Interpreting the Human-landscape
Dynamic of the Maleny Region
Troy Street
November 2014
Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts
Sustainability Research Centre
University of the Sunshine Coast
1
Abstract
Interpreting the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region strives to connect people
to their heritage, to their sense of place and identity, and to a desire to create sustainable
futures. To achieve this, it is necessary to study how the natural and cultural history of the
Maleny region is reflected in the landscape; how this can be interpreted to the public; and
how futures studies concepts can be applied to the data to help create preferred futures for
the region. This thesis provides a multidisciplinary approach to exploring historical impacts
of human land use, and to communicating it to a wider audience. The intention is that the
findings will be integrated into an interpretive trail in the Maleny Community Precinct, a
multi-use community area east of the Maleny town centre. Environmental history theory is
used to examine the relationship between humans and their landscape; environmental
interpretation theory is used to shape the data into a narrative to engage visitors of the
interpretive trail; and futures concepts are applied to suggest ways of encouraging visitors
to participate in creating sustainable futures at both the individual and planning levels. The
key findings of this research indicate that the case study of the Maleny region is a story of
humans engaging with the complex dilemma of how to balance a diverse range of land-use
needs. Contestation has arisen throughout history to determine prevailing landscape
dynamics under shifting and overlapping land-management regimes. The human-landscape
dynamic has fluctuated between high degrees of sustainability with low populations and low
industrial productivity, and higher populations and industrial productivity with lower levels
of sustainability. The trajectory of these variances is leading towards a new emerging
sustainability land-management regime that is a hybrid of these historical ends of the
human-landscape dynamic spectrum. Community and government participation in planning
more open, inclusive and holistic landscape dynamics is leading the charge towards more
resilient communities and landscapes and this thesis is a contribution to creating this newly
envisioned future.
2
Declaration of Originality
This is to certify that:
(i) The thesis comprises my original work towards the degree of Master of Arts;
(ii) Due acknowledgement has been made in the text to all other material used;
(iii) The thesis is fewer than 50,000 words in length, exclusive of words in tables,
figures, bibliographies, and appendices.
Troy Street
3
Note of gratitude
I wish to express my thanks to the many people who have assisted in the preparation of this
document and in my progress through this degree. This has been an expansive experience,
stretching my capacities beyond what I knew to be possible. The support I have received has
been a positively recharging experience when the challenges have depleted me; the
guidance has been exhilarating and is what has made this research possible.
I wish to especially mention:
The University of the Sunshine Coast for supporting me in my M.A. and my supervisors:
Prof R. W. (Bill) Carter
Dr Marcus Bussey
Dr Noni Keys
Dr Scott Lieske
Essential contributions to this research have come from:
The Sunshine Coast Regional Council and the members of the steering committee for this research
Council Heritage Officer Amanda Wilson
Carol Hawley
Dr David Trudinger
Dr Nike Bourke
Greg Kiorgaard
Dr Peter Innes
Participants of my oral history interviews
4
Contents
Abstract .................................................................................................................................. 1
Declaration of Originality ....................................................................................................... 2
Note of gratitude .................................................................................................................... 3
List of tables and figures ........................................................................................................ 6
Thesis Introduction .................................................................................................................... 9
Resources used: .................................................................................................................... 17
Chapter 1: Finding meaning in chaos: The landscape dilemma of Maleny ............................. 19
Introduction.......................................................................................................................... 19
Case Study One: The Woolworths Protest ........................................................................... 23
Case Study Two: The Maleny Folk Festival .......................................................................... 34
Case Study Three: The Conondale Range National Park ...................................................... 42
Summary .......................................................................................................................... 56
Chapter 2: The Sanctuary of History: a possible history? Or multiple histories? .................... 58
Introduction.......................................................................................................................... 58
Volcanic Landscape: Formation of the Maleny Plateau....................................................... 60
Indigenous regime ................................................................................................................ 62
Stabilisation: Transitioning from a building regime to a maintenance regime ................... 85
Increasing complexity and participation: Transitioning to an emerging sustainable regime
.............................................................................................................................................. 92
Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 95
Chapter 3: Integrating interpretation and futures theory ....................................................... 97
Effective interpretation: Overview of key elements ............................................................ 97
Environmental futures ....................................................................................................... 108
Environmental futures key categories .......................................................................... 113
Concepts of futures......................................................................................................... 114
5
Future landscape-dynamics on local, regional and global scales ...................................... 114
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 118
Chapter 4: The micro in the macro: What does the microcosm of the Maleny Precinct offer
in terms of an interpretive site? ............................................................................................ 120
Maleny Community Precinct Heritage Trail Interpretations ............................................. 126
Obi Obi Walk: Environmental interpretation ..................................................................... 126
Heritage walk: Cultural interpretation ............................................................................... 135
Bunya Pine Walk: Environmental/cultural Interpretation ................................................. 141
Chapter 5: Discussion of new knowledge emerging from the research................................ 144
How can the futures of the landscape-human dynamic at a local level be envisioned in
Maleny? .............................................................................................................................. 144
Key findings of the research ............................................................................................... 144
Regimes of the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region ................................ 144
Building regime: 1840s-1890s ...................................................................................... 147
Identity and landscape .................................................................................................. 154
Modern sustainability regime ....................................................................................... 158
