raised many an eyebrow in the civilized world. Many countries, including Pakistan, condemned Guru’s execution. But within India and the U.S., such acts are considered necessary to satisfy the ‘collective conscience’ of the nation.

It is this ‘need’, as it were, for

satisfying the collective anger of the Pakistani nation after the Peshawar attack which is the driving force behind the demand for setting up military courts. Only the most naïve will believe that such courts are the final remedy of the problem at hand because it is only one element in this prolonged fight which has to be multi-dimensional. The terrorists live amongst us, get funding from within the society and receive support and sponsorship from certain political quarters. Therefore, a consistent and holistic approach will be required to root out terrorism.

In the prevailing environment, military courts can only help to the extent that they will wrest back the psychological edge from the terrorists who had so far been taking advantage of the loopholes in our legal system. We should not forget that Pakistan is paying the price for allowing its legal system to be abused for far too long and only now the chicken are coming home to roost.

The writer is a retired Vice Admiral of the Pakistan Navy.

In the prevailing environment, military courts can only help to the extent that they will wrest back the psychological edge from the terrorists who had so far been taking advantage of the loopholes in our legal system.


The war between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and PTI chief Imran Khan about rigging in the

May2013 elections took a breather when terrorists attacked the Army Public School in Peshawar, killing about 150 people, mostly young children, on December 16, 2014.

The school massacre also jolted the nation out of its reverie induced by the more than four-month long protest held in the capital against the government. Terrorists took this opportunity and attacked the school, murdering and injuring hundreds.

The saddest part is that the massacre could have been averted if timely action had been taken since the government had prior notice of the attack. Hundreds of children were deprived of their lives because someone in the government machinery was too lazy or inept. Is this excuse enough to heal a mother’s bleeding heart that will forever mourn the death of her child?

Can the government have the co-urage to tell the mothers that nothing was done to save their children, especially since they had prior warning of such an attack? According to Alert No.802 issued by the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Home Ministry on August 28, 2014, the Taliban Orakzai Commander Khaksar, along with two accomplices – Bilal and Obaidullah – had planned to carry out attacks on army-run educational institutions. The alert also revealed that terrorists intended to kill as many children of army officers as possible. And they carried out their plan without facing any hindrance.

Four months of warning should have been ample time for the authorities to set up a counter-terrorism system and take serious steps to avert the attack. Raids should have been conducted and suspects rounded up. Security should have been beefed up around the marked targets. But apparently the KPK government was caught unawares – probably because it was focussing on the protests in the capital.

Ironically, even after this horrendous event, the government machinery seemed to be dragging its feet. The governments – both federal and provincial – appeared shell-shocked as parents, volunteers, rescue workers and security personnel rushed the injured, the dead and the dying to hospitals.

However, the federal government seemingly recovered faster and acted, improved its otherwise dwindling image. But there was no explanation for the laidback response of the PTI following the school massacre. Imran Khan vanished from the scene after a brief visit to Peshawar following the

tragedy and no concrete action was taken.

This revealed the KPK government’s inability to take the lead. Instead of a public apology or remorse for its indifference, we saw the PTI’s chief, Imran Khan refusing to take any blame for the incident, shifting the responsibility to the army for the security lapses that led to the school massacre.

Khan didn’t even seem to take heed of the unprecedented change in the public’s emotions as mass grief and rage overtook all other emotions following the school massacre. It seemed the public and the beloved leader existed on different planets.

This has harmed Imran Khan’s popularity, though he is probably not aware of this. It would be prudent that he order the KPK government to wake

up and act to resolve the most pressing issue faced by the province - terrorism.

The CM needs to get over the sit-in hangover and concentrate on running the government of his province, something he should have done almost two years ago when he got the provincial reins.

It was hoped that after the APS attack, Imran Khan would stay in the terror-hit province and take instant action, focussing on the serious issues at hand. That he would take speedy action against those who were responsible for lapses of security. That he would ask his party members to resign for a job gone extremely wrong.

But he didn’t do any of this. Is it because he thinks he is faultless? Or does he think that others should face consequences for the wrongs they have committed, but the same rule does not

REGION PAKISTAN

Rigged TrustNo amount of bloodshed – even of children - seems to break the status quo in Pakistan.

By Lubna Jerar Naqvi


apply to him and his party?Unfortunately, Khan has more

negatives on his report card than positives. From the beginning he has never lived up to any of his promises, not even the main promise that he would bring a change – the chief attraction during his election campaign. But nothing changed in KPK and the province keeps suffering from one terrorist attack after another.

More lives could have been saved at the APS if a proper mechanism had been devised at all levels of government, including a rapid response system with an early warning system and a rapid response force.

But this could have only been possible if the country’s leadership had not been indifferently mulling on other issues since the May 2013 elections.

Ironically, Imran Khan, who always

stresses on accountability and fairness, has not risen to the occasion, holding himself and his party accountable to those who lost their loved ones. It seems that when it comes to him, the rules of the game change.

He keeps talking about the rigging in the last elections and how he wants to bring electoral reforms for the welfare of the people. But does he even know, or care, that he has rigged the trust of his voters by letting them down again and again, just like others before him had done?

Khan should have set a precedent by sacking his party’s government and holding them accountable for the school massacre. But following the incident, Imran Khan and the leaders of his party kept a low profile and simply passed the buck.

This is not to absolve the federal

government of its responsibility of providing security. But the fault in this case lies mostly with the KPK government and no amount of efforts to divert the blame elsewhere frees Khan or his party of the responsibility of the massacre.

The PTI’s laidback attitude only helped Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s government that was tottering on the thin line of bad governance to make a comeback. The sad thing is that no amount of bloodshed – even of children – seems to dent the status quo in Pakistan. Every incident from corruption to rigging to violence and to murder – all see the same fate – fresh rounds of passing the buck, followed by angry debates, setting-up of commissions, having meetings and debates- and more. The result is nothing.

However, this is not the first time a threat alert has been ignored or missed in Pakistan, especially in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. Similar terror alerts have gone abegging in the past resulting in unfortunate incidents such as the Mehran Base attacks, the Karachi Airport siege and the Bannu jailbreak.

The KPK government had received prior information of a possible jailbreak in Bannu in July 2013 – two months after the general elections in 2013. A team was sent to survey the security at the jail two days before the jailbreak and the security measures seemed satisfactory to the newly elected PTI government.

It turned out though that the measures were not enough and the government was unable to detect or stop the arrival of a large caravan comprising several multi-seater vans to Bannu jail. The terrorists broke in and rescued more than 175 inmates before travelling all the way back.

The incumbent government blamed its predecessor for not doing enough during its tenure. But the question was: where was the ‘100 day plan’ the PTI chief had been talking about prior to May 2013? Surely, the government had come into power with some game plan to tackle the real issues of the people – mainly terrorism.

As time passes, Pakistan will return to normalcy, occasionally mentioning the 150 APS victims. Imran Khan will also regain some of his lost lustre and may even become the prime minister in the years to come. The nation may even forgive rigging an election but rigging of one’s trust is hard to forget. Will Nawaz Sharif and Imran Khan live up to the expectations of the victims of APS and their mothers?

The writer is a senior journalist based in Karachi.

Ambition into Reality

Modi’s dilemma is that he is seen as the leader of the right wingers who are more interested in cultural nationalism than in development.

By Jamil Nasir

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s agenda of development mainly emphasizes infrastructural

improvements like up-gradation of road and rail networks, improvement of ports as well as reforms in taxation, insurance, labor, public bureaucracy and health. The ‘Make in India’ program – launched just before PM Modi’s maiden visit to the U.S. – is

the reiteration of his promise to turn around the economy of India. It promises a new FDI approach by offering investors a string of measures aimed at reducing the regulatory burden.

According to an official statement about the program, “the government is committed to chart out a new path wherein business entities are extended

red carpet welcome in a spirit of active cooperation. Invest India will act as the first reference point for guiding foreign investors on all aspects of regulatory and policy issues and to assist in obtaining regulatory clearances.” The program basically envisages boosting manufacturing, jobs for youth and capitalizing on low-wage costs. It covers sectors

REGION INDIA


Ambition into Reality

like automobiles, chemicals, IT, pharmaceuticals, textiles, ports, aviation, leather, tourism, railways, hospitality, etc.

The revival of manufacturing, which is at the heart of the program, is not going to be as easy job as manufacturing has consistently lost its share in the GDP of the country. The service sector has remained the primary driver of economic growth in India for the last few decades. The industry’s share is said to be stuck at 25 percent. The share of small enterprises in manufacturing employment in India is estimated at 84 percent compared to 25 percent in China. In the words of Gita Gopinath, Professor of Economics at the Harvard University, “The fact that India has moved from an agricultural economy to a service-driven economy with almost no growth in industry is not a virtue; it is an outcome of policies that have hampered manufacturing and mining.” The ‘Make in India’ initiative is basically an argument for the new economic growth model based on export-oriented manufacturing which simply means encouraging domestic entrepreneurs to manufacture goods for export and attracting international companies to relocate their production in India.

A number of ordinances are on the agenda for translating the

development plan into reality. They include reforms of commercial laws for speedier arbitration in commercial disputes, raising the foreign direct investment cap in the insurance sector from 26 percent to 49 percent for the promotion of foreign direct investment, opening the mining sector to the private sector and easing land acquisition by exempting key public and private sectors like defense, rural infrastructure and heavy industry from costly and complicated social and regulatory processes. Thus the Modi government has embarked on an ambitious development agenda by pressing ahead with reforms and making futuristic investments in infrastructure, high-speed rail and smart cities.

Modi also announced abolishing of the Planning Commission, which has remained at the heart of centralized resource allocation and has produced Soviet-style five year plans. Arvind Panagariya, Professor of Economics at Columbia and a proponent of free trade and deregulation, has been appointed the vice-chairman of the National Institute for Transforming India – Aayog – a new agency established by PM Modi to work as a high-level think tank on policy advice to the government.

Undoubtedly, Modi’s development agenda is ambitious and may unlock the growth potential if it goes smoothly. But there are serious caveats. First of all, India’s tax and regulatory environment is highly complex. How swiftly Modi manages to make it simpler and easier remains to be seen. Another challenge will be the financing required for the growth model. The success of the East Asian growth model owed itself to high investment rates. Whether such investment will be forthcoming in the near future is not clear. Confronting the development challenge will require cooperation from state governments. How they will support the centre is uncertain at best.

But the most daunting challenge for India will be communal harmony. After all, this is the basic pre-requisite for development. The growing communal interventions of the Sangh Parivar and Modi’s silence are not good signs. His track record as the chief minister of Gujarat is also dubious with regard to the fundamental rights of the minorities. “Since Modi came to power, the entire Hindutva has

returned to the centre stage of Indian politics. At the heart of that agenda are communal violence, inflammatory statements about the relationship between Hindus and other religious groups (especially Muslims), mobilization over Ramjanambhoomi/Babri Masjid, repeal of Article 370, religious conversion and, most importantly, disrupting and reworking the education system,” says a blogger writing for the Times of India.

The proponents of Hindutva think that communalism will unite the majority community, i.e. the Hindus and once the other communities think that the Hindus are united they will join the mainstream as converts or junior partners. Such assumptions are largely misplaced. By alienating the minorities, it will become difficult to guarantee communal harmony which is considered the sine qua non for sustainable development. Can schemes like Ghar Wapsi (home coming) bring solace to the minorities of India? Can the promotion of such schemes give confidence to foreign investors? Currently, a tug of war between cultural nationalism and development seems to be taking place in India and Modi’s dilemma is that he is seen as the leader of the right-wingers who are more interested in cultural nationalism than development.

“Modi rose to power as the head of a family of rightwing organizations that largely do not share his economic priorities and are obsessed with the so-called cultural nationalism, which is essentially repackaged as Hindu chauvinism. The tension between Modi’s avowed economic reformism and the cultural nativism that animates his government’s electoral base is a major impediment to progress – Modi has found himself in an unenviable position vis-à-vis his own supporters: he cannot live with them, and he cannot live without them. Unless he can find a way to resolve his political dilemma, hope for a ‘Modi miracle’ in India’s economy will ebb as rapidly as it rose,” writes Shashi Tahroor.

The challenge at hand is not the ambitious plan itself, but to translate it into reality and make it sellable to the Indians as well as foreign investors.

The writer is a graduate of Columbia University with a degree in economic policy management and a Chevening Fellowship on Economic Governance.



REGION AFGHANISTAN

Winds of ChangeWinds of ChangeCan Afghanistan and Pakistan bury the hatchet and write a new chapter in

their rocky relationship?

By Daud Khattak

As the war theatre is winding down with the withdrawal of international troops from

Afghanistan, the role of Pakistan is seen as a key to future stability in its western neighborhood.

It was with this imperative reality in mind that Afghan President Ashraf Ghani arrived in Islamabad in

November 2014 to hold parleys with Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. It was his third foreign visit since taking charge of the presidential office.

