ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Intergenerational Differences in Perceptions of HeritageTourism Among the Maasai of Tanzania

Jyotsna M. Kalavar & Christine N. Buzinde &

Kokel Melubo & Josephine Simon

Published online: 5 January 2014# Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014

Abstract Besides wildlife tourism in the African savannah, cultural heritage tourism (sometimesknown only as heritage tourism) is a big draw in Tanzania. In order to attract cultural tourismdollars, Maasai communities have established cultural bomas, typically pseudo Maasai villageswhere they display cultural performances and crafts before tourists. Such cultural contact hasresulted in the growing influence of globalization that challenges traditional ways. The economic,social and environmental impact of heritage tourism on intergenerational relationships andcommunity well-being has not been examined among the Maasai people. In this study, focusgroups were conducted with different age-groups of Maasai people residing in Esilalei andOltukai villages. Results suggest that for the Maasai, heritage tourism appears to be a double-edged sword. While tourism results in some trickled down economic benefits for the Maasaicommunity, economic change appears to have created a social distance between generations.

Keywords Communitywell-being . Intergenerational relationships .Maasai . Cultural heritagetourism . Heritage tourism

The largely pastoralist Maasai people of East Africa reside in the southern part of Kenya andthe northern part of Tanzania. Maasailand is the area straddling the Kenya-Tanzania border thathas the most abundant wildlife population on earth. It also includes 14 of the world’s mostrenowned national parks, including Serengeti, Ngorongoro, Manyara, Tarangire, Mara, etc.Census data does not account for ethnicity in Tanzania which makes it difficult to enumerate

J Cross Cult Gerontol (2014) 29:53–67DOI 10.1007/s10823-013-9221-6

J. M. Kalavar (*)The Pennsylvania State University, New Kensington campus, 3550 Seventh Street Road,New Kensington, PA 15068, USAe-mail: jmk18@psu.edu

C. N. BuzindeArizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA

K. MeluboCollege of African Wildlife Management, Mweka, Tanzania

J. SimonAfrican Wildlife Foundation, Arusha, Tanzania

the number of Maasai living in Tanzania (Coast 2002). However, it is estimated that nearly halfa million Maasai reside therein (Groelsema 2009).

Although the natural attractions are diverse throughout Tanzania, tourism attention has beenon the northern circuit, which stretches from Mt. Kilimanjaro, Arusha, Tarangire and LakeManyara to the Serengeti National Parks including the Ngorongoro conservation Area (Akama2002). Being a gateway to these popular conservation areas, a venue for many world-classconferences, and easily accessible from the Kenya border, Arusha region has been dubbed thesafari capital of Tanzania. Statistics show that more than half of all visitors to Tanzania visitedthis circuit (Mitchell et al. 2008). Salazar (2009) pointed that 70 % of all travel agenciesoperating in Tanzania are based in the northern town of Arusha.

Though thought of as the quintessential cattle herders, the Maasai pastoralists are rapidlydiversifying. Over the past few years, tourism has become a significant alternative source ofincome for the Maasai (Thompson and Homewood 2002). Over a million tourists flock to thisEast African region every year, generating over $1.5 billion in revenues (Homewood et al.2009). In 2012, Tanzania received 1,077,058 tourists compared to 600,000 tourists in 2007(United Republic of Tanzania, Ministry of Natural Resource & Tourism 2013). Tourism is nowranked first in terms of sector performance and its contribution to Gross Domestic Profit(GDP) is estimated at over 18 % in 2013. This is a massive improvement when compared withthe 1986 data, where GDP was 1 % (Anderson 2011).

Besides wildlife tourism in the African savannah, heritage tourism is a big draw inTanzania. The National Trust for Historic Preservation in the United States (2008) definedheritage tourism as “traveling to experience the places and activities that authentically repre-sent the stories and people of the past and present.” This includes irreplaceable historic,cultural and natural resources.