The Maleny Precinct as a futures case study ................................................................ 159
Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 162
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 164
Human Research Ethics ...................................................................................................... 195
Appendix 1.......................................................................................................................... 195
Appendix 2.......................................................................................................................... 197
Appendix 3.......................................................................................................................... 199
Appendix 4.......................................................................................................................... 200
6
List of tables and figures
Table 1: Summary of shifting historical land-management regime attributes…………………………………………. p. 95
Figure 1. Police and protesters clash over land-use issues.……………………………………………………………………… p. 24
Figure 2. Extract from DCP 2000. The Woolworths site at 2 Bunya Street shown as green ‘open space’.… p. 25
Figure 3. The first Maleny Folk Festival in 1987.……………………………………………………………………………………… p. 35
Figure 4. The relocated Festival in Woodford in 2013…………………………………………………………………………….. p. 35
Figure 5. View over the Conondale Range from the Mount Allan fire tower…………………………………………… p. 42
Figure 6. Eruption and erosion create the modern landscape………………………………………………………………… p. 61
Figure 7. Aborigines of the Kabi Kabi group near Tytherleigh’s Falls on Bridge Creek, Maleny ca1870……. p. 63
Figure 8. Alec Hume with loaded bullock wagon, Maleny ca 1916……………………………………………………………… p. 75
Figure 9. Rainforest cleared for pastures, Maleny ca 1908…………………………………………………………………….. p. 80
Figure 10. Mass of earth and rock dislodged in a landslip on the Cooper family farm, Hunchy, ca 1930… p. 84
Figure 11. T. C. Dixon’s dairy no. 349 in area now known as Cedar Street, Maleny, ca 1894………………….. p. 87
Figure 12. Maleny township, looking south from Lawley’s Hill (Teak Street), 1912………………………………… p. 87
Figure 13. Dunlop’s Pinch on the Maleny-Landsborough Road at Bald Knob, ca 1908…………………………… p. 88
Figure 14. Historical timeline………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p. 102
Figure 15. The Transformative Cycle…………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p. 116
Figure 16. Map of proposed Maleny Community Precinct Interpretive Trail………………………………………… p. 126
Figure 17. The endangered Mountain Spiny Crayfish (Euastacus urospinosus)……………………………………… p. 129
Figure 18. The vulnerable Richmond Birdwing (Ornithoptera richmondia)…………………………………………… p. 130
Figure 19. Cleared riparian zone, Maleny and Obi Obi Creek, ca 1912………………………………………………….. p. 132
Figure 20. Vegetated riparian zone, Obi Obi Creek………………………………………………………………………………. p. 134
Figure 21. Timber cutting in Maleny circa 1911…………………………………………………………………………………… p. 137
Figure 22. Pattemore family pit saw camp at North Maleny, 1907………………………………………………………. p. 138
Figure 23. Pit saw in use during construction of Pattemore family’s home ‘Fairview’, Maleny, ca 1908. p. 139
Figure 24. Stan Pattemore and other family members with timber getters at Maleny, ca 1907………….. p. 139
Figure 25. Participants engaging with a landscape in Cave2TM
at Monash University…………………………… p. 158
7
Glossary
Dilemma: In relation to the Maleny human-landscape dynamic, the dilemma referred to
here is about managing land use to accommodate flora and fauna conservation, agriculture,
recreation, and development so that a balance of prosperity, conservation, and wellbeing
can be achieved.
Human-landscape dynamic: A relationship between humans and the environment they
inhabit. This term recognises that the landscape is not merely a background on which
human activities have an impact; the landscape has impacts on humans. This is in line with
environmental history theory that suggests that the landscape and the influence it has on
culture needs to be recognised in historical analysis.
Polarise: Divide or cause to divide into two sharply contrasting groups or sets of opinions or
beliefs.1 This is considered a factor in the levels of community conflict over land
management decision making in the Maleny region.
Preservation vs conservation: In the context of environmental governance, Morin and
Orsini describe conservation as intervening in environmental matters to ensure that
ecosystem services remain constant over time. Preservation suggests that management
techniques have harmful consequences and so “humans should shy away from nature as
much as possible”.2 This thesis generally uses the term ‘conserve’ and ‘conservation’
because most governance of the environment has some human utility in mind, even if it
involves recreation with very little alteration of the landscape. The terms ‘preserve’ and
‘preservation’ are generally used in quotations or other references to another party’s use of
the term and refer to more general usages of protection that are outside the formal context
of environmental governance.
Regimes: Defined as “the networks of rules, norms, and procedures that regularize
behaviour and control its effects”,3 regimes organise prevailing landscape dynamics as a way
1 Oxford Dictionary: Polarise, viewed 1 May 2014,
<http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/polarise>. 2 Morin, J & Orsini, A (eds.) 2015, Essential Concepts of Global Environmental Governance, Routledge, New
York, p. 40. 3 Keohane, R O, & Nye Jr, J S 2011, Power and Interdependence, Longman, London, p. 17.
8
of being able to observe factors influencing land management and the changes that occur
when regimes undergo significant contestations and shifts.
Themes: In a general sense, these are used as a tool for encouraging understanding by
linking bodies of information. In a more specific sense, historical themes are used to
organise information while interpretive themes are used to build and reinforce a message
being passed on to the public.
9
Thesis Introduction
“The findings of environmental history will have relevance to future decisions”.4
Futurists Elgin and Renesch studied public opinion and determined that today’s global
“culture of mass consumption”5 is seen as a population at the adolescent stage of maturity.6
Jungian analyst James Hollis describes adolescent culture as having “poor impulse control,
short-term memory and ignorance of history… and mostly flight from independence and
responsibility”.7 Analyst and futurist James H. Lee has extrapolated from this that the boom
and bust cycles of the economy represent the dramatic mood swings of a teenager and that
economists that believe in perpetual growth are “the adolescents that believe the party
should never stop”.8 Youth also experience a lack of identity9 and cultural identity has been
identified by Eric Erikson as possibly the most prevalent source of identity confusion.10 This
means that our need to develop a wiser and more mature culture11 can be met by
addressing the adolescent ‘ignorance of history’ to promote a cultural sense of identity.
Landscape histories can add to the sense of identity by creating an understanding and sense
of place. Doing this may also instil in the population a desire to address the adolescent
‘flight from responsibility’ regarding the environmental management of our planet. At a
local level, dispersing an interpreted history to the public is a step in the direction of
facilitating maturity and responsibility. It is therefore essential that the approach of this
research to interpreting the history of the Maleny region must also show signs of its
4 Dovers, S 1994, “Australian Environmental History: Introduction, Review and Principles” in S Dovers (ed.),
Australian Environmental History: Essays and Cases, Oxford University Press, p. 15. 5 Cohen, L 2008, A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America, Knopf
Doubleday Publishing Group, New York, p. 291. 6 Renesch, J 2011, The Great Growing Up: Being Responsible for Humanity’s Future, Hohm Press, Prescott, AZ, p.
44. 7 Cited in Renesch, J 2011, The Great Growing Up: Being Responsible for Humanity’s Future, Hohm Press,
Prescott, AZ, p. 44. 8 Lee, J 2012, Resilience and the Future of Everyday Life, Wasteland Press, Shelbyville, KY, p. 41.
