INDO-US DEFENCE RELATIONS · MAY-JUNE 2016, VOL 8 ISSUE 9 I `100 INDO-US DEFENCE RELATIONS A New...

MAY-JUNE 2016, VOL 8 ISSUE 9 www.salute.co.in I www.saluteindia.org

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INDO-US DEFENCE RELATIONSA New Symphony in Play

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in this issue

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04A BRIDGE TOO FAR I Maj Gen Dhruv C Katoch

05WOMEN IN THE ARMED FORCES I Lt Gen Sudhir Sharma

06LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

07US-INDIA RELATIONS I Dr. Harinder Sekhon

11A FORCE FOR COOPERATIVE SECURITY IN THE INDO-PACIFIC I Brig Gurmeet Kanwal

14DEFENCE TRADE WITH THE US: INDIA’S QUEST FOR SELF-RELIANCE I Air Vice Marshal Arvind Verma

18CUTTING THE DEFENCE BUDGET: REDUCE THE INVISIBLE TAIL I Brig V Mahalingam

21TIPS ON CYBER SECURITY I Rishabh Gupta

22POINT - COUNTERPOINT: THE SIACHEN DEBATE I SudhaRamachandran and Maj Gen Dhruv C Katoch

26BOAT RIDE ON THE PYKARA I Anil Gonsalves

29BORN TO LEAD I Maj Gen Dhruv C Katoch

31PROVIDING SECOND CALLINGS FOR EX-SERVICEMEN

33NEWS

37RAISINA HILL I Lt Col Anil Bhat

38VETERANS ALERT I Hony Capt Baldev Singh

39BOOK REVIEW I Aarti K. Pathak

[email protected] >> May-June 2016 >> SALUTE TO THE INDIAN SOLDIER 03

40BUCKWHEAT NOODLES A LIGHTWHOLESOME MEAL I Aditi Pathak

41TIBET TRAVELOGUE: NATHU LA KAILASHMANASAROVAR YATRA I Col RC Patial, SM

42THE BIG BUSINESS OF DEFENCE IMaroof Raza

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EDITOR’S NOTE

SALUTE TO THE INDIAN SOLDIER << May-June 2016 << [email protected]

The recent visit of Prime Minister NarendraModi to the United States, in which he had abilateral with President Obama and alsoaddressed both Houses of the United StatesCongress has received worldwide accolade. Theburgeoning defence relationship between thetwo countries reflects the new geopolitical reali-ty, wherein India is considered as a major playercontributing to global security. However, despitethe American support for India’s membership ofthe Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), and thewhirlwind diplomatic offensive undertaken bythe Prime Minister himself, there was no con-sensus at the meeting held in Seoul to acceptIndia’s candidacy. The NSG is a cartel of nuclearequipment and material suppliers that sets itsown rules and amends them through consensusamong its 48 members.

China remained a stumbling block, cleverlypushing for Pakistan’s inclusion in a bid to keepIndia out. Other than the Chinese and perhapsTurkey, there was a distinct lack of enthusiasmfor Pakistan’s cause, but by advocating for theinclusion of Pakistan, Beijing effectively scuttledIndia’s chances as the normative stakes forexpanding the NSG’s membership were magni-fied. Beijing’s contention that India is not eligibleto become a member of the NSG as it is not amember of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty(NPT), however lacks merit as adherence to thetreaty is merely a guiding principle for consider-ation and not a necessary prerequisite for mem-bership.

India advocated a merit based approach, toseek inclusion but this was countered by Chinawhich sought a criteria based approach ratherthan granting country specific waivers, primarilyto keep India out. China also stated that India'smembership will “jeopardise” China's nationalinterests and touch a ''raw nerve'' in Pakistan.This fits in well with the larger Chinese designs ofhyphenating India and Pakistan and using thelatter to keep India tied down to South Asia. This

policy has limited returns but suits Chinaadmirably. Unlike the CTBT and the NPT, theNSG is not a treaty and is hence more adaptable.However, it does require consensus of all itsmembers for inclusion of a new member intothis exclusive club.

For India, non-inclusion has no impact on itsnuclear programme as the 2008 Civil Nucleardeal between India and the US provides for aNSG waiver, enabling India to engage in civilnuclear trade with other countries. However,membership does provide greater certainty anda legal foundation for India's nuclear regime andthus greater confidence for those countriesinvesting billions of dollars to set up ambitiousnuclear power projects in India. Moreover, asIndia’s international political, economic, militaryand strategic profile and clout increases, Indiawould like to move into the category of interna-tional rule-creating rather than rule-adheringnations. For this, it is essential that India gets duerecognition and a place on the NSG high table.India has however become a member of anotherexclusive club, the Missile Technology ControlRegime (MTCR). The Indian Foreign SecretaryMr. S Jaishankar signed the instrument of acces-sion on 27 June 2016. India’s joining the exclusiveMTCR club is a very welcome development andwould be beneficial in furthering internationalnon-proliferation objectives. China as of now isnot a member of the MTCR, though it is seekingmembership of the same.

While India’s bid for NSG membershipremained a bridge too far, the prospects should bebetter next time around. International politicsremains a game where national interests trump allothers. To that extent, India must seek to neutralisethose players that are opposed to it. But it is a signof forward movement that India has apparentlyshed its hesitancies of the past and is prepared totake up its rightful place in the world. There will behiccups on the way, but next time round, thebridge would most certainly be crossed.

A BRIDGE TOO FAR

PublisherMaroof Raza

EditorMaj Gen Dhruv C Katoch

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Board of AdvisersLt Gen Sudhir Sharma

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MAJ GEN DHRUV C KATOCH

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GENERAL SPEAK

05

Recently we witnessed the very pleasingspectacle of three smart young women,become the first fighter pilots in theIndian Air Force. This, we hope, is aprecursor, to more women joining thefighting stream of the three services inthe coming years. This development is ahealthy trend and in sync with modernIndia and the important role womenwill play as we stride forward withconfidence. In the land of the legendaryRani of Jhansi who was the trailblazerand fought the British, it should havecome sooner than later. There havebeen many warrior queens and womenfighters the world over none morepopular than Ahilyabai Holkar, theHolkar Queen of the Maratha ruledMalwa kingdom and Razia Sultana ofthe slave dynasty. India thus has ahistory and acceptance of womendonning the uniform and taking toarms shoulder to shoulder with theirmale counterparts.

The earliest formal record of womensoldiers in combat role can beattributed to the Russian Army. Russianarmed forces recruited women soldiersduring the First World War in combatand near combat missions. Oftenwomen soldiers joined disguised asmale soldiers with the tacit knowledgeof the recruiting agencies. In World WarI, Madame Alexandra Kudashevaenlisted in her late husbands regiment,the 6th Ural Cossacks. For her braveryin Prussia she was awarded the Order ofSt George and a Lieutenant’scommission. By 1915, she had risen tocommand the regiment, a force of 600light cavalry, which had both male andfemale troopers and officers. By theSecond World War most nations wereusing uniformed women soldiers incombat support roles especially airdefence on home soil and similarduties. After the war, many Western

countries started regular recruitment ofwomen soldiers due shortages of theirmale counterparts.

Israel was the first country to adoptcompulsory military service forunmarried women in 1948. In the Navy,the induction was comparatively slowerespecially in the submarine arm. In1985 the Royal Norwegian Navy becamethe first navy in the world to permitfemale personnel to serve insubmarines, followed by theappointment of a female submarinecaptain in 1995. The Danish Navyallowed women on submarines in 1988,the Swedish Navy in 1989, followed bythe Royal Australian Navy in 1998 and

Canada in 2000.Indian Army opened its doors to

women officers in 1992. The delay canbe attributed to a large reservoir of malevolunteers and conservative socialpressures. The first advertisement forwomen officers was for 50 vacancies.Even at that stage, nearly 1800 womenaspirants applied for these 50vacancies. The number of applicantskept increasing every year and aseparate academy to train womenofficers came into being. The steadyincrease in the numbers andimportance of women officers in theIndian Army can be gauged by the factthat an all women officers contingenttook part in the Republic Day Paradewith Mr. Barrack Obama as the chiefguest. Recently the President of India inhis address to the Parliament said thatthe government would in future recruitwomen for wider roles across themilitary. He stated “My government hasapproved the induction of women asshort-service commissioned officersand as fighter pilots in the Indian AirForce. In the future, my government willinduct women in all the fighter streamsof our armed forces.” He further added“in our country ‘Shakti’, which meanspower, is the manifestation of femaleenergy. This Shakti defines ourstrength”.

These are welcome steps indeed butthe Army must gear up its entire ethosand structure to ensure that furtherintegration of women officers incombat streams is seamless and doneso with due finesse and competence.The era of debate and indecision on thissubject is over, and the time has nowcome to prepare and plan adroitly forthe enlarged role of women officers inour gallant forces. I am sanguine thatgiven a fair chance and level playingfield women of India will script a goldenchapter of valour and devotion to theforces and set an example for many toemulate.

WOMEN IN THE ARMED FORCESLt Gen Sudhir Sharma

[email protected] >> May-June 2016 >> SALUTE TO THE INDIAN SOLDIER

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YOUR VOICE


SCRAP THE DPP

Dear Sir,

The Jan-Feb 2016 Issue of SALUTE hascovered multiple facets of defenceindigenisation and the DPP. In my view,the DPP should be scrapped. The DPPseems like a book with rules andcounter rules. It is a book that can beused to ‘damn you if you do’ and ‘damnyou if you don’t’ depending on whichrule or counter rule suits. Some mayrefute this, but it would be hard torefute the failures at the micro andmacro levels. Micro Level failures arebroadly as under:

• The DPP was brought out to curbcorruption, but it has failed to do so.

• Procurements were to be carriedout in conformity with the procedureslaid out in the DPP. Yet the Augustadeals and perhaps others too, point outto a flagrant violation of suchprocedures.

• An analysis of procurements stalledmidway also leads to the DPP in theend.

That is why, following the Augustatrials in Italy, charges are flying thickand fast in India, with both parties, theone levelling the charges and thoserefuting them, quoting the DPP.

The raison d’être of the ArmedForces is defence preparedness againstvisualised threats. security has beencompromised due to excessive delays inprocurement which have been largelycaused by the DPP as it is not userdriven but procedure driven. Thus, theevaluation of procurements on basis ofproduct fitting the need for the defenceof the country is subverted to firstholographing multiple rules which givescant consideration to the importance

of the need and to timely execution ofprocurement, focusing more onperipheral bureaucratic paperwork andat times totally unrelated rules. That iswhy procurements are oft halted midway. Many deals have been halted bythe same agencies that inked it! For themost part, the reason for halting suchdeals is corruption, but no one in theMinistry of Defence has ever been takento task for the same. The DPP isstrangely silent on this aspect. We boasttoday of the Scorpène class submarine,yet we have not questioned why thedeal was halted over two decadesearlier. And why no one has been heldresponsible for the delay. The DPPcannot be silent on such issues.

Long delays also lead to gaps intechnology. By the time the product isprocured, it most likely is substituted orenhanced with an additional feature.More importantly however, the DPPdoes not permit incorporation of suchenhancement as then someone willprobably be guilty of infringing a rule!The DPP makes one run around incircles, catching ones own tail andachieving very little. When time delaysmultiply, and defence needs becomecritical, we lose our bargaining chips inthe procurement process. Add to thisthe arms lobby pushing chaos throughpropagating its own vested interestsand we find ourselves in a trickysituation. The seller then knows that hecan dictate terms. The state of the AirForce is a case in point. Its time to scrapthe DPP. There are simpler, lesscumbersome and more effective waysof procurements.

—Rustom JamasjiDadar, Mumbai

WE NEED ATTACKHELICOPTERS

Dear Sir,

This mail is in response to an article onAttack Helicopters by Gp Capt A.G.Bewoor in the Jan-Feb 2016 issue. In agist,any officer who claims that AttackHelicopters are not required or if at allthey should be centralised under the AirForce only is either patheticallyilliterate, uninformed or is simplyfighting his side of the turf war. No moreneed be said and absolutely nilweightage needs to be given tosuch"expert"opinion, which areprejudiced and myopic and do not havethe greater good of the armed forcesand the nation at heart.

—Aryan Aayan

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

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US-INDIA RELATIONS


US-INDIA RELATIONSDr. Harinder Sekhon

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’svisit to the US was to all extentsa stupendous success. He had abilateral meeting with President

Obama and addressed the Joint Sessionof the US Congress on 8 June, makinghim the fifth India premier to do so, thelast one being his predecessor, Dr.Manmohan Singh in 2005. This visit,Modi’s fourth to the United States in lessthan two years has signalled a furtherstrengthening of the bilateral partnershipbetween the two countries in manyspheres despite some differences.

The previous year too saw very

satisfactory outcomes in US-Indiarelations. Beginning with PresidentObama’s highly successful visit to NewDelhi as Chief Guest at India’s RepublicDay celebrations and continuing with aspate of activities during September 2015that saw PM Modi back in the US (NewYork) for the second time within a year,the first visit to the Silicon Valley by anIndian PM since Jawaharlal Nehru, thelaunch of the Strategic and CommercialDialogue between the two countries, thefirst US-India-Japan ministerial leveltrilateral dialogue and a meeting of theUS-India Business Forum. The year-end

saw India’s defence minister in the US tomeet with his counter-part, US DefenceSecretary, Ashton Carter, to discuss arange of “proposals for co-production oftop-notch military equipment as well asbolstering maritime security, counterterrorism and intelligence-sharingbetween the two countries.”

The importance of both countries toeach other, and more especially aspartners for peace and stability in Asiaand the Indo-Pacific, safeguarding globalcommons through deepeningcooperation on counter-terrorism,radicalism and cyber security is not lost

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on either India or the United States. Thisis amply reflected in the US-India JointStrategic Vision for Asia-Pacific and theIndian Ocean Regions. Besides this,bilateral issues like defence, trade andcommerce are important areas ofcooperation and have made remarkableprogress during the year.

Defence and DTTIDefence relations have made impressivegains with the US emerging as India’slargest weapons supplier, overtakingRussia, Israel and France. This has so farbeen mainly through the US ForeignMilitary Sales Route but both countriesare committed to move from a traditionalbuyer-seller relationship to "co-production, co-development and freerexchange of technology” through theDefence Trade and Technology Initiativefirst proposed in 2012 by Secretary ofDefence Leon Panetta, who at that timedirected his Deputy Secretary of Defence,the current Defence Secretary, Dr. AshtonCarter, to undertake an initiative toprovide increased U.S. senior leveloversight and engagement with India.The aim was clear. To look for ways thatwould eventually include collaborationin "defence technology transfer, trade,research, co-development and co-production for defence articles andservices, including the most advancedand sophisticated technology."

India’s huge demand for themodernisation of its defence sector alongwith relaxation of export controls ondefence technologies by the US andsignificant cuts in American defencespending, have led American defencecontractors to look for investmentopportunities in the Indian market. Thiscould be a win-win situation for both.Co- production and co-developmentwould also provide a large employmentbase and sustain several thousands ofjobs for American companies, whilemodernising Indian defence industry.Co-production has been the thrust ofdiscussion in all the dialogues betweenIndia and the US. The idea of co-production also resonates well with PMModi's 'Make in India' initiative to

strengthen India's defence industrialbase.

Four technology defence hardwarewere identified as 'pathfinder' defenceprojects: RQ-11B Raven UnmannedAerial System; Roll on/roll off kits for theC-130J aircraft; Mobile Electric HybridPower Sources; and Uniform IntegratedProtection Ensemble, along withcooperation on aircraft carriers and jetengine technology. All of these projectshave a stand-alone value andsimultaneously lay down the foundationfor future co-development and co-production initiatives. These initiativeswere cleared in record time and talks areat an advanced stage now to finally clinchall of these at the earliest. For its part, theIndian government has taken concretesteps to create a proper environment byenacting reforms in the defence sector.One of the first steps in this direction wasto increase the Foreign Direct Investment(FDI) in the defence from 26 percent to49 percent with an option to increase it to100 percent if the deal involves high-endtechnology transfer and is approved bythe MoD. The investment in the defencesector now has been increased to 100percent with the latest slew of reformsannounced on 20 June 2016.

