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International Political Economy Series General Editor: Timothy M. Shaw, Professor and Director, Institute of International Relations, The University of the West Indies, Trinidad & Tobago Titles include: Leslie Elliott Armijo (editor) FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND DEMOCRACY IN EMERGING MARKETS Jeffrey Ayres and Laura Macdonald (editors) CONTENTIOUS POLITICS IN NORTH AMERICA National Protest and Transnational Collaboration under Continental Integration Eudine Barriteau THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GENDER IN THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY CARIBBEAN Gabriel G. Casaburi DYNAMIC AGROINDUSTRIAL CLUSTERS The Political Economy of Competitive Sectors in Argentina and Chile Peter Clegg THE CARIBBEAN BANANA TRADE From Colonialism to Globalization Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw (editors) THE DIPLOMACIES OF SMALL STATES Between Vulnerability and Resilience Matt Davies INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND MASS COMMUNICATION IN CHILE National Intellectuals and Transnational Hegemony Yvon Grenier THE EMERGENCE OF INSURGENCY IN EL SALVADOR Ideology and Political Will Ivelaw L. Griffith (editor) THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DRUGS IN THE CARIBBEAN Jerry Haar and Anthony T. Bryan (editors) CANADIAN–CARIBBEAN RELATIONS IN TRANSITION Trade, Sustainable Development and Security Tricia Juhn NEGOTIATING PEACE IN EL SALVADOR Civil–Military Relations and the Conspiracy to End the War Laura Macdonald and Arne Ruckert (editors) POST–NEOLIBERALISM IN THE AMERICAS R. Lipsey and P. Meller (editors) WESTERN HEMISPHERE TRADE INTEGRATION A Canadian–Latin American Dialogue
Transcript
Page 1: International Political Economy Series978-0-230-29483... · 2017-08-29 · International Political Economy Series Series Standing Order ISBN 978–0–333–71708–0 hardcover Series

International Political Economy Series

General Editor: Timothy M. Shaw, Professor and Director, Institute of International Relations, The University of the West Indies, Trinidad & Tobago

Titles include:

Leslie Elliott Armijo (editor)FINANCIAL GLOBALIZATION AND DEMOCRACY IN EMERGING MARKETS

Jeffrey Ayres and Laura Macdonald (editors)CONTENTIOUS POLITICS IN NORTH AMERICANational Protest and Transnational Collaboration under Continental Integration

Eudine BarriteauTHE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GENDER IN THE TWENTIETH-CENTURY CARIBBEAN

Gabriel G. CasaburiDYNAMIC AGROINDUSTRIAL CLUSTERSThe Political Economy of Competitive Sectors in Argentina and Chile

Peter CleggTHE CARIBBEAN BANANA TRADEFrom Colonialism to Globalization

Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw (editors)THE DIPLOMACIES OF SMALL STATESBetween Vulnerability and Resilience

Matt DaviesINTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND MASS COMMUNICATION IN CHILENational Intellectuals and Transnational Hegemony

Yvon GrenierTHE EMERGENCE OF INSURGENCY IN EL SALVADORIdeology and Political Will

Ivelaw L. Griffith (editor)THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DRUGS IN THE CARIBBEAN

Jerry Haar and Anthony T. Bryan (editors)CANADIAN–CARIBBEAN RELATIONS IN TRANSITIONTrade, Sustainable Development and Security

Tricia JuhnNEGOTIATING PEACE IN EL SALVADOR Civil–Military Relations and the Conspiracy to End the War

Laura Macdonald and Arne Ruckert (editors)POST–NEOLIBERALISM IN THE AMERICAS

R. Lipsey and P. Meller (editors)WESTERN HEMISPHERE TRADE INTEGRATIONA Canadian–Latin American Dialogue

Page 2: International Political Economy Series978-0-230-29483... · 2017-08-29 · International Political Economy Series Series Standing Order ISBN 978–0–333–71708–0 hardcover Series

International Political Economy SeriesSeries Standing Order ISBN 978–0–333–71708–0 hardcoverSeries Standing Order ISBN 978–0–333–71110–1 paperback(outside North America only)

You can receive future titles in this series as they are published by placing a standing order. Please contact your bookseller or, in case of difficulty, write to us at the address below with your name and address, the title of the series and one of the ISBNs quoted above.

Customer Services Department, Macmillan Distribution Ltd, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS, England

Gordon Mace, Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw (editors)INTER-AMERICAN COOPERATION AT A CROSSROADS

Don MarshallCARIBBEAN POLITICAL ECONOMY AT THE CROSSROADSNAFTA and Regional Developmentalism

Juan Antonio Morales and Gary McMahon (editors)ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACYThe Latin American Experience

Leo Panitch and Martijn Konings (editors)AMERICAN EMPIRE AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF GLOBAL FINANCE

Eul-Soo PangTHE INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF TRANSFORMATION IN ARGENTINA, BRAZIL, AND CHILE SINCE 1960

Henry Veltmeyer, James Petras and Steve VieuxNEOLIBERALISM AND CLASS CONFLICT IN LATIN AMERICAA Comparative Perspective on the Political Economy of Structural Adjustment

Henry Veltmeyer, James PetrasTHE DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL CHANGE IN LATIN AMERICA

William VlcekOFFSHORE FINANCE AND SMALL STATESSovereignty, Size and Money

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Inter-American Cooperation at a CrossroadsEdited by

Gordon MaceProfessor, Department of Political Science and School of Advanced International Studies, and Director of the Inter-American Studies Centre, Université Laval, Canada

Andrew F. CooperDistinguished Fellow, The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), Canada and Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Waterloo, Canada

Timothy M. ShawProfessor and Director, Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago, and Senior Fellow, The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), Canada

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Introduction, selection and editorial matter © CIGI and Gordon Mace 2010Individual chapters © contributors 2010

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of thispublication may be made without written permission.

No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmittedsave with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS.

Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publicationmay be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

First published 2010 byPALGRAVE MACMILLAN

Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS.

Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010.

Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world.

Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States,the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries.

This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fullymanaged and sustained forest sources. Logging, pulping and manufacturingprocesses are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of thecountry of origin.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Inter-American cooperation at a crossroads/edited by Gordon Mace, Andrew F. Cooper, Timothy M. Shaw. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.

1. Pan-Americanism. 2. Latin America—Relations—United States. 3. United States—Relations—Latin America. I. Mace, Gordon, 1947– II. Cooper, Andrew Fenton, 1950– III. Shaw, Timothy M., 1945– F1418.I5953 2011 327.98073—dc22 2010034182

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 119 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10

Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2010 978-0-230-24361-3

ISBN 978-1-349-31855-1 ISBN 978-0-230-29483-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230294837

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v

The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) is an independent, non-partisan think tank that addresses international governance challenges. Led by a group of experienced practitioners and distinguished academics, CIGI aims to anticipate emerging trends in international governance and to strengthen multilateral responses to the world’s most pressing problems. CIGI advances policy ideas and debate by conducting studies, forming net-works and convening scholars, practitioners and policy makers. By operating an active program of publications, events, conferences and workshops, CIGI builds capacity to effect change in international public policy. CIGI was founded in 2001 by Research In Motion (RIM) co-CEO and philanthropist Jim Balsillie, who serves as CIGI’s chair. CIGI is advised by an International Advisory Board.