9 Wright, J E 1982, Erikson, Identity and Religion, Seabury Press, New York, p. 83.
10 Roberts, K G 2010, “Identity Uncertainty” in R L Jackson II (ed.), Encyclopedia of Identity: Volume 1, Sage
Publications, London, p. 377. 11
Lee 2012, p. 51.
10
maturity and responsibility by shedding outdated and less ‘mature’ notions about Australian
history.
A doctrine that has existed as a key assumption in Australian history, until recently, states
that in 1788, the land that became Australia belonged to no one. This act of faith has been
attributed to a perceived “absence of development of the land by Aboriginal Australians”.12
The premise founded the Terra Nullius mythology, which was employed as a justification for
colonisation13 and the “devastation and utter ruin”14 of the Indigenous culture that followed.
A contrary notion that Indigenous people were expert biologists, fire managers and
landscaper designers, who had developed “the biggest estate on earth”, has been
supported by a plethora of evidence dating back to the initial period of European settlement,
from the work of historians such as Rolls15 and Gammage.16 The scale of this management
was beyond European comprehension and it challenged the rationality of much of the
colonial mythology and justifications. The Terra Nullius tenet has persisted into the present
despite the evidence—apparent in comments made by Australian Prime Minister Tony
Abbott in 2014, who referred to pre-colonial Australia as “unsettled”.17
When considering evidence that indicates the Aborigines thoroughly shaped the landscape
to suit their needs, some problems arise. Firstly, the premise that European settlers have
‘improved’ the largely untouched landscape of Australia is disputed. This belief is challenged
by abundant references to the ideal state of the landscape when Europeans arrived, and by
the subsequent changes that occurred once Indigenous management regimes were
discontinued. For example, since colonisation, areas that have become more densely
vegetated and consequently no longer provide pasture or easy thoroughfare suggest that
parts of the landscape must have been significantly managed.
12
Bradsen, J R 2000, “Soil Conservation: History, Law, and Learning” in S Dovers (ed.), Environmental History and Policy: Still Settling Australia, Oxford University Press, South Melbourne, p. 288. 13
Scott, E 1941, “Taking Possession of Australia—The Doctrine of Terra Nullius”, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, vol. 24, p.1. 14
Aborigines Protection Society 1837, Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee on Aboriginal Tribes (British Settlements), William Ball, Aldine Chambers, Paternoster Row, and Hatchard & Son, Piccadilly, p. vi. 15
Rolls, E 1994, “More a New Planet than a New Continent” in S Dovers (ed.), pp. 22-25. 16
Gammage, B 2011, The Biggest Estate on Earth: How Aborigines Made Australia, Allen & Unwin, Sydney. 17
Sydney Morning Herald 2014, ‘Tony Abbott would have been wise to avoid settlement question’, 4 July, viewed 28 July 2014, <http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-opinion/tony-abbott-would-have-been-wise-to-avoid-settlement-question-20140704-3bcu4.html>.
11
Secondly, the counter mythology that suggests Indigenous use of the land was sustainable
because Aborigines did not significantly modify the landscape becomes erroneous. Criticism
of European land management can no longer be based simply on the alteration or scale of
alteration of the landscape. Recognising that Indigenous people created vast open spaces
for pasture, gatherings, and thoroughfares diminishes the disparity that has existed
between perceptions of Indigenous and colonial land-management methods.
Once it can be acknowledged that both Indigenous and colonial cultures have significantly
modified the landscape to suit their needs, a deeper analysis can be undertaken of the
differences between the various pre and postcolonial human-landscape dynamics. These
dynamics can be understood thematically by categorising them into dominant land-
management regimes. In turn, regimes can be characterised in terms of resilience,
complexity and contestation. These elements provide a means of understanding recurring
significant factors influencing the human-landscape dynamic.
Regimes
Keohane and Nye Jr refer to regimes as “the networks of rules, norms, and procedures that
regularize behaviour and control its effects” and point out that relationships of
interdependence often occur within, and are affected by, regimes.18 The interdependent
relationship between people and the landscapes they inhabit was demonstrated initially by
the Indigenous regime that was characterised by selective burning of the landscape.
Assistant Surveyor General of New South Wales Thomas Mitchell’s observation in 1847 is a
testament to this:
Fire, grass, kangaroos, and human inhabitants, seem all dependent on each other for
existence in Australia; for any one of these being wanting, the others could no longer
continue.19
18
Keohane & Nye Jr 2011, p. 17. 19
Mitchell, T L 1848, Journal of an Expedition into the Interior of Tropical Australia: In Search of a Route from Sydney to the Gulf of Carpentaria, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, London, p. 412.
12
European regimes were characterised by the cutting, planting, and building that settlers
depended on for survival. The new regimes generated new forms of interdependence
requiring legislation of reserves, curtailing of invasive species, and reparation of degraded
landscapes. Human-landscape dynamics have evolved through changing regimes that have
determined the status quo. This research illustrates how transitions between regimes have
been marked by turbulence impacting the landscape and its inhabitants. Oral histories
recorded for this research sample perspectives of long-term Maleny-region residents to
understand the human-landscape dynamics of postcolonial regimes. The regimes have been
simplified into four distinct yet overlapping categories: The Indigenous regime; the building
regime; the maintenance regime; and the emerging sustainability regime.
The differences and overlaps between these regimes will be studied for detrimental and
beneficial effects on the population and environment. Indigenous land-use methods proved
sustainable for thousands of years for a comparatively low population. European methods
of land management have provided the opportunity for the landscape to support larger
human populations locally, as well as larger global populations via trade. The prosperity
these methods have yielded has enabled a modern standard of living that humans have
demanded. These factors may be viewed as beneficial to the human population.
Detrimental land-management systems signify the disconnection between humans and the
landscape mentioned in environmental histories, environmental futures and environmental
interpretation. This is evident in degraded waterways, soil erosion, invasive species, and the
endangerment or extinction of native species. In contrast, a connection to the landscape is
cognisant that life depends on the landscape, and degradation threatens life.