Several private tourism companies have developed a working model for community-basedconservation through private-community tourism concession agreements. However, thesearrangements have brought very little in the way of jobs and opportunities for the Maasai(Sachedina 2008). Yet, for a pastoral community with a narrow economic base, heritagetourism offers jobs and new opportunities for the Maasai people. The Maasai have beendescribed as a prominent part of tourism in Tanzania (Azarya 2004). In order to attract culturaltourism dollars, Maasai communities have implemented cultural centers, cultural bomas,wherein they perform for visiting tourists, and pose for photos for a fee. Cultural bomas aretypically pseudo Maasai villages that allow tourists a glimpse of Maasai life without intrudinginto private dwellings. Here, they perform traditional dances, sing specific songs, stage rite-of-passage ceremonies, mock battle games, show how they make butter or draw blood from theircattle, and sell traditional handicrafts and ornaments to tourists. Undoubtedly, this adds to theincome of the Maasai people. However, such direct contact with tourists from different parts ofthe globe, results in acquisition of new languages and habits (Azarya 2004). Though cultureand traditions evolve continuously with the passage of time regardless of tourism exposure, theMaasai culture is confronted on a daily basis with foreign culture, and thereby, changes, thatmay present conflicts over various traditional ways of living. Vices such as prostitution,alcoholism, smoking and drug taking have been noted in Maasailand (Akama 2002).

The Maasai are adapting and diversifying quickly as the economic, ecological and politicalenvironments change (Homewood et al. 2009). Maasai are natural believers of one deity,Enk’ai, the creator and nurturer of life on earth (Hodgons 2005). As a community, the Maasaising in praise of Enk’ai asking for children rain and cattle. Although, Christianity has manyconverts in Tanzania, the traditional indigenous religion still has a major hold over the Maasai.Throughout the world, people and places are being endlessly reinvented as tourism createspowerful sociocultural representations of them (Salazar 2006). As a result of heritage tourism,

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some of the key issues facing the Maasai include cultural influences of globalization, formalschooling for children, alternative means of livelihood, and conserving traditional ways.

In different parts of the world, indigenous communities adopt tourism as a tool to enhancecommunity well-being. While national policymakers in Tanzania extol the benefits of tourism,some local communities living alongside leading tourism sites view this as a curse (Renton2009). From a strictly economic approach, the Maasai communities benefit from tourismgenerated revenue by engaging in cultural performances, selling souvenirs, offering guidedtours, and other tourism related services (Ondicho 2010). Saarinen et al. (2011) have conclud-ed that in some cases, the costs produced by tourism far outweigh the benefits accrued to thelocal population. A critical look at the influence of tourism reveals that the Maasai communityhas endured human rights violations (Goldman 2011; Ondicho 2010) and have to deal with thepsychological challenges of being “on display” for the tourists (Akama 2000). Individuals andgroups can move into and out of “Maasainess” over time and space has been acknowledged bythe Maasai and the non-Maasai (Coast 2001).

The literature suggests that tourism impacts a community in multifaceted ways, includingeconomically, socially, culturally, politically, and environmentally. The concept of communitywell-being is one of the frameworks for community assessment, and is focused on understand-ing the contribution of the economic, social, cultural and political components of a communityin maintaining itself and fulfilling the various needs of local residents (Kusel and Fortmann1991). According to Wilkinson (1991), well-being is a concept meant to “recognize the social,cultural and psychological needs of people, their family, institutions and communities”. GoughandMcGregor (2007) emphasized that needs are not a single category and that is it important todistinguish between several levels and related categories of well-being. The WeD project withits multidisciplinary base also offers a good start with conceptualization of the concept of well-being (Gough and McGregor 2007). A review of the literature reveals that the relationshipbetween the economic, social and environmental impacts of heritage tourism on intergenera-tional relationships and community well-being has not received sufficient attention. Particularlyamong theMaasai people, we have yet to understand the relationship between intergenerationalrelationships and well-being in tourism-dependent communities. This is especially worrisomegiven the potential negative impact of tourism on socio-cultural relations but also the proposalby the United Nations (in development agendas like Millennium Development Goals), fortourism to serve as the panacea for indigenous communities to improve their well-being.

Often, scholars have challenged top-down approaches to defining well-being. Thesescholars advocate for more community grounded definitions of the phenomenon that aim tounderstand community self-perceptions of well-being, and can therefore, better guide com-munities to the types of development that suit their needs. We need to understand the constructof well-being as defined by the Maasai community residents.

An important indicator of well-being, often excised from external indicator lists is thenotion of intergenerational relationships that are identified as the chains of relationshipsbetween parents and children. Intergenerational relationships are regarded as strong barometersto societal well-being (Jamieson 2006), particularly within resource based indigenous com-munities because it is these bonds that facilitate the dissemination, from elders to youngergenerations, of vital knowledge required for survival. For instance, within the Masaai culture,elders are consulted on matters of cattle grazing which are vital to the social, environmentaland economic well-being of the community at large. Intergenerational relationships arecertainly not static as they evolve to adapt to the varying factors brought on by modern dayexistence such as the development of heritage tourism.