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vii

List of Tables and Figures ix

Foreword: Imagining without Building the Sub-Regions of the Americas xRobert A. Pastor

Acknowledgements xx

Notes on Contributors xxii

List of Abbreviations xxviii

Introduction 1Gordon Mace, Andrew F. Cooper and Timothy M. Shaw

Part I A Changing Landscape

1 Hemispheric Relations: Budding Contests in the Dawn of a New Era 23 Diana Tussie

2 The Obama Administration and Latin America: Towards a New Partnership? 43

Daniel P. Erikson

3 The Caribbean in a Turbulent World 60 Norman Girvan

Part II Responding to Challenges

4 Economic Integration in the Americas: An Unfinished Agenda 81 Antoni Estevadeordal and Kati Suominen

5 Building on Sub-Regional Economic Integration Projects toForge an Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas 95

Thomas Andrew O’Keefe

6 Demise of the Inter-American Democracy Promotion Regime? 111 Thomas Legler

7 A More Secure Hemisphere? 131 Rut Diamint

8 Poverty Reduction and the Role of Regional Institutions 153 Nicola Phillips

Part III The Effectiveness of Other Institutions

9 The Successes, Failures and Future of Mercosur 171 Marc Schelhase

Contents

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10 Ruling the North American Market: NAFTA and its Extensions 187 Louis Bélanger and Richard Ouellet

11 New Forms of Integration: ALBA Institutions and Mechanisms 204 Josette Altmann

Part IV Reconstructing a Regional System for the Americas

12 Middle Powers and Hemispheric Diplomacy: Towards an A10 225 Jorge Heine

13 What Role for the Private Sector in Inter-AmericanMultilateralism? 242

Richard E. Feinberg

14 Conclusion: The Fragile Legitimacy of Inter-American Institutions 261

Gordon Mace and Jean-Philippe Thérien

Index 275

viii Contents

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ix

List of Tables and Figures

Tables

0.1 Indicators for the Americas, 1980–2006 xiv

0.2 Western Hemisphere: Total and intraregional exports,1994–2004 xvi

4.1 Trend comparisons of trade openness and regional bias(1990 and 2007) 83

4.2 Intraregional trade (share of exports), 2008 85

4.3 Intraregional trade in the Western Hemisphere (1990–2009) 86

11.1 ALBA and Petrocaribe summits 206

11.2 Latin America and the Caribbean: Poverty evolution 208

11.3 Latin America: Main trading partners by sub-region (2007) 209

11.4 Latin America: Poverty and extreme poverty (%) 212

11.5 Latin America: Distribution of wealth in the wealthiest and poorest segments of the population (%) 213

11.6 Venezuelan funds destined to the countries of the ALBA(in US$ millions) 214

Figures

4.1 Trade with Western Hemisphere RTA partners in 2008 83

4.2 Trade with Western Hemisphere RTA partners in 1990 84

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x

ForewordImagining without Building theSub-Regions of the Americas

Robert A. Pastor

The nations of the Western Hemisphere were born with a congenital contradiction. Their struggles for independence were, largely, national strug-gles, though many of the liberators dreamed of a wider continental entity. Those dreams of unity remain in the hearts of many Latin and North Americans and have resulted in periodic declarations to form new groups of nations or func-tional inter-governmental institutions.

The groups have varied in size and differed in purpose. Simon Bolivar dreamed of a united group of Latin American nations. James Monroe viewed all of the Americas as distinct from and better than Europe, and his ‘doc-trine’ aimed to preclude European re-colonization of the Americas. When hopes for unification faded, national leaders proposed new forms of coop-eration to defend the region, prevent intervention, foster human rights, resolve investment disputes, and promote freer trade.

While the dream has not died, the reality has fallen short. A few of the new groups include all the nations of the Americas, but most of them encompass a few proximate nations or were focused on particular functions. In most cases, the initial impetus to combine stopped short of institutionali-zation. Even those that achieved some form of institutionalization did not achieve their original promise.

The contributors to this book have systematically examined the history of sub-regionalism and inter-American cooperation in the Americas. They find the evolution, growth, and diversification of the inter-American idea endlessly fascinating and have conveyed the creativity as well as the reality in this volume.

The idea of regionalism and its evolution

The idea of the Americas was born of two unusual ironies five centuries ago. First, Christopher Columbus claimed to have discovered the region and yet he met large numbers of people who were already here. He compounded his error by calling them ‘Indians’, believing he had arrived in South Asia, missing his destination by half a globe. The second irony was a joke on Columbus: his magnificent achievement was named by a German publisher to honour another Italian navigator, Amerigo Vespucci, who again ‘discovered’ the ‘Americas’ several decades later.

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These ironic roots may explain why the patterns of inter-American cooperation also yield a convoluted quality. In the early nineteenth century, soon after a majority of new nations emerged in the Americas, US President James Monroe enunciated a strategic vision of the Americas which aimed to separate those new nations from Europe’s ancient intrigues. Latin America welcomed the statement, believing that it meant that the US would defend their independence, and in a few cases the US did so, but not often or impar-tially enough to assuage their concerns. Simon Bolivar responded to Monroe’s initiative three years later by convening an ‘Amphicytonic Congress’ in Panama to discuss unity. Initially uncertain as to whether to invite the United States, he chose to do so, though late and without much enthusiasm. The US was similarly ambivalent, debating over a prolonged period whether to attend, and finally dispatching two envoys, one of whom died on the way and the other arrived too late for the conference. That pattern of inter-American cooperation has been repeated. As pertinent, not much was accomplished in Panama. Nonetheless, Latin American leaders met from time to time during the next 60 years, and the US was not upset over the lack of invitations.

In 1889, having survived a devastating civil war and begun to explore the world for new markets and opportunities, the US turned first to Latin America, inviting its leaders to Washington to discuss freer trade and mecha-nisms for handling disputes. The leaders decided to establish an institution to address these and other issues, and that became the Pan American Union. At the turn of the century, Andrew Carnegie built a magnificent building to host the new institution in Washington, and that building has housed the Organization of American States (OAS) since its founding in 1948. The OAS has proven the most durable (though not necessarily the most effective) institution in the Americas. It includes other institutions, such as the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court on Human Rights. It expanded into economic development and cultural affairs and, with the Santiago Commitment of 1991 and the Inter-American Democratic Charter a decade later, moved into the area of trying collectively to preserve and defend democracy in all the OAS states.

Beginning in 1960, groups of Latin American countries forged economic arrangements to strengthen their bargaining power against foreign investors, widen their markets, and set rules that could reduce disputes and enhance cooperation. Those groups initially included free trade regimes, like the Caribbean Common Market (CARICOM), the Central American Common Market, and the Andean Pact. Several decades later, after the debt crises of the 1980s, several sub-regions, including North America and Mercosur, tried to deepen their economic pacts through ‘open regionalism’. More recently, a group of governments, led by Venezuela, formed an organization, Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), aimed at an alternative to free trade. Other organizations, such as Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), seek greater cooperation among South American countries.