The government of India has alsoasked the defence establishment torevisit the over a decade old proposalfrom the Pentagon that will enable Indiaand the US to grant mutual access toeach other's military bases, refuel andreplenish warships and fighter planesand, in a contingency, participate jointlyin multi-nation military operations.There is an expectation that this wouldbe achieved through their recentcommitment where India and the UnitedStates have agreed in principle to sign“within weeks” or “months” a LogisticsExchange Memorandum of Agreement(LEMA) to provide supplies and fuel toeach other’s armed forces from theirbases. While India is clear that it wouldnot allow the stationing of foreign troopson its soil, it would try to resolve thisgridlock by evaluating the importance ofsigning the foundational agreements inorder to further bolster defence

cooperation.Recently, the Indian army announced

its decision to buy 16 Sikorsky S-70Seahawk Helicopters for its multi-rolehelicopter requirement that is estimatedto be worth $1 billion. Defence MinisterManohar Parrikar-led DefenceAcquisition Council (DAC) has alsocleared the acquisition of four more P8-Ilong-range maritime patrol aircraft foralmost $1 billion that would be used formaritime patrols in the Indian Ocean inthe backdrop of growing Chinese navalpresence in the IOR. India and the US arealso negotiating an $885-million deal for145 M-777ultra-light howitzers, whichwill eventually be made in India. Indiahas various other projects in the pipelinewith the US.

The Pentagon has given licenseapproval for the co-production of twokey projects — one for the jointproduction of an aircraft carrier for Indiaand the other for the manufacture ofaircraft engines. The aircraft carriergroup has made very good progress andtalks are at an advanced stage regardingmodalities to be adopted for aircraftcarrier cooperation. This is a military tomilitary model of cooperation enjoyingpolitical support at the highest levels inboth countries and is likely to fructifysoon. The Jet engine group on the otherhand is about three to four monthsbehind schedule and there are somestructural challenges since the IPR forthis technology is held by the USCorporate sector and on the Indian sidethe interlocutor is the DRDO, consideredto be an impediment to defenceproduction and modernisation even inIndia!! The US Department of Defencehas only an advisory role and cannotforesee the possibility of an outrighttransfer of technology by privateAmerican companies as desired by theDRDO. This would mean an interventionfrom the highest quarters and a non-bureaucratic flexible approach by India,perhaps even starting the project fromscratch, giving the US manufacturers theoption to choose their own partner fromamong an Indian corporate house andopt for a joint manufacturing model that


US-INDIA RELATIONS


has advantages for both.These projects fit in with the Modi’s

vision of “Make in India.” Focusedworking groups to move these initiativesforward have been set up and suchsuccessful collaborations have thepotential to impart India greater strategicautonomy and prestige in a changingglobal scenario. But to implement theIndian PM’s positive vision for India, theIndian bureaucracy must shed its inertiaand overcome the lack of strategicknowledge and priorities amongst thecivilian staff in the DRDO and the MOD.India must not remain bound by historybut should recognise the challenges andmove forward. Time is an importantelement in the conclusion of importantdefence deals and the US too shouldadopt a ‘quick action’ top-downapproach – as was done during thenuclear deal - in clearing projects withIndia as the US too has a major stake indoing business with India and inensuring India’s rise.

Asia-PacificOn September 29, 2015 United StatesSecretary of State John Kerry hosted theinaugural U.S.-India-Japan TrilateralMinisterial dialogue with Indian ExternalAffairs Minister Sushma Swaraj andJapanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishidaon the sidelines of the 70th UnitedNations General Assembly in New York.Representing a quarter of the world’spopulation and economic productionpower, the three countries highlightedtheir shared support for peace,democracy, prosperity, and a rules-basedinternational order.

The U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacificunder the Obama administration, India’snew Act East Policy under Prime MinisterNarendra Modi, and Japan’sreinvigorated role as a ‘proactivecontributor to peace’ under its premierShinzo Abe, have all been powerfulindicators of the importance theseplayers attach to the region. All threeprops of the triangle have also beenstrengthened recently, with positivemomentum seen in U.S.-India, U.S.-Japan and India-Japan ties over the past

year.For India, the Look East policy has

been a cornerstone of its foreign policyinitiatives since the 1990’s when itembarked on its economictransformation. Since then India hasbeen stepping up its engagement withASEAN and is now recognised as animportant economic, political andsecurity player. India’s aspirations to be aglobal player in the international arenacombined with increasing Chineseassertiveness in the South China Seamake it necessary for India to play a moreinvolved role in East Asian geo-politics tosafeguard its economic and securityinterests.India’s Look East policy hastherefore become Act East. As Indiareadjusts and revitalises its Look EastPolicy, it, along with the other Indo-Pacific nations has begun to form thenucleus of middle power coalitionbuilding in a region where it has corestrategic and economic interests. Areas ofcooperation include security dialogues,intelligence exchanges, military capacitybuilding, technology sharing, maritimecooperation and joint naval exercises,agenda setting for regional forums andcoordinated diplomatic initiatives.

To bolster its Act East policy, India hasembarked upon an ambitious andpractical strategy of revamping its navalcapabilities and the Indian Navy today isamong the top-five navies in the world.India’s naval influence in the IndianOcean is already significant and hasincreased greatly in the Indo- Pacific aswell as a response to the US Pivot. Indiahas stepped up its joint maritimeexercises to include Japan and Australiarecently and today its maritimeengagement encompasses the majorpowers, regional actors and even thesmaller states of the Indian Ocean littoralbesides its engagements in the Indo-Pacific. Thus India’s role in East Asia iscomplementary to the US re-balance orpivot to Asia.

South Asia and US Pak PolicyWhile the US-India Joint Strategic Visionfor Asia-Pacific and the Indian OceanRegions showed unprecedented

convergence between the two countries,this common vision does notunfortunately extend to the west of Indiaand the true potential of this partnershiptherefore remains unfulfilled. There aregaps between expectations andachievement—some of them arehistorical, and some because of divergentperceptions.

India finds it difficult to reconcile toU.S. policy on terrorism and its attitudetoward Pakistan. Washington's over-eagerness to accommodate Pakistanidemands and perceptions accompaniedby an inability or unwillingness topenalise Pakistan, despite the harshreality of Pakistan's continued supportfor terrorism, remains inexplicable toIndia. While the US seems aware that thistacit support by it has emboldenedPakistan to resist demands to dismantleits terrorist infrastructure, it is reluctantto exert pressure on Pakistan to act firmlyagainst terror. This discrepancy in USpolicy despite a formal counter-terrorcooperation mechanism between Indiaand the United States is puzzling. India isbaffled about what precisely are USsecurity interests in Pakistan and whythey are so important that the US iswilling to disregard India’s sensitivitiesespecially at a time when the US andIndia are trying to forge convergences intheir foreign policy and security interests.

More recently, the US-Pakistan JointStatement at the end of Pakistan PMNawaz Sharif’s visit to Washington inOctober 2015 and the reference thereinabout India and Pakistan both having“mutual” concerns about terrorism isperplexing. Equally confounding is thelack of a suitable response from the U.S.when just a couple of days before NawazSharif’s visit to the U.S., its ForeignSecretary, Aizaz Chaudhary issued astatement that Pakistan would use low-yield tactical nuclear weapons to forestallany possible advance of Indian troopsunder New Delhi’s “Cold Start” doctrine.This insolence and Americanunwillingness to exert pressure onPakistan over its expanding nucleararsenal, the continuing Sino-Pakistannuclear nexus, and the recent


US-INDIA RELATIONS



US-INDIA RELATIONS

announcement of the construction of aChina-Pakistan Economic Corridor thatwill pass through Indian territory, POK,raise the question as to where Pakistangets this level of confidence from.

US actions demonstrate an element ofcontradiction in its policy in South Asia.On the one hand the US claims to view theUS-India relationship as an importantfactor in the region to stabiliseAfghanistan and sees a ‘commonality ofinterest” with India to ensure “peace andstability of a democratic Afghanistan,”while at the same time it is facilitating areconciliation process in Afghanistan withPakistan’s assistance that limits India’s roleand impinges on regional stability andIndia’s genuine security concerns.

EconomicWhile trade and investment are animportant aspect of the expanding India-US bilateral relations, this has become acontentious issue between the twonations. On the one hand, from a modestUSD 5.6 billion in 1990, bilateral tradetoday stands at $100 billion and effortsare on to increase this five-fold over thenext five years. This is an ambitious targetbut not impossible to achieve given thepositive trajectory of US-India relationstoday. It is in the mutual interest of bothto foster closer economic ties with eachother. The US is India’s second-largesttrading partner and the largest customer

base for the Indian software industry.Similarly, the Indian market offers vastscope for US business houses to dobusiness in India.

PM Modi is deeply interested ineconomic issues - and has a vision totransform India through innovation anddevelopment by implementing his ideasof Make in India, Smart Cities,Infrastructure Development, etc. TheIndian PM is committed to promotingease of doing business in India, and whilethis has so far not shown desired results,measures that have been initiated willsoon prove the Government’s sincerity inthis area. Areas of cooperation are likelyto include investment in infrastructuredevelopment, clean energy and R&D – allcritical to India’s developmental needs.

To the United States, India may seemto suffer from a restrictive regulatoryregime for investors, but the Indianmarket has significant potential.UNCTAD’s World Investment Reportlisted India third among the preferredhost economies for FDI and the ever-expanding Indian market offersattractive business and investmentopportunities.

In the aftermath of the globaleconomic meltdown of 2008, India hasmanaged to maintain a fairly robustgrowth rate at a time when most ofEurope is in recession and the US itself iswitnessing very shaky growth. The US

NIC Global Trends Report has predicted“that in 2030, India could be the risingeconomic powerhouse that China is seento be today.” This is important to note.Similarly, Indian business leaders wantIndia to try and negotiate its inclusioninto APEC, show its commitment to finda way out of the WTO impasse and lookfor ways to move forward on the BIT.These are all positive signs and India willcontinue to engage on these though afirm commitment on any of these issuescannot be expected soon. The US, as thelargest economy in the world, can showmagnanimity in finding a solution tosome of these matters.

Concluding RemarksDespite challenges, India and the UnitedStates are bound by common values,people to people interactions, soft powerlinkages and a basic understanding ofeach other that brings a specialdynamism into this partnership. It is inthe interest of both nations to create adurable strategic partnership, andtransform relations into a “definingpartnership of the twenty-first century.”While the US must show sagacity andtreat India as an equal partner, India tooneeds to realistically assess its corestrategic and developmental interestsand make itself sufficiently useful toWashington. The US and India can builda strong partnership whilesimultaneously advancing theirrespective strategic goals as there exists astrong underlying commonality ofinterests to improve bilateral relationsand collaborate increasingly inmultilateral fora. While there is a lot ofgoodwill and bonhomie between the twoleaders, a sustained effort by the seniorofficials in both countries is also neededto maintain a continuum as the USreadies itself for a new Administration inJanuary 2017.

Dr. Sekhon is a Senior Fellow at theVivekananda International Foundation,

a New Delhi based think tank. Shespecialises in Indo-US relations, US

policy and strategy in the Asia Pacificand regional security challenges.


US-INDIA RELATIONS


INDO-US STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP: A FORCE FOR COOPERATIVE

SECURITY IN THE INDO-PACIFICBrig Gurmeet Kanwal

The Indo-US strategic partnership must be taken to the next higher trajectory to enable joint threat assessment and contingency planning for joint operations.

Meeting the Chinese ChallengeSpeaking at the Raisina Dialoguesponsored by the Ministry of ExternalAffairs on March 2, 2016, Admiral HarryHarris, Commander-in-Chief, US PacificCommand, called for quadrilateralAustralia-India-Japan-US consultationsfor peace and stability in the Indo-Pacificregion. He said, “Together, we candevelop a roadmap that leverages ourrespective efforts to improve the security

architecture and strengthen regionaldialogues. Together, we can ensure freeand open sea lanes of communicationthat are critical for global trade andprosperity.”

Admiral Harris also announced thatthe next set of naval exercises in thetrilateral annual Malabar series,comprising India, Japan and the US, willbe held in the northern Philippine Sea,close to the South China Sea. The

Chinese perceive such efforts as attemptsto gang up on them and, therefore, theirreaction was fast and furious. Hong Lei,spokesperson of China’s ForeignMinistry, said, "We urge the USgovernment to put some restraint onthem (US commanders) and stop themfrom irresponsible sensationalisationand hyping up so as to avoidundermining regional peace andstability."

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In this era of strategic uncertainty, theonly certainty is that China’s rise isunlikely to be entirely peaceful. China’sbrazen violation of international normsin recent years, particularly itsconstruction of military facilities onreclaimed islands in the South China Sea,and its growing military and economicpower pose a strategic challenge to thecountries in the Indo-Pacific region,including India, the United States and itsallies and strategic partners.

China senses the emergence of asecurity vacuum in the Indo-pacific andis rushing to fill it. China has discardedDeng Xiaoping’s 24-character strategy to“hide our capacity and bide our time”. Ithas also dropped the phrase “peacefulrise” while referring to its military andeconomic growth.

China’s rapid economic growth hasbeen fairly uneven and non-inclusive.There is a deep sense of resentmentagainst the leadership of the CommunistParty for the denial of basic freedoms andrampant corruption. Thediscontentment simmering below thesurface could boil over and lead to anuncontrollable spontaneous implosion.David Shambaugh, a well-known Chinascholar is the latest to have jumped on tothe China-may-implode bandwagon.The recent crash of Chinese stockmarkets may have provided the firstglimpse of impending implosion.

Also, given its recent belligerence,China could behave irresponsiblysomewhere in the Indo-Pacific. It coulddecide to intervene militarily in theSouth China Sea, or to occupy theSenkaku/ Diaoyu islands or to resolveterritorial and boundary disputes.Though President Xi Jinping deniedplans to ‘militarise’ the South China Sea,surely China is not building air stripsthere to fly in Japanese tourists.

Both the contingencies have a lowprobability of occurrence, but will behigh impact events with widespreadramifications if either of them comes topass. The US, which is the leadingprovider of security in the Indo-Pacific,and India, will need strong partners todeal with the fallout and to manage the

consequences. The US-India strategicpartnership makes eminent sense as ahedging strategy for both countries.

US Support for India as a ‘NetProvider of Security’Though it will be a gradual and long-drawn process, a cooperative securityframework may eventually emerge fromthe ashes of the ongoing conflicts.Together with the US and its otherstrategic partners, India must take thelead in establishing a cooperativesecurity framework for peace andstability in the Indo-Pacific and for thesecurity of the global commons – airspace, space, cyber space and the sea-lanes of communication to enable thefreedom of navigation and the free flowof trade. If China is willing to join thissecurity architecture, it should bewelcomed.

US leaders have expressed theirsupport for India’s emergence as a majorpower several times in the last ten years.They have used phrases like the US iscommitted “to help India become amajor world power in the 21st century”(briefing by US official after the visit ofSecretary of State Condoleezza Rice,2005); “India is not just a rising power, ithas already risen” (President Obama,2010).

Now the US expects “India to becomea net provider of security” in the region,but the expectations have not beenstated in specific terms. When asked, USofficials normally point to India joininginternational counter-terrorism andcounter-proliferation efforts; sharingintelligence; upholding the rules andnorms governing maritime trade;providing help to the littoral states tomeet their security needs; helping tocounter piracy and narcotics trafficking;and, continuing to taking the lead inhumanitarian and disaster relief (HADR)operations in the region. All of theseexpectations are unexceptionable andIndia has been contributing extensivelyto achieving these common goals.

Force Structure for MilitaryIntervention

India is gradually emerging as adominant power in the Indo-Pacific andis preparing to discharge its regionalresponsibilities. In keeping with itsrapidly growing strategic interests andregional responsibilities, India is likely tobe increasingly willing to join its strategicpartners to intervene militarily in itsregional neighbourhood when thesituation so demands. While India wouldprefer to do so with a clear mandate fromthe United Nations Security Council andunder the UN flag, it may not be averse tojoining ‘coalitions of the willing’ when itsvital national interests are threatenedand consensus in the Security Councilproves hard to achieve.

Stemming from the need forcontingency planning, particularly insupport of its forces deployed for UnitedNations (UN) peace-keeping and peace-support duties and for limited powerprojection, India will need to raise andmaintain in a permanent state of quick-reaction readiness adequate forces toparticipate in international coalitions inIndia’s area of strategic interest.

The late General K. Sundarji, formerCOAS, had often spoken of converting anexisting infantry division to an air assaultdivision by about the year 2000. Thoughthe idea was certainly not ahead of itstime, the shoestring budgets of the 1990sdid not allow the army to proceed topractically implement the concept. Nowthe time has come to translate his visioninto reality. Lt Gen Vinay Shankar (Retd.)has written, “Some years ago the armyhad drawn up an approach paperprojecting the requirement of two air-mobile divisions… This is now a definiterequirement and the proposal ought tobe followed up.” Other analysts are alsoof the view that India needs to put inplace a fairly expansive expeditionarycapability. Bharat Karnad is of the view:“At the very least, a genuineexpeditionary force would have tocomprise two division equivalent forces,increasing over time to 5-6 divisionequivalents for distant employment…”

A key combat requirement for out-of-area contingencies is ‘air assault’capability. It is also a significant force


US-INDIA RELATIONS


multiplier in conventional conflict. Thepresent Indian requirement is of at leastone air assault brigade group withintegral heli-lift capability for offensiveemployment on India’s periphery. Thiscapability must be in place by the end ofthe 12th Defence Plan period 2012-17.This brigade should be capable of short-notice deployment in India’s extendedneighbourhood by air and sea.Comprising three specially trained airassault battalions, integral firepowercomponent and combat service supportand logistics support units, the brigadegroup should be based on Chinook CH-47 and MI-17 transport helicopters. Itshould have the guaranteed firepowerand support of two to three flights ofattack and reconnaissance helicoptersand one flight of UCAVs.