Akin to many pastoralist communities in Africa, examining the intergenerational relation-ships among the Maasai community will require an understanding of the gender-based age

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grading system which is characteristic of their ethnic group. Coast (2001) pointed out thatethnographic researchers and those who worked with Maasai indicated the very low levels ofWestern notions of age. Within the Maasai community, the use of formal documentation (IDcards, school record cards) was considered inappropriate. Compared to Kenya, Tanzaniamaintains very low record-keeping. Instead, age-sets may be used to estimate the chronolog-ical age range of individuals.

A man’s life is divided into a series of phases in which he and his peers are progressivelypromoted from herder to warrior to elder. Such a progression allows for maturing herd ownersto progressively acquire skills, responsibility and power. This age-set system also provides abuilt-in mechanism for successive generations to adapt and respond to changing conditions(Homewood and Rodgers 1991).

Among the Maasai, all males and females are graded according to age although malegrading is ritually formalized and more elaborately defined. Talle (1987) stated that “women…are regarded as social minors.”Women do not have formal age sets like men, although they toopass through specific stages in their lifecycle and do play a ritualistic part in male age setceremonies. Coast (2001) added “rather than a woman’s life being marked by a specific ritualceremony, it is instead a gradual based transition….(they) tend to be classified with certain agesets, according to the age of Irmurran with whom they associated whilst young girls. Theintergenerational age-grades for females are Intoyie (uncircumcised females, usually under15 years) and Intasati (circumcised females, usually 15 years or older) while those for males asIllayiok (uncircumcised males that serve as herd boys), Irmurran (circumcised males, usually15–35 years that are primarily warriors) and Ilpayani (elders who serve as advisors andcounsel those younger). The Irmurran are further subdivided into the junior warriors ( theemerging warriors who are waiting to take over control) and the senior warrior, currently incharge of the society security and protecting of livestock and property (Ndagala 1992).

The question of how generations can adapt to a changing social and environmentalcontext as well the issue of dealing with conflicts or tensions between generations hasbeen described as an enduring puzzle related to social organization and behavior(Bengtson and Putney 2006). Given the context of globalization and social change,it has been suggested that relations between age groups have become more problem-atic (Phillipson 2010). Multiple influences such as NGO efforts, employment with thestate, and church activities cannot be overlooked as sources of influence on changethat impact the power relations between age groups. With its roots in psychology,economics, and sociology, social exchange theory proposes that all human relationsare marked by a subjective perception of cost-benefit analysis that operates withincultural norms. The tug of war between generations may be about which generationoffers social credit versus social indebtedness to the other.

As a community in transition, the impact of heritage tourism on the Maasai community islikely viewed differently by each generation. The younger generation is likely to focus on theshort-term economic gain while the older generation may bemoan the loss of cultural values,and the long-term impact on the social fabric of Maasai society. When examining the impact oftourism on Maasai culture through interviews, a senior elder reported, “our decency, pride andfuture is more important than what we get from the tourists” (Wanjohi 2002). In this context, itis worth noting the intergenerational solidarity framework that integrates exchange theory bysuggesting that individuals with resources provide help and support while recipients of helpand support become dependent, thereby weakening their power in the relationship(Hirdes and Strain 1995).

Every defined age-group within the Maasai community may view these changes brought on byheritage tourism differently. How do the different age-groups among the Maasai view these social

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changes? What is the nature of intergenerational relationships between these age-groups of Maasaipeople? How is community well-being defined by the different age groups in the context of heritagetourism? This paper will examine the previously unexplored relationship between heritage tourism,community well-being and intergenerational relationships among the Maasai of Tanzania.

Methodology

The principal method employed in this study was focus groups in which the re-searchers explored how community members defined community well-being andintergenerational relationships as well as the relationship of heritage tourism to thesetwo factors. Our use of qualitative research is purposeful; qualitative methodologydriven by the assumption that a profound understanding of a person or group can beobtained from observations and conversations. This approach is particularly usefulwhen variables are difficult to identify, or where the exact meaning of issues underconsideration may not be clearly understood (Gubrium and Sankar 1994). Focusgroups are semistructured, person to group interviews that aim to explore a specificset of issues (Grbich 1999; Macnaghten and Myers 2004). This method is an effectiveway of generating qualitative data based on group discussions of selected pretestedquestions. Though primarily interview driven, a focus group has been defined byKruger and Casey (2000) as “a carefully planned series of discussions designed toobtain perceptions on a defined area of interest in a permissive, non-threateningenvironment.”