Foreword xi

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Parameters for assessment

This volume examines and assesses all of these organizations as well as new regimes on democracy, human rights, and trade. While each chapter displays the independence and creativity of its author, two threads connect most of them, and that is: cooperation is desirable, and there is room for improvement. Recommendations abound, making this volume that much more valuable.

Stanley Hoffmann helped us to recognize that while international organi-zations seek to transcend the nation state, they also reflect and are affected by the balance of power. In the Western Hemisphere, the disproportionate power of the US has shaped virtually all the groups. Indeed, many are established to try to balance that power. A discussion of inter-American cooperation that fails to take into account the balance of power is one that places greater faith in the declarations than the substance of the organizations.

In Table 0.1 – Indicators of the Americas – one can see clearly the dimensions of each major subgroup. Mercosur – with Brazil as its principal partner – represents 28 per cent of the population and about 7 per cent of the gross product and the total trade of all the Americas. In comparison, the Andean Community represents 15 percent of the population, 2.7 per cent of the gross product, and 4.5 per cent of the region’s total trade. CARICOM and the Central American Common Market add to about 6 per cent of the population and less than one percent of the region’s product and trade. Alongside these efforts, the three countries of North America constitute half of the region’s population and nearly 90 per cent of the region’s gross product and total trade.

The North American market, in brief, eclipses all the other regional groups in the hemisphere. Indeed, all the other 31 nations of the Americas consti-tute about 10 per cent of the economic weight of the Americas. Although Mercosur aspires to be as deep as the European Union, and the others have set high standards, by one simple indicator – intra-regional trade as a percentage of total trade – it is clear that North America is the only group that has estab-lished a market (see Table 0.2). Even if one includes Chile and Bolivia with Mercosur, the total amount of intra-regional exports in that group as a percent of its global exports reached only 16 per cent in 2004. Only 10 per cent of the Andean Community’s exports with the world were with each other. Central America, in contrast, traded 28 per cent of its total trade with each other. In the case of North America, more than half of the three countries’ exports are destined for each other, and that amounted in 2004 to US$700 billion as compared to their total exports of US$1.2 trillion.

No doubt North America is a daunting economic presence because of the US, but it is worth noting that Canada’s economy is second in the Americas and Mexico’s is fourth. Together, North America is a formidable global entity while the other groups in the Americas are Lilliputian.

xii Foreword

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The future of inter-American cooperation needs to face these asymmetries, especially when contemplating economic cooperation. This economic gap, however, is not as important in the areas of human rights and democ-racy, and indeed, in these areas, the Americas has demonstrated both real progress and continued obstacles. The future of cooperation in the Americas might very well turn on whether the governments overcome those obstacles and create a durable mechanism to assure the continued promotion of the human rights of all the Americas and the defence of democracy.

Foreword xiii

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Table 0.1 Indicators for the Americas, 1980–2006

Group or country

Population (millions)

GDP (billions USD) Exports(billions USD)

Imports (billions USD)

Trade (a) as % of GDP

Total Trade (billions USD)

2006 1980 2006 1980 2006 1980 2006 2006 2006

North America

436.2 51.6% 3,198.5 15,275.7 89.0% 410.6 1,675.1 432.4 2,544.0 27.6% 4,219.1 87.2%

US 299.4 2,709.0 13,163.9 76.7%* 301.8 1,036.6 314.8 1,918.1 22.4% 2,954.7 61.0%*Canada 32.6 266.0 1,271.6 82.0 388.1 82.8 357.7 58.7% 745.8Mexico 104.2 223.5 840.2 26.8 250.4 34.8 268.2 61.7% 518.6

Mercosur 237.7 28.1% 356.9 1,310.6 7.6% 37.0 190.3 48.3 140.8 25.3% 331.1 6.8%Brazil 189.3 234.9 1,067.8 6.2%* 23.5 137.8 33.8 95.9 21.9% 233.7 4.8%*Argentina 39.1 77.0 214.2 10.9 46.6 11.1 34.2 37.7% 80.8Paraguay 6.0 4.6 9.3 0.6 1.9 0.9 5.9 83.9% 7.8Uruguay 3.3 10.1 19.3 2.0 4.0 2.5 4.8 45.6% 8.8

Andean Community

122.8 14.5% 138.0 466.3 2.7% 36.5 130.0 36.1 89.8 47.1% 219.8 4.5%

Venezuela 27.0 69.4 184.5 20.5 65.2 20.2 33.6 53.6% 98.8Colombia 45.6 33.4 135.7 6.5 24.4 7.0 26.0 37.1% 50.4Peru 27.6 20.6 93.2 5.2 23.8 4.2 15.3 42.0% 39.1Ecuador 13.2 11.7 41.4 3.2 12.7 3.6 12.1 59.9% 24.8Bolivia 9.4 2.8 11.5 1.1 3.9 1.1 2.8 58.3% 6.7

Caricom (b) 12.1 1.4% 4.1 15.0 0.1% 2.1 2.5 2.4 7.3 65.3% 9.8 0.2%Haiti 9.4 1.5 5.0 0.4 0.5 0.6 1.6 42.0% 2.1Jamaica 2.7 2.6 10.0 1.7 2.0 1.8 5.7 77.0% 7.7

xiv

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CACM 36.7 4.3% 21.0 87.2 0.5% 6.0 20.9 8.5 39.5 69.3% 60.4 1.2%Guatemala 13.0 7.9 30.2 1.9 6.0 2.5 11.9 59.3% 17.9El Salvador 6.8 3.6 18.7 1.2 3.7 1.5 7.7 61.0% 11.4Costa Rica 4.4 4.8 22.2 1.4 8.2 2.1 11.5 88.7% 19.7Honduras 7.0 2.6 10.8 1.0 2.0 1.3 5.4 68.5% 7.4Nicaragua 5.5 2.1 5.3 0.5 1.0 1.1 3.0 75.5% 4.0

The Americas 845.5 100.0% 3,726.1 17,154.8 100.0% 492.2 2,018.8 527.7 2,821.4 28.2% 4,840.2 100.0%

CACM � Central American Common MarketCaricom � Caribbean Common Marketa. Trade is defined as Exports � Imports b. Export and Import data included only for Haiti and Jamaica* As a percentage of the Americas

Sources: For 1980: GDP, export and import data taken from World Bank, World Development Report 1999/2000: Entering the 21st Century, 252–3, 268–9; for population, World Bank, World Development Indicators 2000, table 1.1, 13. For 2004: Import and export data taken from World Trade Organization, Statistics Database, www.wto.org: population and GDP data taken from World Bank, Data Query. www.worldbank.org.

xv

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xvi

Table 0.2 Western Hemisphere: Total and intraregional exports, 1994–2004 (millions of US dollars and percentages)

1994 1995 1996 1997 1998

Western Hemisphere 1,2,3

Total Exports 858,456 994,328 1,071,955 1,179,833 1,161,673% growth 18.1 15.8 7.8 10.1 –1.5