The air assault brigade group shouldbe armed, equipped and trained tosecure threatened islands, seize an airhead and capture an important objectiveinside the adversary’s territory such as akey bridge that is critical to furtheringoperations in depth. It should also beequipped and trained to operate as partof international coalition forces forspeedy military interventions. To make iteffective, it will have to be provided airand sealift capability and a high volumeof battlefield air support by the IAF andthe navy till its deployment area comeswithin reach of the artillery componentof ground forces. Since the raising of sucha potent brigade group will be a highlyexpensive proposition, its componentswill need to be very carefully structuredto get value for money.

Simultaneously, efforts shouldcommence to raise a division-size rapidreaction force, of which the first airassault brigade group mentioned aboveshould be a part, by the end of the 13thDefence Plan period 2017-22. Thesecond brigade group of the RapidReaction Division (RRD) should haveamphibious capability with thenecessary transportation assets beingacquired and held by the Indian Navy,including landing and logistics ships.One brigade group in SouthernCommand has been recently designated

as an amphibious brigade; this brigadegroup could be suitably upgraded. Theamphibious brigade should be self-contained for 15 days of sustainedintervention operations. The thirdbrigade of the RRD should be lightlyequipped for offensive and defensiveemployment in the plains and themountains as well as jungle and desertterrain. All the brigade groups and theirancillary support elements should becapable of transportation by land, seaand air. With the exception of theamphibious brigade, the division shouldbe logistically self-contained for an initialdeployment period of 15 to 20 days withlimited daily replenishment. Theinfrastructure for such a division,especially strategic air lift, attackhelicopters, heli-lift and landing shipcapability, will entail heavy capitalexpenditure to establish and fairly largerecurring costs to maintain. However, it isan inescapable requirement and fundswill need to be found for such a force byinnovative management of the defencebudget and additional budgetarysupport. The second RRD should beraised over the 14th and 15th DefencePlans by about 2032 when India’sregional responsibilities would havegrown considerably. Unless planning forthe creation of such capabilities beginsnow, the formations will not be availablewhen these are required to be employed.

Special Forces support should beavailable to the RRDs on as requiredbasis, for conventional conflict andintervention operations. The airborneforce projection capability that India hasat present is that of the independentParachute Brigade. Since theorganisational structure of this brigade ismore suitable for conventionaloperations, this brigade should beretained as an Army HQ reserve forstrategic employment behind enemylines to further the operations of groundforces that are expected to link up with itin an early time frame. However, whennecessary, the brigade could be allottedto the RRD for short durations to carryout specific tasks.

A permanent tri-Service headquarters

equivalent to a Corps HQ should also beraised under HQ Integrated Defence Stafffor continuous threat assessment andoperational planning and to provideC4I2SR support to the RRDs and theirfirepower, combat service and logisticssupport components. The HQ shouldalso be suitably staffed with a skeletoncivilian component comprisingdiplomats, civic affairs personnel anddisaster relief staff. This componentshould be beefed up when the task forceis ordered to be deployed. Unlessplanning for the creation of thecapabilities that are necessary beginsnow, these potent fighting echelons willnot be available when these are likely tobe required. With these capabilities inplace, it will be clear to potentialadversaries that India will not hesitate tointervene in conjunction with itsstrategic partners if its vital nationalinterests are threatened in its area ofstrategic interest, which extends from theSouth China Sea in the east to the Horn ofAfrica in the west. Effective deterrenceequals victory without a shot being fired.This would be true against state actors.Non-state actors have differentmotivations and are not easily deterred.

The defence cooperation element ofthe Indo-US strategic partnership mustbe taken to the next higher trajectory toenable joint threat assessment;contingency planning for jointoperations; sharing of intelligence;simulations and table-top exercises –besides training exercises with troops;coordination of command, control andcommunications; and, planning fordeployment and logistics support. All ofthese activities will need to beundertaken in concert with otherstrategic partners such as Australia,Japan, Singapore, South Korea andVietnam. Only then will the India-USstrategic partnership realise its truepotential as a force for peace and stabilityin the Indo-Pacific.

The writer is Distinguished Fellow,Institute for Defence Studies and

Analyses (IDSA), New Delhi, and formerDirector, Centre for Land Warfare

Studies (CLAWS), New Delhi


US-INDIA RELATIONS



Self-reliance in defence productionhas been the key focus of “Make inIndia” policy of the presentGovernment. The policies formulatedintend to provide a platform and alevel playing field for the Indianindustry to invest in defenceproduction to ensure that Indiabecomes a self-sustaining nation forits defence needs and from a netimporter gravitates towards being anet exporter of defence products. Thecurrent policies, including the DefenceProcurement Procedures (DPP) 2016,are aimed at achieving 70 percentindigenisation by 2020 and give aboost to private industriesparticipation in the defence sector incollaboration with foreign companies.In recent times, Indian foreign policyhas sought to leverage India's strategicautonomy in order to safeguardsovereign rights and promote nationalinterests within a multi-polar world.Increase in bilateral trade andinvestment, cooperation on globalsecurity matters, inclusion of India indecision-making on matters of globalgovernance (United Nations SecurityCouncil), upgraded representation in

trade & investment forums, admissioninto multilateral export controlregimes and joint-manufacturing,including Defence equipment,through technology sharingarrangements have become keymilestones and a measure of growth incloser US-India relations.

In January 2015, the “joint strategicvision” for Asia was signed betweenIndia and the United States. The USarmed forces now hold more jointexercises with India than with any othercountry and two years ago Indiaovertook Pakistan as a buyer of USweaponry. It helps that America has thekinds of goods that Indian armed forceswant as they seek to project power morewidely in the Indian Ocean, includinglong-range patrol aircraft and drones,maritime helicopters, aircraft-carriertechnology and anti-submarine gear.US has also moved nimbly toaccommodate India’s plans forstrengthening its own defence industry.Besides half-a-dozen existingpartnerships involving such things asjet-engine design and avionics, the twosides have suggested jointly producingfighter aircraft, probably an Indian

version of the F16/F-18.

Recent Acquisitions The US is fast consolidating its positionas India's largest arms supplier with aflurry of new defence deals and jointprojects, after having inked theexpansive new 10-year defenceframework in June 2015 and baggingcontracts worth $10 billion over the lasteight years. In March 2009, the ObamaAdministration had cleared the $2.1billion sale of eight P-8 Poseidons toIndia. This deal, and the $5billionagreement to provide Boeing C-17military transport aircraft and GeneralElectric F414 engines announcedduring President Obama's November2010 visit, propelled the US as one ofthe top three military suppliers to India(after Israel and Russia). Between 2011and 2014, almost 40 per cent (Rs 32,615crore) of Rs 83,458 crore spent ondefence imports had gone to UScompanies. India US collaboration inDefence items over the last eight yearsinclude INS Jalashwa, UH-3H Sea Kinghelicopters, C-130J Hercules militarytransport aircraft, Harpoon Block IInaval surface missiles, P-8I maritime

DEFENCE TRADE WITH THE US:

India’s Quest for Self-RelianceAir Vice Marshal Arvind Verma, VSM

INDO-US DEFENCE RELATIONS

Indo-US defence trade is on an upward trajectory and further growthon equitable and fair terms would ensure a win- win environmentwhich would lead to India achieving self reliance without the US

compromising its commercial and national interests.

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reconnaissance aircrafts, C-17Globemaster III aircraft. DefenceAcquisitions Council (DAC), has clearedacquisition of another four P-8I long-range maritime patrol aircraft foralmost $1 billion. This "follow-oncontract" comes even as the Navy hasinducted seven of the eight P-8Isordered from Boeing in the $2.1 billiondeal inked in January 2009. The packageof these radar-packed aircraft, whichserve as "intelligent hawk-eyes" overthe Indian Ocean, includes HarpoonBlock-II missiles, MK-54 lightweighttorpedoes, rockets and depth charges totake on enemy warships and

submarines.This propels US as the top arms

supplier to India ahead of Russia whichhad a share of 30 per cent, or Rs25,363.96 crore, followed by France atRs 12,046 crore or 14 per cent. Israel,which once held second place after theRussians in terms of military sales toIndia, had a meagre 4 per cent share atRs 3,389 crore.

Defence Trade and TechnologyInitiative (DTTI) and the'pathfinder' Offers India-US Defence Framework Pact andDTTI India’s formal cooperation with

US in the area of defence started inJanuary 1995, when the Agreed Minuteon Defence Relations between the twonations was signed. This led to theestablishment of a Defence PolicyGroup (DPG). Defence Policy Groupworked as apex institutional dialoguemechanism for Defence Cooperationbetween India and United States. InJune 2005, a New Defence FrameworkAgreement for the U.S.-India DefenceRelationship was signed. Thisdocument focused on defence trade,joint exercises, personnel exchanges,collaboration and cooperation inmaritime security and counter piracy





operations, exchanges between each ofthe Services, etc. DTTI, launched in2012, was an unprecedented jointendeavour that brought sustainedleadership focus to the bilateral defencetrade relationship, createdopportunities for India-US co-production and co-development, andencompasses more sophisticatedscience and technology cooperation,while ensuring that bureaucraticprocesses and procedures do not standin the way of the progress. In 2015, Indiaand United States have renewed thisDefence Framework Agreement for thenext 10 years. The most importantelement within the Defence FrameworkAgreement is the Defence Technologyand Trade Initiative (DTTI). Its mainobjective is to strengthen defencecooperation by facilitating the Indiancompanies to collaborate with USpartners in defence co-production,where the US provides technology andguidance for building modern weaponsystems. It is important because co-development and co-production underDTTI may become the hallmark of theIndian government’s ‘Make-in-India’initiative. DTTI is not a treaty or law butaims to strengthen India UScooperative research, co-production,and co-development of capabilities thatare needed for the sustainment andmodernisation of our military forcesand the growth of our economies.

Under the renewed pact, four key“pathfinder projects” for jointdevelopment and production wereidentified in 2015 (during PresidentObama’s visit) under the DTTI. Thesewere production of next generationRaven Unmanned Ariel Vehicles,intelligence-gathering andreconnaissance modules for C-130JSuper Hercules aircraft, Mobile electrichybrid power sources and chemicalbiological warfare protection gear forsoldiers (technically called uniformintegrated protection ensembleincrement-2). In addition, workinggroups were announced to explorecooperation on jet engine technologyand aircraft carrier design and

construction technologies, whichincludes EMALS (electromagneticaircraft launch systems) developed byGeneral Atomics, under the DTTI.

There has been very little movementin the first two “pathfinder” proposalsbut India and US have committedto“identifying additional projects forpossible co-development and co-production of high technology itemsthat meet the transformational intent ofDTTI,” according to a defence ministrystatement. There have been positivediscussions at the Joint Working Groupon Aircraft Carrier TechnologyCooperation (JWGACTC), especially inthe area of Aircraft Launch andRecovery Equipment (ALRE), andprogress has been achieved at thesecond meeting of the JWGACTC inFebruary 2016 in India. The Jet EngineTechnology Joint Working Group(JETJWG) has reportedly concluded itsTerms of Reference and is moving in apositive direction. Meanwhile, Indiaand the US have identified two new"pathfinder" projects under the DTTIfor the joint production of a helmet-mounted digital display and abiological tactical detection system.

Future Acquisitions:Self-Reliancethrough Transfer of Technology,Joint Development, JointProductionLast year in September, days beforeIndian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’ssecond official visit to the US, New Delhiapproved plans to buy 37 militaryhelicopters from Boeing Co. Theseinclude 15 CH-47F Chinook heavy-lifthelicopters and 22 AH-64E Apachemulti-role combat helicopters, andoptions to buy an additional 7 Chinookand 11 Apache helicopters. An officialestimate of the deal is quoted to beworth $3 billion. Simultaneously,Pentagon and South Block haveconcluded $694 million contract for BAEM-777 ultra-light howitzers, underwhich the bulk of the 145 artillery gunsto be acquired in the government-to-government deal will be made in Indiawith Mahindra Defence & Aerospace,

Mahindra Group as the Indian businesspartners. In addition, it is reported thatIndia has offered to buy two intelligence,surveillance, target acquisition andreconnaissance (ISTAR) aircraft from theU.S. on a government-to-governmentbasis.

The US defence technology is themost advanced. Also, the purchase of USweapons comes with high restrictions.US is known to share the high-enddefence technology with very few alliednations such as UK. India is among eightcountries where US defence exports arenot restricted. This status has facilitatedthe defence technology transfer from USto India, which is generally under tightcontrol for other countries.

The innovative technologies resultingfrom increased U.S.-India collaborationcould be produced by India’s growingindustrial base, aligned with PrimeMinister Modi’s “Make in India” policy.Although the initial investment in thetwo DTTI projects viz, mobile electrichybrid power sources and Chemicalbiological warfare protection gear forsoldiers is modest—with the U.S. andIndia each committing a total of$500,000 over two years for eachproject—the value of the collaboration isfar greater when measured in terms ofthe strategic realignment thepartnership signals, especially vis-à-visconcerns over the balance of power inthe region.

India and US have discussed thefurther movement in Defence Trade andTechnology Initiative and the coretechnologies listed under the initiativeduring Defence Minister ManoharParrikar’s recent visit to the US. Hismeeting with Secretary Defence focusedon the India-US defence relationshipand broader India-US strategicpartnership and focused on ways tomaintain the strong momentum ofsecurity and defence engagement,including means to further move theDTTI forward. India’s Defence Researchand Development Organisation wants topartner with GE on the latest F-414engine for the future Tejas Light CombatAircraft. So far the U.S. side has been



reluctant despite the scope of futureengine deals which may lead to Indiagoing for a global tender. U.S. analystsagree that Washington is unlikely to partwith cutting-edge technology becausethat’s what gives its defence industry anedge. The DTTI initiative can start at thelower end to test how the twobureaucracies, private industry andother suppliers connect. “You can’tproduce a Lamborghini right away,” oneAmerican official is quoted to havecommented.

The Way ForwardIndia’s quest for self reliance in defencesector is predicated aroundindigenisation and use of organicindustrial and human resource base.India’s interests in USdefencetechnology are mainly ontechnology transfer. The reason is thatwhen we purchase the arms, we needsupport and denial of support cancripple critical equipment. Technologytransfer, besides providing the obvioussecurity against denial at critical timeswould create an environment for thegrowth of own industry and humanresource. India acknowledges thetechnological superiority of the USweapon systems but it seeks partnershipand not seller-buyer relationship. If wekeep defence relations in perspective,the strategic relationship between Indiaand the US are on a growth trajectory.There also seems to be greaterrecognition of India’s concerns ontransfer of technology. Hence, the talk isnot just about co-production but alsoco-development of next generationequipment and weapon systems. Thechanges in policy for FDI in defencesector have had a positive impact on theenvironment for greater foreignparticipation. The talk of increasing theFDI on case to case basis from thecurrent 49 percent to 74 percent andeven 100 percent would further makethe industry salivate on the prospects ofinvesting in this sector.

The US’ Defence Trade andTechnology Initiative (DTTI) and India’sMake in India programme have a lot in

common. In fact, they seem tocompliment each other’s objectives. TheUS has commercial interests, for it seeksto obtain a sizeable share of India’sprojected defence requirements worth$100 billion over the next 10 years.However, India is not interested in atypical buyer-seller relationship with theUS or, for that matter, with any othercountry. It wants to be a co-developerand co-producer of defence goods. Inaddition, the shift in policy to permit andpromote exports of Defence equipmentproduced in India gives a furtherimpetus and incentive to the industry inthis sector. This has been one of themain reasons for the US defenceindustry to formally pitch two proposalsfor the manufacture of fighter jets underthe 'Make in India' initiative.

The trust between India and the U.S.has grown over the years, as have sales ofweapons. The two sides have movedfrom deep suspicion to talking aboutcollaboration on developing India’s nextgeneration aircraft carrier. That’s a longdistance to cover in a short span of 10years. Cooperation between the twocountries is expected to increase underthe renewed framework and the recentdevelopments are a few examples of thetypes of cooperation and trade we willsee between the two countries.

