Indian Diaspora in Europe 1 (2)

ENCARI Briefing Paper No. 1

Briefing Paper

Mapping India’s diaspora in Europe: Culture, society, and policy

by

Professor Rosa Maria PerezInstituto Superior de Ciências do Trabalho e da Empresa (ISCTE), Lisbon

and

Brown University, USA

European Network of Contemporary Academic Research on IndiaA European Commission initiative promoting policy relevant EU-India knowledge and research

ENCARI Briefing Paper No. 1 - Page �


TABLEOFCONTENTS

Introduction

1. Background p. 5

2. Sociological dimensions of India’s diaspora communities in the EU p. 10

3. Economic and political linkages of the Indian diaspora p. 17

4. Policy recommendations p. 20

Rosa Maria Perez is a professor of anthropology at ISCTE (University Institute of Lisbon), Lisbon, and she is a visiting professor at Brown University, US. Over the last fifteen years she has also been a visiting professor in other universities in France, Italy, India, and Mozambique. She was a member of the European Science Foundation – Asia Committee and has been closely involved with this Foundation as a consultant. She has published different articles on the anthropology of India in scientific journals. Her last publications in English are Mirrors of the Empire. Towards a Debate on Portuguese Colonialism and Postcolonialism (Lisbon, 2002) and Kings and Untouchables. A Study of the Caste System in Western India (Delhi 2004). She recently contributed for the Encyclopedia of the Indian Diaspora with the article “Portugal” (Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2006).

The production of the Report has been made with the financial support of the European Commission, and the European Commission is the sole owner of the related copyrights. However, the content of the Report reflects the consultants’ views and not necessarily those of the European Commission.



Introduction

On analysing the India diaspora in Europe, a few points need clarifying, given that two categories are considered stable when in fact they are structurally discontinuous, and to a certain extent reversible, India and Europe.

1. India encompasses what is possibly the most significant existing discontinuity between nation, language and religion. In fact, to be an Indian by nationality means the possibility of speaking one of the 22 languages spoken in the subcontinent 1 or one of its many dialects. It also involves the practice of different religions: Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism, Jainism, Christianity, Judaism, Zoroaster’s theology, and animist cults. As we will see below, both language and religion 2 are efficient tools for Indians to assert their identity in the diaspora.

This does not imply stereotyping religion as a reassertion of tradition; on the contrary, European representations of India should abandon religious essentialisation, and even more ethicisation that have led in different contexts to hostile reactions based on supposed fundamentalisms.

However, this noticeable complexity should not be discouraging, since it allows patterns of behaviour to be identified as analysed below.

2. EuropeThe terms “Europe” and “West” frequently interchange. Edward Said has criticised Western perceptions of the Orient as essentialist constructions, hence merging an enormous cultural diversity on a unitary phenomenon (Said 1978). � The same can of course be said of the term “Europe” that, when used as simply as this, risks a false reification. To a great extent, the European cultural blending may be seen clearly through the diaspora itself. In fact, contemporary Europe points towards distinctive histories of migration, different public policies and strategies for integration, through which generational and gender matters, relations with the old country and the new one, social morphology, status and role of women, citizenship and education are defined.

Finally, the concept of diaspora itself, both as an analytical tool and as a historical process in course, would require further specification which does not fit into the scope of this paper. For the moment,

� These languages are generally coincident with the limits of the States. There are 22 official “scheduled” languages. In the North, 76% of the overall population speak Indo-Aryan languages (Assamese, Bengali, Bodo, Dogri, Gujarati, Hindi, Kashmiri, Konkani, Maithili, Marathi, Meitei, Nepali, Oriya, Eastern Punjabi, Sanskrit, Santali, Sindhi, Urdu), being Hindi the national language. In the South, the Dravidian languages (Kannada, Malayalam, Tamil, Telugu), counting for 21%, are dominant. Other groups should be mentioned, mainly the Austro-Asiatic (1.2%) and the Tibeto-Burman (1%). English is the official language, working as a liaison amongst this enormous linguistic diversity.

� I am using the term religion not culture; the latter has been criticised in the last two decades as a vague and meaning-less, if common, reification (Baumam, 1996; Hannerz, 1995).

� Ronald Inden has showed that the same essentialist approach can be found in European approaches to India (Inden, 1992).



it is relevant to note that “diaspora” can be adequately used to refer to the massive displacement of groups set in motion from India to Europe in the late 1980s through new technologies in production and distribution, international communication and the internet, broadcast and cable TV, all of which led to increased globalization. Rapid communication and information-share allow these communities to participate in transnational configurations, and to assert their identity within the broader context of the India’s diaspora.

It would require extensive teamwork to analyse on a comprehensive and systematic way India’s diaspora in Europe. I will therefore take as referential the Portuguese and, to an extent, the British contexts. Furthermore, I will adopt in the main a cultural and anthropological approach, without which no concrete political decisions can be taken.

However, before proceeding it is necessary to identify the European contexts of the India’s diaspora more precisely. As we will see, the first generation of emigrants is intrinsically linked toAs we will see, the first generation of emigrants is intrinsically linked to countries with colonial possessions in India; firstly, the United Kingdom, then Portugal and on a lesser scale France and Holland. This generation was increased in the post 2nd World War period as a result of the immigrants whose man power was a vital means of compensating for the heavy loss of life and the subsequent lack of men in the workforce. The destinations were precisely the most affected countries: United Kingdom, Holland, France, and Germany. At that time, other European countries such as Sweden, Switzerland, and Ireland were receiving people from India in a small extension that would grow with the start of the diaspora as such. The predominantly male emigration of individuals evolved progressively into the emigration of families and increasingly skilled professionals, requested from the Indian Institutes of Technology and Science and leading universities, who brought a substantial change to the European cultural landscape �. At the At theAt the same time, illegal emigrants took advantage of the paths opened by their compatriots, raising the problems of European emigration policies and citizens rights in Europe.

