JOURNAL OF SOCIAL ISSUES VOLUME 29, NUMBER 1, 1973

Institutional Racism and the American Psychological Association’

Jack Sawyer

The Wright Institute

David J. Senn

Clemson University

Institutional racism-institutional practice that perpetuates racial ine- quality-does not require individual prejudice or institutional intent, but is a by-product of business as usual. Psychologists for Social Action showed how APA practices institutional racism by condoning employ- ment practices of Lancaster Press, APA’s major printer. In May 1969, the Press employed one black person (“wash-up man”) out of 300 employees, though Lancaster’s 63,000 population included over 15% blacks and Puerto Ricans. Both the Press and the APA Central Office attributed this to low educational level. The authors met with repre- sentatives of Lancaster minority communities and together with them influenced the Press to hire 9 black persons out of 18 new employees between October 1, 1969 and September 30, 1970. A May 1973 post- script documents APA’s continued hesitancy to influence its suppliers toward equal employment practices.

“Business as usual” by the American Psychological Association (APA)2 has necessarily, if unwittingly, involved it in institutional racism- in the perpetuation of racial inequality through its “nor- mal” institutional activity. Until pressured by a protest group of psychologists, the APA allowed its printers and other suppliers

’ This report was presented to the Conference on Institutional Racism at Easton, Maryland, May 24-26, 1970, sponsored by the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. The authors gratefully acknowledge Donald T. Campbell, Ken- neth B. Little, Wilbert J . McKeachie, and Helen Orr for their helpful com- ments on an earlier version of the paper.

‘APA when employed in this paper without specification of a particular body or official generally refers to the APA as an organization, which acts through its elected and appointed representatives.

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to engage in practices that perpetuated unequal employment for black persons. The protest group took direct action to influence APA’s major printer. It also worked within the association to create a general awareness of institutional racism and to develop procedures for its elimination in all the dealings of the APA.

The specific goal of these actions against the printer and within the APA was to remedy a particular malpractice. But, more generally and more importantly, these actions aimed to create a consciousness among association members and officers that racism in institutions is an almost inevitable consequence of racism in society. A generally heightened consciousness of the interdependence between psychology and society would promote an even broader goal: to change the orientation of psychology so that it would emphasize the promotion of human values, and to make the field responsible to society generally. The following account describes actions taken and results realized in pursuit of these goals.

INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN THE APA The American Psychological Association is a substantial orga-

nization with considerable inhence in society at large, although many of its members do not yet think of it in this way. It represents more than 35,000 psychologists, has a permanent staff in Wash- ington of over 100 employees, and occupies more than three floors of an eight-story building it built and owns. It is an impor- tant institution-particularly so because of the growing role of professions in our society. Like any other institution, APA has a life beyond that of its individual members.

Individual psychologists, like nearly everyone else, have always regarded themselves as fair-minded, unprejudiced, and about the last persons to be involved in racist practices. Occasional- ly over the years specific measures have been proposed to the APA Council, Board of Directors, or Central Office to assure that the APA was not involved in racial discrimination. Raising this issue has seemed to many an affront and a needless worry. The response has usually been an assurance that everyone is concerned and the reiteration of a general belief that the associa- tion is acting in a nondiscriminatory manner.

But nondiscrimination is not enough to eliminate racial in- equality. Let us grant that neither the APA nor its printer would choose a less “qualified” white person over a more “qualified” black person. Such nondiscrimination, however, simply perpetu-

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ates past inequalities. If black persons tend to be perceived as less qualified, then they will be under-represented in better jobs. They will be over-represented in jobs where the pay is lower and the work less desirable. Thus even if there is no overt discrimi- nation by color, racial inequality will continue. Moreover, econom- ic and educational deprivation is passed on to children and thus perpetuated in future generations.

In other words, institutional racism does not necessitate intent to discriminate. Institutional racism consists of institutional prac- tices that incidentally but inevitably perpetuate inequality. If insti- tutions simply pursue their central goals- profit-making, service to members, etc.- without regard to social consequences, they are almost certain to be practicing institutional racism.

The APA too has been involved in perpetuating racism. Most of the people in the APA have not been aware of this because they assumed that a professional association composed of unprej- udiced persons could do no wrong. Therefore it was necessary to demonstrate APA’s complicity with racism in a specific, clear case that showed how business as usual involves institutional rac- ism.