Given the recent developments in theU.S.-India defence and securityrelationship, Covington and Tatva Legalhosted the Third Annual India-U.S.Defence and Security Forum in NewDelhi in May last year. The forumbrought together top executives of majorU.S. and Indian companies involved indefence and the defence-related sectors,along with senior officials from bothgovernments, thought leaders, and keyindustry participants, to engage in in-depth and action-oriented discussionson the impact of the policy changes, thenew opportunities, and the existingchallenges related to expanding the U.S.-India- defence sector relationship.“Defence trade between India and theU.S. creates a win-win opportunity forIndia and U.S. companies, and ourForum will help corporate leaders learn

more about the opportunities intechnology and trade that will come overthe next decade,” said Ralph Voltmer,chair of Covington’s India practice.

Cross-border trade and businessrelationships between U.S. and Indiancompanies are likely to grow in light ofthe renewed framework agreement andother policy changes and new prioritieson both sides. This is easier said thandone as private defence manufacturersin the US are not known to part withtechnology easily. Also, there arelegislative controls on sharing oftechnology. This hindrance can beovercome only if India is elevated to thestatus of US’ defence partners likeAustralia and Israel. While India neverwanted to be closely identified with anycountry in its pursuit of strategicinterests, it cannot also overlook thegrowing symmetry between its own “lookeast policy” and US interest in Asia.

The India-US Logistics ExchangeMemorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) isagreed to in principle. However, the bigbenefits, almost entirely in the form oftechnology, would come more easilyfrom the other ‘foundationalagreements’—Communications andInformation Security Memorandum ofAgreement (CISMOA) and BasicExchange and Cooperation Agreement(BECA) for Geospatial Intelligence—asand when (and if) they are signed.

Growing Indo-US defence trade isemerging as a path breaker for theGovernment’s ambition to make India aself-reliant nation for its defence needs.The quest for self-reliance is based onthe need to ensure national security,economic growth, development ofhuman resource, all in line with the“Make in India” policy. The challenge isto transform the intent to action.

Air Vice Marshal Arvind Verma, VSMis a retired Indian Air Force officer. He

has been Senior Directing Staff atNational Defence College, New Delhi

and is former Centre Director ofNational Technical Research

Organisation.





Is the ministry of defence (MOD)appropriately structured to providestrategic and operational directions tothe armed forces and handle situationsin our borders? If what happenedduring the Daulat Beg Oldie incident inApril 2013 is anything to go by whereinan ad-hoc body called the ‘China StudyGroup’ consisting of the NationalSecurity Advisor and bureaucrats fromother ministries including heads ofcentral security agencies sidelined theMOD and took control of the situation,the MOD had abdicated itsresponsibility by failing to prepare itselffor such contingencies by wargamingand working out contingency plans andby integrating professionals in itsorganisation. Instead the ministry hasaccumulated irrelevant non performingflab by trying to build an empire foritself which is beyond its ability tomanage efficiently. May be it is time thedefence minister to took a look at hisministry too for corpulence. Where liesthis flab and how big a drain it is to thecountry’s defence budget?

MODThe MOD has the Department ofDefence (DOD), Department of Ex-Servicemen Welfare (DESW), DefenceResearch and DevelopmentOrganisation (DRDO), Department ofDefence Production (DDP) and theHeadquarters Integrated Defence Staff(HQ IDS) under it. The MOD is staffedwith a plethora of bureaucrats and anunspecified number of clerical and

other support staff (The organisationalchart provided does not show thecomplete human resources employedby the MOD). Not a single professionalmilitary man has been allowed toparticipate in its working. Wasn’t thisestablishment meant to employ andsupport the defence forces whoseprimary job is to undertake militaryoperations? Walking through thecorridors of MOD, the sight of underemployed staff, piles of dusty files,boxes and cupboards lying in the officesare a depressing sight to say the least.The MOD runs 29 other organisations(excluding Army Purchase

Organisation, Directorate GeneralQuality Assurance, Office of the ChiefAdministrative Officer, Security Officeand the Vigilance Division). Couldsuperfluous manpower in some ofthese organisations be the drain on thedefence budget and the pension funds?

DESWDESW under the MOD has a PensionDivision and a Resettlement Divisionwith three attached offices. TheKendriya Sainik Board (KSB) has 32Rajya Sainik Boards (RSB) and 392 ZilaSainik Boards. The Government of Indiabears 75 percent of the expenditure of

CUTTING THE DEFENCE BUDGET:

Reduce the Invisible TailBrig V Mahalingam

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RSBs in the case of smaller states and 60percent in the case of the rest. From themilitary veterans point of view, theirutility, efficiency and cost effectivenessis questionable. In terms ofachievement in relation to the numberof military veterans, the story is notmuch different with the functioning ofDirectorate General Resettlement. Asfor the Ex–Servicemen ContributoryHealth Scheme (ECHS), it fails to maketimely payments to affiliatedhospitalsfor services rendered,resulting in some hospitals forwithdrawing from the scheme. There isa perpetual problem of medicines inthe ECHS polyclinics. The long pendingproposal for outsourcing issue ofmedicines has not seen the light of theday. When medicines are not available,what is the use of specialists examiningthe patients, carrying out costly testsand prescribing medicines?

DRDODRDO headquarters at Delhi houses itscorporate directorates viz. Budget,Finance and Accounts (BF&A),Extramural Research and IntellectualProperty Rights (ER&IPR), HumanResource Development (HRD),Parliamentary Affairs, Personnel,Planning and Coordination (P&C),Public Interface, Raj Bhasha etc. Apartfrom the Scientific Advisor to theRaksha Mantri and the Secretary,Department of Defence R & D, theDRDO has seven Director Generals andfive Chief Controllers and their offices.

DRDO has strength of 25,966employees, out of which 7,574 are inDefence Research and DevelopmentService (DRDS), 9,643 in DefenceResearch and Technical Cadre (DRTC)and 8,775 in Administration and AlliedCadre. It has 50 Laboratories under itemploying over 5000 scientists andabout 25,000 other scientific, technicaland supporting personnel.

The Department of DefenceResearch and Development (DDR&D) aseparate body formed in 1980 has oneautonomous body viz. AeronauticalDevelopment Agency, one joint venture

viz. BrahMos Aerospace, four humanresource institutions i.e. Centre forPersonnel Talent Management(CEPTAM), Institute of TechnologyManagement (ITM), Military Instituteof Training (MILIT) and Recruitmentand Assessment Centre (RAC), onedeemed university viz. DefenceInstitute of Advance Technology (DIAT)and three certification agencies i.e.Centre for Military Airworthiness andCertification for airworthiness ofproducts, Centre for Fire Explosive andEnvironment Safety for fire andexplosives and Scientific AnalysisGroup for grading of informationsecurity products under its fold. Fourresearch boards (Aeronautics, Naval,Armaments and Life Sciences) are alsofunctioning under DRDO funding. Cansome of these institutions be run byprivate sector educational institutions?

Most DRDO projects arecharacterised by time delays, costescalations and poor quality control.The 5.56 INSAS rifle developed byDRDO after 15 painfully long years isnowhere comparable to the modernassault rifles. The night vision devicesproduced by the DRDO, though with100 per cent imported Infra-Red (IR)tubes are far bulkier and heavier thanthe imported ones. Even in items likeclothing and bullet proof jackets, thequality of the products has not matchedup to the requirements.

Department of DefenceProduction (DDP)The Apex Board of the OrdnanceFactory Board (OFB) under the DDP isheaded by the Director GeneralOrdnance Factory Board (DGOF) andfour additional Members of the rank ofAdditional DGOF responsible for stafffunctions. The Ordnance Factories aredivided into 5 operating divisions eachheaded by an Additional DGOF.

The OFB under the DDP has 41existing ordnance factories. Two newordnance factories are coming up atNalanda in Bihar and Korwa in UP. OFBemploys about 93,519 personnel atpresent. Ordnance factories have been

continuously upgrading theirinfrastructure. Each ordnance factory isheaded by a General Manager of therank of an Additional Secretary. TheIndian Ordnance Factories Service(IOFS) is a civil service and the doctorsin OFB belong to a separate serviceknown as the Indian OrdnanceFactories Health Service (IOFHS). TheOFB also runs nine training institutes,three regional marketing centres andfour regional controllers of safety. Whatif any, are the sales targets achieved bythese factories outside its captivemarket, the defence services?

As per the report of the Comptrollerand Auditor General (CAG) of India forthe year ended March 2014, theproduction per employee in respect ofordnance factories for the year2013–2014 was Rs 16.8 lakhs. Incontrast, the production per employeein the case of private sector companiesis at least six times higher as has beenbrought out in the subsequentparagraph of the CAG report, whichstates “For the Ordnance Factories to becompetitive, they will have to exerciseeffective control over the cost ofproduction, which presently is veryhigh. The present structure andprocesses are not geared for suchcontrol….” This is indicative of poorstaffing, and production management.

Besides the ordnance factories, theDDP has 9 Defence Public SectorUndertakings (DPSU) under it, eachone, an empire by itself. A look at theperformance of the DPSU’s is revealing.The average annual output peremployee in respect of nine defencePSUs as revealed by the MOD inParliament on April, 29, 2013 is Rs 38lakh per employee. This comparespoorly with private sector companies.As an example, Bharat Forge’s Punefacility with 4,000 employees generatesa turnover of Rs 4,000 crore, givingemployee productivity of Rs 1 crore perannum. Tata Power generated revenueof Rs 9,500 crore in 2011, with 4,627employees, with each employeegenerating over Rs 2 crore. Despite thelow productivity, the DPSUs pay out a


OPINION



significant amount as overtime. HALhad the largest overtime payout, withRs 8,664 lakh paid to some 32,644employees. Goa Shipyard, with thelowest employee productivity, paid Rs1,167 lakh to 1,596 employees, addingup to over Rs 70,000 per employee peryear.

The attached offices under DDPinclude Directorate General of QualityAssurance (DGQA), Directorate Generalof Aeronautical Quality Assurance(DGAQA), Directorate ofStandardisation (DOS) and Directorateof Planning and Coordination (Dte of P& C). National Institute for Research &Development in Defence Shipbuilding(NIRDESH) is an autonomous societyworking under the aegis of MOD, DDP.Defence Exhibition Organisation (DEO)is a subordinate office under the DDP.

Do such huge establishmentscosting crores to the public exchequercontribute significantly towards thefighting efficiency of the defenceservices? Is there any justification fortheir existence in the present form? TheGovernment’s capacity to fund andefficiently manage long gestation R & Dprojects is very limited. Its ability totrain and create a pool of trainedmanpower to integrate specific systemstowards manufacture of hightechnology weapons and equipment isnegligible. Thus indigenousmanufacture of complex weaponsystems in the country is not theGovernment’s cup of tea. Outsourcingmanufacture of military hardware,equipment, high technology systemsand related R & D excepting in areaswith security implications is thereforelogical.

With necessary incentives, such apolicy provides the motivation to thePrivate Sector to invest in R&D.Outsourcing manufacture and R&Dexploits expertise besides providingbetter and closely monitored sleekindustries ensuring efficiency, qualityproducts and cost effectiveness. Itspares the Government the burden ofrunning and maintaining hugeorganisations besides acquiring the

liability of huge pension bills of itsemployees. Why have we failed to seethe practicality of the governmentrunning these establishments?

Cutting the flab?The author was posted to theDirectorate General Resettlement,MOD in 1973 and was in charge ofresettlement of Emergency and ShortService Commissioned officers. On aquery after taking charge, the fivemember office staff in the sectionconfirmed that over 12,000 officers wereyet to be resettled. During the course ofinitial settling down it was observedthat the office seldom replied to anyletter from an officer and when theydid, it took anything beyond 10 days forthe reply to be sent. Two months in theoffice suggested that the number ofofficers yet to be settled was probablyexaggerated. Accordingly registeredletters were sent to every single officerto ascertain if any resettlementassistance was required. The process ofsending letters to over 12,000 officerstook over a year plus for various reasonsand it emerged that just about 140 or soofficers really needed any resettlementassistance. A recommendation tomerge the section (Res 4) with thesection dealing with the resettlement ofretiring regular officers (Res 3) wasmade. The recommendations were alsomade to the Staff Inspection Unit (SIU)which visited the organisationsubsequently. However no changeswere made at least till the author left theorganisation in mid-1976. Yet anothersection and an IAS officer on part timeduty to the section as Officer on SpecialDuty (OSD), for allotment of gasagencies and petrol pumps to thedisabled and war widows remainedintact despite no gas agencies or petrolpumps being made available forallotment by the ministry concernedthroughout my stay (three and a halfyears) in the organisation

ConclusionDespite the existence of a huge defenceindustrial base in the government

sector, India’s arms imports have beengrowing consistently over the years,giving the country the dubiousdistinction of being the largest armsimporter in the world. As forequipment like the TATRA trucks, evenwhen the Indian private sector is quitecapable of manufacturing a similarvehicle we chose a DPSU forprocurement which acted as a meremiddleman in importing them at hugecosts to the exchequer. The question is,is it not time the MOD quitmanufacturing and R & D domain andallow private sector to develop?

The MOD which includes thealphabet soup of its offices andsubordinate organisations hasaccumulated excess weight over aperiod of time without any review. Thisflab is protected and is invisible. Hasanyone attempted to review their role,the need for their existence, themanpower, the cost of running theseestablishments, the pension bill andthe cost benefit ratio of theseorganisations? It is time these detailsare put out in public domain for theinformation of the tax payers. TheParliamentary Standing Committee forDefence will do a great service to thenation by reviewing theseorganisations if cutting the defencebudget and the huge pension bill is theaim. It is astonishing that according tothe 7th Central Pay CommissionReport, the authorised strength ofDefence (Civil) persons is 5.85 lakhs.The pension payout to the defencecivilians amounts over 45 percent ofthe total pension bill! “No wonder thetail is wagging the dog”

Brig V Mahalingam is a veteranInfantry officer, based in the NCR. He

is a defence analyst and frequentlyappears on TV shows on mattersdealing with national security. Aversion of this article was earlier

published in the Times of India blog of31 May 2016.

OPINION


SECURITY


TIPS ON CYBER SECURITYRishabh Gupta

Today, every organisation uses theinternet to save time and store theirconfidential data online. Cyber Security isimportant for protecting laptops,programmes, payment information,personal details, bank accounts, customerand client information and networks fromdamages, attacks or unauthorised access.It is a broad term that covers the differentmeasures that defend computers andnetworks from mischief and starts withthe individual’s security from the internet.The necessity for security stems from thekeystroke logging programmes, virusthreats and spyware that exist today. Someof the popular cyber-crimes are phishing,cyber stalking and espionage.

Phishing seeks to extract yourimportant information. Here, an attackermakes a user visit a website which in turnasks for a password, username, credit carddetails and so on. To secure yourself fromphishing attack, never enter the correctpassword in the first attempt. Alwayscheck the link of the site in the browser. Ifpossible, Google the website link. HTTPSlinks are secured so never input the creditcard details without checking the SSLcertificate in the browser.

In cyber stalking, the stalkeranonymously stalks and harasses aperson with the help of email, messagingor online discussion groups. It differs fromspamming because spammer targetsmany recipients at random but stalkertargets a specific victim. Stalkerencourages others to harass the victim,imposes false victimisation and postsdefamatory and derogatory statements.The best way to guard against cyberstalking is to stay anonymous. Useprimary email for trusted contacts onlyand for other communications use emailwith an anonymous name. Your onlinename must be gender neutral and make itdifferent from your original name.

Espionage refers to gathering ofinformation of any organisation or any

individual illegally.Smartphones and other mobile

devices can be at high risk to cyber-attacksand other bullying acts. Today’ssmartphones have the ability to do somuch more than what a normal mobilephone did a few years ago – but thisintensely extended range of potentialsalso exposes the user to increased securityrisk. Today, everyone is using their phonesfor a much wider range of activities – fromonline shopping to social networking,online banking, paying bills and surfingthe web. We need to take sensible safetymeasure to make sure our phones and oursensitive information is kept safe fromcyber criminals and malware attacks.

Eight Cyber Security Tips to Stay Safeand Secure Cyber-attacks are a big problem forcompanies large and small. Here are sometips to help you secure your sensitiveinformation from attackers.

Regularly evaluate responsibilities andaccess to sensitive data. Always verify 3rd-party access and security. Most frequentform of insider misuse is privilege abuse.,which accounts for over 80 percent of allincidents. So monitor and verifyprivileged use. Apply encryptions to PCsand USB drives and encourage theemployees to keep devices with them.Enable auto-update to the 3rd party add-ons such as Acrobat, Java, and Flash asthese are the common malware infectionvectors. Remember, data on a personalcomputer and removable storage is mostat risk (47%).