Maps 1 and 2 5 illustrate the changes that took place between 1971 (when European migration policies changed significantly, encouraging Indian migration to Europe, mostly to Great Britain) and 2001. As sated by Leclerc, “Unprecedented migration to the metropolitan centres further diversified, as worldwide globalising pressures attracted professionals and highly skilled migrants into advanced industrial regions, while labour and commercial migrants looked for new opportunities in less developed areas that had begun to advance” (Leclerc 2006: 1�2) - see Portugal, Italy and Spain, Baltic countries, and Eastern Europe.

� Within this context, a Nobel prize for literature and two Booker Prize were attributed – awards that had previously been given exclusively to Western authors.

� Taken from the Encyclopaedia of the Indian Diaspora (2006).



1. Background: Mapping India’s diaspora in Europe

1.1.CulturalandreligiousbackgroundofIndia’sdiasporaintheEU.

Within the diversity mentioned above, regular patterns can be seen in India’s diaspora. First and foremost, the main paths for travelling are those opened by European colonialism, particularly British and Portuguese. Second, most people of this diaspora come from three main states of India: Gujarat, Bengal, and Punjab. They are dominantly from urbanised or semi-urbanised areas, although during the last years emigration has taken place from rural areas 6 .

This regular pattern has been disrupted over the last decade, with people coming from states that for cultural reasons used to be quite settled (namely, see the belt region south of the Himalayas), but the traditional structure of the diaspora is still dominant. Furthermore, two main cults stand out from those mentioned above: Hinduism and Islam, followed by Sikhism. Regarding the other religions, we should note that the transnational roads opened by the diaspora facilitate their movement to Europe.

Different groups from a related background are integrated in the India’s diaspora to Europe. They comprise transnational families and transnational religions moving within a common world linked together by almost instantaneous communication. They bring along the home traditions that they have to adapt to specific European ones, often recreating new cultural systems through strategies of adaptation and of integration. This is no doubt one of the most fascinating and challenging aspects of India’s diaspora in Europe; at the same time as India’s cultural background is being reframed, it impacts on different European metropolis, like London, Paris, or Lisbon 7.

Religion is a crucial device for preserving and recreating individual and group identities across national boundaries. In contrast to early generations of migrants, the diaspora gave to religion a transnational role, so important that it led to new categorisation in social sciences, particularly in religious studies. However, along with religious trends, secular strategies of representation occur for negotiation between the India’s diaspora and the European country of settlement, the most important being language and other codes of communication such as dress and etiquette. As in any process of social identification, group identity (which in its essence is relational and not permanent) imposes itself on individual identity, and the processes adopted depend on the context

� According to available statistics, within India itself migration seems to take place primarily from suburban or semi-urban areas to the cities (being metropolis like Mumbai a magnet pole), and secondarily from rural areas to towns and cities.

� “[They] develop and maintain multiple relations – familial, economic, social, organizational, religious, and political that span borders…and take actions, make decisions, feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously” (Glick Shiller et al, 1992:2�).



and on the relationship between the different groups in the diaspora (Hindus, Muslims, Christians) and the respective European country. Strategies of adaptation are complex and ambivalent, and are linked both to the old country and to the new one. Therefore, in some situations a person can be primarily Indian, in others Gujarati, Bengali, and Tamil, Catholic, Buddhist, doctor, lawyer, tailor, mason (These representational strategies tend, of course, to be more homogeneous amongst the young generations, above all those that are settled in Europe more permanently. Furthermore, they depend on a number of variables such as length of residence, integration in the European country, education, place in the job market , immigration laws; in a word, citizenship.

1.2.Travel,migrationanddiaspora.

The history of India’s presence in Europe is quite different from its presence in the US and, as stated above, it is closely linked to the European empire. From an early stage (more precisely in the 16th century for the Portuguese and in the 17th for the British), a complex sediment of reciprocal images was built-up and rebuilt that still impacts on contemporary relationships.

Let us take as a reference the most comprehensive picture, Indian movement to Britain. From the 18th century onwards, a number of Indians travelled to the metropolis across the channels of British colonialism. They were socially and educationally diverse: some came to get a European education, particularly in law and medicine, others to work in industry and other jobs and as servants (Hinnels 1996). Later on, during the First World War, some Indians settled in Britain, exercising the imperial right given to its subjects. After the Second World War, coinciding with the independence of India in 19�7, England encouraged workers to come, following the huge loss of young British soldiers. This significant movement that took place in the late 1950s and early 1960s can be considered as the first flow of Indian migrants to European countries. In the 1960s and early 1970s, East African Indians were gradually compelled to leave former British African colonies (Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda) in the midst of post-colonial movements towards Africanisation.

The extensive relationship existing between India and England and the complex strategies developed to integrate their cultural differences (sometimes under traumatic circumstances of asymmetric power relations) singled out the Indian diaspora in England within the broader context of the Indian diaspora in Europe. This is what inspires an optimist view on the possibilities of polivocal citizenship 8.

Throughout this period, individual immigration paralleled this flow made up of people wanting to pursue higher education as post-graduate students, or coming from India to Europe as skilled professionals in scientific and technological fields. The history and demography of this migration, as well as its agents is different from the diaspora. But then again past and present are not so

� To use a term(polivocal), borrowed from Michael Bakhtine.



asymmetrical, and as the current Indian diaspora illustrates, individual and family migration of unskilled labourers and experts move simultaneously alongside the lines of the diaspora. This type of individual/family immigration has increased significantly in the last five years as India takes the lead in technology and science, becoming an emerging country in the world economy. As roles are reversed, we are witnessing a new phase, and for me a more fascinating one, in the relations between India and Europe.

1.3.PatternsofimmigrationtoPortugal.PortuguesecolonialismandtheIndiandiaspora-acasestudy.

Portuguese colonialism was predominantly centred in Goa, the capital of Estado da Índia (“State of India”), and it differed from other forms of colonialism in India (mainly the British) and from other forms of Portuguese colonialism in other parts of the world. Its distinctiveness resulted from a systematic attempt to reproduce a metropolitan culture in India through conversion, merging a nexus of asymmetrical exchanges and conflicting interests in the colony under the imperial construct of Goa Dourada, “Golden Goa”9.