Extra-hemispheric exports

392,278 471,910 496,479 521,552 484,536

% growth 15.4 20.3 5.2 5.1 –7.1Intra-hemispheric exports

466,178 522,419 575,475 658,280 677,138

% growth 20.4 12.1 10.2 14.4 2.9Intra/Total 54.3 52.5 53.7 55.8 58.3

Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)2,3

Total Exports 182,545 220,411 249,332 276,962 268,849% growth 18.1 20.7 13.1 11.1 –2.9

Extra-LAC exports 147,584 178,629 203,074 223,464 215,609% growth 18.0 21.0 13.7 10.0 –3.5

Intra-LAC exports 34,961 41,782 46,257 53,498 53,240% growth 18.7 19.5 10.7 15.7 –0.5

Intra/Total 19.2 19.0 18.6 19.3 19.8

Andean Community

Total Exports 34,243 38,259 45,687 47,655 38,742% growth 17.5 11.7 19.4 4.3 –18.7

Extra-Andean exports

30,816 33,524 40,996 42,028 33,402

% growth 17.3 8.8 22.3 2.5 –20.5Intra-Andean exports 3,427 4,735 4,691 5,627 5,341

% growth 19.8 38.2 –0.9 19.9 –5.1Intra/Total 10.0 12.4 10.3 11.8 13.8

Caricom3

Total Exports 5,069 5,531 5,439 6,008 5,543% growth 57.7 9.1 –1.7 10.4 –7.7

Extra-Caricom exports

4,376 4,649 4,568 5,082 4,473

% growth 64.2 6.2 –1.8 11.3 –12.0Intra-Caricom exports

693 882 872 925 1,070

% growth 26.0 27.2 –1.1 6.1 15.6Intra/Total 13.7 15.9 16.0 15.4 19.3

CACM

Total Exports 5,509 6,864 7,778 8,242 10,313% growth 12.4 24.6 13.3 6.0 25.1

Extra-CACM exports 4,280 5,408 6,192 6,417 8,125% growth 12.7 26.4 14.5 3.6 26.6

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1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 AAGR1994–20044

1,216,398 1,308,489 1,234,953 1,192,998 1,289,255 1,490,1174.7 7.6 –5.6 –3.4 8.1 15.6 5.7

488,397 508,778 478,327 459,310 513,532 592,897

0.8 4.2 –6.0 –4.0 11.8 15.5 4.2728,001 799,711 756,626 733,688 775,723 897,220

7.5 9.9 –5.4 –3.0 5.7 15.7 6.859.8 61.1 61.3 61.5 60.2 60.2

287,680 346,324 334,441 332,182 366,119 439,2227.0 20.4 –3.4 –0.7 10.2 20.0 9.2

242,330 290,255 275,638 283,493 312,581 367,31112.4 19.8 –5.0 2.8 10.3 17.5 9.5

45,349 56,069 58,803 48,689 53,539 71,911–14.8 23.6 4.9 –17.2 10.0 34.3 7.515.8 16.2 17.6 14.7 14.6 16.4

43,207 57,236 50,837 48,955 55,015 72,57811.5 32.5 –11.2 –3.7 12.4 31.9 7.8

39,268 52,045 45,181 43,766 50,052 65,049

17.6 32.5 –13.2 –3.1 14.4 30.0 7.83,939 5,191 5,656 5,189 4,963 7,529–26.2 31.8 9.0 –8.3 –4.4 51.7 8.2

9.1 9.1 11.1 10.6 9.0 10.4

5,933 7,754 8,393 5,480 7,108 —7.0 30.7 8.3 –34.7 29.7 — 3.8

4,871 6,349 6,929 4,453 5,775 —

8.9 30.3 9.1 –35.7 29.7 — 3.11,062 1,404 1,464 1,027 1,334 —

–0.7 32.2 4.3 –29.9 29.9 — 7.517.9 18.1 17.4 18.7 18.8 —

11,175 12,765 10,510 10,008 11,626 12,6218.4 14.2 –17.7 –4.8 16.2 8.6 8.6

8,886 10,194 7,693 7,198 8,498 9,0609.4 14.7 –24.5 –6.4 18.1 6.6 7.8

xvii

(Continued)

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xviii

1994 1995 1996 1997 1998

Intra-CACM exports 1,229 1,456 1,586 1,826 2,188% growth 11.5 18.5 8.9 15.1 19.9

Intra/Total 22.3 21.2 20.4 22.1 21.2

MercosurTotal Exports 62,113 70,402 74,998 82,342 81,323

% growth 14.8 13.3 6.5 9.8 –1.2Extra-Mercosur exports

50,157 56,019 57,960 62,289 60,972

% growth 13.7 11.7 3.5 7.5 –2.1Intra-Mercosur exports

11,957 14,384 17,038 20,053 20,351

% growth 19.3 20.3 18.5 17.7 1.5Intra/Total 19.2 20.4 22.7 24.4 25.0

Mercosur + Chile +Bolivia (MCB)Total Exports 74,790 87,977 91,700 100,632 97,197

% growth 17.0 17.6 4.2 9.7 –3.4Extra-MCB exports 58,333 67,903 68,732 73,874 70,615

% growth 16.5 16.4 1.2 7.5 –4.4Intra-MCB exports 16,458 20,074 22,968 26,758 26,582

% growth 18.6 22.0 14.4 16.5 –0.7Intra/Total 22.0 22.8 25.0 26.6 27.3

NAFTATotal Exports 737,888 853,694 918,077 1,013,108 1,012,114

% growth 18.2 15.7 7.5 10.4 –0.1Extra–NAFTA exports 383,349 460,581 485,698 517,457 490,885

% growth 15.1 20.1 5.5 6.5 –5.1Intra-NAFTA exports 354,539 393,113 432,379 495,651 521,229

% growth 21.7 10.9 10.0 14.6 5.2Intra/Total 48.0 46.0 47.1 48.9 51.5

1. Western Hemisphere includes Latin America, Canada, and the United States. There are gaps in some years for some Caribbean countries.2. Latin America and the Caribbean includes Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic (except 1998–2004), Ecuador, EI Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama (except 1994), Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, Venezuela and Caricom (see note 3 for exceptions). Caricom data for 2004 are not available.3. Caricom includes Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St Kitts and Nevis, St Lucia, St Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, and Trinidad and Tobago, because of the unavailability of data for the other Caricom member states. Totals exclude Bahamas (1994–96, 2002–03), Guyana (1994–97, 2003), St Kitts and Nevis (1996) and Suriname (2002–03).