The initial questions were broad, typically open-ended, with a view to generating narrativedata on a topic of interest. But, it was also possible to determine extent of agreement ordisagreement on various topics, the order of the importance of opinions that emerged aroundan issue, and the frequency with which certain themes surfaced.

The focus group questions were generated by the entire team in consultation with localcommunity leaders. Two Tanzanian members of the research team led the process ofconducting the focus groups as both are fluent in English and Maa, a language spoken bythe Maasai. The Tanzanian research team included a male and female researcher that enabledus to have the male researcher assume a primary interviewer role with male groups while thefemale researcher assumed the same role with female groups. When not in the role of aprimary interviewer, the Tanzanian team member served as a secondary interviewer. Theresearch work was done in the presence of all the research team members, in a non-hierarchical manner exclusively with participants seated in a circle, outdoors, under a largeshaded tree. With a team member who works for the Africa Wildlife Foundation (AWF), itbecame easy to gain access and acceptance by the village elders. Audio recordings of the focusgroups interviews were transcribed and translated by the two Tanzanian members of theresearch team. Monetary and complementary non-alcoholic beverages were provided toparticipants as compensation and in appreciation of their participation.

In a hierarchical age-graded society such as the Maasai, it becomes important to engage indialogue with the various age groups that define the community. Thus, we are able to gain botha broad yet detailed age-group defined understanding of the topic. As a methodical tool, focusgroups are valuable as they allow for dialogue with populations that may not have high levelsof literacy. Thus, the focus group approach, as opposed to surveys, was the most appropriatemethod because it enabled us to gain information from non-verbal responses to supplement orcontradict verbal responses as well as the opportunity to interact directly with respondents forclarification and/or probling.

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Study Site

In this study, focus groups were composed of a small number of people who participatedvoluntarily from two selected villages, Esilalei and Oltukai. The two communities, Esilalei andOltuaki on which this study is based, are located in Monduli administrative district, close to amajor highway that transports international tourists from Arusha to world-renowned nationalparks like Ngorongoro Conservation Area (NCA) and Serengeti National Park. ManyaraRanch borders the eastern boundaries of both communities. The land on which ManyaraRanch is situated originally belonged to the Maasai (they abandoned it due to a tsetse flyinfestation) before it was taken over by private investors and later by the Tanzanian Govern-ment under the National Ranching Corporation (NARCO) (Goldman 2011). In the late 1990swhen Tanzania undertook efforts to liberalize its economy, the African Wildlife Foundation(AWF) established the Tanzania Land Conservation Trust (TLCT) to seize an opportunity tobuy Manyara Ranch from the Tanzanian State (AWF, online). TLCT currently has a 99 yearlease on the land, which commenced in 2001 (Sachedina 2008).

Esilalei village is 107 km from Arusha town, situated strategically in an important wildlifecorridor to the famous National parks, Manyara National Park, Serengeti National Park andNgorongoro Conservation area (NCA). This Maasai village has a population of 2370 people,and it benefits primarily from wildlife resources and tourism. Maasai people comprise 99 % ofthe residents in Esilalei and most are pastoralists. A recent census indicates that Esilalei has apopulation of 2,370 people and it benefits from over-flow tourism from the Manyara ranchthrough leasing of land to tour operators for campsites and through cultural tourism activities(e.g., handicraft selling, cultural performances, and employment as game scouts and guides attented lodges). At the cultural boma, women sell handicrafts and engage in cultural perfor-mances such as singing and dancing. Male warriors (Irmurran) work at the tourist camps asgame scouts and guides.

The population in Oltukai entails 100 % Maasai residents and most of its 2,312 habitantsare pastoralists. This village lies between Manyara National Park and Tarangire National Park.It is rich in wildlife and wide diversity in bird species. About 35–40 % of the Irmurran malesmembers of the village work at the local tourist wildlife ranch as game scouts and or and atlocal tourist campsite. In 2004, Oltukai village signed a contract with an investor company;Luca Limited (Bishop Corbet Safaris) to lease part of the village land for tourism purpose. Thiscollaboration resulted in funds from tourism to construct four classrooms, a clinic, a doctor’shouse and a village office. The company also donated a car to the village.

Both villages participate in tourism although the former, given its strategic location to thetourist entry points, receives more tourists, and is thus, more invested in the cultural tourismactivity than the latter. Indirect sources of tourism related income have been noted such asselling vegetables, milk, and honey at the tourist lodges as well as serving as lodge roomcleaners or as tour guides. Coast (2001) pointed out that majority of the Maasai living neartourist attractions are not benefitting economically. Instead, the benefits accrue only to a fewselected individuals. Kipuri (1998) noted that much of the “gate fee” charged from touristsentering cultural bomas is often diverted at source by tourist guides.