Although this ideology was planned for all Portuguese territories in the subcontinent, its impact on Províncias do Norte (“Northern Provinces”, the expression used by the Portuguese to identify identify Daman and Diu in Western India) was far less significant than when compared to Goa. Even if Even ifEven if conversion was enforced, and Catholicism entrenched in local populations to a considerable extent, the Hindu cult was too close and the Central Church, Episcopado do Oriente, located in Goa, too distant to prevent the profound appeal of Hinduism among the converted. Furthermore, Gujarati was the language of a millenarian civilization, not easily discarded as a dialect of fishermen and toddy-tapers as Konkani was. The fact that Daman and Diu were confined within the broaderDaman and Diu were confined within the broader boundaries of the British Empire cannot be ignored, and, more specifically, it was within the former cannot be ignored, and, more specifically, it was within the former, and, more specifically, it was within the former Bombay Presidency that would become the state of Gujarat after Indian independence. The distanceThe distance between Goa and Provincias do Norte was more than geographical: they were separated by the vast region of Maharasthra whose capital, Bombay (now Mumbai), was an essential centre for political, artistic and intellectual debate that would host some of the foremost Goan nationalists 10.

9 Portuguese was imposed in the colony as the official language and Konkani, the local vernacular, was downgraded as a dialect of the low castes. Cultural and religious difference was discouraged, when not repressed. From a social perspective, Golden Goa was idealised as a harmonious society without remarkable fractures or ruptures between individuals and groups, under the Christian principles of equality. This was incompatible with the Indian caste system that was paramount both among Hindus and Catholics. Subsequently, the system was retained in education and in ad-ministration where high caste Catholics were favoured, and in the Church hierarchy, held by Brahmans to guarantee priesthood superiority and ecclesiastical control.

�0 Notwithstanding the asymmetry between Goa and the the asymmetry between Goa and the Províncias do Norte, the Portuguese promoted the apparatus of their colonial policy in all their territories: the imposition of Portuguese law and way of life with the subsequent repression of the native one, favoring Catholics over Hindus and Muslims in education, administrative and clerical jobs, economic opportunities, and social improvement. Although discrimination decreased after Portugal became a republic in 1910, during the �0 years of dictatorship in Portugal (19��-197�) anti-Portugal political activity was anti-Portugal political activity was repressed and transgressions punished with either deportation or prison.



In the early decades of the 20th century there was a severe economic recession in the metropolis and its effects dramatically impacted the colonies. Migration was for many the only way out, and the targets were fundamentally British and Portuguese Africa. Mozambique was a major destination for migrants from Goa and from the Províncias do Norte. The Portuguese had produced a regular network between the two colonies on the coast of the Indian Ocean, shifting government institutions, employees and manual workers from Goa to Mozambique - the most important of these was the Escola Medica, a colonial Medical School excelling in the different contexts of Portuguese empire, whose physicians would become an elite in the metropolis, both in colonial and postcolonial times.

When the migration process arose, it reflected the more evident fractures and divisions of Portuguese colonialism in India. At the same time affiliations and solidarities between groups would lead in the future to social formations that moved along the lines of diaspora. Traveling mainly from Daman and Diu and from some nearby cities in Gujarat, Hindus and Muslims developed in Mozambique social and economic systems that by the end of the 20th century would pattern the two main Indian communities in Portugal.

Indian groups in Portugal came in distinct migrant streams and embraced different patterns of adap-tation and assimilation. First of all, we should consider those who had participated in colonial struc-tures and who, as already mentioned, were to a large extent privileged on the basis of religion and of sanctioning colonial authority. This was mostly the case with the Catholics, who established solid family and professional links between Goa and Lisbon throughout the colonial period. By speaking the same language (with skills that sometimes would outshine those of the Portuguese administra-tors and clergies), sharing the same religion and the same nationality, excelling in professions such as medicine and law (praised both nationally and internationally), Goan Catholics were absorbed in metropolitan society to an extent that inhibited the formation of an Indian Catholic community in Portugal (which curiously is in the process of being formed by Catholics from Daman, Diu and lower status Goans who migrated to Portugal in the last few years) 11.

The Hindu colonial elite to a great extent parallels the Catholic, as a component of the Portuguese society at large, further endorsed by their leading roles in national politics. Therefore there is no socialization with the Hindu community of Portugal (Comunidade Hindu de Portugal), formed in the 1980s, under the global transformations and makeover in the political economy of the late 20he global transformations and makeover in the political economy of the late 20th century.

As opposed to the Catholic and the Hindu colonial elites, the Hindu community originated primarily from Gujarat, and arrived either directly or indirectly via Mozambique. Most of its members left �� In 1987, after Goa was given statehood by the Indian government, a group of prominent Catholics born in Goa cre-

ated the Casa de Goa (‘Goan House”), a cultural association congregating the Goan elite (that to a large extent is a Portuguese elite) and Portuguese intellectuals and artists linked to Goa. The fact that caste affiliations were sustained within the Casa de Goa eventually led by the end of the 1990s to partition into another association.



Mozambique after its independence in 1975, as a result of the civil war and economic breakdown in the country. Many of them were more familiar with Portugal than with India, being sometimes at odds with their “Indianess”, since partition left those who migrated to Mozambique before 19�7 affiliated to two different countries, India and Pakistan.

The idea of a homogeneous Gujarati Hindu community in Portugal, as the term community might suggest, has to be questioned. In fact, stratification among its members operates through the lines of economic power, allowing for status (re)assertion and reconfiguration of caste. A leading economic minority dealing in business acquired considerable influence in Portugal, ensuring official political representation (the most important being Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, the Municipality of Lisbon), social acknowledgment, and increasing distance from the larger group of Gujaratis. This larger group is made up essentially of people engaged in commerce, running or working in small family shops, and by manual and unskilled workers. The “Indian” label now describes other people (mostly men) from South Asia (Pakistan and Bangladesh), many of whom struggle for economic survival and are haunted by repatriation as they lack permanent visas to Portugal 12.