This is where the dilemma of the human-landscape dynamic arises. Prosperous European
land-use methods, on which current populations and living standards depend, have come at
the cost of land degradation and are not sustainable. Balancing the needs for prosperity and
conservation is the local and global challenge of our era. A quest for sustainable land use in
which economies flourish has been undertaken by governments and local councils and
studies of human-landscape dynamics can inform this quest. This study’s focus on the
human-landscape dynamic in the microcosm of the Maleny Community Precinct, a 126ha
mixed-use public recreation area close to the Maleny town centre, serves as a case study of
13
people attempting to address the dilemma of balancing land-management decisions. The
Maleny Community Precinct is a former dairy pasture that was acquired by the local Council
to provide a range of facilities for visitors and the local community. The steeply undulating
landscape and the history of its use is representative of the Maleny region. The Maleny
Community Precinct is located within a kilometre of the Maleny Township and includes a
stretch of Obi Obi Creek, the significant waterway that runs through Maleny. The Maleny
Community Precinct is designed to be “a place for the whole community to enjoy”.20 It is
intended to be an example of sustainability with regional significance by providing
recreational, sporting, cultural, educational, and ecological experiences while preserving
and rehabilitating environmental and historical areas.21 Uses of the Maleny Community
Precinct listed in the Master Plan include:
Preservation and interpretation of heritage-listed ‘Fairview’ aka ‘Pattemore House’;
Environmental education and facilities for Landcare groups;
An 18-hole community standard golf course ;
Sports fields and a sports amenity building;
An aquatic centre;
Community facility land;
Parkland incorporating rehabilitated wetlands, stabilisation of steep slopes by
reafforestation, viewing areas, a sculpture trail, a children’s play area, picnicking
facilities;
Three residential areas;
Protection of significant environmental areas
A network of pedestrian, horse and cycle trails interspersed with interpretive signs.
The Master Plan states the intention to embrace community desires and needs in an
environmentally sustainable way. This Precinct thus is designed to align with the Sunshine
Coast Regional Council’s goal of becoming ‘the most sustainable region in Australia - diverse,
green and vibrant’.22
The Maleny Community Precinct is ideal for encapsulating the historical and current
tensions of the dilemma on a scale that can be grasped by a wide audience. Connecting the
Maleny Community Precinct’s human-landscape dynamic to that of the Maleny region
20
Gamble, McKinnon, Green 2010, Maleny Community Precinct: Master Plan Report (Final Issue), p. 16 viewed 5 May, 2015 <http://www.sunshinecoast.qld.gov.au/addfiles/documents/planning/mcprecinct/final_mp_maleny.pdf>. 21
Ibid. 22
Gamble, McKinnon, Green 2010, p. 5.
14
provides an opportunity to illustrate the themes that exist in the landscape on different
scales, from the local to the regional, and ultimately, to the global scale.
The development of the Maleny Community Precinct will include the medium of an
interpretive heritage trail to engage with residents and visitors. Themes suited for individual
interpretations for selected areas of the interpretive heritage trail have been chosen to
share stories and a message. Broader overarching themes of resilience, complexity, and
contestation have been selected to connect the elements of this thesis and understand the
human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region.
Resilience
Adger defines social resilience as “the ability of groups or communities to cope with external
stresses and disturbances as a result of social, political, and environmental change”.23
Considering Curthoys and Cuthbertson’s statement that the protection of landscape health
requires respecting the landscape as “a dynamic, wholistic community of life”, the
ecosystems of the landscape should be included as ‘groups or communities’.24
Resilience in this context therefore refers to the ability of the land and the people who
inhabit it to flourish after experiencing adversity. In the human-landscape dynamic, humans
have had to function and adapt in changing environmental conditions in order to maintain
their culture.25 Conversely, human modification has pressured the landscape, resulting in
various degrees of adaptive resilience to enable ecosystem functionality.26
Complexity
Eric Chaisson defines complexity as “a state of intricacy, complication, variety, or
involvement, as in the interconnected parts of a structure—a quality of having many
23
Adger, W N 2000, “Social and Ecological Resilience: Are They Related?”, Progress in Human Geography, vol. 24, no. 3, p. 347. 24
Curthoys, L P & Cuthbertson, B 2002, “Listening to the Landscape: Interpretive Planning for Ecological Literacy”, Canadian Journal of Environmental Education, vol. 7, no. 2, p. 230. 25
Ponting, C 1993, A Green History of the World: The Environment and the Collapse of Civilizations, Penguin, New York, p. 17. 26
Rolls 1994 in S Dovers (ed.), pp. 26-36; Johnson, K 1994, “Creating Place in Landscape” in S Dovers (ed.), pp. 37-53.
15
interacting, different components”.27 The complexity of the human-landscape relationship
echoes the elemental relationships of all ecosystems. One action can precipitate multiple
outcomes. Modifications of interdependent elements precipitate related effects elsewhere;
what significantly affects one portion will likely be felt by the rest.28 Each element of a
system has its own requirements to be able to exist, and maintaining a balanced system is a
complex process.
Contestation
The structure of land-management regimes and the transition between them has been
influenced by contestation. Lipsitz has argued that “social contestation changes the material
and ideological balance of power in society… setting the stage for future change”.29 The link
between contestation, regimes, and identity is summarised by Cohen:
The creation of identity involves social contestation around the reinterpretation of norms,
the creation of new meanings, and a challenge to the social construction of the very
boundaries between public, private, and political domains of action.30
Contestation between stakeholders utilising the landscape has shaped the human-landscape
dynamic and the identity of stakeholders. The land-use methods that prevailed after
turbulent periods of conflict established the various regimes that have characterised the
human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region.
Resolution, integration and exploration
27
Chaisson, E J 2001, Cosmic Evolution: The Rise of Complexity in Nature, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, p. 13. 28
Ponting 2007, p. 8; Hughes, J D 2001, An Environmental History of the World: Humankind's Changing Role in the Community of Life, Routledge, New York, p. 16; McEvoy, A F 1988, “Toward an Integrative Theory of Nature and Culture: Ecology, Production, and Cognition in the California Fishing Industry” in D Worster (ed.), The Ends of the Earth: Perspectives on Modern Environmental History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p. 219. 29
Lipsitz, G 1988, “The Struggle for Hegemony”, The Journal of American History, vol. 75, no. 1, p. 150. 30
Cohen, J L 1985, “New Theoretical Paradigms and Contemporary Social Movements”, Social Research, vol. 52, no. 4, p. 694.