Enable email scanning by your anti-virus, disables automatic previewing.Never respond to the email requestswhich demands the personal andcompany account information. 91percent of the advanced cyber-attacksbegin with email.

Do not share your password withanyone! Try not using the same security

questions across multiple sites andchange your password on the regular 90-days basis at least. According to somereports, more than 1 billion passwords arestored in Russian databases already.

Your password must be 12 characterslong, include numbers, symbols anduppercase and lowercase letterscombination. Stop using passwords suchas mobile numbers, patterns as"password”, “QWERTY" or “123456”.

Malicious software or malware canmake its way from the downloads, email,social media onto machines. One suchmalware is the Key logger which tracks thekeystrokes of the user. Every input fromthe keyboard is stored and lately, it allowsthe attackers to see passwords and otherconfidential information. Frequentupdate of the software will help to avoidsuch malicious software activities.

Recognise the social engineering.Social engineering can be used bothoffline and online by the criminals. It isalso known as pre-texting. Many criminalswith the help of social engineering makethe users install malicious software suchas fake antiviruses.Secure the Wi-Fi: Encrypt the Wi-Fi forsecurity purpose. There were flaws in theolder wireless forms of encryption. Yourcompany should employ the WPA2encryption i.e. Wi-Fi-Protected-Access 2.

With the increasing number ofsuccessful cyber attacks against high-profile targets, it’s important to stay alertand responsible. Cybersecurity iseveryone’s responsibility. There’s no magicwand, obviously, but taking the aboveprecautions reduces your risk.

Rishabh Gupta is an Indianentrepreneur who is the Chairman and

founder of iNFOTYKE, a fast growingcompany (dealing with IT & social

media) in India & worldwide. He foundedThe iNFOTYKE in 2010 and today it has

customers from around the world.

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POINT - COUNTERPOINT


Sudha Ramachandran

The Siachen Glacier, the world’s highestbattlefield, is once again in the spotlight.On the morning of February 3, anavalanche hurtled down this icywasteland, swallowing an Indian militarypost and claiming the lives of ten soldiers.The tragedy has drawn public attention tothe extreme weather and hostile terrainthat soldiers contend with daily at theseicy heights. It has triggered discussion inIndia over the strategic value of theSiachen and whether India needs tocontinue its deployment of soldiers at itsicy heights.

The 75-km long Siachen Glacier islocated in the eastern Karakoram Rangeof the Himalayas. It lies to the north ofPoint NJ 9842, where the Line of Control(LoC) between India and Pakistan ends.

The Siachen has been an importantbone of contention between India andPakistan since 1984 when the IndianArmy took control of the glacier, beatingPakistan to it by a week.

The roots of the conflict over theSiachen lie in the ambiguous text of the1949 Karachi Agreement that ended the1947-48 India-Pakistan war over Kashmir.That agreement described the CeasefireLine in Kashmir as running up to mapcoordinate NJ 9842 and “… thence northto the glaciers.”Under the 1972 SimlaAgreement, the Ceasefire Line wasconverted into the LoC but the fuzzinessof the boundary beyond NJ 9842 was notaddressed.

“So inhospitable is the terrain of theSiachen Glacier that even as late as 1972neither India nor Pakistan thought itnecessary to clarify the boundary here,” amajor-general of the Indian Army toldThe Diplomat. Neither country thoughtthe other would be interested in an areathat was “neither resource-rich nor

habitable or seen to have great strategicvalue.”

That perception changed a few yearslater. In the late 1970s India woke up tothe fact that publications abroad,including U.S. government documents,were carrying maps that showed the LoCextending northeast from NJ 9842 to theKarakoram Pass. In other words, theSiachen Glacier was appearing in maps aspart of Pakistani territory. Besides, itlearned that Pakistan was permittingWestern mountaineers access to theSiachen and the ridges flanking it, quietlyestablishing its claim over the area.Indiaconcluded that Pakistan was resorting tocartographic invasion and oropolitics tobolster its claims over the Siachen.

Then, in the early 1980s India learnedof Pakistan’s purchase of high-altitudefighting gear. Anticipating a Pakistanioccupation of the Siachen, India soughtto preempt it and in April 1984 landed twoplatoons of soldiers on the Bilafond Laand Sia La, two key passes on the SaltoroRidge. With Pakistan’s access to theSaichen blocked, India establishedcontrol not only over the glacier but overall its tributary glaciers and key passes aswell as the Soltoro Ridge that lies to theglacier’s west. Since then, both countrieshave deployed soldiers in the area, India’son the Siachen and the Soltoro andPakistan’s at much lower altitudes andsome distance away from the glacier.

The two countries base their claimsover the glacier on differentinterpretation of the words “… thencenorth to the glaciers” in the 1949 and 1972Agreements. To Pakistan it means astraight line from NJ 9842 in anortheasterly direction to the KarakoramPass, giving it control over the SiachenGlacier. India argues that from NJ 9842,the boundary line should run through thenearest watershed, the Saltoro Ridge,

which means that the glacier is rightfullyIndia’s.

Echo of GunfireSince 1984, the Siachen has resounded tothe echo of India-Pakistan gunfire asPakistan sought to wrest the glacier fromIndia. It has not succeeded.

A ceasefire has been in place sinceNovember 2003 and while the ActualGround Position Line (AGPL) thatseparates the Indian and Pakistanipositions in the Siachen region has seenno violations or exchange of fire since,soldiers are dying.

The hostile terrain and weather in theSiachen are claiming many lives.Temperatures here plunge to minus 40degrees and blizzards whip up winds ofspeeds in excess of 300 km per hour.Oxygen is so rare at these heights that“every breath is a painful battle forsurvival,” the major-general said,recalling his stint on the glacier over 15years ago. The “combined impact of highaltitude and cripplingly cold weather”causes severe depression, hallucination,memory loss, blurred speech, frost bite,pulmonary and cerebral edema, and evendeath.

Around 2,000 Indian and Pakistanisoldiers are said to have lost their lives inthe Siachen region, the overwhelmingmajority of them to natural disasters,terrain and bad weather. The financialcosts of maintaining soldiers here arehuge as well.

The high human, financial andmaterial costs of maintaining soldiers inthe Siachen area have prompted calls fora demilitarisation of the glacier. Butsections of India’s strategic communityare opposed to India pulling out of theSiachen. They point to improved livingconditions for soldiers stationed thereand a drop in fatalities in recent years.

DOES INDIA REALLY NEED TODEFEND THE SIACHEN GLACIER?

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Even if deployment is costly,theyargue, no cost is too great if it is to defendthe country’s sovereignty, especially sincethe Siachen plays akey role in India’sforward defence. It “serves asa wedge”between Baltistan in Pakistan OccupiedKashmir and the Shaksgam Valley thatPakistan illegally ceded to China; India’scontrol of the glacier prevents China andPakistan from “militarily linkingup.”Besides, the Saltoro and Siachen giveIndia “the much needed depth toimportant mountain passes that are thegateways to Ladakh and Kashmir.”IfIndian troops pull out of the Siachen, themajor-general warns, “Ladakh would beexposed to a Sino-Pakistan pincer attack.”

Additionally, its control of Saltoro givesIndia the “tactical advantage ofdominating height.” Sitting at muchlower altitudes, Pakistani soldiers arecompletely “shut off from a view of theSiachen Glacier” and are thus at a “severetactical disadvantage” all along the AGPL.Demilitarizing the glacier would amountto India surrendering its advantage.

However, not everyone is convinced ofthe strategic and tactical value of theSiachen. Brigadier (retired) GurmeetKanwal has argued that in the event ofPakistan and China launching a jointoffensive to occupy the Ladakh region ofKashmir, they are unlikely to approach itvia Siachen’s “treacherous mountainterrain” as “better options are available”for them to access Ladakh. India’s controlof Siachen then does not deny Pakistanand China approaches to Ladakh.

Its control of the heights gives India“neither offensive nor defensiveadvantage,” Happymon Jacob, associateprofessor at the Jawaharlal NehruUniversity in New Delhi and author ofKashmir and Indo-Pak Relations: Politicsof Reconciliation, told The Diplomat. “Noamount of concentration of forces inthose areas can help India deter the so-called Chinese designs in the greaterKarakoram region,” he said. “Nor can it beused to stage any offensive militaryoperations against either Pakistan orChina.” Consequently, the advantage thataccrues to India from its control of theSiachen is “mostly symbolic and political,

not strategic or military.”

Demilitarising the SiachenIn the wake of the recent tragedy,calls todemilitarise the Siachen have grown inIndia,as they did in Pakistan in 2012 whenan avalanche engulfed its Gayari militarybase, killing 129 Pakistani soldiers and 11civilian contractors.

Such calls for demilitarisation evokealarm in India’s military and intelligenceestablishment. Will the politicians fritteraway the long term strategic advantage ofholding the Siachen for short termpolitical gains?

There is concern that after Indiawithdraws its troops from the Siachen,Pakistan would send its soldiers to occupyit. “Withdrawal from these strategicheights without any iron clad guaranteesthat do not extend beyond declarations ofintent would be the height of folly,” warnsVikram Sood, a former chief of theResearch and Analysis Wing (RAW).

The Indian military is cautious in itsapproach to the Siachen’sdemilitarisation. It wants its control of theSaltoro and Siachen to be recognised andrecorded first.

As the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Northern Command of theIndian Army, Lt General D S Hoodarecently said, the actual position on [the]ground… where [the] Indian Army ispositioned should be authenticated firstand that should be agreeable to bothsides” before talks on demilitarisation canbegin. Others have gone further. In 2011,India’s then Air Chief Marshall P V Naik,

for instance, said that the demarcatedAGPL should be “internationallyapproved.”

However, would Pakistan agree toauthenticate and demarcate existingground positions on maps? That seemsunlikely, as this would legitimise what itsees as India’s “occupation” of theSiachen.

Given their differences on thesequencing of steps in thedemilitarisation process and the deepmutual distrust, an agreement seems along way off.

Natural disasters are known to spurpeace processes. The 2004 Indian Oceantsunami, for instance, brought theIndonesian government and Acehneserebels to the negotiating table. Thisculminated in a peace agreement and anend to the armed conflict.

The same tsunami opened space forco-operation between the LiberationTigers of Tamil Eelam and the Sri Lankangovernment, an opportunity that bothsides rejected. That led to an escalation inthe fighting. Which example will inspireIndia and Pakistan?

Dr. Sudha Ramachandran is anindependent journalist/ researcher based

in Bangalore, India. She writes on SouthAsian political and security issues and

can be contacted [email protected] This articlefirst appeared in The Diplomat dated 23

February 2016 and is reproduced herewith the permission of the Publisher, The

Diplomat.





24 SALUTE TO THE INDIAN SOLDIER << May-June 2016 << [email protected]

Maj Gen Dhruv C KatochOn 3 February, 2016, an ice wall underwhich the Sonam post on the SaltoroRidge was located came crashing down,burying all ten occupants of the post.Nine soldiers perished before the rescueteams could get to them on the fifth day.But miraculously, there was a lonesurvivor, L/Nk Hanamanthappa Koppad,whose girt and determination to surviveat all costs galvanised the spirits of thecountry. A second miracle was requiredto save his life, but that was not to be.Even so, his will to survive against allodds exemplifies in large measure thespirit of the Indian Army. In his death,L/Nk Hanamanthappa paradoxicallyachieved immortality.

Curiously, voices are once again beenraised on the need to demilitarise theSiachen Glacier. The strategic value of theGlacier is being questioned and the highcost in terms of lives lost and the largefinancial resources required to maintaintroops in such inhospitable terrain isbeing cited as logic for withdrawingtroops from those icy heights. On the faceof it, these arguments sound logical,couched as they are in humanistic terms,citing the well being of soldiers. “There isneither honour nor glory in death due tocerebral oedema or hyperthermia’ is theargument oft trotted out. A deeperanalysis simply exposes the hypocrisy ofsuch claims. Another claim put out byIndian apologists states that there isambiguity about the cease fire line, aspost the 1949 Karachi CeasefireAgreement, the delineation stopped at amap grid reference, NJ9842, the wordingof the Agreement stating the CFL as“Chalunka (on the Shyok River), Khor,thence North to the glaciers”. There islittle of ambiguity in the Agreement. Theonly ridge running Northwards towardsthe Glaciers is the Saltoro Ridge and thatremains the logical position. That is howboundaries are traditionally defined. ThePakistani’s however chose to interpret itdifferently, stating that the line was

Northeast towards the Karakoram Pass.This is mind boggling. After the Saltoro,the next range of mountains is theKarakoram and the Siachen Glacier liesin between. It is far fetched to presumethat the line from NJ9842 could possiblyallude to it joining the Karakoram Pass,which is what cartographic aggression byPakistan attempted to do. That was amonstrous lie, but some in India, everready to affect peace at any costs, a laChamberlain in 1939, swallowed thePakistani position, hook line and sinkerand continue to do so till date.

A proposal mooted by Pakistan is thatboth India and Pakistan shouldsimultaneously withdraw from theSiachen Glacier and revert to thepositions held in 1984. This makes nosense at all as Pakistan is not inoccupation of any part of the Siachen. Awithdrawal simply means an Indianwithdrawal from the heights of theSaltoro Ridge. Pakistan has fed a lie to itsown public that its military is inoccupation of the Glacier. Why Indianacademics should fall for such deceit isbeyond comprehension.

More importantly, India claims thewhole of J&K as its territory. That is alsothe stated position in the IndianConstitution. What then is the logic ofwithdrawing from the Saltoro, a positionfirmly held in Indian hands. As per theConstitution of Pakistan, J&K is not a partof Pakistan. Yet that country rules overthe disputed portion and has over thedecades carried out ethnic cleansing ofthe area, changing the very demographyof the Gilgit-Baltistan region.Withdrawing from the Saltoro Ridge linewould be tantamount to acceptingPakistani duplicity over Kashmir. For toolong has the Indian administration beensoft on Pakistan with respect to Kashmir.We need to be firm in our resolve that theonly pending issue between the twocountries as far as J&K is concerned isthat Pakistan must hand over alloccupied territories to India.

Too many copious tears have beenshed over soldiers losing their life andlimb to weather conditions whiledefending the position. As of now, from1984 till date, about 900 soldiers have losttheir lives due to weather and terrain.Great improvement have however beenmade over the years in the logisticsupport to forces operating at thoseheights as a result of which weatherrelated casualties now stand greatlyreduced. There is a price to be paid fordefending the country and every selfrespecting country will use all the powerat its disposal to maintain its territorialintegrity. Throwing away a strategicadvantage in such a cavalier manner,citing deaths due to harsh weatherconditions is myopic at best and could

WHY SIACHEN MUST BE HELD



also be construed as being dishonest andmotivated. As an example, we do not seeany outcry over incidents of death thattake place on our roads every day. Over650 people die daily on Indian roads - yetthere is no outcry over such loss of life.Put in another way, every 48 hours welose more people on Indian roads, thanwhat has been lost on Siachen till date!While loss of life is painful, it hardlybehoves a nation of the size and statureof India - a nation which has Rani ofJhansi and Rana Pratap as its icons, tosacrifice its interests on the glacier,merely because the position is a hard oneto serve in. When such thinking isextended to other difficult snow boundareas across J&K and Arunachal Pradesh,we will be left holding precious little andwill be extending an open invitation tothe enemy to enter our homes andhearths. Yes, every endeavour must bemade to reduce casualties and that is an

ongoing task, but that must be donewithout sacrificing territorial integrity.

The strategic significance of theSaltoro Ridge is oft lost sight of, especiallyin relation to Gilgit-Baltistan, ShaksgamValley and the Wakhan Corridor. Controlover the Saltoro implies defacto controlover the Siachen. It implies use of the airspace above the region. If lost, it givesPakistan an opportunity to press furtherinto the Shyok Valley compoundingIndia’s security problems manifold.

It must be appreciated that awithdrawal from Siachen will dictate theneed for a larger force component toguard the new defence line. While it istrue that large scale operations cannottake place in this area, nothing preventsthe enemy from undertaking small scaleintrusions, undetected, in areas devoid ofsnow during summer months. They canthen be used as staging posts forinfiltration. Let us not forget the lessons

of Kargil. Now or ever. Finally, we come to the matter of cost.

Since when has cost been a factordetermining national security. TheIndian state can write off over one lakhcrore in bank defaults, but someacademics still quibble about a fewhundred crores which is the costincurred for maintaining troops in theGlacier. Should we then not extend theargument to all places which are difficultto hold and give the enemy free access topenetrate our borders? Such convolutedthinking must stop. Thankfully, India’sDefence Minister, Shri Manohar Parrikarhas nipped the problem in the bud byunequivocally stating that withdrawalfrom Siachen is not on the cards. As anation, we must defend what is ours, orsuch areas will no longer be ours todefend. Siachen is as much a symbol ofIndia as L/Nk Hanamanthappa Kopad. Itmust be defended at all costs.