A particularly clear case was presented by the printing of APA journals. As with most professional associations, publication is a major purpose and a major expense. In 1969 APA’s estimated publication expense was about one-third of its total expenditures of approximately $4 million (McGehee, 1970). Of the publication expenditure, over $600,000, or almost half, went to a single printer, the Lancaster Press of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, which printed 9 of the 14 APA journals.

After a resolution on racial discrimination was summarily tabled at the October 1968 APA Council meeting, Psychologists for Social Action (PSA), a newly formed protest group, decided to raise this issue with regard to the Lancaster Press. A PSA coordinator contacted a psychologist in Lancaster early in 1969. The Lancaster psychologist in turn contacted the Lancaster City- County Human Relations Committee, and as a result the Commit- tee requested a report from the Press on its employment of minor- ity persons.

The Press reported in May of 1969 that it had one black person among approximately 300 employees-a “press room wash-up man.” In contrast, the 63,000 population (mid-1969 esti- mate) of Lancaster, according to the Human Relations Committee, included 4800 black persons and 5500 Puerto Ricans.

At the same time, PSA made the APA Central Office aware

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of its concerns about the Lancaster Press. The APA Managing Editor and the Executive Officer assured PSA that both they and the Press were greatly concerned about equal opportunity, but low educational level among black persons in Lancaster pre- vented their employment. The executive officer questioned whether there was any other press in the country (capable of handling APA’s printing) that had racial practices any better than those of Lancaster Press. Further, he indicated that the Press had already signed a letter of nondiscrimination. In addition, the Press was a union shop, and this was said to present an obstacle to nondiscrimination. In short, PSA was told politely but firmly that the situation called for no further action.

A report from the APA Managing Editor to a Board of Directors meeting held on August 29, 1969, stated that the “Lan- caster Press advises that their hiring practices are not racially discriminatory” and that the Managing Editor felt “a responsible and continuing effort is being made to employ and train Negroes whenever possible.” However, this same report noted that the Press “employs only one Negro; he is a ‘wash-up’ man in the press room and is paid $1.75 per hour.” Notably, the report did not explain why the “responsible and continuing effort” had resulted in only one minority employee.

The APA Board of Directors appears to have been easily assured that there was no need for concern about the employment practices of the Lancaster Press. At the same meeting, the Board considered a resolution to promote equality in employment among all firms with which APA deals. They stated their belief “that APA is now in conformity with the intent of this resolution [McKeachie, 1970a, p. 111.” It seems remarkable that a group of persons who pride themselves on their scientific rigor demand- ed so little evidence for this belief.

ENCOUNTER WITH THE LANCASTER PRESS It became clear that the APA was unlikely to motivate the

Press to employ more minority persons. Therefore PSA decided to act. Plans were formulated to get together with people in the Lancaster black and Puerto Rican communities and to visit the Press. The APA Executive Officer and Managing Editor were invited to participate.

On September 22 and 23, 1969, accompanied by the APA Managing Editor acting as observer, the authors visited the Press. Meetings were held with the Press management, the president

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of the International Typographical Union local, the director of the Lancaster City-Council Human Relations Committee, the president of the local NAACP, the Mayor of Lancaster, and other community representatives. The community contact was regarded as highly important to make certain the action was one that people in the community understood, desired, supported, and as much as possible participated in.

By the time of the visit, the Press had succeeded in hiring two black persons in apprentice programs. Before these two were hired, there had only been one black person in the history of the Press who had held any position other than wash-up man; nonetheless, the president of the Press assured us he supported the principle of equal opportunity. However, he asserted, as had APA officials, that low educational level hampered putting the principle into practice. He appeared to feel that the Press had been performing quite satisfactorily; he was entirely willing to explain its history of minority employment. We inquired about and were given, with only a little reluctance, considerable detailed information on job and salary structures, on hiring and promotion practices, and on job qualifications and training.

The business of the company (annually about $4-5 million) was almost all from professional or trade journals. Its four major customers, publishing 27 journals, were the American Institute of Physics, the American Psychological Association, the American College of Physicians, and the American Meteorological Society. Ownership of the company was closely held, and the firm regard- ed itself as a small business. The Press was surprised, to say the least, at our interest. The initial reaction might be charac- terized as “Why bother us?” (in which response the Press was very similar to the APA).