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1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 AAGR1994–20044

2,289 2,571 2,817 2,810 3,128 3,5604.6 12.3 9.6 –0.2 11.3 13.8 11.2

20.5 20.1 26.8 28.1 26.9 28.2

74,320 84,659 87,876 88,880 106,086 134,865–8.6 13.9 3.8 1.1 19.4 27.1 8.1

59,158 66,961 72,725 78,714 93,367 117,787

–3.0 13.2 8.6 8.2 18.6 26.2 8.915,163 17,698 15,151 10.166 12,719 17,078

–25.5 16.7 –14.4 –32.9 25.1 34.3 3.620.4 20.9 17.2 11.4 12.0 12.7

91,355 104,120 106,839 107,675 127,795 167,386–6.0 14.0 2.6 0.8 18.7 31.0 8.4

70,664 79,581 84,668 90,720 106,998 140,0330.1 12.6 6.4 7.1 17.9 30.9 9.2

20,691 24,539 22,171 16,955 20,797 27,353–22.2 18.6 –9.6 –23.5 22.7 31.5 5.222.6 23.6 20.8 15.7 16.3 16.3

1,071,355 1,134,834 1,061,548 1,021,497 1,066,976 1,231,6345.9 5.9 –6.5 –3.8 4.5 15.4 5.3

486,296 491,695 464,133 432,856 458,068 537,581–0.9 1.1 –5.6 –6.7 5.8 17.4 3.4

585,059 643,140 597,415 588,641 608,908 694,05312.2 9.9 –7.1 –1.5 3.4 14.0 6.954.6 56.7 56.3 57.6 57.1 56.4

xix

4. AAGR: Average Annual Growth Rate: Calculated using the formula [(Y(t)/Y(s))(1/n)–1]*100, where Y(t) and Y(s) are the values in years “t” and “s”, respectively, where t > s and n � t–s.For Caricom the formula is based on the 1994–2003 period.

Source: IDB, Integration and Regional Programs Department, based on data from DataIntal, ALADI, SIECA, Hemispheric Database, UN Comtrade and official country data

Note: There are periodic changes in data sources. This is especially pronounced between 2003 and 2004. Although the data are generally consistent, these changes in sources can affect results

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xx

Acknowledgements

This collection is the result of a colloquium held in advance of the Fifth Summit of the Americas (Trinidad and Tobago) that took place at the University of the West Indies (UWI), St Augustine Campus 15–16 April 2009. The colloquium and the collection it contributed to reflect the organic collaboration between Canadian and Caribbean institutions and inter-ests that brought together a range of hemispheric universities and think tanks, convened by The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI), the Inter-American Studies Centre (CEI) at Université Laval, and UWI, respectively. CIGI and the Institute of International Relations (IIR) at UWI had cooperated in early 2008 for a seminar on small states, leading to the publication of The Diplomacies of Small States: Between Vulnerability & Resilience, Cooper and Shaw (eds), that is also a part of this IPE Series (www.palgrave.com/politics/ipe.asp).

In addition to financial support from CIGI and CEI, the pre-summit col-loquium was supported by two agencies of the government of Canada – the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). The CEI particularly wishes to acknowledge the financial support offered by the Québec Department of International Relations. The colloquium also included a ‘Voices of the Americas’ roundtable that brought together representatives from think tanks in the hemisphere. This innovative effort was facilitated by the Canadian Foundation for the Americas (FOCAL), the Latin American and Caribbean Center (LACC) at Florida International University, and the Facultad Latinoamerica de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO). Other organizational partners included Coordinadora Regional de Investigaciones Económicas y Sociales (CRIES) and the Woodrow Wilson Center. Aside from the authors of the revised chapters included here, other distinguished participants included Ambassador Albert R. Ramdin, Assistant Secretary General at the Organization of American States (OAS), Dr David Malone, President of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), and Canadian Assistant Deputy Minister, Latin America and the Caribbean, Alexandra Bugailiskis (DFAIT). We also appreciate the participation of everyone who attended the conference, whose valuable comments helped shape this volume.

The colloquium could not have taken place without the support at UWI of the Principal’s Office and other senior management plus the IIR Secretariat. In turn, the Summit Office, the OAS as well as Dr Riyad Insanally, Political Advisor to the Association of Caribbean States (ACS), and Dr Luis Andrade, Assistant Secretary General of the ACS, were most helpful, leading to further

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Acknowledgements xxi

collaboration in 2009 and in 2010 around the NETRIS Edulink network. IIR looks forwards to further such mutual cooperation.

The colloquium also benefited from the organizational talents of Joe Turcotte at CIGI and Nicolas Diotte at CEI. Their assistance in the prepara-tion of application grants, in efficient management of logistics, and their attention to details helped considerably and was deeply appreciated. The staff and volunteers at UWI and IIR worked to ensure that the colloquium unfolded without a hitch. Special thanks go to Marilyn Ramon-Fortuné at UWI for her diligence and courtesy while hosting the event.

The preparation of the volume itself was made much easier with the expert editorial assistance of Joe Turcotte at CIGI. Our gratitude to Joe, and to Alexandra Webster and Renée Takken at Palgrave Macmillan, who supervised the publication process with courtesy and efficacy. Max Brem (CIGI’s Senior Director for Publications), Jessica Hanson (CIGI Publications Coordinator) and Andrew Schrumm (Research Officer at CIGI) provided much sage advice and counsel throughout the process.

As is the case of all CIGI projects Thomas A. Bernes, the acting execu-tive director, created an environment amenable to productive research. CIGI was founded in 2001 by Jim Balsillie, co-CEO of RIM (Research In Motion), and collaborates with and gratefully acknowledges support from a number of strategic partners, in particular the Government of Canada and the Government of Ontario. Le CIGI a été fondé en 2001 par Jim Balsillie, co-chef de la direction de RIM (Research In Motion). Il collabore avec de nombreux partenaires stratégiques et exprime sa reconnaissance du soutien reçu de ceux-ci, notamment de l’appui reçu du gouvernement du Canada et de celui du gouvernement de l’Ontario.

Finally, this volume can be considered in some ways as a companion to the Andrew F. Cooper and Jorge Heine collection Which Way Latin America? Hemispheric Politics Meets Globalization (United Nations University Press, 2009) and to the Gordon Mace, Jean-Phillipe Thérien and Paul Haslam volume Governing the Americas: Assessing Multilateral Institutions (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2007). The former looks more at Latin America’s strate-gic calculus in the wake of recent world transformations while the latter also examines hemispheric institutions but without the benefit of a comparative analysis and without the insights of a post-economic crisis situation. The three collections, however, do offer a useful package for the understanding of present day inter-American relations.

Gordon Mace, Québec, Canada Andrew F. Cooper, Waterloo, Canada

Timothy M. Shaw, St Augustine, Trinidad and TobagoApril, 2010

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xxii

Notes on Contributors

Josette Altmann is a Regional Coordinator for International Cooperation in the General Secretariat of the Latin American Faculty of Social Science (FLACSO) and Professor of History and Political Science at the University of Costa Rica. Professor Altmann holds a Master’s degree in Political Sciences and a Bachelor’s degree in History, both from the University of Costa Rica. From 1990 to 1991 she was an intern at Harvard University. She has worked as a consultant for the Democratic Centre of Latin America Studies (CEDAL), the International Labour Organization (ILO), and the Costa Rican government. Her latest publications are El ALBA, Petrocaribe y Centroamérica: ¿intereses comunes? En: Revista Nueva Sociedad, Buenos Aires, Argentina. N 219. Enero-febrero 2009. En: www.nuso.org; ALBA: An Alternative Project for Latin America? ARI17-2008. Real Instituto Elcano. 2008, in www.realinstitutoelcano.org; Las Paradojas de la Integración en América Latina y El Caribe. Altmann, Josette y Rojas Aravena, Francisco (eds) Fundación Carolina/Siglo XXI. Madrid. 2008.