As relations between the two neighbors are usually interpreted through the security paradigm, Ghani rushed to the Pakistan military’s GHQ to hold a meeting with Army Chief

General Raheel Sharif. Two days before Ghani’s arrival in Islamabad, Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Chief Lt. Gen. Rizwan Akhtar was in Kabul to discuss regional security with Afghan officials.

On the Pakistani side, the government headed by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is keeping the country’s


economic stability and development on top of its agenda. Soon after taking oath in June 2013, PM Sharif had expressed the resolve to revive the country’s economy by improving relations with its neighbors, including archrival India.

It was against this backdrop that Ghani’s three-day visit to Pakistan was seen – with hope and a degree of optimism. Like Sharif, Ghani also wants to improve the economy of his war-

torn, impoverished country. But to take a step towards this end, he has to improve the security situation at home first.

As indicated in a World Bank report published last year, Afghanistan is the worst country to invest in Asia and the seventh worst in the world. This is the result of poor law and order situation and the increased number of deadly attacks during the year.

One view among international think tanks and key observers both in Kabul and outside is that Afghanistan will continue to have a fragile investment environment as long as the security threat persists. They also believe that Pakistan could play a major role in improving Afghanistan’s security situation and that the failure to do it will result in spillover effects on the security and investment environment in Pakistan.

So will Pakistan come forward with full sincerity to help

improve the security situation in Afghanistan? The answer lies partially in the history of the decades-long distrust and deep-rooted suspicions that define the relationship of the two neighbors.

In his farewell address in Kabul, former Afghan President Hamid Karzai said: “No peace will arrive unless the U.S. or Pakistan wants it.” Karzai paid

20 visits to Pakistan during his 13-year presidency. Hopes were high each time he arrived in Islamabad to hold meetings with Pakistan’s civilian and military officials.

In one such effort in October 2006, Karzai and his Pakistani counterpart Pervez Musharraf came together with U.S. President George W. Bush to agree on a Loya Jirga (grand assembly) in Kabul. As a follow-up to the crucial meeting between the three leaders, nearly 700 elders and influential people gathered in Kabul in August 2007 to discuss peace and stability in Afghanistan.

Although the Loya Jirga and almost all successive official meetings and bilateral visits ended on an optimistic note, the worsening security environment on both sides of the Durand Line snatched the opportunity for durable peace and stability. After intervals, the two countries would revert to leveling allegations and counter-allegations against each other.

For long, Afghanistan has been accusing Pakistan of providing sanctuaries to the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network involved in cross border attacks. In the past, Pakistan used to refute the allegations with the argument that the country was itself a victim of terrorism. However, since 2010, Pakistan has been leveling counter-allegations of the presence of Taliban safe havens across the border that are used for terrorist attacks on Pakistan’s soil.

Pakistan has also been accused of pursuing the policy of ‘strategic depth’ in Afghanistan to counter the perceived threat of encirclement from its eastern neighbor, India. This perception in Pakistan’s strategic thinking gave birth to the idea of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban.

Pakistan’s policy of differentiating between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban prompted former U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton to warn Islamabad about keeping “snakes in its backyard.”

“You can’t keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to bite your neighbors. Eventually, those snakes are going to turn on whoever has them in their backyard,” said Clinton in a reference to militant groups carrying out cross-border attacks in Afghanistan.

Much has changed since then. Top functionaries of the present Pakistan Muslim League-N government, including Prime Minister Sharif and his National Security Advisor Sartaj

Aziz, have said time and again that the policy of good and bad Taliban has been set aside and that Pakistan is no more seeking strategic depth in Afghanistan.

Pakistan’s military, the real decision-maker in matters of policymaking, has also passed on the signal of doing away with its erstwhile policy of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Taliban by targeting ‘all militants in the much-hyped Operation Zarb-e-Azb.

In its October 2014 report, the International Crisis Group states that “the opening of spaces for Pakistani extremists, using their ties with their Afghan counterparts, to attack Pakistani targets from safe havens in Afghanistan underscores the importance of ending all support, direct or covert, to Afghan proxies. Yet, much depends on the ability of the civilian governments in Pakistan to wrest control over national security and foreign policy from the military in a fragile democratic transition.”

Since both President Ghani and Prime Minister Sharif are known for their interest in the economic development of their respective countries, the two sides are moving ahead with confidence-building – at least at the civilian level. One very clear sign on this front is an end to the routine leveling of allegations and counter-allegations after each terrorist strike in Afghanistan or Pakistan.

To further strengthen this understanding, a source from Kabul told this writer that Afghanistan’s Chief Executive Officer Dr. Abdullah Abdullah is likely to visit Islamabad to discuss how to expand cooperation between the two countries on economic and security fronts.

To the satisfaction of Pakistan’s powerful security establishment, neither President Ghani nor his CEO Dr. Abdullah Abdullah has visited India so far, which is one of the six major international donors to Afghanistan. Besides, the Afghan security forces have launched a major offensive in the border provinces of Kunar and Nuristan against the militants believed to be carrying out attacks inside Pakistan.

Analysts in both Kabul and Islamabad believe that President Ghani’s initiative of “burying the past to move towards a fresh beginning” has been well-received in the civilian circles of Islamabad. However, it is difficult to predict the response of the country’s security establishment.

The writer contributes to the Christian Science Monitor.

REGION AFGHANISTAN

Challenges GaloreWith two erstwhile rivals leading the national unity government,

which way is Afghanistan going?

By Iffat Alam

Last year’s presidential elections in Afghanistan were a rollercoaster ride by all means. Often called a ‘martial’ race, the people of the country were going

to elect a new president as the term of Hamid Karzai, the then president of Afghanistan for over 9 years, was

coming to an end. The competition was between Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai and Abdullah Abdullah. While the latter was a seasoned politician with years of experience in the complicated political battlefield of Afghanistan, the former was regarded as a statesman by many in the country and


Challenges Galore

abroad owing to his foreign education and experience of working for well-reputed institutions such as the World Bank.

Both candidates enjoyed massive support in their respective constituencies and ethnic groups. They fought tooth and nail and the outcome was a hung result as none of the candidates could get past the required 50 percent votes. Subsequently, a run-off poll was undertaken but it further worsened the situation as Dr. Abdullah claimed that the polling exercise was not transparent. After months of bickering and maneuvering, a deal was reached between Dr. Abdullah and Dr. Ghani to form a national unity government. According to the deal, the new political arrangement was to have a president and a chief executive officer. As the winner of the run-off polls, Dr. Ghani was declared the president while Dr. Abdullah became the CEO of Afghanistan. The deal essentially meant that the erstwhile rivals had to work together as a team. One has all the powers entrusted by the constitution, while the other is yet to have a legal sanction – either via a grand jirga or the parliament.

It may sound a simple proposition on paper, but the situation on ground is far more complex.

Over six months have passed and there are mixed signs about the success of the power-sharing deal which has basically divided authority between two competitors. Although it resolved the crisis which had erupted after the presidential elections and threatened to derail the political process, the question currently raised by all stakeholders is that will this arrangement address the massive challenges facing Afghanistan?

These include providing a strong administration, clean governance and addressing the economic crisis. Their resolution requires unity at all levels of the executive. However, with two completely different sets of groups trying to share power and run a country, with their mutual disagreements running across the ethnic lines, the task becomes next to impossible. President Ghani is a Pashtun while Dr. Abdullah is of a mixed Pashtun-Tajik origin. Both are answerable to their ethnic communities which account for the bulk of their vote bank. In addition to their respective support, the two politicians also have to consider the demands of provincial governors. They are also supposed to keep the warlords happy who enjoy considerable influence in some areas.

The power-sharing deal was

brokered mainly because of the U.S. and the influence it holds in the internal matters of Afghanistan. This involvement in the country’s affairs is a matter of concern for the Afghan government as it is difficult to gauge the U.S.’ commitment to Afghanistan once its troops leave the country. The role of the U.S. in bringing some semblance of stability in Afghanistan, especially in the post-election scenario, however, can’t be denied. The multiple visits of U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry and his constant negotiations with both parties ensured that the electoral process did not go to waste. It was clear that Dr. Abdullah was not willing to accept the result of the presidential elections and wanted to pursue the path of protest. At that critical juncture, it was Kerry who made efforts to bring together the two contestants to the table.

However, analysts are uncertain about whether the U.S. will display a similar show of time and patience for Afghanistan’s domestic matters in the future as well. Already, its hands are full and it may not be able to afford a full-time engagement in the country. Also, the U.S. is not too pleased about its experience of working with Hamid Karzai who was installed in the presidency mainly at the U.S.’ behest. After ruling Afghanistan for years with the blessings of the U.S., Karzai very conveniently started identifying with his Afghan roots towards the end of his tenure.

The parting left a bad taste in the U.S.’ mouth and its ambassador to Afghanistan, James B. Cunningham called Karzai “ungrateful and ungracious.” The dilemma of the new Afghan government is that whether it likes it or not, it has to work closely with America. Afghanistan’s institutional infrastructure is too weak at the moment to address on its own the prevailing problems of corruption and poor governance. What goes in the Afghan government’s favor is that it signed the Bilateral Security Agreement with the U.S., and a similar deal with NATO, soon after coming to power. This move considerably reduced the friction between the two countries.

Even so, maintaining close ties with the U.S. is going to be a complex job given the conflicting nature of the unity government and also because the U.S. is overly occupied with the growing threat of the Islamic State in Iraq. History seems to be repeating itself. As it happened a decade ago, the attention of the U.S. has again been diverted to Iraq. Its focus on West Asia to destroy the IS translates

into allocating more funds to train the anti-IS elements and reinforce the Iraqi security forces. The diplomatic and military engagement of the U.S. in West Asia means less time for diplomacy and providing financial resources to Afghanistan.

Another major challenge confronting the Afghan government is the revival of the Taliban movement and the reemergence of militants in some areas of Afghanistan. There has been a surge in deadly attacks on foreign troops as well as on the local law-enforcement agencies during the last six months, establishing beyond doubt that the various efforts to negotiate a peace deal with the Taliban have failed.

The increase in the frequency of Taliban attacks proves that their infrastructure in the country is thriving. While the Al Qaeda network may have been neutralized to some extent, the Taliban have only increased in numbers and strength. The fact that they are spread across the highly porous Durand Line does not help matters either. An announcement by the Pakistan-based Punjabi Taliban, declaring that they would fight in Afghanistan suggests that the Taliban supremo Mullah Omar has actually reversed the concept of strategic depth as today the Afghan Taliban have enough safe havens, support structures and human resources deep inside Pakistan.

The Afghan Army and the government, with two executives, have neither a united military might to fight the Taliban insurgency nor the financial and moral strength to face a challenge of this magnitude. They need U.S. assistance at every step of the way till the Taliban insurgency is completely mowed down.

The silver lining in the otherwise bleak Afghan landscape is the improvement in the economy as well as in human development indicators over the last decade. Today’s Afghanistan is far more developed than it has ever been when it comes to education, road networks, transmission lines, etc. It is picking up slowly but steadily.

The real challenge is to protect and consolidate the gains which have been made in the last few years. To do this, the new government needs strong financial and military support. What it needs to avoid is fragmentation on ethnic lines and clash of egos between the two men in Afghanistan who matter the most at the moment.

The writer is a journalist based in Karachi.



Migration is a very complex undertaking which has been associated with human

societies for centuries. The major causes for migration are poverty, armed conflict, social strife, political turmoil and economic hardships. However, since the mid-20th century, the nature of migration has also been largely influenced by globalization spurred by advances in communication and transportation technologies, allowing people to live in a world where distances between countries and travel time are no longer a significant obstacle.

Migration in this changing global environment is mostly motivated by the desire for a better life; it is called economic migration. Most of the underdeveloped countries, including Bangladesh, rely on remittances sent by their expatriates as a major source of foreign exchange. This plays a significant role in changing the economic profile of the country as well as families of the expatriates. The countries exporting manpower encourage this migration as a policy while the recipient countries have also formulated policies to regulate the intake of migrants.

At present, Bangladesh’s annual foreign remittances are between US$ 14-15 billion, which is nearly half of its export earnings. It is among the top ten countries of the world, after Pakistan, which receives and depends on foreign remittances to nudge economic growth. At present, there are well over 9 million Bangladeshi expatriates in nearly 160 countries. The Bangladesh government has sent 2.4 million workers abroad between 2008 and 2013. However, there is a

downside to this lure for migration. It has given birth to the

phenomenon of human trafficking on a global level. It is estimated that 40,000 illegal migrants hit the shores of the European Union countries annually and nearly 3 percent of them lose their lives in search of a better future. Most of the victims were poor people belonging to unprivileged sections of underdeveloped countries. They were lured by gangs of human traffickers, through their vast network of agents. The migrants were illegally trafficked to foreign countries through sea and land routes, sometimes with horrible consequences.

According to a UN report, 14,000 Bangladeshi illegal migrants crossed the Bay of Bengal during 2012. This has almost become a sea route of misery for illegal migrants. The majority of immigrants went to the Far East countries, such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Australia and some to the Middle East and even Europe through sea routes.