Following the meeting with the Press, a crucial three-hour evening session was held with people from the Lancaster commu- nity. Those from the black and Puerto Rican communities had clear views of the Press, declaring that “Lancaster Press hasn’t made much effort” and that “they have done no more than they had to.” In general, the opinion was that Lancaster employers “have done just enough to keep the government off their backs.”

With these feelings, the people at the meeting had little trou- ble deciding that action was appropriate. They were well-acquaint- ed with the Press’s inactivity in combatting discrimination and welcomed the economic pressure that APA’s journal business pro- vided. After considerable discussion, the following statement was formulated and signed by 13 persons:

72 JACK SAWYER AND DAVID J. SENN

Statement on Minority Employment at Lancaster Press We of the Lancaster community and the psychology profession call upon Lancaster Press to take the following steps toward increasing minority employment: 1 . Assure that half of the total employees hired in the next 12 months

are Black or Spanish-speaking persons. Assure that at least half of the apprentices, half of the non-union plant employees, and half of the clerical employees hired in the next 12 months are Black or Spanish-speaking persons; and that as nearly as possible, half of the journeymen and management employees are Black or Spanish-speaking.

2. Recruit actively in high schools that have high proportions of minor- ity groups (McCaskey, Catholic High, and Columbia High). Conduct programs to directly inform all students of job opportunities and requirements. Specify in advertising that the Press is an equal oppor- tunity employer.

3. Seek subsidy or other means to permit employees to complete high school without losing pay.

4. Conduct plant-wide human relations training designed to ensure a favorable climate for the integration of minority employees.

5. Present by October 30, 1969, a program for carrying out the above goals. Report by December 31, 1969, and March 31, June 30, and September 30, 1970, the names and job categories of all employees hired in the preceding three months, and all other efforts to meet these goals. These reports should be directed to Dr. Kenneth B. Little, Executive Officer, American Psychological Association, 1200- 17th Street, N. W., Washington, D.C. 20036, and to Professor David J. Senn, Department of Psychology, Franklin and Marshall College, Lancaster, Pennsylvania 17604.

This statement was presented at a second meeting with the Press. The management’s initial reaction was one of surprise and shock. They had apparently felt that their patient explanation of their difficulties with minority employment would suffice. It also became clear that the Press had never experienced substantial pressure from the APA (or any other customer) to take affirmative action on minority hiring.

The president of the Press asked if this was an “ultimatum” and was told that the people who formulated the statement consid- ered it entirely reasonable and within the Press’s power to imple- ment, However, we also made it clear to the Press that if the statement was not carried out PSA would pressure APA to seek other printers. In fact, we had investigated alternative printers and had planned to advertise if necessary for a printer who would work aggressively to promote minority employment. The Press was also made aware of the probable sympathy of its other major

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customers, although in the end we did not have to draw upon this source of influence.

PSA’s willingness to pressure APA to change printers was crucial, since APA by itself would have been extremely reluctant to undergo the resulting disruption of its regular procedures. The strongest demand upon APA publications is for efficient service to members and to the profession. With this priority, APA was unlikely to provide the impetus needed for the Press to seek racial equality in employment.

To provide this otherwise absent impetus was PSA’s role. The president of the Press asked how many psychologists PSA represented. We assured him that there were more than sufficient numbers (current paid membership about 800) to exert consider- able pressure on APA. Finally, the president said of the demands, “We’ll try to do this.”

COMPLIANCE BY THE PRESS Since the visit, the Press has submitted the requested reports,

and has attained the prescribed 50-50 percentage of new minority employees that previously seemed to unattainable. Of 18 employ- ees hired between October 1, 1969, and September 30, 1970, 9 were black. However, no new employee was Puerto Rican, even though in Lancaster there were more Puerto Rican than black people. Although most Spanish-speaking graduates of local high schools are thoroughly bilingual, the Press had considered lan- guage an almost insurmountable barrier- much as it considered low educational level of black persons a barrier. But securing racial equality for all people requires surmounting whatever ob- stacle appears to block equality for any group.