In school I did reasonably well in bothacademics and sports. I passed out with78%, with the second highest marks inMaharashtra for Advanced German butalmost failed in Basic English! Whichmakes me wonder what the hell werethe Professors smoking in those earlyHippie culture days when BhagwanRajneesh invaded Pune. I didn’t do toobadly in sports either. I was part of theInter-school 4 x 100 meter relay squad,triple jump, and swimming, in the yearthat St Vincent’s won the overall sportschampionship trophy in Pune.

However, there were times in NDA Iwished I had opted to become amilkman because dispensingbonhomie to housewives in theirnegligees would certainly have beenbetter than dispensing bed-tea to sixthtermers. Also I put on 10 kgs of bodyweight in the first two years, because Iwas eating double the amount in halfthe time, sleeping during class hoursand keeping awake at night! My DivOonce woke me up from deep sleepduring the study period and remarked“Your desk is as uncluttered as aSanyasi’s address book!” Both of uslaughed merrily at his witty joke and westopped short of giving each other a‘high five’ and promising to meet up atthe bar. Then he told me to do a‘seventh-heaven’! It did not help myfore-arms! Because I was doing 50bend-stretches, rope climbing,seventh-heaven, and goodness knowswhat else on a daily basis and myforearms were growing like the hindlegs of a rhino, while my legs wereshrinking.

In the first term I finished in the 2nd

enclosure for cross country and by myfifth term I had dropped to sixthenclosure and nearly landed in theoxygen tent. Each time I reached Lone-Tree hill (the hill without the Lone-Tree)my legs would hurt like hell, my hipswould ask my head ‘what the hell isgoing on?’ and my lungs would becomeasthmatic, before they finally stoppedbreathing. Invariably, when I woke upfrom a ten minute coma I would findtwo guys sitting on my chestbludgeoning me with the palms of theirhands in an attempt to do Cardio-Pulmonary-Resuscitation and havingan absurd discussion on whethermouth-to-mouth resuscitation isadministered on the top end or thebottom end! In my sixth term I didn’twant to start a new enclosure called 7thenclosure, so I woke up early, drank mybedside tea, changed into games rig,walked across to the MH and reported

sick for stomach ache. Nobody missedme!

This is the trouble. Nobody speaksup in NDA. I had wanted to prepare aplacard and stage a silent protestoutside the Commandant’s office to cutdown the cross-country distance to saya mile or so, with the hope of eventuallyputting an end to the world’s seconddullest sport. But a sensible friend ofmine told me very firmly “There is anunspoken and unwritten rule here thatthe best way to protest about anythingis to do absolutely nothing about it!” Ilike unspoken and unwritten rules, so Itook his advice, for the next thirty years,very seriously.

So I turned my attention from crosscountry to sailing boats in my fifthterm. Every half day and holiday Iwould cycle to Peacock Bay and withanother enthusiast, select an Enterpriseboat and put her out into the lake. TheEnterprise is quite a clunky, stiff, heavy,sluggish, cramped, rickety, difficult-to-handle boat and can get you to yourdestination with the reliability of theIndian Railways. Other boats lookcheerful and bouncy. This one looks likesomeone has stuffed a banana up itsbackside.

Two questions might pop up in yourmind – What is it really like to sail in oneof them and how far will it go before youhave to call the Coast Guard? I shan’tbother you about the technical detailsof sailing, because I don’t reallyunderstand them either. But suffice it tosay that if your boat is pointing directlyinto the wind, then it’s called ‘In Irons’and you won’t move an inch. So youneed to keep the wind on the bow or on

BOAT RIDE ON THEPYKARA

Anil Gonsalves

IN LIGHTER VEIN

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the beam (at right angles) or fromastern. At some point you would have toturn to come back home. So you either‘tack’ by turning the boat’s bow throughthe wind or you ‘gybe’ by turning thestern through the wind.

When you gybe, the boat turns veryfast indeed, so fast that the boomsswings over to the other side and cantake your head off. Also, the shift inweight caused by the swinging boomcan capsize the boat. When you tackinto the wind, the boat sticks its noseinto the wind and stops dead in its trackand can hurl you fifteen feet in front ofit! Either way (not to put too fine a pointto it) you’re knackered! But best of all,on a straight line the boat can whistlealong at 10 knots, skimming all thewave tops, which we sailors call ‘seahorses’. If you get it right, the sensationof speed is awesome. Catch a little windin your sail and you’ll begin to believethat you can outrun INS Viraat. To put itin perspective, for a similar tripanywhere else, you’ll need to sell yourhouse and use all the money on LSD.

The first time was interesting. Werigged an Enterprise boat with the helpof the crew at the Boat Pen and I cast offfrom the wooden jetty with all themajesty of a Boeing 747 taking off andheaded for the first buoy in the circuit.On reaching there I decided to gybe.When I put the tiller over to the otherside, the boom swung and hit me on theback of my head. I took off from theboat and executed a double-front-flip-half-jack-knife manoeuvre in the airbefore disappearing into the water. Myhead hurt the same way it would hurthad a 3-Tonner rolled over it. But mycrew was clueless since he was busytending to the ‘jib’, or the front sail. Hismental meanderings were inevitablybrought to an abrupt halt when herealised five minutes later that thecoxswain of the boat was missing andhe was proceeding at Battle Speedtowards the equatorial forests andmangroves on the other side of the lake.And he didn’t know how to stop theboat. They retrieved him and the sailboat, which was stuck high up on a tree,

about an hour later by sending a motorboat.

The second time we commandeereda boat, my partner was ebullient on themethods of handling a sailboat andinsisted that he took hold of thesteering and teach me a few lessons. Onreaching the first buoy he tacked intothe wind. The nose of the boatburrowed into the water and the backend reared up in a prelude to whatbecame a gigantic summersault for thecoxswain. He landed 15 feet ahead ofthe boat on the flat of his back. From mypoint of view he went whizzing past at10 knots, when the world around us hadsuddenly stopped. When his headpopped out of the water, it looked likehe had been at the receiving end of aJaguar missile strike. It was my time topoint out to him that had he fallen onhis crotch, he would have been doomedto an unromantic marriage!

The third time I took the boat out, Iwas a trifle off the mark in timingbecause I was watching the boomclosely and was prepared for the boom-swing. But the swing came so rapidlyand unexpectedly that I left the tillerand grabbed the boom and for the nextten minutes was left swinging from oneside of the boat to the other. Believe me,it was a bowel-loosening experience I

wouldn’t like to relive. My crew, poorchap, spent the rest of the eveningmuttering to himself, something aboutme trying to remain in the boat and notout of it.

Towards the end of my fifth term, Igot the hang of staying in the boat, buthadn’t yet learnt how to move in thedirection I had to go. Soon I realisedwith practice that it was possible tobash into the buoy at exactly the correctspeed and angle so as to emerge fromthe confrontation pointing roughly inthe direction of my destination.Something like how snooker works!Sometimes I had to put my foot into thewater to act as a pivoting point or astabiliser.

On one beautiful Saturdayafternoon, there was a boat ahead of mewith some moron (A sixth termer, whoas a Sergeant in his fifth term, used totake post at Ashoka Pillar andconfiscate hankies from juniors) on therudder who was cruising at glacialspeed with all the alacrity and verve of agold fish on valium. I was coming upfrom behind him at combat speed. Hewas dawdling compared to my Sukhoi-30 on combat power. There wasn’tmuch option left for an unarmed juniorlike me but to bash into him. After wecollided, I ejected on the other side of


IN LIGHTER VEIN



the buoy, with his boat capsized andmine sailing merrily. He emerged fromthe water one hour later after they senthim a tow boat, by which time I hadcycled back to the squadron and wastreating myself to cold coffee andpastry. That gave me a nice warmfeeling in my underpants.

In my first outing as a sixth termer Imanaged to round the buoy withoutcolliding into another boat. It wasn’tbecause of my good looks or the dirtysmelly socks I was wearing. It wasbecause the guy in the other boat, achap who I immediately took after myown heart, quickly got out of the way.Soon thereafter, I found other boatsahead of me parting, like the Red sea toallow me to go through.

During my Subs-Courses I wasfortunate to share a cabin for a full yearwith Motivala (54/A) the famed sailor,who is also the most awarded, havingreceived the Arjuna, Dronacharya and

Rajiv Khel Ratna awards for sailing.When you’re surrounded with suchmagnificence, it’s bound to rub off. Ilearnt quite a few things on ourSaturday jaunts about sailing from him,in the Kochi sailing club. By the time Ibecame a Lieutenant in the Navy I gotthe hang of sailing and used to regularlymake my way around Vizag harbor onhalf days, as a bachelor, in a boatsufficiently filled with chilled beer cans.I also felt that if I half-closed my eyes, Icould imagine the bow of the boat to bethe prow of INS Rajput or the nose of aSea Harrier or the protruding gun of theT-72 Tank.

Now, who said sailing is timeconsuming and boring? Left up to me, Icould’ve sat in a boat and gone from ptA to B in NDA instead of running up anddown hills looking for ‘Lone Trees’ andanatomical body parts of a womancalled Babita, every time the squadrontook off towards the hills.

Everybody likes a winner! So my bestmoments in sailing came when KB Sahi(53-54/K) and I won the Eastern NavalCommand trophy for sailing in 1982and then again in 1993 when AR Karve(56/A) and I won the DSSC open sailingtrophy in Pykara lake, which was a silvermetal beer mug with a glass bottom.

Ah! I Iove to drink from that mug!Because showing off that mug is justanother way of saying in the mostostentatious way “Hey! I took a boatride on the Pykara!”

An alumnus of the NDA, CaptainAnil Gonsalves, IN, (Retd) commanded

Coast Guard ship Rajshree and INSMahish in the Navy among his varied

appointments. He took prematureretirement in 2005 and presently is

working in the Offshore Division of theShipping Corporation of India asMaster in their Platform Support

Vessels.

IN LIGHTER VEIN


On 27 May 2016, one of the heroes ofboth the 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pak Wars,Maj. Gen. Hardev Singh Kler, MVC,AVSM, passed away at his residence,21240 Sunwood Drive, Walnut,California. Born on 03 September 1924,General Kler was commissioned intothe Corps of Signals. A man born tolead, General Kler took part in theSecond World War aged 19 years wherehe served with distinction in the BurmaCampaign and was Mentioned-in-Despatches. After the War, he sawaction in the Jammu Division in 1948and two years later, in 1950, he wasposted to 50 Independent ParachuteBrigade. In 1954 after a stint as GSO2Northern Scouts, he was posted as BM82 Infantry Brigade. He did anotherstint as BM 104 Infantry Brigade atTangdhar and thereafter moved toTenga as Commander Signals, 5Infantry Division.

Posted as the GSO-1, 19 InfantryDivision in 1963, he played aninstrumental role in thwarting theinsidious Pakistani infiltration plan inAugust 1965. A set of fortuitouscircumstances led to his continuing tostay as the principal staff officer of thedivision, as he had been posted out tothe Staff College and had already beendined out. When the infiltration started,he chose to stay back and continuedwith the Division till the end of the war.For the sterling role played by him inthose tumultuous months, he wasawarded Vishisht Seva Medal II, whichwas later renamed Ati Vishisht SevaMedal. His account of ‘OperationGibraltar’, published in the book‘Honour Redeemed and other stories ofthe 1965 War’ makes for fascinatingreading, bringing out with greatcandour and honesty how theinfiltrating force was defeated, and how19 Infantry Division in the counter

offensive, captured the famous HajipirPass. The account is gripping andunputdownable - and is a must read forthose who want to know what reallyhappened in the month of August 1965.What is equally remarkable about thisstory is that Gen. Kler, on my request,wrote it just a couple of years before hedied, from the notes he had preservedfrom the war years. He was 90 years oldthen and was unwell, recovering froman amputation of his leg - yet he choseto capture that bit of history forposterity - a truly remarkableachievement.

Perhaps the crowning feature of Gen.Kler’s military career was the roleplayed by him as Commander 95Infantry Brigade in the 1971 BangladeshLiberation War. Much has been writtenabout this war, but credit has rarelybeen given to the two fieldcommanders, who played a leading role

in that victory. The first of these was LtGen. Sagat Singh, who was thencommanding IV Corps. It was Sagat’srelentless offensive spirit that pushedhis Corps to the limits of humanendurance. He sensed victory would behis if he could but get to the gateway ofDhaka in time. Though not part of hismandate, he conceptualised thepossibilities inherent in his task andprepared for them accordingly. He wasa maverick, a quality that his peers andseniors in equal measure resented, buta quality that made his officers and menachieve the impossible. At theoperational level, his grasp of theoverall situation was unsurpassable -and he stood alone, towering above allthe rest. He was in full measure, India’sGuderian in the Liberation War. Hiscrossing of the Meghna is legendary, afeat IV Corps accomplished under hisleadership, with the full unstintedsupport of another legend of theLiberation War, Air Commodore (LaterAir Vice Marshal) Chandan Singh andhis men.

At the tactical level, Hardev Kler wasa cut above the rest. His masterfulhandling of the battle of Jamalpur is thestuff that legends are made off. Acombination of the brilliance of Sagatand the tactical acumen of Hardev Kler,helped India snatch a victory in a timeframe that few would have thoughtpossible at the commencement of thewar. At that time, 95 Mountain Brigadewas under 101 Communication Zoneheadquartered at Shillong andcommanded by Maj. Gen. GurbaxSingh. It was the battle of Jamalpur thatopened up yet another avenue toDacca, at a time when the operations ofXXXIII Corps under Lt Gen Thapan andII Corps under Lt Gen. Raina werestalled. Jamalpur was a tough nut tocrack, being defended by 31 Baluch plus


BORN TO LEADMaj Gen Dhruv C Katoch, SM, VSM

OBITUARY

MAJ GEN HARDEV SINGH

KLER, MVC, AVSM

03 September 1924 - 27 May 2016

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some additional elements, under thecommand of Lt Col Sultan Ahmad. In ashow of gentlemanly spirit, Kler sentSultan a letter, offering him generousterms to surrender. This was spurned bySultan, who in an act of bravadoreturned the messenger with anothernote, enclosed in a bullet. ‘Hope to findyou with a sten gun in your hand nexttime instead of the pen, you seem tohave so much mastery over” was theterse reply. In the ensuing battle,Sultan’s battalion was decimated with234 dead and 380 taken prisoner. Sultanhowever escaped with about 200 menand was taken prisoner later in Dacca.Thereafter, it was 95 Brigade whichcarried out the link up with 2 Para,which had been airdropped overTangail on 11 December. The battaliondecimated a Pakistani brigade at thePoongli Bridge which it caught bysurprise. By the evening of 12December, 95 Brigade had completedthe link up with the paratroopers. Notsurprisingly, the first man to reach therewas Brig. Hardev Kler!

During the entire course of theoperations, Kler as the Commanderexercised front line leadership, beingalways in the midst of action. Heescaped death by a whisker on morethan a few occasions, but always passedoff such happenings in a jocularfashion. His jeep was blown but heremained unscathed. Bullets wentthrough his parka, but failed to find

their mark. Indeed, the man wasinvincible in battle. Maj. Gen. K.M.Bhimaya, an erudite scholar rated himas ‘arguably the best field commanderof the Indian Army’. After the war, inwhich he deservedly was awarded theMahavir Chakra, Gen Kler went onpromotion to command 10 InfantryDivision. On leaving the Army, hesettled down in Chandigarh and latermoved to California.

He is survived by his wife AvtarChakkal whom he married in 1947 and

their three children, Deejay (Wg Cdr DJKler, VM), Madhur (Dimple) and KiranSaluja. As a matter of interest to militaryhistorians, Wg Cdr DJ Kler also fought inthe Liberation War - a rare instancewhere both father and son foughtalongside in the same theatre.

Rest in Peace Sir. May the Angels lookafter you in your final resting place atValhalla. We consider you a soldierbeyond compare, a man who madehistory in 71. Your role will always beremembered.

OBITUARY

The Indian flag flutters proudly atop Hajipir Pass. Maj. Gen. (then Lt Col) H.S. Kler is standingsecond from right. In the centre is Brig. (later Lt Gen.) Z.C. Bakshi. Second from left is theCommander Engineer Regiment, Lt Col Tenny Berry. Photo taken in September 1965.

With Mr Zohal Haq Munshi, the courier whocarried Gen Kler’s Message to Lt Col SultanAhmad.

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Lt Gen Ata Hasnain Unveiling the Site

EMPOWERING VETERANS


PROVIDING SECOND CALLINGSFOR EX-SERVICEMEN

Soldier2ndlIfe, a website that harnessesthe power of the defence community intoa comprehensive portal offeringproducts and services was launched on03 June at New Delhi.