16
Interpreting the themes of the human-landscape dynamic fosters an understanding of our
relationship with landscape. This leads to a sense of identity and well-being through
connectedness to habitat, motivation to protect against degradation, and through
reconnection, addresses the dilemma of balancing prosperity and conservation. To achieve
these goals this thesis will address the following questions:
How is the natural and cultural history of the Maleny region reflected in the landscape?
How can this best be interpreted to the public?
How can futures studies concepts be applied to the data to help create preferred futures for the region?
Documentation and analysis of dominant land-use regimes to identify the themes of
complexity, contestation and resilience within the historical research will provide answers to
these questions. This will be done with the objective of determining how these themes can
be interpreted and communicated to the public through the development of the Maleny
Community Precinct Heritage Trail. This thesis will consider the influence of historical and
existing pressures of change on the direction of future land use with help from Slaughter’s
Transformative Cycle model.31 The interpretation of the landscape’s history is intended to
help visitors appreciate the Maleny region’s cultural and environmental heritage, and in
doing so, promote a sense of identity and social cohesion. It also seeks to facilitate a
thematic understanding of the connection between the stories of historical land-use
methods and the creation of sustainable landscapes in the future. The innovation in this
research is in the integration of the fields of environmental history, futures studies and
sustainability with interpretation theory and practice. Ecological, cultural and historical data
will be used to interpret the natural and cultural landscape and to extrapolate how the
public can contribute to creating possible futures for the landscape.
31
Slaughter, R A, Naismith, L, & Houghton, N 2004, The Transformative Cycle, vol. 6, Australian Foresight Institute: Swinburne University, Melbourne, p. 9.
17
The structure used to present this research is as follows:
1. Introduce the ‘Maleny dilemma’ by describing three cases of land-use
contestation. This will provide examples of the active shaping of contemporary
human-landscape dynamics.
2. Present a comprehensive set of histories from geological origins to the present.
This will provide a foundation for understanding and interpreting the changing
human-landscape dynamics.
3. Review the literature on environmental interpretation and environmental futures.
Concepts from the review will be applied to developing a methodology for analysing
the human-landscape dynamic and exploring how the knowledge can help shape
more sustainable futures.
4. Present an example of a thematic interpretation of the human-landscape dynamic.
Basic elements of the historical research will be retold in a simplified and engaging
interpretation to provide the basis of the Maleny Community Precinct Heritage Trail
interpretations.
5. Discuss key findings and draw conclusions that answer the research questions.
Results will be presented in terms of land-use regimes and the levels of complexity,
contestation and resilience that influenced the human-landscape dynamic of the
Maleny region.
Resources used:
Local papers
The National Library of Australia’s Trove website was used to access news publications from
the late 1800s and early 1900s. Original papers from the late 1900s and early 2000s were
accessed via the Kawana Heritage Library.
18
Libraries
The Heritage Libraries of Kawana and Nambour were an invaluable resource. Council
Heritage Officer Amanda Wilson worked diligently to provide expertise, assistance and
support despite her busy schedule. Carol Hawley was exemplary in providing assistance in
locating documents at the Nambour Library.
Interviews with local residents
I would like to thank the participants of my oral history interviews for providing insight into
the history and perspectives of the region. Participants included: Eddy Oehmichen, Hilda
Penny, Olga Webster, Robert Hawkins, and Jean Larney.
Historical documents
The internet was used to access documents. The Queensland State Archive offered scanned
pages of early writings of the colonial era. Activities of landcare groups, accounts of land-use
contestation, letters to Council and the Maleny region community, court proceedings, and
various other data were acquired from a variety of websites.
Theoretical and historical secondary texts
The majority of the theoretical texts on environmental history, interpretation and futures
came from the University of the Sunshine Coast Library and interlibrary loans. Historical
secondary texts were accessible from Sunshine Coast libraries.
19
Chapter 1: Finding meaning in chaos: The landscape dilemma of Maleny
“the history of the environmental is… not a linear chronology, but rather a constantly growing set of historicizing projects, emerging in different fields of social and political discourse”.32
Introduction
An initial observation of the Maleny region’s human-landscape dynamic reveals the
‘landscape dilemma’ and its effect on land-management policies. The ‘dilemma’ refers to
the complexity of managing land use to accommodate flora and fauna conservation,
agriculture, recreation, and development resulting in balanced prosperity, conservation and
wellbeing. Contestation over these priorities has resulted in polarisation—a division into
sharply opposing factions—that has evoked passionate participation and conflict in decision-
making processes from members of local communities. Three case studies have been
selected for analysis through the lens of environmental history theory to depict this
contestation. This facilitates an understanding of their effects on the human-landscape
dynamic of the Maleny region in terms of engaging with complexity and levels of resilience
in response to adversity.
Polarisation
A diverse and complex range of concerns and opinions over landscape management,
coupled with the multiple versions of ‘history’ that uphold it, requires, in a small
community, the recruitment of support to ensure adoption. The simplification of complex
issues into a ‘black and white’ approach can minimise ambiguity that can result from
individual consideration of issues. Paradoxically, polarisation can be unifying and
simultaneously divisive. The impact on the human-landscape dynamic is that the powerful
32 Sӧrlin S, & Warde, P 2011, Nature's End: History and the Environment, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, p. 7.
20
forces of polarisation ‘rally the troops’ to participate in the development of land-
management policies. Active participation in land-use groups is apparent across the
landscape, which, in line with the United Nations Conference on Environment and
Development, is a fundamental prerequisite of sustainable land-management planning.33
Regardless of which side wins or loses, the passionate participation that contestation over
land-use decisions evokes develops a stronger sense of identity and connection with the
environment.34
Adversarial vs collaborative: The pleasures and addictions of conflict
There are obvious disadvantages to community division. When contestations are
interpreted as negative and unjustified, reactions escalate, triggering psychological
community-level changes. Selective perception and community polarisation can lead to
“malignant”35 social processes in which constructive forces and connections of a community
system become taxed, obstructed, or destroyed, and capacities to ameliorate conflict
become constrained. Polarisation can shift problem solving away from the initial goal,
towards discrediting, disrupting and dismissing opposition, and potentially sabotaging the
goals of both parties. This is symptomatic of an adversarial rather than a cooperative
problem solving approach.36 One irate correspondent to Maleny’s local paper, The Range
News, exclaimed of the Maleny region that “for every proposition, there must be opposition,
for every action a reaction. This is based on a culture that ignores anything which does not
support their argument”.37 This shows how obstruction assumes priority through bitterness
and rivalry, evident in Fergus Reilly’s statement that polarisation “destroys harmony and
goodwill… poisons the atmosphere throughout any community”.38 The polarisation
33
Steiner, F 1994, “The Living Landscape: An Ecological Approach to Landscape Planning” in Aberly (ed.), Futures by Design, New Society Publishers, Philadelphia, PA, p. 185. 34
ibid. 35
Gray, B, Coleman, P T & Putnam, L L 2007, “Introduction: Intractable Conflict: New Perspectives on the Causes and Conditions for Change”, The American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 50, no. 11, pp. 1416-1417. 36
De Bono, E 1991, I am Right, You are Wrong, Penguin Books, London, p. 7. 37
Fox, J 1993, ‘Too confrontational’, The Range News, 15 October, p. 17. 38
Reilly, F 1994, ‘Consequences of a divided community’, The Range News, 11 March, p. 22.