The reports of the Press tend to mention results in some of the areas in the original statement and to omit mention of other areas altogether, so continual follow-up has been required. The community group who wrote the statement has met again and has shown continuing interest in the Press’s implementation of the statement. In general, the response of the Press has been good. Certainly, it has greatly exceeded what the attitude of APA officials would have led one to expect. Furthermore, the president of the Press has been appointed by the Mayor to the Lancaster Apprenticeship and Training Council. The recent minority em- ployment experience of the Press is being regarded as a favorable example for other employers to follow.

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The effort to get the Lancaster Press to promote minority employment was not as difficult as might have been assumed. What was lacking, mainly, was initiative by APA to cause the Press to take these simple steps. Instead, the incentive needed for action by the Press was provided by PSA. Of course, the APA could have provided this incentive (much more easily than PSA) if it had felt freer to actively promote social values.

It is not surprising that outside pressure was required. The business of the Press is to return maximum profit to its share- holders, and it would be financially irresponsible to unnecessarily adopt hiring practices that might require more time and effort and thus more expense. When human and financial values con- flict, business philosophy dictates that financial values must domi- nate. Thus business as usual at the Press cannot give first priority to social values.

As APA’s goals are now defined, the same is true for it. APA’s goals give priority to services like distributing journals efficiently, and these services might be hindered by concerns such as whether APA printing perpetuates racism. What may be need- ed in all types of organizations are goals that explicitly emphasize social justice rather than simple self-interest. However, so long as business as usual predominates, the impetus for social justice will most likely arise outside established organizations.

INFLUENCING THE APA TO WORK AGAINST RACISM In October 1969, a PSA-sponsored resolution on employment

equality was again considered by the APA Council of Repre- sentatives. This resolution called for proportional representation of minority groups, at all job levels, in firms dealing with APA. With the clear evidence from the Lancaster Press available, the resolution could not be dismissed as unnecessary as it had been the previous year. The Board of Directors, who review resolutions before they reach Council, have regularly failed to approve resolu- tions having obvious social implications. However, in this instance the Board placed its own watered-down, substitute resolution on the agenda and recommended its passage instead of the original, stronger resolution. The Board’s resolution was passed by APA Council on October 4, 1969, and specified that “as a condition of doing business” with APA, a firm “shall work actively to in- crease representation of minority groups at all levels in the organi- zation [McKeachie, 1970b, p. 341.”

It was only after several reminders from PSA that APA actual-

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ly implemented this resolution; it was more than three months before a general mailing was sent to APA suppliers. Even then, only a statement of assurance was requested. When PSA insisted that the APA Central Office ask for reports on actual numbers of employees by sex, race, and job level, it appeared that no one had even considered asking for these data. If past experience is any guide it will be necessary continually to prod APA into action.

OBSERVATIONS ON COMBATTING RACISM Altogether, APA has been reluctant, both in the specific case

of the Lancaster Press and in this more general attack on racism, to act positively to put social values into practice. This is, however, no special indictment of APA. Institutional racism, and the reluc- tance to act against it, is the rule among organizations of all kinds. Like the APA, most organizations hesitate when imple- menting social values to get too far ahead of the crowd. Organiza- tional goals seldom provide inducement for moving toward social change faster than society in general. Thus just keeping pace is usually a safe and comfortable practice. But if no one moves until everyone moves, progress will be slow indeed. The following observations are offered for those who would work to effect social change more rapidly than lock-step conformity allows.

1 . Business as usual is racist. Institutional racism consists of institutional practices that, regardless of their intent, act to perpetuate racial inequality. Because of general societal influences toward racism, any institution that does not consciously try to combat racism is likely to support it. There need be no intent to discriminate; if everyone “just does his job,” the result is very probably racist. Yet a person generally has no reason not to just do his job. Even when the issue of racial equality was specifically raised with APA, the association dealt with the issue inadequately and was satisfied with loose assurances. Perhaps this comes about partly because APA is an essentially white organization, where there are no experiential bases for an intuitive understanding of the pervasive and devastat- ing effects of racism.

2. Pressure is required for change. Because of the limited way in which APA defines its purpose, it would not have acted to counter racism as it did without outside pressure (any more than the Press itself would have). Moreover, the APA is not likely to maintain its actions without outside pressure until the norms change so that social justice is explicitly incorporated in the goals of the organization. Implied threat both to APA and to the Press was necessary. It was not sufficient merely to point out the problem, because APA had no incentive to deal with it. The amount of pressure required was

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not large, however, since it is generally accepted that racial inequali- ty is wrong, and publicity itself serves as a powerful incentive.