The community congregates in the large Hindu temple of Lisbon. The temple became a centre for socialization and reconstruction of cultural beliefs and practices, as cultural events sponsored throughout the Hindu annual calendar affirm the particular regional and linguistic identities specific to Gujarat. For many Hindus, India remains the “old country”. The distinctive history of IndianFor many Hindus, India remains the “old country”. The distinctive history of Indian migration to Portugal at times dramatically transformed the inner sense of belonging and nationality. To those Indians that never lived in India (having been born in Africa or in Portugal), India is a wonderland nourished by films, music, second hand stories, and expectations. To those who do not have regular contacts with India, media broadcasts (at a local level by the radio Swagatam: Som do Oriente broadcasting news both from Portugal and from Gujarat, and at a global level by ZTV, a pan Indian TV channel), Bollywood cinema, and Indian popular music further reinforce diasporic connections and attachments.

An increasing number of Hindus from Gujarat travel to Lisbon to use it as a platform to other European countries, mainly the United Kingdom; this is leading to growing pressure from the European Community on Portugal to decline visas to these migrants further threatening the unstable European labor market 1�.

�� The core of the commercial activity of the Hindu community is Centro Comercial da Mouraria, a big shopping center located in a traditional quarter of downtown Lisbon. The center speaks volumes about the power shown by the com-munity intervening in the urban political agenda and cultural configuration, and more recently laying in the area a cosmopolitan framework by the inclusion of the Chinese diaspora.

�� Caste observance in religious ceremonies is alleged by some Hindus who supposedly are refused performance of some ritual roles. In these cases, as in those of Hindus living in the metropolitan area of Lisbon (currently in the process of building a new temple in Loures, a city 15 kilometers from the capital with a large Hindu population), private cults tend to substitute the public one in daily religious life. Significantly, this split reversed religious gender divisions, by attributing to women the role of performing ceremonies traditionally ascribed to men.

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Muslims living in Portugal have distinguished themselves in finance and have achieved remarkable social recognition. The size of the Muslim communityThe size of the Muslim community (Comunidade Islâmica de Lisboa) is difficult to determine given that it includes Muslims from other former Portuguese colonies, most importantly from Guinea-Bissau and, more recently, from Bangladesh and Pakistan; Morocco, Senegal, and Mauritania. It assembles in the large mosque in central Lisbon, an indication of the economic power of some of its members. This community is mostly Sunni; the Ishmaels, linked to Aga Khan and gathering in their own mosque, have considerable wealth but are politically and socially less prominent than the Sunnis. In addition, we should highlight the Ishmaelite migration from Gujarat which stood out notably over time for its participation in multinational capital and its subsequent inclusion in the contemporary Western African political agenda. On the whole, both contribute to a better definition of the meaning of India and of being an Indian in the diaspora.

Portuguese citizenship has been given over the years to members of the India’s diaspora and therefore parity with other citizens regarding political and economic rights.

2. Sociological dimensions of the India’s diaspora communities in the EU

2.1.Genderrolesandgenderidentities.Tradition,adaptation,reconfi-guration.

The ongoing interdisciplinary debate on gender in the diaspora often lacks ethnographically grounded research on European experiences, focusing on the crucial process of the gendering of identities and the ways these are enacted through religious ideologies and institutional practices.

Let us focus on Hinduism, as scholarship on gender in the Indian Muslim diaspora is far less significant and comprehensive. When moving through the more relevant sociological production on gender in the diaspora, we can observe that religious life plays a major role in the negotiation of gender identity, notions of tradition and class aspirations. As different studies demonstrate, women are key agents in the reproduction and in the reconstruction of “culture” and “tradition”, either through their involvement in the temple activities or in domestic cults. Seeing that as migrants they are generally bereft of the extended kin networks they had in India, women use rituals to recreate alternative networks that provide supportive, and sometimes exclusive, female spaces. They therefore put together what can be considered a substitute family and the weaker their integration in larger society, the more important this becomes.

Religious activities are frequently intertwined with the ideological recreation of national identity, shaped by cultural and religious nationalism through the reproduction of Hindu texts (the the reproduction of Hindu texts (the Ramayana, the Bhagavad-Gita, and the Bhagvad-Purana) and through connections with conservative,

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sometimes nationalistic Hindu organisations ( organisations ( (Swaminarayan, Saibaba) – an association that is not uncommon amongst many Indian communities in Europe.

As cultural guardians of tradition, women, particularly the older ones, often reify traditional gender, particularly the older ones, often reify traditional genderoften reify traditional gender reify traditional gender asymmetries: many of them cannot speak the official European language, and are therefore kept apart from the larger society, thus inhibiting communication not only with the society at large, but also with the younger generations. Furthermore, their inability to speak the official language excludes them from civic and political spheres, keeping them under traditional male authority. Even among families where domestic division of labour is unequal and conventional gender ideology is labour is unequal and conventional gender ideology is is unequal and conventional gender ideology is challenged, community tradition supports patriarchal ideology.

However, gender asymmetry tends to be reversed through religious roles attributed to women in the diaspora. In many communities in Europe, due to financial restraints and problems with work permits, Brahmans can not travel from India to attend life-cycle rituals, nor can they perform the puja. To substitute them, communities obtain their own specialists trained in India or alternatively charge respected individuals in the diaspora to perform the puja. But in situations where these possibilities are not accessible (the smaller a community is, the more likely this is), women perform the puja at home for women of their biological and social families, therefore inverting the religious gendered hierarchy. Furthermore, women are engaged in the cult of the goddess (Bawani, Durga, Ambala, others), a fundamental cult to devotees in India as in Europe, and, at weekly worship, in the singing of bhajan, devotional songs that convey central Hindu messages.

A more comprehensive view leads us to a more dynamic association between women and religion in the diaspora, i.e., the observation of the young women’s participation in ritual life. Most of these women were born in Europe, speak a European language as their primary language of communication, and have little or no direct links to India. At the same time as acquiring the family and community principles with older women and in the temple, they receive broader Indian beliefs through channel TV (mainly ZTV), radio, and Bollywood cinema, where stories about the most popular deities (Krishna and Rama) parallel those of successful young women in diverse professional areas, starring Indian actresses that they tend to emulate (Aishwara Roy, Madhuri Dixit, Sushmita Sen) 1�. Moreover, most of them get a European academic view of Indian culture at school that becomes a means of obtaining dynamic knowledge about India.