However, at present, the major concern for the government is the people illegally going to Malaysia, mostly by sea routes. Quite often these migrants are dumped on remote islands, held captive for ransom or sold to the Thai and Cambodian fishing industry and asked to do forced labor. Their dream for a better future remains unfulfilled. Recently, 650 migrants aboard a fishing trawler were detained off the coast of St. Martin’s Islands which fuelled the debate on checking and discouraging human trafficking in Bangladesh. According to the UNHCR, more than 7000 people caught travelling illegally through sea routes are lodged in various detention

centers in far eastern and south eastern countries.

Mosharraf Hossain, Bangladesh’s Minister for Overseas Employment, says, “We notice with deep concern that Bangladeshi workers are trying to go abroad illegally, especially to Malaysia through sea routes. Such illegal immigration creates various problems for legal Bangladeshi workers abroad.” He was right in highlighting the consequences of this phenomenon. Illegal migrants force the destination countries to make immigration laws more stringent and also take remedial measures to off-set social consequences of the problem besides dealing with the human tragedy. These measures discourage legal migration and also create resentment among the local people against the migrant community. This in turn gives rise to a host of social and economic

Route to Misery

Route to Misery

If Bangladesh fails to stop illegal immigration, it may lose many foreign labor markets.

By Malik Muhammad Ashraf

REGION BANGLADESH


issues, putting the governments under pressure to discourage the intake of migrant workers.

The problem of illegal immigration is so acute and alarming that Bangladesh is on the verge of losing the Malaysian labor market. Similarly, the demand for Bangladeshi workers in the Middle East is also on the decline. As such, the phenomenon is adversely affecting the inflow of foreign remittances, which are now one of the major factors in pushing forward socio-economic development of the country. Illegal immigration also creates an embarrassing situation for the government whenever a tragic incident involving illegal migrants occurs. The issue of illegal human trafficking is undermining the government’s efforts to send more manpower to affluent countries to increase foreign remittances.

Bangladesh is also having problems with India with regard to illegal migration of Bangladeshi nationals. India claims that illegal migration has changed the demographic realities in the northeastern states, especially Assam, besides causing other problems. It is also feared that the migrants could fall prey to terrorist groups. The Indian apex court has ordered the government to fence the border along Bangladesh to stop the inflow of illegal Bangladeshi migrants.

On its part, the Bangladesh government has increased the patrolling of the Bay of Bengal. Bangladeshi coastguard has reportedly thwarted several attempts of human traffickers to smuggle Bangladeshi workers abroad through sea lanes. It has also taken measures to sensitize the media and society about the gravity of the situation. The government

is also seeking cooperation from the Bangladesh Association of International Recruitment Agencies in identifying the illegal operatives so that they could be brought to book.

In 2012, the government promulgated The Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Act which has extra-territorial applications. It is also engaged in removing the loopholes in the existing laws and acts to regulate the movement of vessels coming to and going out of the Bay of Bengal. Efforts are in the offing to seek cooperation of the littoral states of the Bay of Bengal and the countries which are the usual destinations of these migrants to stop illegal human trafficking. The problem, however, is too complex and multi-faceted for any one country to handle.

The writer is a freelance columnist.


REGION BANGLADESH

Time and again, Bangladesh has proved it is second to none as far its diplomatic conduct on

the international front is concerned – its election to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) and Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) in 2014 is yet another testament to Bangladesh’s rapid economic and political progress. The CPA and IPU are multilateral, global parliamentary bodies that share and exchange information pertaining to parliamentary democracy in the assemblies of member countries and encourage dialogue. Their influence in the international arena is considerable and Bangladesh’s election as the top leader of the two bodies has placed the country quite prominently on the world map.

It was Shirin Sharmin Chowdhury, the Speaker of the National Parliament of Bangladesh, who became the first Bangladeshi ever to be elected as Chairperson of the 35-member executive committee of the CPA that encourages parliamentary democracy in countries once colonized by Britain. Chowdhury, who got 70 votes, was up against Julianna O'Connor-Connolly, Speaker of the Cayman

Islands Legislative Assembly, who got 67 votes. The Cayman Islands are a British overseas territory. It has a 20-seat legislative assembly. According to Wikipedia, the Cayman Islands have an estimated population of about 56,000. The population is projected to rise to 60,000 by 2020. The Cayman Islands have more registered businesses than the island's number of citizens.

A week later, Saber Hossain Chowdhury, member of the Bangladesh National Parliament, was elected as President of the IPU in Geneva at the end of the 131st IPU Assembly. His opponents included the Speaker of Australia's House of Representatives Bronwyn Bishop, Indonesian MP Nurhayati Ali Assegaf and former Speaker of Maldives’ Parliament Abdulla Shahid. For the Bangladeshi government, these victories are particularly significant since they are a testament to the country’s global recognition in spite of severe international criticism against the January 2014 general elections.

However, the opposition parties in the country are reluctant to congratulate the two politicians who won these accolades. They claim that these achievements are merely events

where voters (member countries) cast their votes independently and in no way reflect the international community’s stance on Bangladesh’s rather controversial polls. The Bangladeshi opposition parties hold the stance that the polls have not been recognized by the international community. They often referred to the Awami League’s government as 'unlawful' and have pinned their hopes on the international community to put pressure on the government to hold mid-term elections with the participation of all major parties. To them, the CPA and IPU elections do not mean international recognition since the U.S., the European Union, the Commonwealth and United Nations have not changed their stance about the general elections in Bangladesh.

Government officials, on the other hand, are quick to dismiss such notions, pointing out that this is nothing but an attempt to downplay the government’s diplomatic success.

But this is not the only feather in the AL government’s cap – Bangladesh has also become a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) for 2015-17. In an election

Diplomatic SuccessBangladesh has been consistently proactive at global forums and its efforts have finally paid off.

By Samina Wahid


held on October 21 in New York last year, Bangladesh won by 149 votes to become a member. Contesting from the Asia-Pacific region, Bangladesh was in competition with India, Indonesia, Thailand and Qatar for the four member posts reserved for the region. While India came out on top with the most votes in the group, Bangladesh secured 149 votes – the third highest in the group. The same month, Bangladesh also became an executive member of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) for the second time. A total of 17 countries took part to elect members of the 13-member union for the Asia and Oceania zone of the ITU. Bangladesh got 115 votes – 176 votes were cast out of a total of 193.

These achievements speak of a rare diplomatic success in the country’s history. The distinctions come at a time when Bangladesh is struggling to get international recognition of its leadership. “This win again proves that Bangladesh is absolutely on the right track under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina,” said the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, Mahmod Ali, adding that Bangladesh won the elections in the face of aggressive campaigns by some international human rights organizations. If anything, these victories are the first step towards creating a global leadership for the country, he explained. Meanwhile, the Bangladeshi PM attributed these achievements to the global recognition of Bangladesh as a role

model based on its stunning success in socioeconomic development.

The two victories in the international arena have given a boost to the morale of the AL-led government. After Shirin's elections to the CPA, some AL leaders portrayed the victory as a fitting response to those who have been criticizing the elections. After Saber's victory in the IPU, Speaker Shirin Sharmin Choudhury said that Saber’s election as the first Bangladeshi to become the IPU chief had brightened the country's image abroad. “This rare feat is a milestone in the progress of parliamentary democracy in Bangladesh,” she said.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, also the leader of the House, congratulated Saber and said that through the win, another feather had been added to Bangladesh's success in creating global leadership. She said: "I hope that our global leaders would further highlight Bangladesh's image in the world by projecting the country's tremendous achievements through their activities."

The fact remains that Bangladesh has been consistently proactive at global forums and its efforts have finally paid off. These achievements will help in boosting the country’s image abroad, which will bring in foreign investment and lead to national and economic development. This image can be further consolidated if the government as well as the opposition parties come together to celebrate these achievements and present a unified front to the international community. It’s time the political leadership of the country started thinking about national interest instead of furthering their personal agendas. Only then will Bangladesh be truly recognized and respected on the international front.

The writer is a freelance journalist who contributes regularly to various leading publications.

Bangladesh’s election to the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association and the Inter Parliamentary Union speaks of a rare diplomatic success in the country’s history and comes at a time when the government is struggling to get international recognition.


Mahinda Rajapaksa lost his bid to win for a third term to his one-time friend Maithripala Sirisena.

By S.G. Jilanee

When former president Mahinda Rajapaksa announced early elections in November 2014,

the thought of a defeat was perhaps farthest from his mind. Earlier, he had

amended the constitution to abolish the two-term limit for presidency and wished to set the precedent by being the first president to seek a third term. He still had two more years to go but

he decided to get a fresh mandate when he found that his popularity graph was falling. That was a gamble for which he paid very dearly.

Rajapaksa was confident of victory.

Yours Truly

REGION SRI LANKA


Wasn’t it he who had finally rid the country of the LTTE scourge and ushered in a new era of peace after 26 years of a crippling civil war? He also brought in steady economic growth during his rule. He expected a grateful nation to vote for him once again as it did in 2010. Besides, his astrologer had also predicted his victory.

But when the election was held on January 8, it resulted in a stunning defeat from his erstwhile health minister and friend, Maithripala Sirisena, 63, who polled 51.2 percent of the votes against Rajapaksa’s 47.5 percent – a margin of 400,000. As the results came in, Rajapaksa graciously conceded defeat and immediately vacated the Temple Trees, his official residence. The polling was smooth and peaceful, belying doomsayers who had anticipated widespread violence before as well as after the voting. The credit for the peaceful election and a smooth transition goes to the army which reportedly declined to carry out the president’s instructions to deploy troops, thereby thwarting his plan to declare a state of emergency.

Rajapaksa’s defeat was foretold as Sirisena appeared invincible to attacks. His hands were clean so any insinuation of corruption was out of the question. Nor could he be portrayed as anti-national because his Sinhalese credentials were impeccable. Moreover, he was an influential member of the same Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) to which Rajapaksa belonged and had also been a member of the cabinet.

Sirisena was sworn in the next day, ending the rule of the longest-serving leader in the country. One analyst summed up the situation in the following words: “Sri Lanka has just shown the power of elections to effect regime change peacefully; it has shown that politics is not static, that voters cannot be taken for granted; that divisive politics has its limitations; that one family cannot become a substitute for institutions; and that a united opposition fighting a free and fair election can turn the tables in a complex fragmented polity.”

Rajapaksa had started well. He had earned glory by ending the civil war. But his success and the unlimited powers he possessed went to his head. Nepotism and corruption burgeoned. He treated the country as a family fiefdom. Three of his brothers held senior posts: Chamal was the speaker of the parliament; Basil was the minister for economic development while Gotabaya was in charge of defense and urban development. Rajapaksa’s 28-year-old son Namal was widely seen as

being groomed to be his heir. Rajapaksa refused to take the

reconciliation path with the Tamil minority to heal the wounds caused by the war. Despite repeated advice from his well-wishers, including India, he refused to devolve powers to the Tamils. Nor did he take any meaningful steps to check the growing communal violence as the Sinhala Buddhists attacked the Muslims. As a result, the Tamils and the Muslims voted for his rival candidate en bloc.

Rajapaksa also lost the goodwill of the west by refusing to cooperate with a UN-mandated panel which was investigating the issue of war crimes and the deaths of thousands of Tamil civilians in 2009. As a result, for the

first time in the Commonwealth’s history, the Queen refused to attend the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) held in Sri Lanka in 2013, while Canada and Mauritius boycotted it.

Unlike in the U.S. and France, which have a presidential system of government with enough checks and balances, there is no accountability for the powers of the president in Sri Lanka. Wielding absolute power as an executive president, Rajapaksa, had begun to act more like a dictator than an elected leader. He tried to suppress any dissent even by the Sinhalese media and civil society activists with successive crackdowns, alleged murders and disappearances of opponents, human rights campaigners and other critics.

Therefore, the abolition of the executive presidency became the pivotal issue in the elections and Sirisena emerged as a catalyst of change. He was appointed as the consensus candidate and enjoyed the support of all opposition parties and renowned politicians, including former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe (who has once again taken over as prime minister) and influential Buddhist monk Maduluwawe Sobitha who, at one time, was himself planning to lead the opposition against Rajapaksa.

Sirisena has pledged to abolish the executive presidency within 100 days and return the country to a Westminster-

style parliamentary democracy where the police, the judiciary and the civil service will be independent institutions. He has also promised to crack down on corruption, address international concerns over war crimes and normalize relations with western nations as well as with India.

As a first step towards house-cleaning, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremasinghe told reporters that they were free to report whatever they wanted without the fear of being abducted. He also announced to lift internet censorship enforced by the former regime. It is also understood that the new government plans to reopen the investigation into the murder of Lasantha Wickrematunge, editor of the

Sunday Leader and a trenchant critic of Rajapaksa, who was gunned down in Colombo in 2009.

The new president has an uphill task ahead. First, the coalition he leads is a mix of completely different elements – ethnic, religious, Marxist and centre-right parties, including Tamil and Sinhalese nationalists, Islamic parties and the Buddhist clergy.