Louis Bélanger is a professor of International Relations in the Department of Political Science at Université Laval, Quebec City. A graduate from Laval (Ph.D., 1996), Louis Bélanger also pursued Slavic Studies at the University of Ottawa. From 2000 to 2005, Professor Bélanger was the Director of Université Laval’s Quebec Institute for Advanced International Studies (HEI). Professor Bélanger held visiting positions at Duke University (Durham, NC), at SciencePo-Paris (Centre d’études et de recherches internationales), at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, in Washington, and, as a Canada-US Fulbright Visiting Scholar, at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (Johns Hopkins University). He is a member of the Advisory Council on National Security and the Military Police Complaints Commission of Canada. He is the author of numerous publications on Canadian foreign policy, comparative foreign and trade policy, inter-American cooperation, and the politics of secession.

Andrew F. Cooper is Distinguished Fellow at The Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI) and Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Waterloo, where he teaches in the areas of International Political Economy, Global Governance, and the Practice of Diplomacy. In 2009 he was the Canada-US Fulbright Research Chair in Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School of Communications, University of Southern California. In 1993 he served as the Leger Fellow in the Canadian Foreign Ministry’s Policy Planning staff. He has written or edited a number of books, including Which Way Latin America? Hemispheric Politics Meets

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Globalization (with Jorge Heine; United Nations University Press, 2009); Intervention Without Intervening? The OAS Defense and Promotion of Democracy in the Americas (with Thomas Legler; Palgrave, 2006); Celebrity Diplomacy (Paradigm, 2008); and, Emerging Powers in Global Governance: Lessons from the Heiligendamm Process (WLU Press, 2008).

Rut Diamint is a professor at Torcuato Di Tella University and the University of Bologna, in the Buenos Aires programme. She served as advisor to the Under-Secretariat of Politics and Strategy of the Ministry of Defense of Argentina (1993–6) and Cabinet Director of the Minister of Defense (2004–5). She has written several articles in books and academic journals on regional and hemispheric security affairs and civic-military and disarmament topics.

Daniel P. Erikson is Senior Adviser in the Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs in the United States Department of State. His chapter was written while he was the senior associate for US policy and director of Caribbean programmes at the Inter-American Dialogue, and it reflects his own analy-sis, not the views of the US government. Erikson is the author of The Cuba Wars: Fidel Castro, the United States, and the Next Revolution (Bloomsbury Press, 2008). His book chapters appear in The Obama Administration and the Americas: Agenda for Change (2009), The Diplomacies of Small States (2009), Latin America’s Struggle for Democracy (2008), Looking Forward: Comparative Perspectives on Cuba’s Transition (2007), Taking Sides: Clashing Views on Latin America (2007) and Transforming Socialist Economies: Lessons for Cuba and Beyond (2005), which he co-edited. His past positions include research associate at Harvard Business School and Fulbright scholar in US–Mexican business relations.

Antoni Estevadeordal is currently the Manager of the Integration and Trade Sector at the Inter-American Development Bank in Washington, DC. He was responsible for IDB technical assistance to the FTAA process from 1995 to 2000. He has coordinated the Bank’s policy research programme on trade and integration issues as well as several joint initiatives with the WTO, ADB, EU, OAS, and UN agencies. Before joining the IDB he taught at the University of Barcelona and Harvard University. He has published widely in major journals. He has coordinated several IDB reports such as The Emergence of China: Opportunities and Challenges for Latin America and the Caribbean (IDB-Harvard University Press, 2006, with R. Devlin and A. R. Clare) and Regional Rules and the Global Trading System (Cambridge University Press 2009, with K. Suominen and R. Teh). He holds a Ph.D. in Economics from Harvard University and a B. A. in Economics from the University of Barcelona.

Richard E. Feinberg is Professor of International Political Economy at the Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies, University of California, San Diego. He serves as Director of the University’s APEC (Asia

Notes on Contributors xxiii

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Pacific Economic Cooperation) Study Center. In addition, he is the book reviewer for the Western Hemisphere section of the prestigious publication of the Council on Foreign Relations, Foreign Affairs. Prior to his arrival in California, Feinberg was Special Assistant to President Clinton and Senior Director of the National Security Council’s Office of Inter-American Affairs (1993–6). As the President’s senior adviser for Latin America, Feinberg was one of the principal architects of the 1994 Summit of the Americas in Miami.

Norman Girvan is Professorial Research Fellow at the UWI Graduate Institute of International Relations at the University of the West Indies in St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago. He has been Secretary General of the Association of Caribbean States, Professor of Development Studies and Director of the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies at the University of the West Indies, and head of the National Planning Agency of the Government of Jamaica. He received his Bachelor’s degree in Economics from the University College of the West Indies and his PhD in Economics from the London School of Economics. He has published exten-sively on the political economy of development in the Caribbean and the Global South. He is the recipient of several honours and awards.

Jorge Heine holds the Chair in Global Governance at the Balsillie School of International Affairs, is Professor of Political Science at Wilfrid Laurier University and is a Distinguished Fellow at The Centre for International Governance Innovation. He was previously Ambassador of Chile to India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka (2003–7). He has also been Ambassador to South Africa (1994–9), as well as a cabinet minister in the Chilean government. He has been a Visiting Fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford, and a Research Associate at The Wilson Center in Washington, DC. He is the author, co-author, or editor of ten books, including The Dark Side of Globalization (with Ramesh Thakur, United Nations University Press, 2010); Which Way Latin America? Hemispheric Politics Meets Globalization (with Andrew F. Cooper, United Nations University Press, 2009); and The Last Cacique: Leadership and Politics in a Puerto Rican City (Pittsburgh University Press, Choice Magazine Outstanding Academic Book of 1994), and around 70 academic articles.

Thomas Legler is a professor of International Relations at the Iberoamerican University of Mexico City. Previously he taught at Mount Alison University, Victoria University, and the University of Toronto. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from York University. As a specialist in Latin American politics and development, he investigated the promotion and defence of democracy in the Americas with the support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. He is the author of the book Intervention Without Intervening? The OAS Defense and Promotion of Democracy in the Americas (2006) as well as one of the editors of the text Promoting Democracy in the

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Notes on Contributors xxv

Americas (Johns Hopkins University, 2007). He participated as an electoral observer in several missions organized by the OAS and the Carter Center in the Dominican Republic, Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, and Venezuela.

Gordon Mace is a professor of International Relations at the Department of Political Science and at the School of Advanced International Studies at Université Laval. In addition to being director of the Inter-American Studies Centre, he is Editor-in-chief of Études internationales. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from Geneva’s Graduate Institute of International Studies. Author and co-author of more than a hundred academic articles and chap-ters, his most recent co-authored or co-edited publications are Governing the Americas: Assessing Multilateral Institutions (Lynne Rienner, 2007, with J. P. Thérien and P. Haslam), and Regionalism and the State: NAFTA and Foreign Policy Convergence (Ashgate, 2007). He serves on the editorial/advisory board of several journals and he is the recipient of the 2008 ISA Canada Distinguished Scholar Award.