Young women develop their agenda through participation in broad-based youth movements (see namely the important National Hindu Students Forum created in Britain in 1991 that impacted

�� Hence the importance of Bolywood cinema to understand different sociological aspects of the India’s diaspora. A ne-glected aspect should be pointed out: the knowledge got through Bollywood films about other Indian cultures, mainly Islam.

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strongly on other youth Hindu forum in Europe 15), spread through transnational routes by World Wide Web, conciliating India’s values and European education and socialization.

It is evident that this does not go without contradictory perceptions that, on the whole, affect women more than men, as they are more vulnerable and more exposed to the tension between “tradition” and “modernity”, to use a reductive dichotomy. In the complex social, cultural, economic and political scenario of the India’s diaspora, the women become targets of conflicting pressures, values and expectations. However, it must be made clear that women in themselves are not homogeneous. They are divided by caste, class and religion in addition to rural-urban divides, which makes them more or less vulnerable depending on which category they belong to.

To finish on a positive note (and a balanced one) we should note that the new developments among women in the diaspora during the last two decades also reveal a remarkable achievement: women’s movements have come of age during this period, creating various transnational organizations. The gender issue, at least, has been brought to centre stage and through the increased global communication various organizations in India are benefiting from their European counterparts. A better understanding of women’s issues is emerging at least in the academic world which has been engaged in gender studies generally and gender in the diaspora in particular in recent decades.

2.2.Firstandsecondgenerations16.

The broad demographic picture of the communities is of a much younger population than that of the majority local population, with many groups having more young than old people, which is contrary to the overall European tendency for an aging population. According to Ballard, in the UK, in the areas where South Asians are most heavily concentrated, one-quarter or one-third of births are to women of South Asian origin (Ballard 199�).

The nature of the population in Europe is changing significantly. In a study of the labour force and other surveys, Jones has shown that the Indian population is pursuing education to a far greater extent than the European one. Whereas the Indian population in the 1960s consisted mostly of single, young, male, uneducated, manual workers, predominantly from rural backgrounds, now a substantial and growing proportion of the younger people are professionals, working in accountancy, management, marketing, informatics, law, or medicine (idem, ibidem).

�� See the webpage, “About us”: “Although fourteen years ago, Hindu students were just as successful in education as now, there was a general lack of representation for Hindu students at campus level. From its beginnings as a small Freshers’ Fayre stall, National Hindu Students Forum has worked to build one of the most active networks of Hindu Youth in the UK. NHSF (UK) exists to protect, preserve, practice and promote Hindu Dharma amongst the Hindu student population.

Local branches at over 50 institutions of higher education across the UK form the core unit of NHSF. Our local level activi-ties encompass cultural, educational and social aspects: from informal gatherings to formal events. Hindu students come together to learn more about their community, their culture and themselves (…)

Representing over 10,000 Hindu Youth, NHSF is the largest Hindu student movement in Europe and aspires to build the foun-dations for a strong and vibrant Hindu community by establishing a youth orientated proactive agenda (my italics)”.

�� I am not using the term “generation” on a biological or sociological meaning; I am employing it to refer to the first flow of Indians to Europe that should be considered immigration, and the second and contemporary flow, that can be adequately described as “diaspora”.



A number of differences in social relationships and representations are relevant. For the first generation, relationships are based on the primacy of family, and sociability is mostly framed by family and neighbour patterns. For the second generation, exposed to European individualism, other forms of sociability arise, mainly friendship, which opens-up the ties within and between the larger society, therefore setting-up more porous boundaries than the existing ones.

Second generation pursues higher education to a far greater extent than the first generation or often than the “host” country – the question is how to integrate tradition and European attitudes. Ballard has suggested that one should view the South Asian young in the West as “skilled cultural navigators”, people who move comfortably between the culture of home and wider society, just as bilingual people switch easily between languages (Ballard, 199�).

Different aspects deserve further research for a better understanding of this theme: the interaction between second and first generations; between second generation and the European country of residence; interaction between European-educated youth getting a European perspective on India in European universities and the Indian viewpoints, whose effects are far from being sufficiently evaluated.

One conclusion should be made: the impact of the diaspora in India through gender roles and gender representations.

2.4.Languagedifficultiesandsocialisolation.

The Executive Council of UNESCO adopted the Convention on protecting and promoting cultural diversity in Paris on 20 October 2005; this concluded a process with the political participation of the European Commission and experts from the Member States which began in 200�. The document, which defines the European policy on cultural diversity for the coming years, underlines the need to include culture as a strategic part of national and international development policies, as well as in international cooperation for development, given also the UN´s Millennium Declaration (2000) which stresses the eradication of poverty17. The third guiding principle, Principle of equal dignity and respect for all cultures is particularly relevant to my analysis: “The protection and promotion of diversity of cultural expressions presupposes the recognition of equal dignity of and respect for all cultures, including the persons

�� See the following guiding principles: (7) Considering that culture assumes various forms in time and space and that this diversity is brought together in the originality and plurality of the identities, as well as in the cultural expressions of the peoples and the societies that make up humanity; (15) bearing in mind the importance of the vitality of the cul-tures, particularly in the case of people belonging to minority groups and native people, which is manifested through the freedom to create, disseminate and distribute the respective traditional cultural expressions and through their having access to obtaining benefits from their own development; (19) Confirming that the globalisation processes, facilitated by the rapid evolution of information and communication technologies, on one hand, leads to the creation of completely new conditions for greater interaction between cultures, and on the other, represents a challenge to cultural diversity, namely with regard the risks of imbalances between rich and poor countries..



belonging to minorities and indigenous peoples”. This principle cannot be dissociated from principle no. 1� according to which linguistic diversity is a fundamental aspect of cultural diversity, and that emphasizes the basic role played by education in protecting and promoting cultural expressions 18.

This is not the appropriate context either to discuss the pertinence of cultures being reduced to their expressions as opposed to the people who produce them, or to analyse the effectiveness of a analyse the effectiveness of a the effectiveness of a hegemonically defined culture. Nevertheless, the Convention’s lack of language policies which are capable of integrating cultural diversity and their agents in a Europe of globalisation and diaspora globalisation and diaspora and diaspora19 must be considered significant.