This is a rainbow coalition that could be any leader’s dream team – and also his nightmare. Keeping it together will be like walking a tightrope for Sirisena. In addition to meeting the promise of abolishing the executive presidency, he will have to reconcile the conflicting demands of his Sinhala base along with Tamil and Muslim aspirations. He will need a clean administration and a free press to sustain his support. Yet, in order to expand his following among the rural masses, Sirisena should ensure that the benefits of economic growth reach them unlike in the past, so that they can feel the change.

The new president must also bear in mind that Mahinda Rajapaksa may be down but he is certainly not out. President Sirisena must, therefore, tread very carefully, especially with regard to any concessions to the Tamils. Any misstep and Rajapaksa will pounce upon the opportunity to whip up the Sinhala nationalist passions.

The writer is a senior political analyst and former editor of Southasia.

President Sirisena will have to reconcile the conflicting demands of his Sinhala base along with Tamil and Muslim aspirations.

In Nepal, voices against the secular status of the country are gaining momentum.

By Javeria Shakil

Many people, if asked to name the world’s only Hindu kingdom, would say India. That is not correct. While India has the world’s largest population of Hindus, it is not a Hindu state per se. It is a secular nation with no official

state religion. Till 2006, Nepal was the sole Hindu kingdom in the world. It had been ruled by kings since the mid-18th century. The last monarch of Nepal was King Gyanendra who relinquished his post in 2006 after a long civil war which left in its wake thousands dead and hundreds missing.

REGION NEPAL

IdentityConundrum

IdentityConundrum



SLAUG

The movement to demolish the monarchy was started by the Communist Party of Nepal in 1996. Their demand was to replace the royal parliamentary system with a people’s republic. The violent struggle that lasted for 10 years resulted in the deaths of over 12,000 people. Realizing the growing tide of dislike against his rule, King Gyanendra eventually quit in 2006 and Nepal’s official status as a Hindu kingdom came to an end as the House of Representatives declared it a secular country. The formation of a Constituent Assembly was decided at the same time, with the objective of writing a new constitution for the country.

From then till now, the country has had two Constituent Assemblies mandated with the same job: give Nepal a new constitution, democratic in nature and in line with the aspirations of the people. But the task remains unfinished. The long wait has given rise to unrest among the people who had high hopes from the ‘revolution’. They were expecting immediate gratification – grant of their wishes and solution of their problems within days. As it did not happen, the people started questioning the purpose of a long, violent war that disturbed the lives of many. Disappointed with the mainstream parties, many are now looking at smaller, regional parties – most of which are quite radical in nature.

Taking advantage of the uncertainty that prevails in the country these groups are igniting dissent, raising the demand to revert Nepal to its previous status of being a Hindu kingdom. One of the parties at the forefront of this campaign is the pro-monarchy Rastriya Prajatantra Party. Recently, it held a 10-day rath yatra from Jhapa in eastern Nepal to Kathmandu. The party also plans to hold processions in 30 districts across the country that will feature religious and cultural programs. The RPP wants a referendum on whether Nepal should be declared Hindu or secular in the country's new constitution. A party leader Kamal Thapa, who served as home minister during King Gyanendra’s rule, openly says that his party supports “Hinduism as the nation’s identity.” What is more alarming is that the

popularity of the RPP has increased during the last few years. Its votes almost tripled from 76,864 in the first elections to 252,579 in the second elections held in 2013 – an increase from a meager 0.74 percent to 2.79 percent. The RPP currently holds 25 out of the 601 seats of the Constituent Assembly.

While the RPP is more or less a fringe party, the mainstream parties do not present a hopeful picture either. As voices against the secular status of Nepal gain momentum, the leading party, the Nepali Congress Party, which also rules the country, has not taken a stern stance against such demands. In fact, a group within the NCP, led by Khum Bahadur Khadka, a former minister and current member of the party’s Central Working Committee, has formed a Hindu ‘army’. In a public rally, he threatened that he would cut off the arms of all non-Hindus. Khadka also led a campaign that promoted "Nation, Nationality and Sanatan Hindu State."

His actions and pronouncements can be ignored as being the howls of a lone wolf – but it becomes more troublesome when another person making similar assertions is no other than the country’s prime minister? Many were shocked when Premiere Sushil Koirala said that he had no idea “where secularism came from.” Such statements lend credence to the notion that has existed about the NCP for a long time: that it never wanted to make Nepal a secular country. Some analysts openly blame the NCP for tacitly approving the demand for reverting Nepal to its Hindu roots.

There has been a sudden and formidable increase in the intensity and frequency of the demand after the rise of the BJP on India’s political stage and especially after the formation of the Modi government. It is an open secret that India has always interfered in the domestic affairs of its small neighbors. Given the fact that Nepal shares borders with China as well, India can’t afford to remain indifferent to, or even neutral in, Nepal’s internal affairs. Due to Nepal’s strategically important location, both India and China have been vying to gain influence there through massive investments, especially in the hydropower sector. But it is also

a fact that the Hindu rightwing parties in India feel a certain affinity with Nepal which used to be the world’s only Hindu kingdom not too long ago. From time to time, various BJP leaders have voiced their support for a Hindu monarchy in Nepal.

The current wave of the demand is largely due to the activities of Christian missionaries in Nepal, especially in the northern and southern areas. Since 2011, over 0.25 million people have converted to Christianity. The figure seems minuscule when seen in isolation, but in the context of Nepal’s population of 31 million, it is significant enough to ring alarm bells in the political and social circles. Christian groups and leaders in Nepal have also been demanding that the right to convert from one religion to another be guaranteed in the new constitution.

As this debate was raging in the country, what proved the final straw was an article written by U.K.’s ambassador to Nepal, Andrew Sparks, for a Nepalese newspaper. Appealing to the members of the Constituent Assembly, Sparks asked them to ensure that the “right to change one’s religion is protected under the new constitution.” This further alarmed the Hindu rightwing parties who increased the momentum of their campaign against proselytizing and for the restoration of the Hindu monarchy.

While the monarchists have started their activities with renewed vigor, there are signs that it may not be too easy to bring the Hindu monarchy system back. Some hope that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s refusal to meet former king Gyanendra is a sign that Nepal’s most influential neighbor may not be interested that the country change its secular status. Modi’s support for a ‘republic’ Nepal further strengthens this notion. So while it seems that the Nepalese Left is battling alone for the survival of the country as a secular state, it has factors going in its favor. However, if the Hindu majority continues to feel threatened, the situation might take a different turn.

The writer is assistant editor at Southasia magazine. She has an interest in political and social affairs of the South Asian region.

The Hindu rightwing parties in India feel a certain affinity with Nepal which used to be the world’s only Hindu kingdom not too long ago. From time to time, various BJP leaders have voiced their support for a Hindu monarchy in Nepal.


REGION MALDIVES

The Supreme Court of the Maldives is once again in the limelight following the sacking of two of

its judges, including the chief justice. Have the judges been shown the door following due process of law? Or is their removal arbitrary and represents an attempt to scale down the independence of the judiciary?

The Maldives' apex court has been at the centre of one controversy after another over the past couple of years. It started when in 2012 President Mohamed Nasheed, who had defeated the erstwhile ruler Maumoon Abdul Gayoom in the nation's first multiparty elections, stepped down in the face of anti-government protests. Nasheed's deputy Mohamed Waheed was sworn in president by Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Ahmad Faiz Hussain. On the face of it, everything went as per the letter of the 2008 Constitution.

However, Nasheed later came out with the accusation that he had been ousted in a coup led by Waheed. In

the event that Nasheed's allegation was valid, his removal and the promotion of Waheed to the office of the president was unconstitutional and thus administering the oath to him by the CJ amounted to legitimizing the coup. Although a commission of inquiry subsequently ruled that Nasheed's removal did not constitute a coup, the ruling was widely disputed.

The Supreme Court was also charged with overstepping its authority to ensure the victory of Yameen Abdul Gayoom, the brother of Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, in the 2013 presidential elections. Not only that, the apex court was accused of having contributed to the victory of Gayoom's party in the ensuing parliamentary elections by, for instance, dismissing the election commissioner avowedly for contempt of court.

Meanwhile, allegedly with a view to insulating itself from the charges of overstepping its authority, particularly with regard to the exercise of suo motu

powers, the Supreme Court adopted contempt of court regulations and even initiated high treason proceedings against the Human Rights Commission of the Maldives for reporting that the apex court influenced the subordinate judiciary beyond its mandate.

All along, the Supreme Court justified its activism on the strength of Article 145 (c) of the Constitution, which reads: "The Supreme Court shall be the final authority on the interpretation of the Constitution, the law, or any other matter dealt with by a court of law." That provision was used to argue that while there are limits on the powers of the Supreme Court, the court itself is the arbiter of what it can lawfully do and what it can't.

In December 2014, however, the pendulum swung to the other extreme with the amendment to the Judicature Act. Article 145 (a) of the Constitution provides that "The Supreme Court shall consist of the Chief Justice and such number of Judges as provided by law."

Justice in the DockThe courts may deem themselves to be the final interpreters of the constitution

and the ultimate custodians of the law. But their powers are limited by the written provisions of the constitution.

By Hussain H. Zaidi


Hence, it is for the parliament to fix the number of the apex court’s judges. The parliament did so by enacting a law in 2010 entitled the Judicature Act of the Maldives. The Act fixed the number of Supreme Court judges, including the CJ, at seven.

On December 11, 2014, the parliament amended the Judicature Act to cut back on the number of apex court judges to five. The said amendment asked the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) to recommend two of the judges to be unseated from the apex court strength. The JSC is set up by the constitution to, inter alia, probe complaints against the members of the judiciary and make recommendations for their removal. The judges recommended for removal by the JSC were CJ Ahmad Faiz Hussain and Justice Muthasim Adnan, who were soon axed by the parliament.

The legality of the removal of the judges has been widely disputed. Article 154 of the Constitution contains two conditions for the removal of the judges: either the JSC finds a judge 'grossly incompetent' or he is guilty of 'gross misconduct'. Subsequently, the parliament, by a two-thirds majority, removes the judge. Article 154 (a) specifies that a judge can be sacked following only the above-mentioned procedure. Hence, the parliament is competent to dismiss a judge but only

upon the finding of the JSC as to his incompetency or misconduct.

It has been argued that the aforementioned amendment to the Judicature Act was mala fide, enacted with a view to emaciate the judiciary. The amendment was also unconstitutional in that it is in conflict with Article 154. The parliament, the argument goes, can't ask the JSC to remove a judge. Nor did the JSC investigate and subsequently find the two judges guilty of gross misconduct or gross incompetency. At least, the grounds for the dismissal were not made public.

The counter-argument is that the national legislature is competent to fix and thus reduce or enhance the number of judges. Further, if the amendment to the Judicature Act was unconstitutional, why did the apex court not strike it down? Article 143 (a) of the Constitution empowers the Supreme Court as well as the High Court to enquire into and rule on the constitutional validity of any statute or part thereof.

While the debate on the constitutionality or otherwise of the amended Judicature Act continues a few observations may be made: one, while the parliament in the Maldives is competent to fix the strength of the apex court, the reduction in the number of judges is strongly suggestive of attempts to tone down the independence of the

judiciary. What else could account for cutting the strength of the Supreme Court?

Two, in countries like the Maldives, with a strong tradition of a powerful executive and an absence of well-established democratic conventions, the executive, especially when it controls the legislature, is likely to behave in a despotic way and is thus impatient of any judicial controls. In such states, the independence of the judiciary is enormously hard to secure.

The case in the Maldives has its parallels in Pakistan, where historically the executive has kept both the legislature and the executive under its thumb and where the members of the superior judiciary were arbitrarily shown the door on quite a few occasions.

Finally, the whole affair also contains a lesson for the judiciary. The courts may deem themselves to be the ultimate custodians of the law and the final interpreters of the constitution. But their powers are limited by the written provisions of the constitution and the statutes. What is, and should reign, supreme is the law, not any organ of the government. Whenever an institution disregards this lesson and goes beyond its legitimate powers, the casualty invariably is the rule of law.

The writer is a freelance contributor.

For a country as large and diversified in terms of religion and ethnicity as India, it can be difficult to build and maintain a national identity. There are many regions

in India which are home to indigenous tribes and an influx of migrants in those areas can and does have negative consequences. When violence erupts in this South Asian behemoth, its smaller neighbors such as Bhutan are inevitably affected.

The Indian state of Assam is home to indigenous Bodo tribes and also to legal and illegal migrants who have moved

in from neighboring Bangladesh over the years. Much to the chagrin of the Bodos, the migrants, many of them Muslims, have brought with them their own culture which threatens the locals. After raising concerns on the issue for years and feeling increasingly disenfranchised, a separatist movement was launched in Assam by the Bodos who demanded a semi-autonomous region for the tribe.

Over the years, militant activities and peace talks led to the creation of a territorial district area for the marginalized tribes in Assam. However, separatist movements fighting for

Neighbourly VibesWill the Indian army’s action in Assam against the Bodo militants affect the

Bhutanese living in the border areas?