Sample

Using purposive sampling, the group of participants selected by community leaders in eachvillage was done to ensure broad representation within each selected age-groups. The logic andpower of extreme case sampling lie in selecting information-rich individuals for study thatyield insights and depth to our understanding as well as illumine the questions under

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consideration. By this approach, lessons may be learned about unusual conditions or extremeoutcomes that may be relevant to our understanding of the issue in general (Patton 2002).

Community elected leaders from the two villages as well as the village chief wereidentified for us by the fourth author prior to our arrival in Arusha, Tanzania.Through their office, we contacted the leaders who created a list of prospectiveparticipants from each of the age-sets based on the criteria of being a Maasai residentof the respective village and belonging to the specified age set. We entrusted thefourth author who speaks Maa and works for the African Wildlife Foundation to workwith the community leaders on identifying suitable participants for the study. Byworking with the community members, the team was able to generate a short list ofparticipants based on willingness and availability for participation.

In each of the two villages three focus groups were conducted with representativesfrom each of the following selected age-groups. Since chronological age is nottypically used within the Maasai culture’s age classification scheme, it was difficultto ascertain mean age of group members. Three focus groups were determined in eachvillage, each group comprised of ten focus group participants. Group 1 includedIlpayani males, estimated in the age range of 40–70 years. Group 2 had Intasatifemale members, estimated to be ranging in age from 18 to 60 years, and Group 3had Irmurran males, estimated to be ranging in age from 18 to 40 years.

Assessment

In this study, we defined community well-being as a concept reflected by residents of a particularcommunity living together about the optimal quality of community life as reflected in the economic,social, cultural, political, and environmental factors that define this. Our assessment of the constructof community well-being was based on subjective measures through responses elicited fromcommunity members of varying age groups. In this study, the construct of intergenerationalrelationships was based on the concept of consensual solidarity. Consensual solidarity is regardedas the extent of perceived agreement between various generations (Bengtson and Schrader 1982).

Focus group questions that sought each age-group’s views on heritage tourism, intergen-erational relationships, and community well-being were posed. Listed below are selected focusgroup questions clubbed together by topic that were asked of respondents of each age-group inEsilalei and Oltukai villages.

1) How does your generation view heritage tourism?What are the benefits of heritage tourism?What are some challenges arising from heritage tourism?

2) How does your generation define community well-being? How do other generationsdefine community well-being? How does heritage tourism impact community well-being? What are their views about the impact of heritage tourism on community well-being?

3) In general, how would you describe the quality of the relationships between generations inthis community? What are areas of agreement/disagreement between you and ___ generation?How are intergenerational issues resolved in this community?

Analysis

A domain analysis involves a search for the larger units of cultural knowledge calleddomains, that include cultural symbols by virtue of some similarity (Spradley 1980).

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In making a domain analysis, the following procedure suggested by Spradley (1980)was employed. For every question analyzed, the first step in making a domain searchwas to identify the verbatim notes from the interview. The next step was to look fornames for things. This involved reading through the notes to look for folk terms thatname things as well as nouns.

The third step was to see if any of these folk terms may be cover terms or names fordomains that included other terms or are being used for more than one thing. For example, thecover term “benefits of heritage tourism” included better educational facilities, social services,employment opportunities, and so on.

The fourth step was to search through the verbatim notes to identify as many included termsas possible. Having done this for one domain, the same process was repeated to find additionaldomains for the same question. Finally, this entire process was repeated for every open-endedquestion that was qualitatively analyzed.

Results

The open-ended questions were qualitatively analyzed, using the procedure suggestedby Spradley (1980), to elicit rich, descriptive information about the issues underconsideration. The findings from the domain analysis will be presented for eachquestion set by different groups.

In response to the first set of questions about heritage tourism listed below, a summary ofresponses provided by the different age-groups in both villages is listed subsequently. 1) Howdoes your generation view heritage tourism? What are the benefits of heritage tourism? Whatare some challenges arising from heritage tourism?

Group 1 Ilpayani (Elderly Males)

Opportunities Created by Heritage Tourism

Infrastructural changes that resulted from heritage tourism were cast in a positive light.Tourism was reported to have led to the establishment of a tarmac road and an

elementary school; the placement of a community water tank in the village; theestablishment of tourism related employment opportunities; and, the provision oftourist donations for educational resources and scholarships for local youth. As anelder described, “Tourism is feeding the cultural bomas. The village office we arestanding behind has been made possible by donation from AWF which supportstourism enterprises.”