Lt Gen. Ata Hasnain, a renownedstrategist and military thinker and alsothe mentor of the site, unveiled the site ina ceremony attended by luminaries fromthe Army, Navy and Air Force, ex-servicemen and members of industryand commerce. He brought out theunique bonding that exists within thedefence community and howSoldier2ndlife could be the platform thathelps link them together.

The site has a unique proposition. Ituses the power of the internet to harnessthe over 5 million strong members of thedefence community (which includes ex-servicemen and their spouses) andprovides them with a portal on whichthey can look for jobs, offer services, sellproducts on-line and put up their homesfor a Bed-n-Breakfast. The products andservices are put up for sale on the site andcan be procured on-line by the entireinternet community. Some of theproducts were also on display during thelaunch and stood out by their range andoriginality.

Col Sunil Prem and Col Ajay Singh –

the two ex-army officers who foundedand established the site, amplified on itsconcept, “The defence forces form one ofthe largest affinity groups in the countryand have a pan-India reach. Most sitesoffer them jobs and placements but thereare many more avenues that can beexplored. We do provide jobs through ourtie–ups with industry and commerce, butthat is a minuscule part of the overallofferings. We offer varied options to ex-servicemen by which they can findproductive second callings. The servicessector is one in which their power has stillbeen untapped. Here, they can offerservices in the fields of training,

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EMPOWERING VETERANS


investigation, project management,surveys and even rudimentary ones suchas driving and other administrativeservices”

“They can also put up homes for a Bedn Breakfast. So many ex-servicemen havea spare room to offer and moreimportantly make excellent hosts. We usethat USP to get clientele for them fromIndia and abroad.”

The site also enables them to sellproducts – unusual products which insome way reflect the ‘soldier theme” andhas some unusual handicrafts, appareland outdoors items. One of its majorattractions is a home wine-making kit,perhaps the only one of its kind in India,which is available on the site.

The event also saw the presentation ofthe ‘Soldier for Life” Award – an awardpresented to persons who persons whohave attained notable success in boththeir military careers and subsequentlyin the civil world. The inaugural awardwas presented by Mrs Sabiha Hasnain toLt Gen. Sudhir Sharma, Commodore DrPrem Chand and Col S.M. Kumar, whofollowed their glittering military careersby establishing and operating MITKAT,one of the largest security advisorycompanies in the country. Gen. Sharmareaffirmed the credo of Soldier 2ndlifewhen he said, “Soldiers don’t retire; theymerely re-attire and change from militaryuniforms to civilian clothing”.

The launch culminated with therelease of the comic book ‘Chak De inAfrica’ – authored and conceptualised byCol Sunil Prem – a first of its kind in Indiawhich covers the exploits of a fictionalarmy unit in different situations.

Soldier2ndLife does have a uniqueconcept which has much to offer. Theplatform seems to be well-set. Now,operationalising it on a pan-India basiswould be the next big challenge for itsfounders.

Col Ajay Singh (top) and Col Sunil Prem addressing the audience

Presentation of the Inaugural

Soldier2ndlife Award

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NEWS


The China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC), one of thecountry’s two largest shipbuilding state-owned enterprises, hasproposed the construction of a network of ship and subsurfacesensors that could significantly erode the undersea warfareadvantage held by US and Russian submarines and contributegreatly to future Chinese ability to control the South China Sea(SCS).

As per the news website of IHS Jane’s Defence Weekly,details of the network of sensors, called the 'Underwater GreatWall Project', were revealed in a CSSC booth at a publicexhibition in China in late 2015. A translated copy of thedescriptions was obtained by IHS Jane’s from a governmentofficial. The text was confirmed by a second government sourceon condition of anonymity.

What CSSC is proposing is in effect an improved Chineseversion of the Sound Surveillance System (SOSUS) that for atime gave the US a significant advantage in countering Sovietsubmarines during the Cold War. It aims to provide its customerswith "a package solution in terms of underwater environmentmonitoring and collection, real-time location, tracing of surfaceand underwater targets, warning of seaquakes, tsunamis, andother disasters as well as marine scientific research”. It says ithas on offer, 10 series of products that include systems relatingto marine observation, oceanographic instrumentation,underwater robotics, and ship support and that its R&D andproduction bases in Beijing and Wuxi have the ability “to supportthe whole industry chain covering fundamental research, keytechnology development, solution design, overall systemintegration, core equipment development, production, andoperation service support”.

China’s Peoples Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is likely toacquire the system, which may also be offered for export.Specific components of CSSC's surveillance system includesurface ships, sonar systems, underwater security equipment,marine oil and gas exploration equipment, underwater unmannedequipment, and marine instrument electronic equipment.

India needs to keep a close watch on further developments inthis field. The Chinese navy controls the world’s second largestfleet with more than 80 submarines, 16 of which are nuclear-powered and another 15 are equipped with marine technologythat allows them to stay underwater longer and their engines tooperate more quietly, enhancing their stealth capability. Ofconcern to India is increasing Chinese submarine activity in theIndian Ocean. With India preparing to launch its first locally-builtsubmarine armed with nuclear tipped missiles and the U.S.seeking to track Chinese nuclear armed submarines in thePacific, the Chinese are expected to send their own attacksubmarines to the Indian Ocean in greater numbers to scrutinisethe Indian patrols.

As per Indian naval officials, sighting of Chinese submarinestakes place four times every three months. During the visit ofJapanese premier Shinzo Abe to Sri Lanka, a Chinese nuclear

powered submarine paid a port visit to the island nation,ostensibly to send a message to the Japanese!

Both the United States and India are growing concerned atthe reach and ambition of the Chinese navy, which is taking anincreasingly assertive stance in the South China Sea and ischallenging India's domination in the Indian Ocean. We are likelyto see enhanced cooperation between the two countries ontracking submarines in the Indian Ocean, further boostingdefence ties. This will perhaps encompass talks between the twonavies on anti submarine warfare (ASW), to include areas ofsensitive military technology and closely held tactics that onlyallies share. Presumably, such basic engagements will be thebuilding blocks for an enduring Navy-to-Navy relationship, whichcould fructify into a shared ASW capability. As of now, both Indiaand the United States conduct joint naval exercises and both flythe new version of the P-8 aircraft, Washington's most advancedsubmarine hunting weapon, equipped with sensors that can trackand identify submarines by sonar and other means, makinginformation sharing easier on highly sensitive submarine trackingactivities.

CHINA’S UNDERWATER GREAT WALL

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On 11 May 2016, after thirty years of flying from Indian Navyaircraft carriers, the iconic Sea Harrier jump jet made its lastflight with the Indian Navy. Built by BAE Systems, the SeaHarriers operated from India’s erstwhile air craft carriers, the INSVikrant and INS Viraat, both of which are now no longer inService.

On the occasion of their de-induction, Mr Alistair Castle, VPand GM-India, BAE Systems stated: “We are very proud of oursupport to the Indian Navy in keeping the iconic Sea Harriersairworthy over the last 33 years. Three decades ago, when theSea Harriers were inducted, these aircraft with modernweaponry, avionics and an engine which could land the aircraftvertically, defying all the laws of aerodynamics, introducedV/STOL for the Indian Navy. On this symbolic day, we re-dedicate

ourselves to our partnership withthe Indian Navy through ourcontinued support on the Hawkadvanced jet trainer.”

The Sea Harriers are beingreplaced by the indigenously builtTejas Light Combat Aircraft (LCA).The naval version of Tejas willoperate from the Vikrant’ssuccessor, an indigenous aircraftcarrier under development that isscheduled to be commissioned in2018. Commodore (Retd) CDBalaji, chief of the AeronauticalDevelopment Agency (ADA),which oversees the Tejasdevelopment programme, statedthat taking off and landing from a200-metre deck has been fullyestablished. So has “hot-refuelling” --- topping up the

aircraft after a sortie with the engine running and the pilot in thecockpit --- which allows a rapid turnaround between sorties.TheTejas will fill in the crucial light fighter slot for the INS Vikrantand, subsequently, INS Vishal. The MiG-29K will be the mediumfighter on INS Vikrant.

The Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Arup Raha flew atrainer version of the indigenous Tejas Light Combat Aircraft(LCA) on 17 May 2016. “It’s a good aircraft to fly and fit to beinducted into our fleet,” He said.

The current Tejas Mark 1 is fitted with the F-404 engine. TheTejas Mark 2 will have the more powerful General Electric F-414engine. Carrier based trials are likely to be completed in 2017and the system is likely to be operationalised thereafter.

NEWS

34

GOOD BYE SEA HARRIER, WELCOME TEJAS



NEWS


At dawn on 19 May 2016, Lt Col Ranveer Jamwal, the team leaderof the Indian Army’s Everest Massif Expedition 2016, along with sixteam members successfully scaled the world’s highest peak.Earlier, on 30 March, the 30 member expedition had been flaggedoff by Lt Gen. M.M.S. Rai, Vice Chief of the Army Staff. This is thethird time that Lt Col Jamwal has scaled Mt Everest, havingaccomplished this feat earlier on May 25, 2012 and on May 19,2013.

In 2015, Lt Col Jamwal, who is a reputed climber, was at theEverest base camp when a 7.9 magnitude earthquake stuck Nepal

on April 25. Twenty-two international climbers and local sherpas,lost their lives in an avalanche which struck the base camp, but theIndian Army Expedition, fortunately remained unharmed. It thereaftertook control of the situation organising rescue and relief measures.

Son of a Havaldar, Jamwal had joined the army as a jawan inthe Dogra Regiment. With sheer hard work and dedication, hemade it to the Army Cadet College (ACC) and then wascommissioned in the Jat regiment as an officer. He has therecord of having led 17 climbers to Everest, including the sixwhich scaled the peak on 19 May 2016.

ADMIRAL LANBA TAKESCHARGE AS NAVAL CHIEF

ARMY EXPEDITION SCALES MOUNT EVEREST

On 31 May 2016, Admiral Sunil Lanba, took charge as the Chiefof Naval Staff from his predecessor Admiral R.K.Dhowan, whoretired after four decades of service. Admiral Lanba, was earlierthe the Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western NavalCommand. His appointment as Naval Chief had been announcedby the Government on 6 May 2016.

In a service spanning nearly 38 years, Admiral Lanba hasserved in a variety of command, operational and staffappointments. He has commanded four frontline warships — INSKakinada (minesweeper), INS Himgiri (frigate) and destroyers INSRanvijay and INS Mumbai.

Admiral Lanba is a recipient of the Param Vishisht Seva Medaland the Ati Vishisht Seva Medal for distinguished service of anexceptionally high order. He will have a full three-year-term asNaval Chief till May 31, 2019.


295 recruits of 315 batch of the Assam Regimental Centreparticipated in a magnificent attestation parade on 14 May2016 in a scintillating ceremony conducted at Parson ParadeGround of Assam Regimental Centre. The Parade was reviewedby Lieutenant General Subrata Saha, Deputy Chief of ArmyStaff (P&S) and Colonel of the Assam Regiment & ArunachalScouts. The parade was graced by the proud parents andrelatives of the passing out trainees. A large number of militarydignitaries and civilian guests were also present.

Raised on 15 June 1941, this is the platinum Jubilee year ofthe regiment. In its glorious history, the regiment has earnedSeven Battle Honours, Three Theatre Honours, Nine Chief ofArmy Staff citations, 23 Army Commanders citations and TwoUnited Nations citations. 55 Individual Honours and Awards PreIndependence and 1548 Post-Independence. Complementingthe passing out batch for their immaculate standards, thegeneral encouraged the warriors from the North East topersevere in pursuit of excellence.

NEWS


ATTESTATION PARADE AT ASSAM REGIMENTAL CENTRE

India gets its own Submarine Assembly Workshop

In a major step towards self-sufficiency in the area of submarineconstruction for the Indian Navy, defence minister ManoharParrikar inaugurated a state-of-the-art submarine assemblyworkshop at the Mazgaon Dock Shipbuilders Limited on 28 May2016.

Built at a cost of Rs153 crore, the workshop is capable ofbuilding five submarines concurrently. This will ensure lesserdelays in building submarines in the long run, as well as for theenvisaged second line of Scorpene submarines under Project P75I. “The project might go through a strategic partner. Astrategic partnership route is being discussed. Once we finalisethe modalities, we may go for P75I selection where nearly 40 to

45 per cent of the submarine will have to be built indigenously, ”said Parrikar.

India had acquired the capacity to build submarines in theearly 80s and had built two submarines, INS Shalki and INSShankul under a technology transfer agreement with GermanHDW. But then, for nearly two decades, no other submarineswere built after India decided to buy Kilo class submarines fromRussia.

When questioned how India would keep up with its submarinebuilding skills, Parrikar said, “The skill which we acquired 24years ago had gone to waste because there was no work. Weare planning to sustain the skill we have acquired.”


RAISINA HILL


In February 2016, New York Times SouthAfrica correspondent Carlotta Gall statedthat experts have found a lot of evidenceof Pakistan facilitating the Talibanoffensive. “This behaviour is not just anissue for Afghanistan. Pakistan isintervening in a number of foreignconflicts. Its intelligence service has longacted as the manager of internationalmujahideen forces, many of them Sunniextremists, and there is even speculationthat it may have been involved in the riseof the Islamic State… Pakistan regardsAfghanistan as its backyard. Determinednot to let its arch rival, India, gaininfluence there, and to ensure thatAfghanistan remains in the SunniIslamist camp, Pakistan has used theTaliban selectively, promoting those whofurther its agenda and cracking down onthose who don’t. The same goes for AlQaeda and other foreign fighters... It saidthere are reports that Pakistan had a rolein the rise of ISIS... It might come as asurprise that the region’s triumvirate ofviolent jihad is living openly inPakistan… First, there’s Siraj-ud-dinHaqqani, the leader of the Haqqaninetwork. Then there is the new leader ofthe Taliban, Mullah Akhtar MuhammadMansour. Finally, Al Qaeda’s leader,Ayman al-Zawahri, enjoys sanctuary inPakistan.”

In October 2014, Lt Gen. Subrata Saha,then GOC of 15 Corps headquartered inSrinagar had cautioned: "The emergenceof ISIS flags (during protests) meritsconcern and deserves the highest

attention of the security agencies toprevent the youth of Kashmir fromgetting lured (into ISIS),"while formerCM, J&K, Omar Abdullah haddismissively stated “The flag was wavedby some idiots, which does not mean thatISIS has any presence in Kashmir.” InApril 2015 there were reports of not onlyprotesters raising anti-India slogans andwaving ISIS and Pakistan flags afterFriday prayers at the Jama Masjid, butalso of protesters setting ablaze flags ofPDP. Since then, waving of ISIS andPakistani flags outside the Jama Masjidon Fridays has become a routine affair.

2016’s tally of attacks by Pak army/ISIsupported terrorists in Kashmir valley tillJune 2016, is thirty, with over 30 terroristskilled and a large number of incidents ofincitement of local populace, particularlyyouth, to disturb peace.

Pakistan’s next absurdity is a sinister

mix of piling up a nuclear arsenal bydevious means, being a dangerous globalliability as a nuclear armed nation ruledby a rogue army connectedwith/supporting mad-dog-mindedterrorists, its irresponsibility/gung-hobravado of threatening to use its nukesagainst India and the lies and irony of itsother related statements.

A day after India’s March 2016 test-firing of an indigenously developedsupersonic interceptor missile capable ofdestroying any incoming ballistic missile,Pakistan claimed that this test will“disturb the balance of power in theregion.” Sartaj Aziz, adviser on foreignaffairs to Pakistan’s Prime Minister saidthat Pakistan will raise its voice at theinternational level against thesedevelopments and will upgrade itsdefensive capabilities by acquiringadvanced technology to improve itsdefence. This is but a classic example ofPakistan’s irresponsibility, as it involvesits declared use of “tactical nuclearweapons” against Indian Army if it entersPakistani soil. Pakistan’s nuclearmaterials procurer Dr. A.Q. Khanchipped in with his claim of nuking Indiain 5 minutes. Hafiz Saeed also rantedabout using nukes against India. Doesthat mean that apprehensions aboutterrorists already possessing nukes aretrue? Such kind of sabre-rattling must betaken serious note of by not only India,but other major powers, particularly theUS and China, especially the latter as alsothe Pakistani public.

It is reiterated that India needs tomake it unaffordable for Pakistan tocontinue its proxy war by terror bydeveloping the capacity to strikeeffectively against Pakistan’s terroristassets. Simultaneously, BJP’s ideologuesmust reign in its “fringe” liabilities. Thepeople of J&K must also assertthemselves to separate the separatists(read traitors) from amongst the masses.Other wise, the state will continue to behostage to terrorist groups at great cost tolife and liberty.