Thomas Andrew O’Keefe is the President of Washington, DC-based Mercosur Consulting Group, Ltd. [http://www.mercosurconsulting.net]. He did his undergraduate work at Columbia University, received his J. D. from the Villanova University School of Law, and has an M.Phil. in Latin American Studies (History and Economics) from the University of Oxford. In 1986 he worked for the legal departments of the Chilean Human Rights Commission and the Vicaría de la Solidaridad (the human rights office of the Archdiocese of Santiago). He has taught courses on Western Hemisphere economic integra-tion, the Political Economy of the Southern Cone countries of South America, and Energy Cooperation in the Western Hemisphere at Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies, The George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs, and Stanford University. He was Chair of the Brazil and Southern Cone course at the US Foreign Service Institute between September and December 2005. He is the author of two books, Latin American and Canadian Trade Agreements (Martinus Nijhoff, 2009) and Latin American Trade Agreements (Brill, 1997), and numerous articles on Latin American and Caribbean economic integration.

Richard Ouellet, lawyer and doctor of law, is Associate Professor of Inter-national Economic Law at the Faculty of Law and the Institute of Advanced International Studies (HEI) at Université Laval where he is the Director of the Masters and Doctoral programmes. His teaching and research programme focuses on trade agreements such as the World Trade Organization and NAFTA. He is author of several papers presented in Canada, the US, France, Switzerland, Morocco and Vietnam. He has also authored several book chapters and articles in scholarly law journals. He is editor of the chronique “Commerce” in l’Annuaire canadien de droit international. He is a member of the Centre d’études interaméricaines (CEI), the Society of International

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Economic Law, European Society of International Law, the Quebec Society of International Law, Centre for Research in Agricultural Economics and founding member of the Center on Studies in Economic Law.

Robert A. Pastor is Professor of International Relations and Founder and Co-Director of the Center for North American Studies and the Center for Democracy and Election Management at American University in Washington, DC. He was Director of Latin American and Caribbean Affairs on the National Security Council during the Carter Administration, nomi-nated to be Ambassador to Panama during the Clinton Administration, and an advisor to Presidential Candidate Barack Obama. He received his doctorate from Harvard University, was a Fulbright Professor in Mexico, was the founder of the Latin American and Democracy Programs at The Carter Center, and is the author or editor of 17 books, including The North American Idea (Oxford University Press, 2011).

Nicola Phillips is Professor of Political Economy and Founding Director of the Political Economy Institute at the University of Manchester, UK. She is also an Associate Fellow of the Brooks World Poverty Institute and the Centre for Chinese Studies, both based at Manchester, was formerly an Associate Fellow of Chatham House in London, and holds and has held various visiting positions across Europe and Latin America. She is editor-in-chief of the New Political Economy, and sits on the boards of several other journals. Her research focuses on the political economy of development, with a particular emphasis on questions of migration, development, and labour standards. Much of her work has focused on the region of the Americas, particularly on questions of regional development, poverty and inequality, and migra-tion. Among her most recent publications are The Southern Cone Model: The Political Economy of Regional Capitalist Development (Routledge, 2004), co-author with Anthony Payne of Development (Polity Press, 2009) and editor of Globalizing International Political Economy (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), and The Global Political Economy of Migration (Lynne Rienner, 2011).

Marc Schelhase is a Lecturer in the Defence Studies Department, King’s College London, UK and a Visiting Professor in the EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies Department at the College of Europe, Bruges, Belgium. His recent book Globalization, Regionalization and Business (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008) maps the role of organized business interests in the evolution of the Mercosur. In addition to processes of regionalization and regionalism in the Americas, he is currently conducting comparative research into conceptualizations of risk in financial markets and defence procurement by focusing on the political economy of risk.

Timothy M. Shaw is Professor and Director at the Institute of International Relations at the University of the West Indies in Trinidad. He previously taught at Dalhousie University in Nova Scotia for three decades and the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the University of London for half a

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decade. He continues to be a visiting professor in South Africa (Stellenbosch) and Uganda (MUBS & MUST), having previously taught at Aalborg, Ife, Makerere, Nihon, Zambia, and Zimbabwe universities.

Kati Suominen is Resident Fellow, German Marshall Fund of the United States. In 2009, she also served as Trans-Atlantic Fellow at the German Marshall Fund. She has co-published seven books about global trade and economy, including Regional Rules in the Global Trading System (Cambridge, 2009, with Antoni Estevadeordal and Robert Teh) and Globalization at Risk: Managing Challenges to International Trade and Investment (Yale University Press, 2010, with Gary Hufbauer). She holds various degrees: MBA, Wharton (2009); PhD, Political Science and International Relations, University of California, San Diego (2004); MA, International Relations, Boston University (1996); and BA, Political Science and International Relations, University of Arkansas at Little Rock (1995).

Jean-Philippe Thérien is Professor in the Department of Political Science of the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at the Université de Montréal. An expert in international relations, his fields of interest include international insti-tutions, North–South relations, and inter-American politics. Most of his research has focused on foreign aid policies, and on the role of large inter-national organizations (UN, IMF, WTO). He is currently conducting two research projects on the growing concern of multilateral institutions over poverty issues, and on the role of the Organization of American States in the inter-American system. Author of some 30 scholarly articles, his work has been published in American Political Science Review, International Organization, Global Governance and Comparative Political Studies. He is the co-editor (with Gordon Mace and Paul Haslam) of Governing the Americas: Assessing Multilateral Institutions (Lynne Rienner, 2007). His latest book is Left and Right in Global Politics (Cambridge University Press, 2008) (co-authored with Alain Noël).

Diana Tussie heads the Department of International Relations at FLACSO/Argentina and is the founding director of the Latin American Trade Network (LATN). Her recent books include The Politics of Trade: Research and Knowledge in Trade Negotiations (Brill & IDRC, 2009), Trade Negotiations in Latin America: Problems and Prospects (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), and El ALCA y las Cumbres de las Américas:¿Una nueva relación público-privada? (with M. Botto) (Biblios, 2003). She has served as junior secretary for trade negotiations and was a member of the board of the International Trade Commission in Argentina. In 2005 she served on the High Level External Panel for the Trade Assistance Evaluation of the World Bank. More recently she joined colleagues from Canada and India in the external evaluation of the WTO’s technical assistance programme. She is a current member of the Committee for Development Policy of the United Nations and serves on the Editorial Boards of several international journals.