3. Direct action is one way to exert pressure. Going to the Lancaster Press without the APA’s blessing proved more effective than working through the APA. In fact, it subsequently made it easier to work with official APA bodies than it had been before this action. It is often better to take unilateral action than to be delayed and distracted by attempting to work through a reluctant establishment. After an independent action has been successful, the establishment may be more willing to listen seriously. Most organizations are reluc- tant to take leadership in effecting social change. Individuals and groups who are willing and able to take the initiative, however, may help accelerate social change. Successful initiative tends to es- tablish a higher base for acceptable, normative levels of social re- sponsibility. From that point, still further initiatives may be taken.

4. Specific cases and general goals should be linked. The goal of any action should not be merely to win a particular case, but also in so doing to effect more general change. Specific cases should be strategically selected and consciously related to larger goals. After the need for equal employment was demonstrated for Lancaster Press, it proved possible to induce APA to begin to take blanket responsibility for all the firms with which it deals. Success in a specific case made it easier to work toward the larger goal.

5 . The ultimate goal is change in consciousness. Individual psychologists, the APA, and the institutions it deals with must all come to recognize more fully that their actions do have social consequences. They must also undertake responsibility for these consequences, which stem not only from the choice of printers, but also of convention sites, investment securities, as well as from other “everyday” activi- ties. Frequently people and institutions merely comply with pressure for change and fail to internalize the reason for change. For those who merely comply, it is crucial to monitor and to educate. Other- wise, even with good faith, they are unlikely to generalize the change to other situations, or perhaps even to maintain it at all. People and institutions need to be educated so that eventually

organizations will voluntarily incorporate standards of social jus- tice. Until they do, a prime route to the fundamental social change this society now requires will be the long march through the existing institutions.

REFERENCES McGehee, W. Report of the treasurer. American Psychologist, 1970, 25, 4-8. McKeachie, W. J. Report of the recording secretary. American Psychologist,

1970, 25, 9-12. (a) McKeachie, W. J. Proceedings of the American Psychological Association,

Incorporated, for the year 1969: Minutes of the annual meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 1970, 25, 13-37. (b)

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POSTSCRIPT: SPRING 1973 Involvement with institutional racism, sexism, and agism con-

tinues, in APA and elsewhere. For what it may contribute toward eliminating these practices, this postscript brings APA’s actions up to date, and attempts to shed further light on the process of institutional change.

This report was originally written in the spring of 1970 and submitted then to the American Psychologist, essentially as it appears above. The Editor sent it to the entire APA Board of Directors for comment because it touched so closely upon APA practices and interests. Although the members of the APA Board are individuals with favorable general attitudes toward racial equality, these persons were here acting in institutional roles where they displayed strong and sincere differences on how racial equality related to APA’s practice. Their comments raise impor- tant questions on which psychologists’ views differ. In the hope that they may provide added understanding of how individual and institutional components interact in determining institutional behavior, and that such understanding may promote beneficial change, we quote from the comments:

Aside from their polemics-what have Sawyer and Senn done to use their skills to help Lancaster Press move toward recruiting blacks? An angry, unfair report, written before the facts were gleaned. The inclusive “you” decries all but the writers. An ungracious, polemic account. . . . there are at least two unwarranted assumptions: (1) APA should in effect become PSA and act accordingly . . . (2) APA should take upon itself the investigative and enforcement functions of government agencies. . . . My primary objection to the manuscript is that it appears to be a propaganda document rather than an objective report. Despite the tone of some of the paper, other parts of it show more understanding of the nature and problems of both APA and the press than I would have expected. Although the paper may be somewhat inflammatory in style and intent, I suspect we generate much more flack by appearing to be unsympathetic and resistant to causes and change.. . . The tone of the paper remains objectionably hortatory, propagandistic, and jingoistic. It is unfit for publication in any professional journal, and must not be published in the American Psychologist. I agree that the paper is politically motivated, that it will tend to excite many readers, and that it contains statements that are inflamma- tory, judgemental, and irritating. On the other hand, the problem it deals with is real and the authors have demonstrated that planned

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intervention can have a measurable and constructive outcome, which is more than I can say for many studies. . . .