By Asna Ali

REGION BHUTAN


the creation of the state of Bodoland continue their violent activities.

Bhutan comes into all this simply because of its proximity. The forests of southern Bhutan border those areas in which militant groups are most active. Whenever there is a military offensive against them, they turn to the forests and seek refuge in Bhutan. This has been going on for decades. India kept raising the issue for several years before the Bhutanese government finally took action.

The Bhutanese government took a less severe view of the matter before ‘Operation All Clear’ was carried out by the Royal Bhutanese Army in 2003. Initially, the presence of militant groups in the country was downplayed. When it could no longer be denied, a lengthy process of negotiations was launched to try and remove the militant camps peacefully. However, when all attempts to convince the outfits located in Bhutan to cease violence in India failed, a military operation was launched to root them out.

Although the Royal Army’s abilities were doubted since it was its first such military operation in all its history, the Operation All Clear succeeded in purging the forests of militant camps and put a damper on their activities

in the region for a while. Of the many reasons cited for initiating the military operation, one of the most significant ones was the effects the presence of violent militant groups was having on the Bhutanese people living in the region. Reports emerged of militants attacking the locals near their camps and also of increased criminal activity. After the operation, some Bhutanese were convicted of aiding the militant groups, something that had potentially

very harmful consequences for the relationship between India and Bhutan, which the latter could not afford.

It has now been over a decade since the operation and militant activities in Assam began. The Indian government has claimed that the militants are using the border with Bhutan as an escape route and has asked the Bhutanese government to put an end to this. Meanwhile, life for the Bhutanese living in the areas adjoining the border continues to be difficult. There have been reports of violence against Bhutanese citizens residing in Assam. The roads near the border are considered dangerous and the Bhutanese government advises its citizens to travel in convoys.

Thirteen kidnappings in the area are thought to be the work of militants although there is no direct evidence to prove this. The circumstantial evidence presented in this regard is that the previously kidnapped Bhutanese nationals were kept in the Bodo areas and the kidnappings appeared to be organized rather than random events.

Even if the separatist militants are not directly connected to the kidnappings, there is certainly an atmosphere of lawlessness in the area due to their presence. In such circumstances, the rise of violence and crime is expected and according to local newspapers, an upward trend is evident. Incidents of violence, kidnapping, extortion and civilian deaths are on the rise.

Prior to the operation, Bhutan was accused of benefiting from militant activities – firstly by using them to get rid of the Nepalese minority in

its south and secondly, because the presence of militant camps helped uplift the local economy which was struggling considerably.

However, matters have changed since then. Bhutan’s firm stance against militants since 2003 has effectively cut its cooperative ties with them, if these ever existed. The militants have also made ordinary Bhutanese citizens a target. All the more reason for the country to cooperate with India in its

efforts against these groups.For the moment, there does not

appear to be an end in sight for the insurgency. As recently as December 2014, a series of attacks carried out by a faction of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) resulted in the deaths of 76 people. The attacks were labelled a massacre and resulted in the launch of yet another military operation by the Indian government against separatist groups.

Bhutan has assured India of continued support but the difficult terrain makes it possible for militants to simply vanish into the jungle. It is not an easy area to patrol or keep sealed.

The Bhutanese government and its people have chosen their side, and wisely. It would be a decision of disastrous consequences if Bhutan were to do anything other than support India in its efforts. In the short term, this will continue to cause problems for the local Bhutanese. The inevitable consequences of a military operation and subsequent retaliation by the Bodo militants will result in life being increasingly difficult for them. However, keeping quiet and doing nothing against the groups that promote terrorism would, in the long run, destabilize the whole region and Bhutan would not prefer that this happens. A peaceful, stable border and a sound relationship with India is what it needs. Some casualties and short-term difficulties must be borne to achieve this.

The writer is a business graduate. She has an interest in political and social issues.

The forests of southern Bhutan border the areas in Indian Assam in which militant groups are most active. Whenever there is a military offensive against them, they turn to the forests and seek refuge in Bhutan.


SLAUG


INTERNATIONAL

Unending Darkness

The dark era of journalistic repression continues as journalists in Egypt find themselves at the receiving end.

By Taha Kehar

In 2014, Egypt was ranked as the third deadliest country for the media by the Committee to Protect

Journalists (CPJ). In recent years, Egyptian authorities have deliberately tried to muzzle the press through arbitrary restrictions on freedom of expression. Journalists have continuously found themselves on the receiving end of state repression. They have been repeatedly intimidated and face tremendous challenges in reporting about the country.

Egypt appears to be going back to a past that was laid to rest through an 18-day revolution orchestrated by young activists in 2011.

In retrospect, the struggle for freedom and democracy seems little more than a farce. Activists had the world believe that putting an end to the reign of a dictator would automatically infuse democratic values into the country’s system of governance.

Unfortunately, media professionals did not realize that press freedom cannot be achieved overnight. On its part, the state needs to understand the significance of media freedom and incorporate it into its list of priorities.

Three years later, the sticking points of the Arab Spring have emerged as fresh challenges which are threatening to distort the progress made so far.

Press freedom in Egypt has

deteriorated substantially and become a thing of the past. Television channels have been closed down and many journalists have been arrested and killed. Several media professionals have been booked for slander and collaborating with the Muslim Brotherhood, a terrorist organization.

The state’s attempts to intimidate the press have raised questions of proportionality. For instance, the level of involvement shown by the media in this regard appears to be of a particularly mild nature. As a result, staying abreast with the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood has been misconstrued as an attempt to collaborate with them.

The informal sanctions imposed on press freedom reflect the state’s mounting insecurities about retaining political authority. The current regime has labeled the Muslim Brotherhood as a militant outfit. However, the organization once ruled the country and could potentially create competition for the incumbent government.

Although the attempts made to curb media freedom in Egypt are, at best, a politically motivated move, they need to be tackled in a holistic manner. The government must adopt a serious stance in addressing these grievances. However, this appears to

be a long shot, especially in light of the current political scenario.

From the moment Abdel Fattah al-Sisi was sworn-in as Egypt’s president, media professionals have constantly come under fire.

In 2011, Mohamed Badr, an Al-Jazeera professional, courageously reported on the people’s reawakening in Egypt and Libya. He was taken into custody and incarcerated for over 200 days without any formal charge. Although Badr was released, he was termed a traitor for working for a media group which is not viewed in a favorable light by the regime.

Similarly, other correspondents have paid a heavy price for their affiliation with Al-Jazeera. Their nationality is immaterial to the state. The state’s repressive policies have led to strict action against an Australian correspondent of AJ, Peter Greste.

A large number of media professionals have been implicated on the basis of absurd evidence by prosecutors who are perpetuating the state’s authority.

At this critical juncture, history is the only means whereby this practice can be understood and challenged. Over the years, Arab regimes have done their best to establish their monopoly on the media.

Egypt’s military dictatorship is


following a similar tactic to ensure that the media does not realize its significance as the fourth pillar of the state. Consequently, the press has been embroiled in a senseless blame game. The state has tailored this narrative to suit its own purposes. When the need arises, it blames the media for orchestrating a conspiracy and engaging in unethical practices.

Apart from the anti-state sentiments that loom large, there are countless misperceptions about Al-Jazeera. Many leaders have accused the media organization of allegedly serving the interests of the Zionists. Although these allegations have never been verified, doubts and suspicion have existed for a long time.

However, there is a silver lining to this issue. In the past, the attempts

by Arab countries to muzzle the press with senseless restrictions have failed and the miscreants have paid a price for such intrusive practices. Revolutions have emerged as a means for challenging the state’s dogmatic efforts to censor and dictate.

What is more, the digital age has given a new lease on life to the revolutionary spirit. The internet, social networking sites and the rapid development of news has prevented the state from defining limits and boundaries.

It is equally interesting to note that regimes which vehemently targeted the freedom of expression could not defend themselves against mass revolts as effectively as they should have. Tunisia was the first country to encounter street violence after the

state stopped Al-Jazeera from carrying out its operations.

Egypt functions in a similar manner. The Arab Spring may have produced mixed results, but it has raised awareness among the people that they are being short-changed by a political system.

As a result, they are unlikely to believe newspapers and television channels which support the military dictatorship when they laud the government’s efforts to bring a positive change. More often than not, such media organizations have a tendency to fabricate facts and instigate protesters. Since media literacy has improved in Egypt, the new generation is likely to separate the grain from the chaff and make informed decisions.

Despite the wave of optimism, the state needs to find an immediate solution to the restrictions imposed on media organizations in Egypt. Analysts believe that a relapse into the circumstances which triggered the Arab Spring is just a short-term hiccup. However, if the state continues to act this way, the road to democracy and freedom will continue to be blocked by endless restrictions and repressive practices.

The writer is a poet and author. He is a law graduate of SOAS.

In the past, the attempts by Arab countries to muzzle the press with senseless restrictions have failed and the miscreants have paid a price for such intrusive practices.


NEIGHBOR

A Tale of Two PortsBoth the ports, Gawadar and Chabahar, have been constructed by

two rivals, China and India.

By Shabbir H. Kazmi

Lately two ports, namely Gawadar and Chabahar, have emerged on the Makran coast that are located

at a distance of about 70 kilometers from each other. One is located in Balochistan in Pakistan and the other is situated in Sistan-Balochistan, a province of Iran. Both the ports have been constructed with the stated objective of finding efficient and cost-effective routes to energy-rich Central Asian countries passing through Afghanistan.

The point to be explored is that both ports have been constructed by two rivals, China and India. One is an accepted world super power and the other a self-proclaimed regional super power. The story is not as simple as this because the United States is fully supporting India in establishing its hegemony in the region by not taking any action against it for supporting Iran facing economic sanctions for more than three decades.

Afghan transit trade has been passing through Pakistan since independence. Arms, ammunition and combat forces also used this route when the USSR attacked Afghanistan and when the United States ravaged Afghanistan in the aftermath of 9/11. While this route

has been used for supplies for combat forces for more than four decades, the need was felt for developing another route that could provide easy access of landlocked countries to ‘warm waters’.

Since the United States could not construct an alternative rout passing through Iran on its own, it encouraged India to support Iran, facing economic sanctions for more than three decades, in building a port outside the Strait of Hormuz and linking it with Central Asian states via Afghanistan.

The work on both the ports started at around the same time. While the rulers in Pakistan remained engrossed in ‘war against terror’ and didn’t raise any objection on Indian involvement in an Iranian port, India remained critical of Chinese involvement in Gwadar. On almost every forum India tried to prove that Chinese involvement in Gwadar is a threat for its (Indian) existence.

The plea taken by India is that the Indian Ocean should remain ‘arms free’. However, navies of almost all the major powers are present in the area to protect their maritime trade. It is on record that almost 60% of global maritime trade passes through the Indian Ocean. It may not be wrong to

say that in the name of protecting their maritime trade, certain countries have deployed their submarines and aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean, which could become a ground for a proxy war.

Pakistan has an over 1,200 kilometer long coastal line, which offers the country opportunities to establish Special Economic Zones and attract huge foreign investment. However, presence of insurgent and resistance groups in Balochistan has kept foreign investors away from Pakistan. The fallout of the war going on in the neighborhood is that some of the militant groups have found safe havens in the province.

There is also loud talk about the creation of ‘Greater Balochistan’ comprising one slice each from Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Since India played a major role in making East Pakistan into Bangladesh, keeping an eye on its involvement in Chabahar, the growing insurgency in Balochistan and the armed conflicts at the Pak-Iran border is necessary.

The writer is an economic analyst. He writes for various local and foreign publications.


What was seen as a possible revival of SAARC as an institution committed to the

promotion of increased cooperation and friendly relations amongst the countries in the region has turned out to be all smoke and no fire. It was indeed a surprising move on behalf of India when it invited the heads of all SAARC member countries to attend the oath-taking ceremony of the new prime minister, Narendra Modi in May 2014. This was a move that had the potential to change the way SAARC was seen on the global front. Yet, in spite of all the efforts, India and Pakistan were found

to be once again at loggerheads at the 18th SAARC Summit later. Although satisfactory agreements were made on energy cooperation between the two countries, other agreements, such as the ones on road and rail connectivity were once again left out.

Although there hasn’t been much headway in inter-regional cooperation efforts, the emergence of certain signs suggests slight improvements in the area. Interesting developments in the form of the West Bengal Chief Minister accepting Bangladesh’s invitation for a visit and the unexpected outcome of presidential elections in Sri Lanka have

set the stage for significant changes in the South Asian region, changes that could potentially shape the future of SAARC and its member countries. In Perspective

A major trend that one can notice from these developments is the increased level of cooperation of certain SAARC members with other counterparts. These initiatives point towards the need to redefine regional interaction in South Asia so as to enable cooperation between countries that is both effective and long-term. It is apparent that countries in the South Asian region, though having similar views on certain fronts, exhibit

ANALYSIS

Love Thy NeighborRecent developments in the South Asian region have left many wondering about its

future and the role of SAARC

By Mahrukh Farooq


traits that make them starkly different as well. Hence, the best way to describe inter-regional cooperation in South Asia would be open and differentiated regionalism. In order for each country to extract maximum benefit in terms of bilateral relations, it would be best for them to be brought together in sub-regional groups based on similar characteristics, common challenges and aspirations that would facilitate cross-border trade and relations. Slowly and gradually, this can expand to include other sub-groups, ultimately creating a framework whereby countries look towards their neighbors for support.