In the context of the India’s diaspora in Europe, the lack of a language policy clearly demonstrates the breaches that threaten both relations within the groups of the diaspora and with the European societies where they are settled. Hence, although the States with the greatest density of groups support the teaching of Indian languages —implemented by the groups themselves in order to encourage the proximity of the younger groups with India, where English is one of the most significant of these20— the teaching of the European language is not systematically developed by these States for the more overall integration of the groups.

This lack of an official European language policy leads, on one hand, to first generation migrants (or the older people who have come to join their families in Europe) as well as those who come from rural areas being kept socially more on the periphery and more vulnerable. In addition, they tend to reinforce their Indianess on the basis of conservative Hinduism, transmitted transnationally by nationalist movements, as referred above. These movements are not necessarily anti-Europe or anti-West, but their defense of a nationalist form of Hindu India inhibits their effective integration in the European country where they live.

On the other hand, not being able to speak the European language often gives rise to a rift between the generations; when this fractures a specific group, it also fractures the balance which is constantly being negotiated between the India’s diaspora and the European country.

Curiously, there is a parallel between the lack of a European language policy for the diaspora and the scarcity of studies on questions of language and social integration. The Portuguese case study helps to provide the grounds for my argument.

2.5.Trendsofculturalpenetrationfromthediasporaintothelocalculture.

To analyse this topic we have to distinguish between Hindu and Muslim populations in the India’s

�� Curiously, the term used is «multiculturality», not multiculturalism, and involved the “existence and equitable inter-action of various cultures, as well as the possibility to generate cultural expressions armed by dialogue and mutual respect”.

�9 Significantly, this agreement was drawn up in English, Arabic, Chinese, French and Russian.�0 The case of the English language is sociologically interesting: it not only permits integration in English speakingThe case of the English language is sociologically interesting: it not only permits integration in English speaking

countries but also in India itself, particularly in urban contexts.



diaspora in Europe. Whereas in Britain, Islam is predominantly a South Asian phenomenon, in other countries such as the Netherlands, Germany and France, it is predominantly Middle-Eastern, Turkish, and Black African. In Portugal, Islam is mostly from India; this makes all the difference when compared to other European countries where after September 11th the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in conjunction with terrorism (such as occurred in Madrid and London 2005) led to deep reactions and to intolerance. At this point, we should of course avoid generalisation as it leads to extensive discrimination against Muslims on the basis of religion, and as it ignores European Muslim organisations and movements fighting for pacifism and refusing religious fundamentalism.

Hinduism in Europe makes us draw a different picture. In fact, after German Romanticism, India (and mostly Hindu and Buddhist India) was “discovered” as a lost paradise of language and culture. In the 1960s, the hippie generation found in India an escape from the pressures of the West, and in the 1970s a regular flow of Indian immigration to Europe implanted cultural habits and practices in the continent that were enthusiastically assimilated by some layers of the populations. As Huggam has argued the Indian postcolonial exotic risks to becoming an object of metropolitan consumption in the context of today’s globalised commodity culture (Huggam 2001).

Contemporary desire for Indian culture reflected in food, dress, music, cinema, literature and yoga, break down cultural isolation and weaves a cosmopolitan intra-social and intra-communalintra-social and intra-communal web into the contemporary urban landscape that would be hard to achieve in other circumstances.into the contemporary urban landscape that would be hard to achieve in other circumstances.that would be hard to achieve in other circumstances. Furthermore, it provides a sense of territoriality, especially for the younger generations that haveyounger generations that have never been to India, though for ritual purposes they have to cope with tradition, orthodoxy, and arranged marriages often with unknown grooms whenever the European matrimonial market is insufficient.

This broad picture clearly requires further anthropological specification. The Indian socialThe Indian social morphology and the Hindu rituals of passage provide significant material for this debate. The European and American social scientists insisted for a long time on the rigidity of the Indian caste system. This perspective has become more moderate with the colonial and post-colonial studies, that have argued, along with Cohn’s line, that the caste system defined in this way would be a construction of British colonialism, starting with the Census of India, in order to govern an extremely diverse and complex reality. The analysis of the caste phenomenon (jati, in the local languages) in diaspora helps us to assess both its points of resistance and its flexibility.

In the contact with a Europe socially organised into classes we can make two important organised into classes we can make two important into classes we can make two important observations: first, the flexibilisation of the caste system and its integration of the social hierarchy in flexibilisation of the caste system and its integration of the social hierarchy in of the caste system and its integration of the social hierarchy in classes, adopting and adapting criteria of social stratification such as political and economic power; second, the capacity of the caste system to reproduce itself in the diaspora.



The boundaries of this elasticity come essentially from the main rituals of passage, i.e., marriage and death. Even if the context of the diaspora provides transnational markets to preserve the endogamous marriage, it tends to become flexible and includes a growing number of love marriages as opposed to the traditional marriages arranged by the couple’s parents and respecting caste endogamy. This ritual is taking place increasingly in the European countries where there tend to be the right kind of public spaces and flexible working timetables which allow the weddings to last for more than one day, according to the Hindu pattern.

At the same time, the sari and salwar kameez have started to be adopted as wedding apparel of the bride and guests in urban and cosmopolitan Europe and this kind of women’s clothing has become fashionable in the European women’s dress code.

In the case of funeral rituals, the Hindu celebration of death has gone through distinct changes in recent years. A decade ago grieving Hindus faced problems caused by the scarcity of crematoria and by insufficient if not reluctant places of worship to grieve their deaths. In time, not only were new crematoria built but cremation became an increasingly common practice among the European themselves. This had an impact on Southern Europe countries where the Catholic Church was challenged little by little to integrate religious difference.

At the same time that Indian religious practices, mainly Hinduism and Buddhism, attracted Europeans to spiritual ashrams in India, these practices were set up in Europe drawing an increasing number of devotees. For instance, Portugal provides a significant phenomenon to illustrate the penetration of Indian culture, and its reverberation in the Portuguese setting. The cult of Our Lady of Fatima is by far the most important to Portuguese religious life, and in recent years the Catholic Church has tried to make it ecumenical in order to host the different groups of immigrants in the country. To the Hindu community it became a part of the Hindu calendar (being perhaps a repository of the worship of Mata, the Mother Goddess), and to the sanctuary of Our Lady of Fatima many Hindus go on pilgrimage to the extent that it became part of the annual religious calendar of the sanctuary.