21
experienced in Maleny has been perceived as an imbalance between the ‘silent majority’
and special interest groups.39
The conflict over land-use issues in the Maleny Community Precinct is indicative of the
polarisation that has existed in the region for some time and is at the heart of the human-
landscape dynamic. The resilience demonstrated by the community in addressing the
complexities of contestation parallels the resilience the community has shown in dealing
with land-degrading human-landscape dynamics of the past. Three historical case studies of
this kind of conflict will be documented to contextualise the division over the proposed
usage of the Maleny Community Precinct and illustrate the concerns and suggested action
put forward by different community groups and individuals. These examples are: The battle
to stop the Woolworths supermarket development on Obi Obi Creek; the debate over
where to relocate the Maleny Folk Festival; and the struggle to protect remnant native
forests in the Conondale National Park area. These particular examples will be linked to the
broader history of the region to set a historical foundation for understanding the landscape
dilemma of Maleny.
Theoretical context: Themes in Environmental History
“Environmental history seeks to explain the landscapes and issues of today and their
evolving and dynamic nature, and from this to elucidate the problems and opportunities of
tomorrow”.40
The theoretical themes in Environmental history that will be used to interpret and link the
examples of conflict include: (1) the levels of connection and disconnection between human
inhabitants and the landscape of the region; (2) details of human exploitation of the
landscape; (3) the impacts on the landscape and how those impacts can paradoxically be
viewed as improvements, modifications or degradation; and (4) assessment of modifications
as being sustainable or prone to decline. These themes clarify the contributing influences to
39 Steven, B 1991, ‘S.O.T.F.S.I.G.’, The Range News, 6 September, pp. 18-19; The Range News 1991, ‘Letters to the editor’, 4 October, p. 21. 40
Dovers 1994 in S Dovers (ed.), p. 4.
22
the landscape dilemma, described by Sӧrlin and Warde as conceptualisation of the
environment as “the site at which the complexity of risk societies *are+ negotiated”,
constrained with “the necessity of choice”.41 Drawing comparisons between the
experiences of the Maleny region—specifically the Maleny Community Precinct—and
historical themes from other landscapes, links local historical contexts to the global,
illustrating the Maleny human-landscape dilemma. The dilemma consists of contestation
over land management that can accommodate flora and fauna conservation, agriculture,
recreation, development, and the need to discover how a balance of prosperity,
conservation, and wellbeing can be achieved.
An established interpretation of the dilemma and its context will highlight specific meaning
from the chaos of multiple readings of landscape, facilitating a futures approach in
generating preferred futures scenarios for landscape-human interactions. This futures logic
will be developed in later chapters. This chapter initiates the objectives of this thesis—
understanding the human-landscape dynamic and its impact, developing a thematic
interpretation and analysing the themes through a futures studies lens to provoke a
stronger sense of identity and facilitate sustainable land-use decisions for the future.
Primary sources of evidence include articles and letters from The Brisbane Courier, The
Nambour Chronicle, The Maleny News, The Range News, Sunshine Coast Daily, The Observer,
Hinterland Times and Caloundra City News, documenting the chosen case studies and
highlighting the division within the community. An example from Harvey Bryce in 1983
illustrates the feelings being expressed in letters to the editor:
Some landholders hate conservationists for the way they consider themselves to be attacked
for producing goat milk, cutting firewood and fence posts, living in a proposed dam site, for
not appreciating that clearing the land provided homes and livelihoods for families, for being
told that they don’t know what they are doing.42
41
Sӧrlin, S & Warde, P 2011, “Making the Environment Historical: An Introduction” in S Sӧrlin & P Warde (eds.), Nature’s End: History and the Environment, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. 9-11. 42 Bryce, H 1983, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 2 September, p. 14.
23
Regardless of how representative such letters are, historical and anecdotal evidence from
locals, academics and Council officers suggests that real and conspicuous community
polarisation has been prevalent in the Maleny region.
Individual case studies of the human-landscape dynamic exhibit various contested outcomes:
outright defeat, compromise with mixed reactions, and cooperative ‘breakthrough’
resolutions. This spectrum of stories of land-use conflict demonstrates how the variety of
complex issue resolutions is in contrast to the black and white nature of polarisation.
Case Study One: The Woolworths Protest
The first case study is on the contestation of a block of land allocated for a new supermarket
within the commercial district of Maleny. Tension existed between the need for open space
close to the centre of town and the need to consolidate the commercial district to prevent
sprawl. This serves as an introduction to the division between those who wanted parts of
the landscape developed commercially and those who believed the landscape needed to be
protected from commercial development.
Woolworths contestation: Commercial development or public open
space?
It could be claimed that the greatest degree of conflict and polarisation in the community of
Maleny’s history occurred with the “intense and consistent opposition”43 to the
development of the Woolworths supermarket on Obi Obi Creek that climaxed between
2004 and 2005. Figure 1 illustrates the passions that erupted in the clash between
protesters and the police. The movement against this development listed a series of reasons
why the land should not be transformed from a wooded riparian zone to a large
supermarket. One of the reasons was that the land was scheduled to be conserved as public
open space following recommendations within the Caloundra City Council’s Development
Control Plan (DCP) for the region. The DCP was part of a Local Area Plan (LAP), published in
43
The Range News 2004, ‘Buy the block or we go ahead, says Woolworths’, 22 April, p. 1.