Within South Asia, sub-regional groups already exist. Membership in some of these sub-regional groupings extends beyond South Asia to Southeast Asian/East Asian countries. These include the BBIN with Bangladesh Bhutan, India and Nepal as members; the BCIM with Bangladesh, China, India and Myanmar and the BIMSTEC with Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Myanmar, Sri Lanka and Thailand, as member economies. In order to ensure the achievement of all objectives

related to the development and growth of member countries, an agenda needs to be devised which aims to fully utilize each member’s potential and competitive edge for the betterment of the group as a whole. Issues of hydropower, movement of people, transit rights, etc. could be primary areas for the BBIN; connectivity and economic corridors for the BCIM; and supply chains in textiles, clothing and gas pipelines could constitute the working agenda for the BIMSTEC.

This would prove to be a massive turnaround for most countries in the South Asian region, many of which face challenges in the form of a lack of resources as well as expertise. By engaging with other states for the exchange of resources, each country would be able to substantially build their respective competitive edge. In order to ensure that this particular arrangement operates in a smooth manner, a proper system needs to be put in place whereby regular meetings are held to reiterate certain goals and define workable strategies for each group. This could eventually lead to a merger of all sub-regional groups into a system that is based on a coordinative framework. Complete Connectivity

The northeast Indian states face major problems with regard to connectivity with the rest of India due to obvious geographical barriers. In order to eliminate this problem, India should look towards fully capitalizing on its current relationship with Bangladesh and enter into a full transit agreement similar to a special transit agreement arranged in 2014 when Bangladesh allowed the transport of food grains to Tripura, a state in northeast India, through its territory. This is an initiative that should be pursued apart from the present agreements - the Teesta water sharing arrangement and the land boundary agreement – so that northeast India is able to achieve economic growth.Agreement on hold

The recent outcome of presidential elections in Sri Lanka could reflect well on future agreements between the island country and India, particularly the India-Sri Lanka Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement

(CEPA). Recent issues, such as the liberalization of the services sector, movement of professionals, investment, non-tariff barriers (NTBs) along with a lack of political will have resulted in this agreement being put on hold, despite the fact that both countries, after first coming together on this particular platform in 2005, had agreed to sign the CEPA in 2008 so that it immediately goes into effect.

With the new government, CEPA should follow the principles laid out in the India- Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (FTA). The India-Sri Lanka FTA set an example in terms of the acceptance of the differentiating traits of two economies and building on each country’s competitive edge in order to come up with a positive outcome that served both nations in areas of trade and economic growth. This was only possible due to the agreement’s core principles that were based on a differential treatment on the basis of that particular economy’s strengths and non-reciprocity. By redefining the core elements of the CEPA, India will be greatly facilitated in its endeavor to revive its manufacturing sector as well as be able to fully address its concerns vis-à-vis NTBs and the liberalization of its services sector (by examining other, logical alternatives of liberalization).

The only way to move forward in the South Asian region is to build upon the links between each country. Economic growth the world over has slowed down considerably; many Western economies are beginning to realize that they are not able to generate sufficient economic growth on their own. Hence, they are looking toward other sources of revenue for their exports. The practice of regional cooperation is something that has been around for some time; nations in Europe and America are entering regional agreements that are mutually beneficial and ensure sustained growth for all members. It is time developing countries in the South Asian region followed suit so as to fully address upcoming challenges and take full advantage of lucrative regional opportunities in 2015.

The writer is an assistant editor at Slogan and has an interest in advertising, media and public relations.

The best way to describe inter-regional cooperation in South Asia would be open and differentiated regionalism.

After a controversy in the final of the Kabaddi 2014 World Cup, which was played in India in

December 2014, Pakistan lost the title-decider to hosts India. Pakistan cried foul as the final hooter was sounded before the scheduled finish time but, nevertheless, despite Pakistan’s fervent protests, India was declared champion.

Kabaddi is an indigenous sport which is played in all parts of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, especially in rural areas, in one form or the other. The forms and styles vary from region to region. It is known as hu-tu-tu in western India, ha-do-do in eastern India and Bangladesh, chedugudu in southern India and kaunbada in northern India. Modern kabaddi is a synthesis of the game played in its various forms under different names.

It is a manly game which requires athleticism, skill, speed, stamina and agility. It has the capacity to become a popular sport of the Asian continent.

Kabaddi is also very popular in England, Canada, America and other parts of the world also. Asian Style Kabaddi has started getting its place in Europe countries as well as in Iran and Afghanistan.

Kabaddi is sometimes referred to as the "game of the masses" due to its popularity in Asia and its simple format. No sophisticated equipment is required to play the game.

The game originated in South Asia and is played with two teams of 12 players (seven on court, and five in reserve). The game consists of two halves of 20 minutes each.

The purpose of the game is to

reach the highest score by touching or capturing the opposing team's players, while continuously chanting "kabaddi-kabaddi". Points are scored by raiding into the opponents' court and touching as many defence players as possible without getting caught. Players on the defensive side are called "antis", while those on the offence are "raiders".

The raider enters the

opponent's court chanting the word "kabaddi" while holding his breath. He has to continue to do so until he returns to his home court. Antis touched by a raider during the attack are declared "out" if they do not succeed in catching the raider before he returns to his home court.

A victorious team is awarded two points; in the event of a draw each team receives one point while a losing team gets zero points. If there is a draw in the final or semi-finals, two extra

periods of five minutes are played immediately, with the same

number of players on court as there were at the end of

the second half. The game calls for agility, good lung capacity, muscular coordination and quick

reflexes.Kabaddi dates back to

the pre-historic times, being used to ward off attacks by individuals and vice-versa. The game was popular in southern Asia and was played in different forms under different names.

The first World Kabaddi Championship (Circle Style)

in the history of the game was organised in Hamilton, Canada, when about 14,000 spectators gathered to watch stars from India, Pakistan, Canada, England and the US compete.

The first recognized World Cup in kabaddi as per Asian Amateur Kabaddi Federation (AAKF) and Olympic Council of Asia (OCA) norms was organised in Mumbai, India, in 2004.

The writer has an interest in regional issues.

FEATURE PAKISTAN

The Game of the Masses

Kabaddi is a popular rural sport and is followed by the masses all over South Asia.

By J. Enver



FEATURE PAKISTAN

A phenomenon previously considered anathema to public discourse in Pakistan is slowly

gaining traction among the urban, literate, 20-30 something demographic strata. Perhaps the concept of Atheism, or the lack of belief in the existence of God or gods, would be appealing to young folk growing up amidst a battered national ego and mass media proliferation, suggesting thatwe live in a twilight zone, far removed from peace and prosperity. For a long time it was convenient to blame our

predicament on the greed and gluttony of politicians. This narrative seems to be slowly shifting.

On the surface, such a counter-culture, though reactionary, seems sociologically valid. After all, the calamity that threatens to tear this nation apart at the seams is religiously motivated, misplaced or otherwise, and represents a reprehensible distortion of Islam that favors militancy over spirituality. Things get hairier, however, when this counter-culture exhibits an unhinged vitriol similar to those of the villains, under the pretext of progressive thinking.

Such conversations by Pakistanis, all over the internet and particularly Facebook, revolve around debasing, blaspheming and debunking the veracity of traditions.

Bashing Islam, though en vogue, ignores a fundamental fact. Islam itself is simply a word, pointing to other words, that point to others still. What lends all these words divinity and power (good or bad) is the Muslim Ummah (the entire community). For a belief system to exist, there must exist believers.

Many old-world religions, mostly pagan, descended into anonymity over time because there was no one left to praise their gods. Naturally, if the philosophy and compass of Islam have been mis-calibrated, look no further than the Ummah, now 23 percent of the world population, for culprits. However, if your mind is bombarded many times by a certain point of view, it appears a fact. Islam now is the ever-looming black cloud, the bogeyman, a convenient target for trolling iconoclasts.

I consider myself to be a believer in the supreme deity, although

admittedly with a tepid approach to Islamic rituals, and don’t find the two to be mutually exclusive. I inherited my faith from my parents and, like many, griped and groaned over the years about the unfairness of it all. I still do. At no point, however, did I feel the need to renounce the existence of a grand design or a grand designer. Call it God, Christ, Allah, Yahweh or Brahma; the empirical evidence for planned creation is overwhelming, which randomness or chance cannot begin to explain.

The internet cup runneth over with arguments both for and against creationism. I myself find the following anecdote to be most apt. When the first moon rocket took off from Cape Canaveral, two U.S. scientists stood watching it, side by side. One was a believer, the other an unbeliever. The believer said, "Isn't it wonderful that our rocket is going to hit the moon by chance?" The unbeliever objected, "What do you mean, chance? We put millions of man hours of design into that rocket." "Oh," said the believer, "you don't think chance is a good explanation for the rocket? Then why

Dogma Dilemma

Muslims can’t take to the streets defending their humanity every time a madman cloaked in the Islamic dogma sheds his.

By S. Mubashir Noor


do you think it's a good explanation for the universe?

Statistically, around 2 percent of the world’s population declare themselves atheist. A further 16 percent profess irreligiosity. That means well over two-thirds of mankind worships God or gods, or some manner of a higher power. Labeling us stupid, or ‘sheep‘, is highly patronizing and sanctimonious. Most people without an axe to grind (for God being a poor wish-granting fairy I suppose) find faith to be a source of comfort and

hope in an uncertain existence, for whatever lies here and beyond.

Extremism is a form of psychosis masquerading as existential purpose. Why is it that serial-killers like David Berkowitz (aka Son of Sam) who claim God instructed them to kill in cold blood are not labeled as Christian fundamentalists, yet lunatics like Nidal Hasan and his ilk are poster-children for the Islamic faith? Just because he shouted Allah-o-Akbar before bringing on the carnage? Or that a meagre selection of similarly misguided souls praise his acts as righteous? Would the aftermath of a suicide bombing be any

less horrific if the terrorist sang Auld Lang Syne before going boom?

Islam has also become synonymous with a newwave of deranged demagogues i.e. the Bin Ladens, Mullah Omars and Al-Baghdadis of this world. The popular consensus is that these men and their minions are out of reclaim the world in the name of Allah, by jihad against the infidels. Pick the scab of rhetoric,however, and it reveals the blowback from the post-9/11 New World Order. The forced remodeling of tribal nation states (that make up most of the Islamic world) along secular western

lines is unsurprisingly begrudged. The negative energy contained within these young populations, seeking to reclaim their socio-political identities, is manifesting itself as a religious specter, ready to take apart and glue back an Islam that serves their agenda.

Much rated by Pakistani atheists is the egalitarian secularism of modern-day Scandinavia, as a model to emulate. What they conveniently neglect is timeline and circumstances. Sweden, for example, was Christianized in the 1100s and became a Catholic country. It then embarked on a religious crusade to Christianize Finland and other Baltic states. Subsequently in the 1500s, Sweden transitioned to a firmly Protestant state, even taking part in the European 30 Year War to defend the faith. In fact right until 1858, conversion to Catholicism could be punished by exile. Present-day Sweden was not an overnight occurrence, despite a high degree of ethnic homogeneity and a long unified national history. Pakistan has neither.

Nor can Muslims take to the streets defending their humanity every time a madman cloaked in the Islamic dogma sheds his. Modern life is tough, nobody really has the time. Conversely, the Pakistani ex-Muslim penchant for spending an inordinate amount of life force passionately rebutting and refuting something they no longer subscribe to is bizarre. Faith is a part of the human condition, as is its lack thereof. Religion over millennia has been both the darkness and light to philosophical discourse, a crucial cog in the wheel of existentialism because it hypothesizes the meaning of life being inextricably tied to death. That is a powerful argument, despite hanging in limbo since dead men tell no tales, but one fueling intellect rather than, as atheists claim, diminishing it.

The writer is a freelance columnist and audio engineer based in Pakistan.

Statistically, around 2 percent of the world’s population declare themselves atheist. A further 16 percent profess irreligiosity. That means well over two-thirds of mankind worships God or gods, or some manner of a higher power.


FEATURE AFGHANISTAN

Sports for PeaceGiven that Afghanistan was embroiled in a never-ending war, it is remarkable how sports

have flourished in the country.

By Samina Wahid

Even though Afghanistan shares its borders with cricket-obsessed Pakistan, the country does not

have a long-standing tradition of its own in some of the more popular sports. It was only after the fall of the Taliban that sports gained popularity in Afghanistan and started growing at a phenomenal rate.