Notes on Contributors xxvii

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xxviii

List of Abbreviations

3G Global Redesign Initiative

AACCLA Association of American Chambers of Commerce in Latin America

ACS Association of Caribbean States

AD/CVD Antidumping and countervailing duty

AIMA Argentinean-Israeli Mutual Association

ALADI Latin American Integration Association

ALALC Asociación Latinoamericana de Libre Comercio

ALBA Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas; Alternativa Bolivariana para América Latina

ALCA Free Trade Area of the Americas

ANC Andean Community of Nations

APEC Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation

ARENA Alianza Republicana Nacionalista, El Salvador

ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations

BASIC Brazil-South Africa-India-China

BBC British Broadcasting Corporation

BOT Build-Operate-Transfer Contract

BRIC Brazil, Russia, India, China

BRICSAM Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Mexico

C-TPATUS Customs-Trade Partnership Against Terrorism

CACM Central American Common Market

CAF Andean Development Corporation; Corporacion andina de fomento

CAFTA-DR Central America-Dominican Republic-United States Free Trade Agreement

CAIC Caribbean Association of Industry and Commerce

CALC Latin American and Caribbean Summit

CAN Andean Community of Nations; Comunidad Andina de Naciones

CARICOM Caribbean Community

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List of Abbreviations xxix

CARILEC Caribbean Energy Utility Services Corporation

CBM Confidence Building Measures

CDM Clean Development Mechanism

CEAL Business Council of Latin America

CEATAL Business Technical Advisory Committee on Labor Matters

CEO Chief executive officer

CEP Provisional Electoral Council; Conseil Électoral Provisoire, Haiti

CEPALC Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean; Comisión Economica para America Latina y el Caribe

CET Common external tariff

CGR Committee of Government Representatives on the Participation of Civil Society

CIDA Canadian International Development Agency

CIFTA Convention Against the Illicit Manufacturing of and Trafficking in Firearms, Ammunition, Explosives, and other Related Materials

CIP Inter-American Committee on Ports

CITEL Inter-American Telecommunications Commission

CMC Common Market Council; Consejo del Mercado Común

CNE National Electoral Council; Consejo Nacional Electoral, Venezuela

CREDP Caribbean Renewable Energy Development Project

CRIE Regional Commission of Electricity Interconnection; Comisión Regional de Interconexión Eléctrica

CRNM Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery

CSEP Caribbean Sustainable Energy Project

CSME CARICOM Single Market and Economy

CSO Civil Society Organizations

CSR Corporate social responsibility

CSSP Cross-Sector Social-Oriented partnerships

CUSTA Canada-United States Free Trade Agreement

DC District of Columbia, United States

DNA Deoxyribonucleic acid

DPD OAS Department for the Promotion of Democracy

DPU Democracy Promotion Unit

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DMS Dispute Settlement Mechanism

DTT Department of Trade and Tourism

EAI Enterprise for the Americas Initiative

ECCS European Conference on Cooperation and Security

ECLAC UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean

EG Major National Companies; empresas Grannacionales

EOR Regional Operating Authority; Ente Operador Regional

EPA Economic Partnership Agreement with European Union

EPR Empresa Propietaria de la Red

EU European Union

FARC Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia

FCES Economic-Social Consultative Forum of Mercosur

FDI Foreign Direct Investment

FECAICA Federation of Chambers and Industry Associations of Central America

FECAMCO Federation of Chambers of Commerce of Central America

FIPA Foreign Investment Protection Agreement

FLACSO Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales

FMLN Frente Farabundo Martí de Liberación Nacional, El Salvador

FTA Free Trade Agreement

FTAA Free Trade Area of the Americas

FTC Free Trade Commission

GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GPN Global Production Networks

GMC Common Market Group; Grupo Mercado Común

GVC Global Value Chain

G5 Outreach Five

G7/8 Group of Seven/Eight

G8 Group of Eight

G20 Group of Twenty

HDI Human Development Index

HIPC Highly Indebted Poor Countries

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IACHR Inter-American Convention (Commission) on Human Rights

IADC Inter-American Democratic Charter

IBSA India-Brazil-South Africa Forum

ICBL International Campaign to Ban Landmines

ICCAD Inter-American Convention against Drug Abuse

ICD Inter-American College of Defense

ICT Information and Communication Technology

IDB Inter-American Development Bank

IADB Inter-American Defense Board

IFE Federal Electoral Institute; Instituto Federal Electora, Mexico

IFES International Foundation for Electoral Systems

IIRSA UNASUR South American Infrastructure Integration Initiative

IMF International Monetary Fund

IPE International Political Economy

ISP Inter-American Strategy for Public Participation in Sustainable Development Decision-Making

ITRA Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance

KP Kimberley Process

LAC Latin America and Caribbean

LAFTA Latin American Free Trade Association

LAIA Latin American Integration Association

LDC Less Developed Countries

LNG Liquefied Natural Gas

MAS Movimiento al Socialismo (Bolivia)

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MER Regional Electricity Market; Mercado Eléctrico Regional

Mercosur Southern Common Market

MFA Multi-Fibre Arrangement

MFN Most Favored Nation

MIF Multilateral Investment Fund

MNC Multinational Corporation

MOU Memorandum of Understanding

List of Abbreviations xxxi

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NAEWG North American Energy Working Group

NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement

NAFTA TWGP NAFTA Technical Working Group on Pesticides

NATO North-Atlantic Treaty Organization

NDI National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, United States

NED National Endowment for Democracy, United States

NGO Non-Governmental Organization

NIC Newly Industrializing Country

N-11 Next Eleven

OAS Organization of American States

OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development

OECS Organization of Eastern Caribbean States

OEM Original Equipment Manufacturing

OFC Offshore Financial Centre

OLAMP Latin American Organization for Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises

OP Ottawa Process

OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries

OTCA Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization

PADF Pan-American Development Foundation

PAN National Action Party; Partido Acción Nacional, Mexico

PDVSA Petroleos de Venezuela Sociedad Anonima

PECC Pacific Economic Cooperation Council

PG Major National Projects; proyectos Grannacionales

PIP Partners in Protection

PNPB National Programme for the Production and Use of Biodiesel; Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso de Biodiese, Brazil

PPP Purchasing Power Parity

PPP Public–Private Partnership

PRD Party of the Democratic Revolution; Partido de la Revolución Democrática, Mexico

PRS Poverty Reduction Strategies

PSF Private Sector Forum

xxxii List of Abbreviations

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PTA Preferential Trade Agreement

R2P Responsibility to Protect

RNM Caribbean Regional Negotiating Machinery

SICA System of Central American Integration

SEC Securities and Exchange Commission, United States

SEDI Executive Secretariat for Integral Development

SGR Strategic Global Repositioning

SICA Central American Integration System

SIEPAC Electrical Interconnection System for the Countries of Central America; Sistema de Interconexión Eléctrica para los Países de América Central

SIRG Summit Implementation Review Group

SLA Canada-United States Softwood Lumber Agreement

SME Small and Medium Sized Enterprises

SOA Summit of the Americas

SPP Security and Prosperity Partnership

SSR Security Sector Reform

TEPJF Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judiciary; Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación, Mexico

TNC Transnational Corporations

TPA Trade Promotion Authority

TWG Technical Working Group

UK United Kingdom

UN United Nations

UNASUR Union of South American Nations; Unión de Naciones Suramericanas

UNDP UN Development Programme

UPD OAS Unit for the Promotion of Democracy

US United States

USTR United States Trade Representative

UWI University of the West Indies

WOLA Washington Office on Latin America

WTO World Trade Organization

YABT Young Americas Business Trust

YPF Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales

List of Abbreviations xxxiii


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