Of course, the question still remains: “Whether the future communities will be more global or regional in nature, or a mixture of both, is unclear at the dawn of the third millennium” (Coward et al, 2000).



3. Economic and political linkages of the India’s diaspora The economic and political structure of the India’s diaspora in Europe must be understood within the tension between the contemporary conditions of citizenship and subsequent political and economic rights offered both by the Indian Government to the Non-Resident Indians (NRIs) and to the Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs) and also by their European “host” countries.

3.1.IndianemigrantsandIndianpolicy.

Coinciding with the significant world shift in global economy and technology leading to contemporary India’s diaspora, in 198� the Government of India passed the Emigration Act which extended to the whole of India and to the citizens of India living abroad. The Act provides a definition of emigration that is worth quoting: “‘Emigrate’ and ‘Emigration’ mean the departure out of India of any person with a view to taking up any employment (whether or not under an agreement or other arrangements to take up such employment, and with or without the assistance of a recruiting agent or employer) in any country or place outside India”.

Thus, the economic criteria, intrinsically related to employment, singles out from all others. The Act further legislates on emigration clearance (chapter V, 22), specifying that no citizen of India should emigrate unless he obtained authorization from the Protector-General of Emigrants 21. As history would show, neither Indian nor European legislation (with variations from one country to another) was able to contain the massive movement of Indian citizens set in motion at the beginning of the 1980s.

Significantly, two decades later, on 25 January 2006, the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA) 22, through the Office of Protector-General of Emigrants (Gazette of India, Part II, Section �, Sub-Section (i) ), defined new parameters categorizing an “emigrant” on a negative basis: “Emigrant” means any citizen of India who intends to emigrate, or emigrates, or has emigrated but does not include: (a) a dependent of an emigrant, whether such dependent accompanies that emigrant, or departs subsequently for the purpose of joining that emigrant in the country to which that emigrant has lawfully emigrated; (b) any person who has resided outside India at any time after attaining the age of eighteen years, for not less than three years or the spouse or child of such person” (my italics).

Overseas Indian citizenship was explicitly recognized for PIOs residing in the following countries: 1. Australia, 2. Canada, 3. Finland, 4. France, 5. Greece, 6. Ireland, 7. Israel, 8. Italy, 9. Australia, 10. Netherlands, 11. Portugal, 12. Republic of Cyprus, 13. Sweden, 14. Switzerland, 15. UnitedRepublic of Cyprus, 13. Sweden, 14. Switzerland, 15. United

�� “Protector of Emigrants” means a person authorized under section 5 of the Emigration Act, 1983. �� On 27 May 200�, through a document issued by the President of India, was created the Ministry of Non-Resident

Indians’ Affairs; subsequently, on the same year (� September 200�), it was renamed the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs (MOIA).



Kingdom, and 16. United States of America. The list per se marks the main axis of the Indian diaspora in general and of the European countries in particular.

This follows a time of liberalisation of the Indian economy when overseas Indians were recognised as potentially influential partners in investment and technology in India. In fact, the Government of India has been progressively liberalising the industrial policy, the foreign collaboration policy, and the trade policy since 1991 and bringing in economic and financial reforms to attract investments, targeting non-resident Indians (NRIs) for the economic development of the country, through the Indian Investment Centre. The results of this liberalisation were outstanding: transfer of money to India made by migrants ranks second behind oil as the largest transnational movement of capital.

As opposed to the first wave of emigration identified above (see 1., 1.1.), which would lose Indian citizenship by settling in a foreign country, the national impact of the India’s diaspora led to political openness from the Indian Government, resulting in the definition of new citizenship, respectively for NRIs and Persons of Indian Origin PIO’s.

3.2.Definingcitizenship:Non-ResidentIndians(NRIs)andPersonsofIndianOrigin(PIO’s).

According to MOIA’s official documentation, a Non-Resident Indian is an “Indian Citizen who stays abroad for employment/carrying out business or vocation outside India or stays abroad under circumstances indicating an intention for an uncertain duration of stay abroad as a non-resident”. Specifying that, “Persons Posted in U.N. organisations and officials assigned abroad by Central/State Governments and Public Sector undertakings on temporary assignments are also treated as non-temporary assignments and are also treated as non-residents”2�.

In 1999, The Government of India introduced the PIO Card Scheme that gave eligibility to anyany person who at any time held an Indian passport; or he or his father or paternal grand-father was ahe or his father or paternal grand-father was a citizen of India by virtue of the Constitution of India or the Citizenship Act, 1955 (57 of 1955).2� A PIO was then guaranteed parity with NRIs regarding facilities offered to the latter in economic,parity with NRIs regarding facilities offered to the latter in economic, financial and educational fields. However, no parity was given to a PIO regarding political rights.

�� See the following definition emanated by the MOIA: “NRIs whether they are Indian passport holders or foreign passport holders, including second, third and fourth generation NRIs have made the country proud by their hard work and achievements in their adopted countries. Many of the NRIs who had left the shores of India with only education provided by the country and inherent entrepreneurial capabilities, have established themselves as prominent citizens in their adopted countries as entrepreneurs, businessmen, professionals and skilled workmen. However, their ties with their motherland are strong and they have the desire to contribute to the economic and social development of their motherland. NRIs have the potential for investment and providing entrepreneurial and professional skills for the economic development of India”. The status of NRI therefore stresses the acknowledgement from the Government of India of an emerging class of Indian citizens singling out from the traditional population of the diaspora.

�� exempt from the requirement of registration on any single visit to India that does not exceed 180 days.



In the meanwhile, the PIOs launched The Global Organization of People of Indian Origin (GOPIO) The Global Organization of People of Indian Origin (GOPIO) in New York in 1989, coinciding with the First Global Convention of People of Indian Origin. At the outset, the GOPIO was essentially fighting human rights violations against people of Indian origin, following political discrimination in Fiji, Trinidad and South Africa. A Human Rights Council was therefore created that has been actively engaged since that time in supervising the human rightshuman rights situation of PIOs and NRIs. In the following years, the GOPIO brought other priorities to the fore, targeting financial and professional resources of the India’s diaspora.