It wasn’t too long ago that athletes from Afghanistan were barred from taking part in international sport events. Today, the same athletes can be seen representing the country and winning accolades that was inconceivable for the Afghans about a decade ago. For Afghan athletes and indeed sports enthusiasts in the country, the games of choice include cricket, rugby and football. In fact, in September 2013, the Afghan football team beat India 2-0 in the South Asian Football Federation Championship final and brought home the trophy. In 2014 FIFA acknowledged the Afghan Football Federation’s (AFF) stellar work in developing grass roots football, building infrastructure and training a professional league. It awarded AFF the FIFA Fairplay Award.

That is not all. Afghanistan has also made strides in cricket. It made history by defeating Kenya (in the Twenty20 World Cup 2014) and qualified for the World Cup 2015 for the first time ever. The team was given a hearty welcome on its return. According to Noor Mohammad Murad, the CEO of the Afghan Cricket Board, the achievement has given Afghan cricket a new lease on life, a new sporting identity if you will. The goal, he adds, is now to acquire full ICC membership. Meanwhile, provincial cricket teams compete against one another at the national level, which has helped bring a sense of unity in the country.

The game, however, has been popular for a long time. Afghan refugees living in Pakistan developed a liking for cricket and it was in 2000 that the Taliban finally accepted the game,

exactly a year before the allied troops arrived. Despite the fact that the country is divided on the basis of clans and tribes, a cricket or football tournament brings the nation together every time. “Its intrinsic values, such as teamwork, fairness, discipline and respect, are understood all over the world and can be utilized in the advancement of solidarity and social cohesion,” explains Asad Ziar, the CEO of the Afghanistan Rugby Federation (ARF). “There are no dangerous areas when it comes to spreading sport. In fact, no sect or group

is against the development of sports in any part of the country,” he says. The ARF was launched in 2011, making rugby perhaps the youngest sport in Afghan history. Since then, the game has made great strides. For instance, in 2013, Afghanistan beat the U.A.E. and Lebanon in the West Asia Rugby Sevens held in Dubai.

Ziar can also be credited with introducing rugby played by girls. In June 2013, he gathered 600 girls at a Kabul school and distributed leaflets about rugby before kick-starting


introductory rugby sessions. That in itself was an uphill task. Given cultural restrictions on women in Afghanistan, promoting female rugby in the country was a challenge, to say the least. For starters, there were no private grounds for women and it was impossible for them to train in public. Although the situation has improved considerably, there is still the need for secure and proper facilities to develop the sport. Ziar says that once these facilities are available, the ARF will work towards establishing a female rugby team.

Interestingly enough, Afghanistan

does have women’s cricket and football teams. Most players in the two teams hail from Kabul where the overall mindset towards women is more liberal than the rest of the country. It is, however, the endeavors of Diana Barakzai – the national cricket team captain and a qualified ICC coach – that have paid off. Diana, who got involved with women’s cricket in 2009, says that she sees a bright future for women’s cricket in the country. She believes that it is important to bring in women into the sports structure of cricket and sports

in order to put Afghan sportswomen on the map.

Other cricket-related developments are also in the offing. In 2014, the Ministry of Education reportedly approved the inclusion of cricket in the school curriculum and teacher training began in April 2014. But the training is nothing short of a challenge. While the Afghan people are competitive, physically active and skilled sportsmen, there is

an acute dearth of q u a l i f i e d coaches and sports expertise which, according to Ziar, is a setback. “The international sporting community has always helped the development of sports in Afghanistan but we are yet to witness an Afghan with a degree in a sport or sport development. I think for long-term development and strategies, we need some professionals,” he said in an interview to Al Jazeera.

What the country needs now, besides trained professionals, is the infrastructure that supports sporting activities. Most football stadiums, for instance, were constructed in the major cities during the 1970s and have not been upgraded or maintained over the years. Many lack modern seating arrangements or the facilities needed for training sessions. Cricket stadiums are also few and far between as are gymnasiums that can be used by

different teams. Currently, there is only the Olympic C o m m i t t e e Gymnasium in Kabul.

Given that A f g h a n i s t a n was embroiled in a seemingly never-ending war not too long ago, it is

remarkable to note how far sports in the country have come in the last few years. The departure of NATO troops will hopefully give a much-needed boost to sports in the country, explains Ziar. It will provide the youth with something constructive to do and may just help them stay away from drugs and violence.

The international community should step up the task and encourage the development of sports in the country. After all, they have as much to gain as the Afghans from promoting peace and stability in the region and sport is perhaps one of the best ways to do it.

The writer is a freelance journalist who

contributes regularly to various leading publications.


The word Kumari is a derivation of the Sanskriti word Kaumarya, which means ‘a young unmarried

girl.’ Many Hindu women use it as

a part of their name: Meena Kumari, Radha Kumari, etc. In Nepal, the word has much more significance. It has sacred connotations.

A Kumari in Nepal is a living goddess – a prepubescent girl “considered to be the earthly manifestation of divine female energy,

The Nepalese touch the feet of a young girl. Even the king bows down to her. She is the Kumari – the living goddess.

By Javeria Shakil

Living Goddess

FEATURE NEPAL

SLAUG

the incarnation of the goddess Taleju, the Nepalese name for Durga.” She receives the utmost respect from the Hindus and Buddhists of Nepal and is worshipped by them. The country has many Kumaris – in some cases a single city has several living goddesses, but the most prominent and revered among them is the living goddess of Kathmandu, called the Royal Kumari.

The tradition of elevating a young girl to the position of a living goddess is relatively new in Nepal. However, the practice of worshipping virgins,

known as Kumari puja, has been around for as long as 23,000 years. The ritual is based on a verse in the Shakta text where Devi Mahatmyam or Chandi declared that she resides in all female living beings in this universe. The selection of only young girls who haven’t reached puberty is justified on the basis of the qualities of inherent purity and chastity associated with young girls. These are also considered to be the principal characteristics of Durga.

However, not every other girl can be chosen as a Kumari. Only the girls from the Shakya or the Bajracharya clan of the Nepalese Newari community are selected for this position. The Newars are the indigenous people of Kathmandu Valley and its surrounding areas. They are regarded as the “creators of the country’s historic civilization.” It is also the clan to which the Buddha belonged.

The selection process is rigorous. The girls selected for the sacred position are usually below four years of age. Sometimes, they are as young as two. They must possess certain qualities that are deemed ‘godly’ while their horoscope is also taken into consideration. Some of the physical traits necessary for a Kumari are jet-black hair and eyes, dainty hands and feet, soft voice, eyelashes like a cow, body like a banyan tree, etc. The Kumari must be brave, courageous

and have a calm temperament. Her fearlessness is checked through rigorous rituals. It is said that during the Hindu festival of Dashain, when 108 buffaloes and goats are sacrificed to the goddess Kali, the young candidate is taken into a temple and “released into the courtyard, where the severed heads of the animals are illuminated by candlelight as masked men dance about.” Also, she must spend a night alone in a room “among the heads of ritually slaughtered goats and buffaloes without showing fear.”

If the candidate undergoes these tests without showing any signs of fear or nervousness, she is selected as the living goddess. However, a former Royal Kumari Rashmila Shakya has refuted these notions in her book ‘From Goddess to Mortal’. She writes that this has nothing to do with the selection process, “but rather is a ritual the Royal Kumari goes through each year.” She also writes that there were no men dancing around in masks trying to scare her and that “at most there are only a dozen or so decapitated animal heads in the scary room test.”

Once selected, the girl is shifted to a palace called the Kumari Ghar. She is not supposed to go out of the house except on special occasions. Even then, she can’t place her feet on the ground as they are considered sacred. Therefore, every time the Kumari goes out of the palace, she travels in a palanquin or is carried around by her caretakers. At the Kumari Ghar, she receives visitors, mostly Hindus and Buddhists, as non-Hindus are not allowed in the goddess’s chamber. However, tourists can visit her palace. The Kumari spends most of her time in receiving visitors who come to seek her blessings. For her public appearances and rituals, the Kumari dresses up in red and wears heavy jewelry. An essential part of her unique outfit is a ‘fire eye’ drawn on

the forehead. People who seek the Kumari’s blessings often bring gifts for her, touch her feet or bow before her. Even a glimpse of the Kumari’s face is believed to bring good luck.

In the past, the Kumaris were not allowed to go to school or receive education during their term as the goddess since they were supposed to live in seclusion. However, the tradition is changing and the young goddesses can now receive private tuition. The Kumari of Bhakatpur can even attend school and lead a fairly normal life. However, the living goddesses are not allowed to speak to people other than their family members and caretakers. They are allowed to make friends from among a selected group of children who invariably belong to the Shakya clan.

A Kumari’s tenure ends the moment she reaches puberty. Once her term expires, she is allowed to go back to her home after undergoing a cleansing ritual in which the Goddess Durga leaves her body. The girl can then lead a normal life. However, after living in a conditioned environment for years, the young girls find it difficult to come to terms with the routine of a normal life. Some of them have difficulty in walking, as they are not allowed to walk during their tenure. "When I had to step out of my house for the first time, I didn't know how to walk properly. My mom and dad, they used to hold my hands and teach me how to walk," says a former Kumari Chanira Bajracharya.

They also experience isolation at school as most children are afraid to talk to them. Some Kumaris complain of the void they feel at the sudden loss of respect. The people no more touch their feet or bow down to them. The Kumaris also lose the amenities they enjoy in the Kumari Ghar where many caretakers are always at hand to do their bidding. A superstition that adds to the woes of a former Kumari is that marrying her will bring bad luck to the husband and he may die within months. This perception has changed considerably during the last few decades and many former Kumaris went on to marry and have children.

All the difficulties notwithstanding, to be chosen as a Kumari is an honor of the highest degree. "Being a Kumari was a matter of great pride and respect for me and my family. It was a blessed life," says Bajracharya.

The writer is assistant editor at Southasia. She focuses on issues of political and social interest.


The tradition of elevating a young girl to the position of a living goddess is relatively new in Nepal. However, the practice of worshipping virgins, known as Kumari puja, has been around for as long as 23,000 years.


Pristine beaches with crystal-clear waters as far as the eye can see, Maldives seems like something

straight out of Paradise. Previously a haven for lost travelers, the shores of Maldives greet visitors with turquoise reefs, white sandy beaches and lush green palm trees, promising a sanctuary that is well away from the chaotic nature of city life. Termed ‘a geographical marvel’, Maldives has a little something for everyone, whether it’s a quiet time at the beach or an exciting adventure spent exploring fish around the island’s corals. This is probably why, on an average, over 800,000 people visit the country every year – a substantial number of which happen to be some of the biggest celebrities from around the world.

With land spread over a territory spanning roughly 90,000 square kilometers and a population of over 300,000, the Maldives has earned the title of being both the smallest Asian country as well as the most geographically dispersed. The economy is largely driven by the tourism industry which accounts for over 28% of the GDP and more than 60% of foreign exchange receipts. Over 90% of the government’s tax revenue comes from import duties and tourism-related taxes. This has helped create direct and indirect employment for a lot of other industries, leading to Maldives’ greatest achievement – the 2010 World Travel Award for Best Honeymoon

Destination. It’s no wonder, then, that the Maldives invests so much money and resources to be a place fit for the stars.The Science Behind Celebrity Retreats

It is becoming very common for jet setting celebrities to fly off to breathtaking locations such as the Maldives. Many of them are lucky enough to own islands which they have the privilege to escape to any time they wish. The reasons for them doing so can be many; some quiet time away from pains and pressures of being a star, much needed R&R, recuperating time following a messy breakup and quality time with friends and family. Luckily for them, the Maldives is a place that encompasses all the features a typical vacation spot is required to have, and then some. So it doesn’t matter what category these celebrities may fit into, they can be sure to find everything they need on this beautiful archipelago.

“One of the main reasons that

stars keep coming to the Maldives is the isolation offered by the seclusion of some of the far-reaching islands,” explains Jared Sheldon, travel content writer for reputed travel news website, Travel News Maldives. “Fortunately, for the stars, tracking down a couple somewhere in 1,192 islands that span the distance of the archipelago is like finding a needle in a haystack.”

Although the vast expanse of the Maldives gives celebrities a lot to choose from, there are a few resorts and villas that have begun to be known as ultra famous celebrity haunts. These are:Conrad Maldives Resort, Rangali Island

Featured in Conde Nast Traveler’s 2013 Gold List of the Best 100 Hotels in the World and The World’s 10 Best Beach Hotels, Conrad Maldives Resort on Rangali Island offers amazing experiences in the form of relaxing spa retreats as well as diving excursions, luxurious sunset cruises, big game

FEATURE MALDIVES

Where You Go Star-spotting

The Maldives is the place to find your star.

By Mahrukh Farooq

It is becoming very common for jet setting celebrities to fly off to breathtaking locations such as the Maldives.


fishing expeditions and local island hopping trips. Anantara Ikharah Villas, Maldives

This resort boasts a whopping total of 78 villas, replete with private pools located on the beach and over water. It even includes several luxury villas and residences that are ideal for families along with a stunning Over and Under

Water Dining Complex and Over Water Spa.One & Only Reethi Rah Resort

The ultimate choice for celebrities everywhere because of its serene and peaceful environment, the One & Only Reethi Rah sports 128 private resort villas either on the beach surrounded by lush tropical greenery or set above

the clear waters of the lagoon. Styled as per contemporary design, the One & Only Reethi Rah Resort is considered to be amongst the largest resort villas in the world.