On the basis of such comments, the article was initially reject- ed. Later (July 1971) a somewhat differently oriented version containing about one-fourth of the above was accepted and pub- lished in the “Psychology in Action” section of the American Psy- chologist (Senn & Sawyer, 1971).

Concerns similar to those expressed about our report may also have influenced reactions to APA Council’s equal employ- ment resolutions. The October 1969 resolution resulted in letters being sent to 449 organizations. Eventually ( A P A Monitor, No- vember 1970), 263 organizations responded to the letter, signing the statement that they would not discriminate. No actual data on employment were requested, and no sanctions were taken with organizations who did not sign the statement or who did not respond. APA’s follow-up of this resolution appears to have subsided around the end of 1970.

In December 1971, APA Council passed a second resolution on equal employment, again submitted by the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues. This resolution provided that all organizations doing at least $10,000 business annually with APA “submit data on their personnel practices, including a breakdown of their employees at all job levels by sex, race, and age, demonstrating to the satisfaction of the Executive Com- mittee of the Board of Directors that they are working actively to avoid underrepresentation of minority groups at all levels of their organizations [McKeachie, 1972, p. 2791 .” The resolution stated also: “The $10,000 cutoff point will be lowered as rapidly as practicable to include most vendors [p. 2’781.” The March 1972 A P A Monitor listed 78 vendors who “provide goods or ser- vices to APA in excess of $500 per year.”

By December 1972, 30 organizations had been asked to sub- mit data and 19 had done so. These organizations employed, on the average, 34% females and 21% racial minority persons (black, Oriental, native American, Spanish-surnamed). But among officials, managers, and professions, women were only 15% and minority persons only 2%. The largest of these organizations, an airline, had 29% women and 12% minority persons among its 47,000 employees but only 3% women and 2% minority per- sons among its 14,000 officials, managers, and professionals. The resolution stated that when the information from an organization “raises questions about the effectiveness of its equal opportunity practices, the APA Office of Social and Ethical Responsibility

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shall initiate a discussion with the organization about its current practices and future plans. If these discussions fail to produce satisfactory evidence . . ., APA shall stop doing business with i t . . . [McKeachie, 1972, p. 2791.”

As of the spring of 1973, three organizations-IBM, Group Hospitalization (Blue Cross-Blue Shield), and Parking Manage- ment, Washington, D.C.-had explicitly refused to submit any data at all. The APA Council resolution specified that if an organi- zation so refuses: “APA shall stop doing business with it as rapidly as feasible without disrupting essential services [ McKeachie, 1972, p. 2791.” The April 1973 American Psychdogist reports that “By January 15, 1973, steps will be taken . . . to terminate business relations with those firms that have still not complied. . . . If there are cases where it is not possible to stop business without disrupting essential services, APA will ‘vigorously protest . . .’ [McKeachie, 1973, p. 3091.”

So far-four years after the original resolution-no discus- sions have been initiated, no services terminated, no protests en- tered. APA has not yet shown itself able to increase minority employment of a single one of its suppliers-even the Lancaster Press, whose employment of black persons is about the same now as three years ago when PSA’s monitoring ended. Business as usual remains the dominant force in APA. It appears likely to continue so until enough of us make it clear through our own actions that we consider working to eliminate racism, sexism, and agism as important as getting out the journals.

REFERENCES A P A Monitor. Equal employment resolution submitted to APA Board. A P A

Monitor, 1970 (November), 1(2), 5 . A P A Monitor. Vendors’ list published: Vendors asked to comply with equal

employment practices. A P A Monitor, 1972 (March), 3(3), 4. McKeachie, W. J. Proceedings of the American Psychological Association,

Incorporated, for the year 1971: Minutes of the annual meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 1972, 27, 268-299.

McKeachie, W. J. Proceedings of the American Psychological Association, Incorporated, for the year 1972: Minutes of the annual meeting of the Council of Representatives. American Psychologist, 1973, 28,297-325.

Senn, D. J., & Sawyer, J. Institutional racism: A problem for psychology? American Psychologist, 197 1 , 26, 67 1-674.