Bemoaning the Loss of Culture

Respect for elders was seen as waning among young women and warriors. The tradition ofrespect based on age was described changing. Instead, respect was increasingly beingredefined, particularly by young males, in terms of monetary accumulation and possessionof material goods.

The growing independence seen in young warriors because of quick money earned bytourism, and the empowerment of women through tourism related activities was seen asdisruptive of cultural traditions. Women were now increasingly seeking opportunities forparticipation and representation in community affairs.

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The fast pace of life as well as the limited contact between humans were changes describedas evident. The attire and demeanor of tourists as well as their food snacks shared with childrenwere seen as destructive cultural influences. As an elder reported, “tourists give young herderssweets/candy causing some to line along the road waiting for such treats, thereby abandoningthe herd.”

Group 2 Intasati (Females)

Positive Outcomes

Economic benefits stressed as money was earned from Iltalii (tourists) by selling of handicraftsand cultural artifacts. Awoman participant described tourists as “white people buying productssold at the cultural bomas.” Such tourists give gifts, pay entrance fees, and support learning byproviding scholarships and building educational facilities.

Empowerment of women is an outcome of such economic benefits from cultural tourism.As a young women said, “Women used to be under men’s feet..... depending on them for foodand other basic needs. With the money we collect from cultural boma, we can buy ourthings....I managed to buy 40 goats and sheep as well as 20 cows.”

Negative Outcomes

Alcoholism was identified as a vice that many menfolk had in the community. Much of themoney earned from tourist opportunities was squandered away on alcohol.

Decline in respect for the elderly was expressly noted. Children and youth were seen asbeing stubborn, and frustrating to deal with as they showed lack of respect

Group 3 Irmurran (Warriors)

Changes

Purchasing power was said to have increased considerably as a result of heritagetourism. Now, individuals are now able to buy livestock. Community gainsthrough employment opportunities created by tourism were acknowledged. Theseincluded schooling opportunities, social services, medical dispensary, vehicle forthe village as well as scholarships. Cattle grazing was no longer seen as lucrative.

A social change emanating from cultural tourism reported was changing valuesabout time and money. The rising purchasing power among the younger generationcompared to the elders led to changes where the power balance was in favor of theyoung adults. Another consequence reported was the crunch of time and the need tojuggle competing demands. As one young lad said, “We are now better in timemanagement. We don’t waste time narrating the long stories of Maasai as ourforefathers did.” Another change evident was that the youth were moving away fromthe villages to seek employment in mines. Though not directly related to tourism,such geographical mobility in the Tarangire area would leave the family with no oneavailable to take care of the cattle. Since possession of cattle denoted wealth, thisimpacted the social status of a person within the community.

The next set of questions address the construct of community well-being. Thequestions posed to respondents in the three age groups are listed below, followed bya description of responses obtained from each of the three age-groups.

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2) How does your generation define community well-being? How do other generationsdefine community well-being? How does heritage tourism impact community well-being?What are their views about the impact of heritage tourism on community well-being?

Group 1 Ilpayani (Elderly Males)

Defining Community Well-Being

Offspring are paramount. Children are part of your blood line and assist with duties. Theydefine the parents as successful community members. The more children you have, the higherdefined is your well-being. However, when adults are unable to support their children then thismay detract from their well-being. Cattle were described as next in importance since havingabundant cattle signifies wealth.Money and land resources (for pasture purposes, andwater) arenext in defining community well-being. Good health and physical fitness come next. Acommunity’s report card onwell-being is primarily defined by children, cattle, money, and land.

According to the Ilpayani (elderly males), women will regard children as foremost and thewarrior males will prefer money first.

The Impact of Heritage Tourism on Community Well-Being

Social changes were reportedly evident in terms of interactions, cultural traditions, and newoutlook. Interactions are brief, shallow, and lack the respectful exchanges of the past. Young-sters were repeatedly described as no longer obeying the orders of the elders. They are moreobsessed with earning and pocketing money. Cultural traditions are rapidly changing. Tourismhas resulted in increased alcoholism, frequent showering, wearing of pajamas at night, andchange in frequency and variety of food consumption. Monogamy is seen as being trendyamong warriors than polygamy. The large piercing of ears is no longer seen as popular.Instead, smaller ear holes are in vogue.

Group 2 Intasati (Females)

Defining Community Well-Being

Children were defined as the primary source of community well-being. Women feltthey were provided recognition and a security base. Motherhood was their duty andreason to be on earth. The remaining sources of community well-being (in order ofimportance) were defined as possession of cattle, land resources, extra money, andthen peace of mind. The extra money enabled them to buy sugar, salt, and other“extras.”