The writer is an assistant editor at Slogan and has an interest in advertising, media and public relations.

Many a glamorous celebrity has been spotted either soaking up the sun on the white sandy beaches of the Maldives or getting a much-needed adrenaline rush through scuba diving expeditions. Amongst these are Kevin Spacey, Clive Owen, Rob Lowe and Tom Cruise with his now ex-wife Katie Holmes.

A few other ultra famous celebrity couples include Blake Lively and Ryan Reynolds. The couple was reported to be staying at the Viceroy Hotel and Resort where Lively enjoyed 5-star spa treatments at its famous over-water spa villas.

Real Madrid football player Christiano Ronaldo was spotted with his ex-girlfriend, model Irina Shayk along with the player’s son, Christian Ronaldo Jr. at the Anatarah Kihava Villas in Baa atoll where they dined in elegance at the Sea Underwater Dining room.

The Maldives has also proven to be a very popular honeymoon destination for the Who’s Who of tinseltown. Famed female singer and rapper from the Black Eye Peas, Fergie, visited the islands with her movie star husband,

Josh Duhamel and enjoyed a 5-star dining experience at a luxurious private pavilion at the One & Only Rheeti Rah.

Apart from Hollywood royalty, the beautiful islands of the Maldives have been graced with the presence of several royals belonging to the British monarchy, most notable of which happen to be Prince William and Princess Kate who stayed at the Cheval Blanc Hotel on Randheli Island, Noonu Atoll, which is part of the lavish Louis Vuitton Moet Hennessy Group. Princess Ameerah Al Taweel of Saudi Arabia also visited the islands with her then-husband Prince Al-Waheed in 2009.

Determined to follow in the footsteps of their Hollywood counterparts, many an Indian celebrity have also been spotted visiting the famous islands. Amongst them were Hrithik Roshan, who was there on a holiday with his family, Madhuri Dixit, Saif Ali Khan with his wife Kareena Kapoor and Malaika Arora Khan.

Amidst so much glitterati, it is just not possible for Pakistani celebrities to be left behind. Shahid Afridi has been spotted with his family navigating the crystal waters of the beautiful islands of the Maldives and enjoying himself.

Spotting the Celebs


BOOK REVIEW

It goes without saying that a poet’s perception is shaped by and refined through personal experiences and

discoveries. As a result, every word, line and stanza of a poem depicts layers of complexity and is a testament to the workings of a poet’s mind.

Greta Rana’s ‘So why not sleep?’ does not bend or break this cardinal rule. To the contrary, it serves as a welcome proof of a poet’s commitment to give expression to reality without sugarcoating its highs or lows.

Rana was born in Yorkshire and has lived in Nepal for over four decades. Her recent collection of poems draws inspiration from this conflicting blend of cultures and fleshes out the depth of human loss, nature and social abuse. The outcome is impeccable and reveals the plight of the human existence in a potent manner.

More often than not, poetry is used to strike an emotional chord and exaggerate reality until the difference between right and wrong is blurred. However, Rana’s poems do not reflect the pain and pathos of human existence in a cynical manner. On the other hand, they represent an optimistic approach to appraise life and its unending problems.

Through this reluctance to ponder over the negative aspects of reality, Rana’s work offers a beacon of light to guide the restless soul. Interestingly, her poems do not seek to preach an ideology. Her work carries powerful messages disguised in skillfully crafted imagery. For instance, in ‘Old Testament’, she handles a sensitive theme by painting images with words.

The technique serves to deflect controversy or attract scandal regard-ing the subject of the poem. However, the imagery is often complex and mostly derives its inspiration from nature. At this critical juncture, the

readers may either find themselves enthralled by the texture of the language or feel shortchanged by its complicated nature.

The title poem ‘So why not sleep?’ begins with the image of ‘moving diamonds of the night’. Unlike Rana’s imagery in ‘Old Testament’, this image is straightforward and draws on the transition from day and night.

Some of the most enlightening poems in the anthology pertain to the places Rana has visited throughout her life. In her poem on Gilgit, she recreates the scenery of snow-capped mountains and trees. Through a short and crisp poem, Rana explores the story of the beautiful valley. The poem concludes that the city is “a lonely graveyard” even though it is filled with endless beauty. On the other hand, ‘Bhurban’ presents a vivid description of the region while Rana’s poem on ‘Afghanistan’ offers a glimpse of the country before the Soviet invasion.

In a candid portrayal of a group of orphans playing in Cambodia, Rana demonstrates the ability to empathize with the children without exaggerating their misery. The author has a tendency to use thought-provoking metaphors to give expression to their suffering. The poem uses the images of a dance to highlight the absence of opportunities available to them. The following verse is a good example of this form of symbolism:

No music accompanies themThey sway in time to sad chordsOf an absent orchestra A large number of poems are also

built on incidents and observations which are fairly commonplace. In ‘The Toronto underground’, she sums up the experience of travelling on a crowded subway in a simple and effective manner: Tight morning mouths Disappearing in a tunnel of time Which they devour Like the fat gourmands of quite

ordinary dishes The Humpty-Dumpties of Mac-

Donald’s line! On first glance, the poem appears

to build on personal experiences rather than the recesses of the

imagination. In addition, the poet assumes the role of a participant rather than a dispassionate observer. More often than not, it adds a personal touch and provides an opportunity for aggressive self-description. Rana tries to understand her own fears through the following stanza:

Do they approve of me as they should:

Intruder from a bizarre world,Where hours are not devoured like

potato chips. Overall, the poems depict a

journey to understand people, places, belief systems and, more importantly, the essence of life. They do not leave

the reader with a tall tale which gives them false hope. To the contrary, Rana takes the threads of human emotions and uses them to create a patchwork of realistic ideas.

Greta Rana has described her work as retrospective that “track(s) the sensation of (her) life”. In the preface, she explains that the written words represent a journey through life. Rana’s poems are driven by life experiences but cemented by powerful observations. The shifting surfaces between past and present are handled with care and used as a means to take the reader on an enlightening spiritual journey.

The writer is a poet and author. He is a law graduate of SOAS.

Book Title: So Why Not Sleep?Author: Greta RanaPublisher: Grana Publishing Pages: 61, HardbackISBN: 978-9937-2-8322-9

Reviewed by Taha Kehar

Striking a Chord


Author Zamir Shaikh is of the view that had the Communist Party taken root in Pakistan,

social conditions would have been far different from what they are today.

The author makes this and many other laments in his book titled ‘What Went Wrong?’ which is actually a compilation of a series of interviews of such well-known Leftists as Tufail Abbas, Dr. Baqar Askary, Dr. Rasheed Hasan Khan, Mairaj Muhammad Khan, Fatehyab Ali Khan, Ali Yawar, Jam Saqi, Chaudhri Lateef Ahmed, Anis Baqar, Sohail Sangi and Aziz ul Hasan. There is also an Onlooker’s account based on the views of Abdul Hameed Chhapra.

It is true that the communist movement flourished in Pakistan right from the inception of the country in the late forties, since it drew inspiration from the Communist Party of India, to the 70s. In the later years it looked up to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as a leader who would steer it to even higher levels but this was not to be. Bhutto may have started out on the socialist agenda of ‘roti, kapra aur makan’ but he lost the plot on the way and, at the fag end of his rule, even bowed down before the mullahs with things like ban on

alcohol and horse-racing and weekly holiday on Fridays.

The chapter on Abdul Hameed Chhapra observes: “The people of Pakistan had great hopes in Zulfikar Ali Bhutto but during PPP regimes, they were bitterly disappointed. In spite of tall claims their quality of life deteriorated during Bhutto’s rule.”

The labour unions and their leaders were also supposed to be the promoters of communism and socialism in Pakistan but their spirits petered down when Gen. Ziaul Haq came to power and smothered the labour unions and the Left movement into nothingness. Student unions also went the same route.

All through Pakistan’s history, the Left has faced adversity due to its ideals and beliefs, which clashed with the feudals, the Islamists and the ruling elite (military, bureaucracy and the political class). The Leftists were always perceived as a threat to the existing political culture.

The Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP) was, in fact, banned in 1954. Thi was a huge setback to the Left movement but the Leftists continued to make intellectual, literary, cultural and social contributions to society despite all the repression.

Today’s Pakistan is replete with centrist or right-wing parties and even those parties that were originally socialist in orientation like the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) or the Awami National Party (ANP) -- and are still quite progressive – but they deserted their Left leanings in favour of other political exigencies.

In the Pakistani context, the Leftists still have a chance if they establish

their dynamics against feudalism, quasi-capitalism, imperialistic interests, religio-political and socio-cultural factors and demonstrate their relevance despite all the odds. They must understand the change and unite to carve out a raison d'être for themselves.

Through his interviews, Zamir Shaikh has attempted to find the answers as to what went wrong and why the Left movement ran into failure. Every interviewee has a different story to tell and it all adds up to the fact that the Left movement is going nowhere – in Pakistan and in most other parts of the world.

The writer is a journalist based in Karachi. He writes on national and international issues.

Book Title: What Went Wrong?Author: Zamir ShaikhPublisher: Zamir Shaikh Pages: 199, HardbackPrice: PKR 500

Reviewed by J. Enver

No Left Turn

All through Pakistan’s history, the Left has faced adversity due to its ideals and beliefs, which clashed with the feudals, the Islamists and the ruling elite (military, bureaucracy and the political class). The Leftists were always perceived as a threat to the existing political culture.

There is a general atmosphere of frustration because there have been no spectacular results. What people want is to watch big fish roasted on the spit.

You are putting it mildly. People are extremely impatient. But I have pressure from elsewhere too, not just from the public. Frankly, I don’t want to be hustled into this. Whether the public understands my problem or not, the fact is that problems are there. We do not have a documented economy. We are trying to investigate white collar crime when we do not have the culture to recognize white collar crime. For example, I have only four investigating officers who are involved in investigating financial crime. Moreover, we are ourselves new people. Take me, for instance. I do not know law, I don’t know police rules, I don’t know financial laws, trade angles and, worst of all, I don’t know how to handle the media.

People ask me, “Look who does not know Mr. So and So is corrupt, so what is the problem to hang him?” But such perceptions are not acceptable by courts. I have to come up with hard evidence in order to convince a court of law. I appreciate the impatience of people but if I start rushing things, we will end up in a mess. In fact there are some people who want that. It is just like if a marathon runner goes for a 100-meter

race. He collapses because he can only run marathon. So there are people who actually want us to follow the path. But I will not. In the case of Nawaz Tiwana, we tried to hurry and did you see what happened? We tripped. I am not going to slip into that pitfall again.

Some very strong rumours are doing the rounds in the armed forces and superior judiciary. Is the government aware of the popular frustration at its decision to exclude these two institutions from accountability?

If you look down at the NAB Ordinance, it says that nobody is above the law. You are extremely mistaken if you think that we are not looking for people who used to be in the armed forces. For instance, the Mansoor issue. As far as the judiciary is concerned, I think we deliberately demonstrated that the judiciary is held in very high esteem. We would also clean the judiciary, if required. But I also urge the public to do their bit. Every citizen of Pakistan has the right to send references to the president. If the president decides that a reference merits action, he would send it to the chief justice. Then the Supreme Judicial Council would take it up. I think there are certain institutions which must be given a higher degree of respect than the ordinary.

Another criticism against NAB is about putting people under arrest before thorough investigation, so it has to release suspects for want of sufficient evidence.

I wonder if you have any idea about the number of corruption cases taken to the court in the last 50 years and the percentage of convictions. There are several reasons why we are doing that. First, the moment somebody comes to know that he is being investigated, he either goes underground or escapes from the country despite the ECL. Our land borders are not secure and there is a long coastline. Secondly, the moment somebody comes to know that he is a suspect, he starts meeting so-and-sos. You might say why not send them to the court? But we can’t, for the important reason that during investigations and inquiries, you can talk with the accused and obtain information. But in judicial custody, you can’t even say ‘hello’ to him. As far as the time factor is concerned, I have the authority for 90 days of custody. Still we have to do a tremendous job to finish the inquiries and investigations within 75 days. Again, as I said earlier, we are likely to make mistakes as we already did in the Nawaz Tiwana case.

“No unit would be closed down because somebody is in the lock-up”Domestic and even international approval for Gen. Musharraf’s government rests totally on its image of ruthless across-the-board accountability of the corrupt. And the task of sculpting that image rests squarely on the shoulders of Lt. Gen. Syed Mohammad Amjad, Chairman of the National Accountability Bureau. In an exclusive interview, SOUTHASIA probed him on some of the most nagging issues.

Excerpts from an interview of Lt. Gen. Syed Mohammad Amjad, former Chairman of National Accountability

Bureau, published in Southasia in February, 2000

February, 2000

SOUTHASIA 15 YEARS AGOSOUTHASIA 15 YEARS AGO


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