PAKISTAN’S ‘INDIAFLUENZA’ INFECTS ITS KASHMIRI MINIONS TOO

Lt Col Anil Bhat

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VETERANS ALERT


Websites that give useful information forall veterans are listed below:

http://indianarmyveterans.gov.in/This Indian Army Veteran Portal wasraised in April 2013 as a single window forthe redressal of veterans’ issues andaspirations at Army Headquarters level.Since then, its role and charter hasexpanded considerably, to includematters beyond the usual pension andwelfare related issues. http://www.desw.gov.in/ This is a Department of Ex-ServicemenWelfare (DESW) that was set up inSeptember 2004 within the Ministry ofDefence. This department formulatesvarious policies and programmes for thewelfare and resettlement of ESM in theCountry. Pagindia (www.pagindia.com) Details of old age home in differentplaces in different parts of India. Thereare two types of Old Age Homes in India,namely the free old age homes and thepaid old age homes with various facilitiesand services rendered by old age home ofIndia.www.armedforces.nic.in This site provides information regardingtri-services organisations. www.irfc-nausena.nic.in This website is maintained by theInformation Resource and FacilitiesCentre at IHQ, MoD (Navy). Informationregarding VSF is hosted in retired section. www.indianairforce.nic.in It is for welfare for Air Force Veterans.www.indianmilitary.info It is for Indian Military Service Benefitsand issues. iafpensioners.gov.in This website is for benefits to ESM. www.indiannavy.nic.in This is the official website of Indian Navy.It provides vision document of IndianNavy and links to home page of NavalDockyard, INBA, NGIS,DNA, Dte of FleetMaintenance, DME etc.

www.csdindia.gov.inAll important information in respect toCanteen Stores Department like revisedmonetary limits, authority letterregarding purchase of car by JCOs/OR ,CSD bulletin, AFD item list – depot wiseare available on this site. www.nausena-bharti.nic.in This site provides detailed informationabout various entries in Navy,recruitment criteria, eligibility andcontact information of DMPR forOfficers and Sailors entries. www.dgrindia.com This website is maintained by theDirector General Resettlement andcontains valuable information regardingresettlement opportunity, employmentassistance provided to ESM, variousForms and News updates from theKendriya Sainik Board (KSB). Veryimportant web site for Ex-sailors, widowsand their NoKs.https://navpay.gov.in This website is of Naval Pay Office. Afterlogging in you can communicate withNaval Pay Office and find all

forms/information related to pay, perksand other entitlement. www.pcdapension.nic.in Personnel can directly contact withPCDA Pension Allahabad regarding theirgrievances. www.npsnavy.com It is related to Naval Public School. Youcan visit this site for career option,counselling, admission, board ofgovernors etc. www.inpa.co.in This for Naval Placement Agency siteprovides job assistance to all ex-navalpersonnel including widows freemembership).www.pcdanavy.nic.in This provides information regardinglatest orders/circulars of pensioners.They can contact for pending claimsregarding revision of pension and TA/SAclaims etc. www.persmin.nic.in The website of Ministry of Personnel,Public Grievances and Pensions. www.mod.nic.in This is the official website of Ministry ofDefence. Provides all MoD/GOIorders/Circulars and publication, whichare useful to ESM e.g. “Sainik Samachar”. www.indianarmy.nic.in/echs This site provides information aboutECHS policy letter, list of polyclinics,FAQ, guide lines for ECHS members. www.ieslindia.org Indian ex-services league, Govt approvedlargest ex-servicemen body. www.awesindia.com To provide admission to children ofOfficers, JCOs and OR in the schools andcollegeshttp://awhosena.in/To provide quality housing at affordablecost to Serving/Retired Army personneland their widows http://www.joinindianarmy.nic.in/ Candidate selection to joint army as anofficer and rally scheduled for enrolmentof JCOs/OR in army.

IMPORTANT WEBSITES USEFUL TO EX-SERVICEMENHony Capt Baldev Singh

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BOOK REVIEW


What happened in the 1965 Indo-PakWar? Perhaps a good way to find outwould be to read the first hand accountsof the men who fought in that conflict.’Honour Redeemed’ is perhaps the firstbook in that genre, which has broughtout the subaltern history of that war. Thiswas also the time when the Cold War wasat its peak and rivalry between theUnited States and the Soviet Union wasat an all time high. India was goingthrough a bad phase, economically andmilitarily, being hampered by a slowgrowth rate, the result of Nehruviansocialism and still recovering from thehumiliating defeat at Chinese hands in1962. Pakistan, however had a strongeconomy and was flush with funds andmilitary hardware from the West and theUnited States. In Pakistani eyes, the timewas ripe to take on India and settle theKashmir issue on terms favourable to it.

The book starts with an account by LtCol Keshav S Puntambekar who sawoperations first hand as a young Captain.His account of the ‘Battle in Kutch’,captures in totality the operations whichtook place in this sector, to include theheroic defence of Sardar Post by acompany of the Central Reserve PoliceForce against the might of a regularbrigade of the Pakistan Army. From there,the book seamlessly delves intoPakistan’s nefarious plan to attack andseize Jammu and Kashmir in anoperation code named ‘OperationGibraltar’. The account of OperationGibraltar, by Maj Gen. H.S. Kler, inspiresawe, and is a testimony to the heroismand grit of the Indian soldier.

The book is a treasure trove ofinspiring and unforgettable accounts ofthe most important battles of the 1965war. The Battle of Chhamb comes alivewith its telling by Lt Col Anil Heble. Thefields of Khem Karan once againreverberate to the sounds of gun fire with

the poignant battle accounts of Col VNBhatia, Lt Col NK Rastogi and others. TheBattle of Barki by Colonel Duggal andBrig Kanwaljit Singh make forunforgettable reading and transport thereader to the battlefield, as if it wasyesterday. And then there are fascinatingaccounts of the 1 Corps Indian offensiveinto Pakistan by Lt Gen. N.S. Cheema, LtGen. Ajai Singh, Brig. M.M.S. Bakshi andBrig. O.S. Goraya. Another inspiringanecdote which is certain to grab thereader’s attention is the account of thebattle of Miajlar, by Lt Gen. Duggal,which “is a tribute to the spirit of youngofficers who have carried the burden, sovaliantly, of all wars that India has foughtagainst her adversaries.” The air warriorsare not far behind with fascinating talesof valour by Wg Cdr Vinod Nebb, AirMarshal Philip Rajkumar and Air MarshalV.K. Bhatia, each story a masterpiece,remaining etched in the mind for long.

It is indeed fortunate that many of thepeople who fought that war over fiftyyears ago had preserved their waraccounts. Despite their age, despitesome being seriously ill and undermedical care, they pulled out theiraccounts, so that their experiences couldbe shared with the youth of today. Theeditor has done a remarkable job inputting it all together in a manner that iseasy to read and comprehend. Sincepublication of this book in 2015, a few ofthese veterans have passed away to theirrightful place in Valhalla, but the bookremains a testimony to the spirit andvalour of India’s Armed Forces.

This is a book which must be read notjust by the officers and men of our armedforces but by the youth of India. Thestories are indeed awe inspiring and willmost certainly leave the reader with asense of pride. And, as the title of thebook so eloquently states, the Honour ofthe Nation stood Redeemed.

COURAGE BEYOND COMPAREAarti K. Pathak

HONOUR REDEEMEDAND OTHER STORIES

FROM THE 1965 INDO-PAK WAR

Editor: Maj Gen. Dhruv C. Katoch

Bloomsbury IndiaPages: 324

Price Rs 500/- Paperback

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LEISURE & LIFESTYLE


I have always enjoyed noodles as a lightmeal and am always on the lookout forhealthy noodle options. I recently cameacross a pack of buckwheat noodles andwas quite intrigued by it. Upon readingup on this a bit I found that buckwheat isactually the seeds of the buckwheat plant(and is not actually 'wheat'). Buckwheat isa rich source of protein, fibre andvitamins. The pack of noodles I had foundwas organic, which is always good newsas it means no pesticides in my food! So Ihappily got myself one to try it out.Wanting to make this as healthy aspossible, I added my favourite greens to itand it turned out just right! Do give this atry if you can get your hands onbuckwheat noodles (note that the pack Igot also contained organic unbleachedwholewheat flour).

Ingredients:● Organic Buckwheat Noodles● Broccoli Florets chopped - 1 cup● Green capsicum thinly sliced - 1 cup ● Basil leaves - a bunch● Onion sliced - 1 small● Garlic chopped - 2/3 pods ● Ginger sliced - an inch ● Red/ green chilli - sliced ● Olive oil - to sauté the vegetables● Extra virgin olive oil - to add when

serving● Crushed red chillies - 1 tea spoon● Pepper - to sprinkle as per taste● Salt - to taste

Recipe:Get water to boil in a deep heavybottomed pan. When the water startsboiling, add the noodles and cook as perinstructions on the pack. This usuallycooks in 3-5 minutes. When ready, drain

the noodles and rinse once with coldwater. Then set aside.

For the vegetables, start with heatingoil in a pan. Add the sliced ginger followedby garlic and sauté for a bit. Add theonions and sliced chilli. Sauté a fewminutes and then add the broccoli andcapsicum. Cook on high flame and leavethe pan open. Add salt to taste. When thevegetables start to get tender, add a few ofthe red chilli flakes and pepper.Remember, you can always add morevegetables of your choice. Just keep inmind the cooking time required for yourvegetables and add them accordingly.

When the vegetables are ready add the

basil and the noodles and combine well. Iadded basil in the end as I wanted it toremain firm. Remember, basil wiltscompletely in heat. Check for seasoningand add more salt if required. You couldalso spice this up by adding more pepperand crushed red chillies if you like! This iswhat I did as I like my noodles spicy! Toserve, add to the your serving plate andtop with a spoonful of extra virgin oliveoil. Enjoy.

Ms Aditi Pathak is based inSingapore. Widely travelled and from aServices background, cooking is one of

her many passions.

BUCKWHEAT NOODLES

A Light Wholesome MealAditi Pathak

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LEISURE & LIFESTYLE


I undertook the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra(KMY) in August 2015 which jelled in wellwith my love for mountaineering andtrekking. In my younger days, during mytenure in Ladakh, I had read of theexploits of General Zorawar Singh and Iwas also keen to visit his ‘samadhi’, whichwas near Mansarovar beyond Taklakot. Iwas amazed that my fellow yatris had noidea about the gallant hero who hadintegrated Ladakh with India through hismilitary campaign in 1841. WhenZorawar was killed in battle in December1841, the Tibetans cut small pieces offlesh from the General’s dead body tohang outside their houses so thatZorawar-like chivalry was passed onamong the Tibetan people fromgeneration to generation.

I had expected the plateau to betotally barren and dust laden but wassurprised with the extent ofinfrastructure development that hastaken place in Tibet, which starts fromNathu La itself. This includes state-of-the-art roads, rail network,telecommunications and overallinfrastructure development beyond theactual needs of Tibet. The road networkin Tibet is excellent, and luxury buses plyeasily up to Nathu La. From what Iobserved, it would be possible for fighteraircraft too to take off from some of theseroad stretches. This amply highlightsChinese policy of integrating Tibet withthe mainland, by laying special emphasison the economic development of theregion and showcasing its developmentto the world.

Customs/Immigration posts have anintegrated modern network ofcomputers. The railway line has reachedShigatse and is likely to be extended toYatung below Nathu La. Emphasis on

renewable energy could be gauged by thefact that solar panels and windmillsdotted the landscape. Also visible were alarge number of communication towers.

New townships are mushrooming(Latung- Kangma- Lazi-Darchen) allalong the highway with world classinfrastructure of multi-storey hotels andmalls. New Han settlements have comeup though not fully occupied with eachhouse hoisting the PRC flag. Excellentpost offices and extensive mobile usagealso gave an idea of the development ofthe region. In Latung, just an hour’s drivefrom Nathu La, the river passing throughhas been converted into a canal withcolourful multi-storey buildings on boththe banks.

How the Tibetans view thedevelopment is difficult to gauge due tolanguage barriers as no one understandsEnglish. 99 percent of the road signs,shop names etc. are in Chinese orTibetan. Majority of the hospitality sectorand the shops are managed bygirls/ladies. Toilets were the only eyesoreat places and along the highway. They arethe open deep trench stinking toilets like

in Ladakh villages and are called the ‘RestRooms’ in Tibet by the Chinese!

My mission of the Kailash MansarovarYatra remained partially unfulfilled as Icould not visit Gen. Zorawar’s Samadhi.As per our Ministry of External Affairs(MEA), Chinese authorities do not allowdiverting from the laid down itinerary.However, people who go on the yatra viaLipulekh do visit the Samadhi. Perhapsthe MEA could look into this aspect.

In the book, ‘Becoming a Mountain’by Stephen Alter, there is a passage wherea refugee from Tibet, Lhatoo remembershis village in Yatung as ‘a cold, dusty, darkplace’, where he would watchdisassembled motorcycles being carriedon the backs of porters all the way fromIndia to Lhasa, where they werereassembled. Clearly, that trade flow hasreversed. The pictures of Yatung then andnow tell their own tale.

Col RC Patial, SM, FRGS is an armyveteran who has served with NTRO as

Chief Editor OSINT & Dy Director NTROTraining Centre. He has also served with

the National Security Council Secretariat(NSCS) as a Senior Defence Specialist.

TIBET TRAVELOGUE

NATHU LA KAILASH MANASAROVAR YATRA

Col RC Patial, SM

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MAROOF’S MUSINGS

India is today amongst the largest weapon importers in the world and isexpected to import weapons worth USD 200 billion or more over the nextdecade. It is thus no surprise that the current NDA government is keen to

make India a ‘global manufacturing powerhouse’ on par with China, which hasover the last decade turned from being one of the largest importers of weaponsto one of the top five exporters. In contrast, the poor track record of India’sdefence PSUs – the chosen ‘sarkari’ favourites - in delivering defence items tothe security forces on time and within the budget, leaves little room foroptimism. But this could change if the Raksha Mantri and the top bureaucratic-military leadership are willing to re-invent the wheel and demand time bounddelivery on projects, once specifications are agreed and frozen. Andsimultaneously overhaul our defence PSUs which reek of nepotism.

Despite our long standing desire to develop India’s domestic defencemanufacturing base instead of resorting to short-term modernisation efforts,we have continued to depend heavily on imported systems, as the armed forcesreject many of the local products that were manufactured as ineffective oroutdated, since this process of creating a major weapons platform can take upto 15 years or more. And with successive governments insisting that our publicsector undertakings be allowed to develop almost everything that our forcesneed, the private sector has largely been denied the opportunities to enter thisdomain. Apparently, one reason why the Rafale fighter jet deal has beenendlessly delayed is because the French want to have the bulk of these jetsmanufactured in partnership with a private sector Indian company, but thegovernment insists this should be done with a PSU.

And even if some Indian companies can rise up to the challenge – and thatcould take several years – there is an urgent need to address the critical gaps inIndia’s military capabilities. For instance, the collective requirement ofhelicopters for the three services and the para-military forces itself is for 800helicopters of various types, requiring an immediate investment of USD 12billion. By 2027, India will need over 450 fighter aircraft and over 200 warshipsto acquire some serious blue water naval punch. Add to that the Army’simmediate need for tanks, missiles, artillery systems, and better assault rifles tomatch the global favourite of terrorist, the AK-47. The demand for rifles itself (toreplace the sub-standard INSAS) could be in the range of at least half a millionrifles. All this requires billions of dollars in capital investment.

But ironically, despite being a huge market for arms sellers, it isn't easy tocrack defence deals in India. With across the board black-listing of a largenumber of equipment manufacturers (OEMs) - in the wake of theAugustaWestland scandal- plus the reluctance now of politicians andbureaucrats to finalise deals for fear of scandals, along with dwindling capitalfunds outlay for purchases, would barely allow India to counter a two frontthreat from China and Pakistan, which are both increasing their offensivecapability by the day. And even though an Indian Parliamentary Committeereport had stated that 3 percent of GDP must be spent on defence, we currentlyspend about 1.8 percent of GDP on defence. In contrast, NATO countries, thatare safe under a US military umbrella spend 2 percent of GDP on defence. Awestern study suggests that India must spend from 4 to 6 percent of its GDP, tohave a world class military force. But that perhaps, will never happen.

For more details on Maroof Raza, visit: https:/ / www.maroofraza.com.

THE BIGBUSINESS OFDEFENCE

Maroof Raza


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“SALUTE” HAS PUBLISHED A NUMBER OFSPECIAL ISSUES, COMPLETELY FOCUSED ON A

THEME OR A REGIMENT

SALUTE welcomes queries for a Special Issue.For more details please email us at

[email protected] our website: https://www.salute.co.in and https://saluteindia.org

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