The Intasati females reported that cattle would be defined as important by the elderly maleswhile the warriors would consider money as defining community well-being.

The Impact of Heritage Tourism on Community Well-Being

Only those who are directly involved in tourism, they stand to benefit. Those who attend seminars,they get a monetary allowance. If they attend a seminar for 5 days, they can even buy a goat.Therefore, livestock purchases are on the rise. Before breeding was the only way to increaselivestock. Now, that has changed as heritage tourism has increased the purchasing power of thecommunity. Fewer animal diseases are seen today due to improved veterinary services available in

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the community. Women are less likely to be oppressed as they get income from tourism. They aremore confident these days, and they can make their own purchasing decisions.

Group 3 Irmurran (Warriors)

Defining Community Well-Being

In the village of Esilalei, money was ranked as foremost for community well-being. Cattle waslabeled next, and children were identified as third. The reasoning provided was that money andcattle are the resources needed before one can have children. This response contrasted with theresponse provided by the Irmurran males of Oltukai village. Here, children and wife wereidentified as important definers of community well-being with children taking precedence overwife. Children were interpreted as security. Cattle and money were acknowledged as signif-icant determiners in the ability to marry a wife and thereby have children.

The Irmurranmales felt that children and cattle would be prioritized by women and elderlyas determinants of community well-being.

The Impact of Heritage Tourism on Community Well-Being

Those who work directly in tourism earn money that enables them to increase their livestock.The money earned from tourism has augmented food security, variety of food consumed, andfrequency of food intake (three meals a day versus twice a day). Unlike before, people nowparticipate in agriculture which also contributes to food security. Tourism has created a marketfor crafts so the opportunities for community well-being have greatly increased, especiallyamong the womenfolk.

Finally, the third set of questions address the issue of intergenerational relationshipsbetween the Maasai. These questions sought to examine information on the nature of therelationship as well extent of consensual solidarity perceived between generations. Responsesprovided by the three age-groups are described thereafter.

3) In general, how would you describe the quality of the relationships between generationsin this community? What are areas of agreement/disagreement between you and ___ gener-ation? How are intergenerational issues resolved in this community?

Group 1 Ilpayani (Elderly Males)

Relationships Between Generations

Disregard for the elderly was repeatedly stressed by the older adults. The youth do not adhereto instructions given by the elders. Not only do they fail to properly obey the commands, theysometimes even demand money in return. They are very money oriented, and will even pocketsome of the money when elders send them off on errands. As one adult said, “If you are notcareful, they will even sit on your lap.” The youth drink alcohol openly, and don’t even ask forpermission and or an invitation to sit amidst groups of elders enjoying a local brew. The senioradults felt that the young are strongly influenced by tourism, and they are changing “too fast.”They felt that the young disregard wisdom, and don’t pay attention to long-term consider-ations. One elder called the younger generation “the dot com generation” in Swahili. Theelders saw tourists as intruders that impress upon the youngsters with their foreign ways.

Changes in customs are evident as a result of these interactions. A brief handshake, a fistwave, or a fist bump is what the younger generation does today. Unlike the past, when they

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would reverentially bow their head before the elders and engage in lengthy conversations,today they engage in fleeting salutations. Youngsters use previously unheard terms likeshikamoo and papa supai (Hi) to greet elders.

According to this group, though the Oloiboni (spiritual leader) is the one in the communitywhose ideas and opinions are most important, the wealthy are most listened to and respected.The elders felt that there is no direct communication between generations. Age determineswhat information is to be shared, and this is largely the prerogative of the elderly. Theypreferred the traditional penalties resolved within the community for any transgressions overthe court system.

Group 2 Intasati (Females)

Relationships Between Generations

Decline in respect is evident between generations but not at the stage of being worrisome. Theyounger generation is more powerful as they have an alternate source of income throughtourism. The younger women are no longer scared of their in-laws. The relationship betweenhusband and wife is marked by closeness and direct communication. Earlier, this relationshipwas mediated by the husband’s mother.

Purchasing power of women has greatly enhanced as they have the ability to producehandicrafts that can be sold to tourists. They also engage in dances and singing at the culturalbomas which confer them with the ability to buy goods. They no longer have to be subservientto those older than them, and feel they cannot expend time doing chores for them.