24
1999, based on a wide-ranging planning study that included extensive community
consultation.44 Figure 2 shows the green areas intended to be designated as ‘open space’,
including the contested property at 2 Bunya Street shown by the red circle. The site is
separated from the edge of the designated ‘business area’ to the west only by Obi Obi Creek.
Figure 1. Police and protesters clash over land-use issues at the proposed Woolworths development adjacent
to the Obi Obi Creek.45
44
QPEC (Queensland Planning and Environment Court) 042, Cornerstone Properties Ltd v Caloundra City Council & Anor [2003] viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/resources/QPEC03-042.pdf>. 45
Maleny Voice: The morning of the site clearance, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/photos/photo_library/pages/page_22.html>.
25
Figure 2. Extract from DCP 2000. The Woolworths site at 2 Bunya Street shown as green ‘open space’.46
Council intended to act on community consultation results published in the DCP in 1999 by
acquiring the site and zoning it as public open space. In 2002, the site was not yet zoned as
open space and Cornerstone Properties Limited purchased it.47 It has been claimed that the
owners of the land anticipated the rezoning of the property and subsequently it was sold to
developers to secure a higher sale price than what Council would have offered.48 Council
members were aware that due to the land not being rezoned, Council could not legally
reject Cornerstone’s development application and so 43 conditions were made requisite for
approval to reduce the development’s impact.49
46
Caloundra City Council, Maleny and Environs Local Area Plan, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/resources/DCPbackground.pdf>. 47
The Range News 2004, ‘Council begins discussions to buy Boxsells site’, 27 February, p. 3. 48
Maleny Voice: Background - Before the protest campaign, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/background/background.php>. 49
The Range News 2004, ‘We could never have refused application: Mayor’, 22 April, pp. 3-4.
26
Among the conditions, condition 27 appeared to be an attempt to conserve a substantial
portion of the Obi Obi Creek riparian vegetation:
The applicant must provide an esplanade with an average width of 30 metres and a
minimum width of not less than 10 metres, measured from the top of the bank (where
definable) along the full property frontage to Obi Obi Creek.50
This condition would have drastically reduced the intended size of the supermarket as the
completed construction currently extends to an approximate maximum of 10 metres from
the Creek, far from the prescribed average of 30 metres. The developers interpreted
condition 27 as “amount[ing] to a de facto refusal, and therefore an unlawful use of the
conditions (sic) power” and for this reason Cornerstone took Council to court in 2003 to
appeal condition 27 and 11 other conditions.51
The court case drew attention to the complexity of the “tension”52 that existed within the
DCP between recommendations for conservation and for development. The plan calls for
retention of Maleny’s rural character and its desirability to inhabit and visit by protecting
and enhancing environmental values.53 A conflict of priorities regarding the Woolworths
development on Bunya Street can be seen in a selection of the plan’s aims:
The retention and expansion of significant areas of native vegetation and the
protection of important ecological linkages will be encouraged.
To ensure an adequate amount of land is allocated for commercial purposes to
service the projected growth in the area.
To concentrate the commercial activities within the town centre focusing on Maple,
Coral, Myrtle, Bunya Streets.54
Botanist Ann Moran’s study of the area for the 1996 Maleny and Environs Planning Study
stated that the property in question had trees, up to 80 years old, remaining along Obi Obi
50
QPEC 042, p. 11. 51
QPEC 042, p. 5. 52
QPEC 042, p. 7. 53
QPEC 042, p. 15. 54
QPEC 042, p. 16.
27
Creek. These were representative of local vegetation prior to deforestation and therefore
contributed to the character of Maleny. The study assessed the importance and significance
of the vegetation as priority one status, but this was not the status it was given in the DCP.55
Tension existed because Maleny was experiencing growth and the proposed development
on Bunya Street was located at the edge of the town centre, within the zone recommended
for commercial use.
The appeal judge sought a compromise between centralised commercial development and
protection of important vegetation, determining Council’s stand as illegitimate due to the
unchanged zoning of ‘local business’. There was, therefore, no requirement for retention or
enhancement of native vegetation.56 The attempt to invoke the ‘promenade’ provisions,
which require an average 30 metre buffer between the development and the creek, failed
because the stipulation only applied to an application for rezoning, subdivisions, or consent
on land adjacent to the creek.57 The judge noted that weeds had flourished on the property
and that the landscaping plan submitted by the developers included the planting of native
vegetation.58 The judge ruled that the deletion of the 12 appealed Council development
conditions and the implementation of the developer’s landscaping plan was “a satisfactory
response to the tension between the zoning of the site and the open space requirements in
the DCP”.59
Polarisation
Once legal consent for development was attained, public protests focussed on the benefits
of public space on the development site versus the detriments of a large supermarket in
Maleny. Reasons to stop the development were that it would: alter Maleny’s character;
harm local businesses; destroy platypus and other wildlife habitat; remove significant trees;
55
QPEC 042, p. 18. 56
QPEC 042, p. 19. 57
QPEC 042, p. 7. 58
QPEC 042, p. 18. 59
QPEC 042, p. 20.