The Organisation culminated with the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (“Overseas Indian Meet”), held in Organisation culminated with the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (“Overseas Indian Meet”), held in culminated with the Pravasi Bharatiya Divas (“Overseas Indian Meet”), held in Delhi since 200�; the last meeting, in 2006, was hosted by the President of India as a recognition by the Indian Government of the important role played by the India’s diaspora at the international and the national levels and of its involvement with Indian economy.

The nationalist tendency of the GOPIO has been the object of a research in Social Sciences that does not fit into the scope of this paper. For the moment, let us note that although national affiliations may function as relevant tools to assert a group’s identity in the diaspora, a political nationalist agenda may disrupt the relationship between such a group and the country where it is settled.

3.3.India’sdiasporainEurope:economicandpoliticalrelations.

The more recent flow of Indians to Europe is made up of significant numbers of entrepreneurs and highly qualified professionals in different areas, who fulfill to a large extent European professional needs. Within the contemporary policy of strict immigration rules emanated by different European countries, these professionals and entrepreneurs (that frequently become successful businessmen), most of whom maintain Indian citizenship, integrate smoothly in the various societies and they constitute a plus both to the specific country where they reside and to Europe-India relationships. Moreover, they also raise the self-esteem of the India’s diaspora which is often threatened by isolation within the host country.

Similarly to the US, leading European universities are attracting Indian undergraduate and, above all, graduate students that may later be absorbed in local labour markets. This trend will be labour markets. This trend will be markets. This trend will be unquestionably enhanced by the reservation policy to be observed in the more prestigious Indian universities that will stimulate Indian students to come to Europe.

Along with this migration of Indian professionals that are gaining increasing prominence in different areas (from arts and academia to information technology), a wave of illegal migrants from India moves along the lines opened-up by the diaspora; the resulting severe restriction on new immigration introduced in European countries will affect the natural flow of the India diaspora as a whole, as this has been made up mainly of people seeking European destinies to make their living (as is the case of small businessmen and unskilled laborers).

ENCARI Briefing Paper No. 1 - Page �0


This is, of course, a much more complex picture than the one that Europe has experienced until recently; it requires a long-term European political agenda capable of dealing with problems of segregation, racism and xenophobia (calling for systematic attention by the European Centre for the Monitoring of Racism and Xenophobia), defining adequate policies of immigration and of citizenship on one hand, and on the other an economic agenda that will be able to stimulate the diasporas’ investment in European countries, and to articulate Europe-India’ s relations in different realms, and, in particular, to handle unemployment in the EU.

Therefore answering to New Delhi’s insistence that PIO’s should merge with the European societies that host them and that, these societies, in turn, should provide PIO’s with European citizenship.

4. Policy recommendations

Terminology

The terminology used to describe the migrant populations in Europe shows two main attitudes. Firstly, the ethnicisation of these populations is noticeable in the usage of such terms as:

• ethnic minority / minorities

• ethnic community / communities.

Secondly, the cultural and political hegemony of the European countries towards India’s diaspora through labels such as:

• the Indiansthe Indians

• the Hindusthe Hindus

• the Muslimsthe Muslims

• the Sikhsthe Sikhs

• the Gujaratisthe Gujaratis

• the Punjabisthe Punjabis

• the Tamilsthe Tamils

to refer to persons that have had European citizenship for more than one or two generations.

Since a certain terminology implies a certain system of social attitudes, both the European administration and the social sciences should give-up terms such as those mentioned above. A new

ENCARI Briefing Paper No. 1 - Page �1


terminology may work-out as a means of uprooting traditional common sense behaviour which leads to different levels of segregation.

Human rights

Regardless of the existing European policies to guarantee that human rights to European citizens and visitors are protected, these policies cannot eradicate attitudes of xenophobia and exclusion that persist among the population’s non informed and non cosmopolitan strata; these people tend to conceive of the diaspora as a threat in the job market and sometimes as an attack on their traditional world vision.

Therefore, European countries should use the various means available to develop comprehensive programmes on citizenship and human rights, targeting above all rural and suburban areas; as a result these populations will be informed on the human benefits of cosmopolitanism and cultural diversity.

Women’s rights

The above analysis allowed us to conclude that women in the diaspora are pressured by two different sets of cultural values and practices, namely the “home” and the “host “country. On the one hand, women from the young generations have to cope with a two-fold gender asymmetry:

dominant patriarchal systems at home

European markets competing on the basis of gender hierarchy

On the other hand, older women are segregated from the mainstream society and their rights as citizens of Europe are more vulnerable.

In order to resolve these problems, forums to debate the situation and struggles of women in the diaspora should be encouraged and institutionally supported in order to lessen social isolation and to make them feel members of a larger community pursuing common goals no matter their cultural and social backgrounds.

Languagepolicies

As language is an essential tool to convey and structure culture (in the broader sense of the term, administrative, political, economic and social) the incapacity to speak a country’s language implies the impossibility to participate in the society where a person lives.

For people divided between at least two different cultures, the lack of linguistic skills may push them back in time and space, further dividing them and preventing cultural affiliation to the “new” country. On the other hand, as suggested above, not being able to speak the European language

ENCARI Briefing Paper No. 1 - Page ��


often gives rise to a rift between the first and the second generations, as well as disrupting the negotiated balance between India’s diaspora and a given European country.

European countries should, therefore, create special language systems to teach people in the diaspora with different cultural and linguistic habits, different systems of writing (such as the devnagari for most Indian languages), different ages from the average student, and pressured family and working life.

Educationandcitizenship

The topics developed above suggest that regardless of the different national policies on immigration, European countries hosting India’s diasporas should engage in global strategies for bilateral education towards universal citizenship based on the acceptance of cultural difference and cosmopolitanism.

Although the internet and the media cast different aspects of Indian culture that one way or the other make India familiar to Europe, people tend to stick to cultural routines (a tendency that contemporary urban life risks to strengthen), and therefore to get less and less exposed to other forms of cultural and social experiences. The Indian diaspora, by bringing to Europe different cultural systems, contributes to enlarge its traditional horizons on one hand and, on the other, to redimension humanism in a global world.



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