This group of women acknowledged that the elderly are supposed to be highly respected interms of ideas and opinions; however, the wealthy are increasingly gaining importance. Theseniormost elderly women are called Koko, and all age groups can joke with them. There isless social rigidity in interactions with Koko than with Ngakui (male elders).

Areas of disagreement between generations is primarily in terms of social customs andtransgressions such as failing to greet appropriately, not bowing before the elders, not piercingthe ears in the traditionally prescribed manner, and not removing the lower middle tooth as istraditionally done. This group felt that the court system is corrupt, costly, and does nothing toharmonize the relationship between generations. Therefore, the traditional system had moremerit than the court system for handling these issues.

Group 3 Irmurran (Warriors)

Relationships Between Generations

Mismatched expectations between generations. The elders expect a lot more socially than whatthe young can deliver today. The younger generation cannot spend time in lengthy conversa-tions. They are disappointed at the level of mobility we have, they see the tourists as intruderswho are corrupting us. However, by the same token, they appreciate the resources derivedfrom tourism. The young felt that communication between generations is procedural and thereis no scope for casual conversations. They are unable to question traditions. The elderly areoutdated and old-fashioned as they are not keeping pace with societal changes.

This group generated a lot of discussion on assigning who within the community was mostimportant with regard to ideas and opinions. Though the wealthy were named first, after somediscussion, they were relegated to a lower position. Instead, political leaders and elders weredescribed as being most significant.

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Like the other age groups, the younger generation of males felt that resolution of intergen-erational issues within the community is best resolved in a traditional manner. As oneyoungster described, “Why do you have to share your problems with someone (police orcourt system) who is not part of your custom? Police are not preferred.”

Limitations of the Study

Change in any society is influenced by a multitude of factors, emanating both from within andoutside. The Maasai are adapting and changing as their economic, ecological and politicalenvironments reflect change. While not denying the impact of other external sources ofchange, in this study, we chose to focus, specifically, on the perceptions of the impact ofheritage tourism on the Maasai community.

While the use of focus groups in this project was a definite strength in terms of theinteractive features inherent as well as the depth of dialogue made possible by probes, thetendency towards normative discourses may be a built-in limitation with this methodology(Smithson 2000). The question of sample composition being an accurate representation of thelarger population carries possible implications for a bias in the collective voice of these focusgroups. With two Tanzanian interviewers (designated as primary and secondary with eachgroup), we sought to limit elements of bias in the focus group process. Nevertheless, a focusgroup interviewer’s skill in phrasing or making follow-up questions may have subtly influ-enced the tenet of a discourse.

Discussion

Heritage tourism confers livelihood opportunities for the Maasai in the two communitieswithin Tanzania that were included in this study. It has the potential to supplement theirpastoralist and agricultural activities. Nevertheless, such tourism appears to be a double-edgedsword. While tourism results in some trickled down economic benefits for the Maasaicommunity, the gendered and age-based impact of tourism should also be noted. The youngergeneration is capitalizing on tourism related ventures, not the older adults. Similarly, womenare being employed for dancing, singing, and making handicrafts. In an era of increasingglobalization, precipitated by heritage tourism that brings constant contact with the outsideworld, change appears to be inevitable in Maasailand. Economic benefits reaped by theyounger generation shape family structures and relationships in a number of ways. Increasedparticipation of young women in the cultural bomas has also reduced the pool of familyresources available to care for dependent members. In these communities, economic changeappears to have created a social distance between generations which may impact intergener-ational relationships, transform the traditional family support network, and question supportexchange between generations in the future. Will new patterns of family reciprocity emergeamong the Maasai of Tanzania?

Intergenerational relationships do not exist in a vacuum. Instead, they are always influencedby broader societal policies and structures that play a vital role in defining them. How doheritage tourism and intergenerational relations redefine community well-being? What is therole of the government and policy makers on issues that influence Maasai family roles andsupport of intergenerational reciprocity in ways that augment community well-being? It isimportant that policy development in areas such as health, social care, and care giving betweengenerations pay attention to changes seen among the Maasai, both at the family and societal

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level. The Maasai community definition of well-being must be closely examined, understoodand incorporated in policies that impact these people. It must be acknowledged that suchdefinitions of community well-being are dynamic and differ between generations.

This study examined intergenerational family relationships within the Maasai communityof Tanzania as they negotiate with societal forces of change pitted against the backdrop ofglobalization and westernization. Findings from this project may increase our understanding ofsimilar changes occurring in other indigenous contexts.

Acknowledgment This research project was supported by a grant to Drs. Buzinde & Kalavar from the Children,Youth & Families Consortium of The Pennsylvania State University.

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