28
decrease water quality; increase traffic congestion; increase flood dangers; and deny the
rights of the local community to determine its own destiny.60
Between the court ruling for the development to proceed in August 2003 and the initial
clearing of the site in April 2004, there were ten documented rallies, demonstrations, and
protests held in and around Maleny to express opposition to the development.61 The
clearing of the vegetation on the property was contracted to the Deen Brothers, a company
that newspapers referred to as “infamous”,62 “notorious”63 and “clandestine”.64 The Deen
Brothers were renowned for using the “weapons” of surprise and darkness to evade any
protests that stood in the way of them demolishing some of Brisbane's best-known and
loved buildings.65 Despite the accusations, the developers denied that the decision to use
the Deen Brothers was an inflammatory move.66
The Deen Brothers began clearing the site before dawn on 14 April 2004 in what has been
described as a “commando style” operation.67 Drama ensued with people wading across the
creek as trees fell towards them; one workman dragged a woman from the path of a falling
branch. Police encircled each tree before it was felled68 and one protester fractured his leg
falling from a bunya pine.69 A man aged 67 was arrested for impeding a truck from entering
the site and 59-year-old Graham Earle, a former Brisbane newspaper journalist and Maleny
resident for 20 years was, without warning, arrested with excessive force.70 Earle described
the scene:
60
Maleny Voice: Obi Obi protest site, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/opinion/operation_foundation.php>. 61
Maleny Voice: Obi Obi campaign, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/background/timeline.php>. 62
Outridge, C 2004b, ‘Police, protesters clash over Cornerstone block’, The Range News, 15 April, pp. 1-2. 63
Sunshine Coast Daily 2007, 15 April, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.sunshinecoastdaily.com.au/news/scd-woolies-boycott-still-firm/314575/>. 64
The Range News 2004, ‘Protest footage shown on British TV’, 22 April, p. 2. 65
The Australian 2009, ‘Queensland demolition firm may be memory’, 28 August, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.theaustralian.com.au/business/latest/queensland-demolition-firm-may-be-memory/story-e6frg90f-1225766935308>. 66
Outridge, C 2004a, ‘Obi block is no hot potato: Cornerstone’, The Range News, 20 May, p. 9. 67
Maleny Voice: Background - Before the Protest Campaign, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/background/background.php>. 68
Outridge, C 2004b, ‘Police, Protesters clash over Cornerstone block’, The Range News, 15 April, pp. 1-2. 69
Strangeviews: The Woolworths Saga, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.maleny.net.au/strangeviews/maleny_woolworths_1.php>. 70
Maleny Voice: Cornerstone Properties, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/opinion/tree_destruction_04.php>.
29
The sound of trees being hit by swinging excavator buckets is sickening and unforgettable.
Large trunks smashed like matchsticks. The rumble of big diesel engines, shriek of chainsaws
and screaming of protesters added to the horror.71
Six arrests were made on the first day of clearing and when Earle read the police allegations
against him, he told his solicitor that the details were nothing like what had happened. The
solicitor replied: “Welcome to Queensland.”72The police came well prepared the next day to
oversee the rest of the clearing. It was reported that between 70 and 100 officers and 19
vehicles descended on Maleny, a town of little more than 2000 residents where a local
police station was not established until 1952.73 The majority of the protesters left the site
voluntarily to observe from the perimeter. After more of the site was levelled, a compliance
order to cease clearing activity was presented to the developer by the Department of
Natural Resources, Mining and Environment and the developers complied.74 This meant the
continuation of the development was pending a second court hearing.
Five days later Rohan Jeffs, General Manager of Corporate Services Woolworths, offered
Council the option to buy back the land.75 Jeffs said Woolworths was “sensitive to
community views” and believed it was fair to provide Council with the chance to put the
land to community use.76 A 60-day deadline was placed on the offer with the asking price at
$1.89 million to incorporate costs incurred. Speculation that the land was independently
valued at $1.02 million and that the developers had paid $600,000 for the land less than 12
months earlier drew into question whether the offer was motivated by sensitivity or profit.77
Enthusiasm at the opportunity to buy back the land was evident in the community pledges
of nearly $700,000 that accumulated within three weeks. There were 5300 signatures on a
71
ibid. 72
ibid. 73
Wilson, A 2010, Chronological List of Historical Events for Maleny & Districts, Sunshine Coast Libraries—Heritage Library Kawana, p. 30; My RP data: Maleny, Qld, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.myrp.com.au/stats/qld/maleny/4552>. 74
Sunshine Coast Daily 2004, ‘Maleny protesters keep a vigil on their trees’, 16 April, p. 7. 75
The Range News 2004, ‘Buy back the block or we go ahead, says Woolworths’, 22 April, p. 1. 76
Woolworths letter to the Mayor, April 19, 2004, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/resources/WW_Letter_19_Apr.pdf>. 77
Maleny Voice: Background - Before the Protest Campaign, viewed 4 March 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/background/background.php>.
30
petition opposing the Woolworths development and 1000 signed letters sent to the State
Premier, Peter Beattie. Independent polls by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation and
Market Facts showed opposition to the supermarket development at 95% and 80%
respectively and 98% of people at a public meeting supported the buy-back.78 Despite these
statistics, there were voices refuting the level of support the community had for the
opposition to the development of the site. It was claimed that the majority of Maleny
residents supported the Woolworths development but did not come forward. The protest
was described as degrading to the name, spirit and pride of Maleny and the development
was said to be inevitable.79 These views were not supported by the Maleny Chamber of
Commerce, which found that a wide cross-section of the town made up a majority that were
against the development.80
The residents who did not support the protests, but did not come forward, were said to be
avoiding the controversy.81 It is difficult to measure silent support, yet analysis of the
reasons why people remain silent is of value. The situation in Maleny at the time has been
described as “an atmosphere of fear and loathing”82 instigated by a “vitriolic backlash”83
that prompted the protests that “ripped the heart out of Maleny”.84 There were claims of
vilification and ridicule of opinions contrary to the protest and the local media being
“hysterically” focused on the negative side of the development.85 Local businesses were said
to have been threatened with boycotts by protesters for actions such as:
tooting a car horn in a fashion deemed inappropriate or unsupportive to “the cause”
being critical about the "we shall not be moved" mentality
cheering at the wrong moment.86
78
The Range News 2004, ‘Meeting outlines case for block purchase’, 24 June, p. 11; Sunshine Coast Daily 2005 ‘Is it all over red rover?’ 29 July, viewed 4 March, <http://www.sunshinecoastdaily.com.au/news/scd-is-it-all-over-red-rover-for-maleny/322602/>. 79
Sunshine Coast Daily 2004, ‘Majority want a Maleny Woolies’, 22 April, p. 9. 80
Case for Purchase of 2 and 4 Bunya Street Maleny, viewed 2 May 2014, <http://www.malenyvoice.com/obiobi/resources/Council_Proposal.pdf/>. 81
ibid. 82
Strangeviews: Maleny Woolworths - a local viewpoint, viewed 4 March 2014, <http://www.maleny.net.au/strangeviews/maleny_woolworths_1.php>. 83
ibid 84
Sunshine Coast Daily 2004, ‘Woolworths protesters to have support in court today’, 28 April, p. 3. 85
Strangeviews: Maleny Woolworths - another year, another protest, viewed 4 March 2014, <http://www.maleny.net.au/strangeviews/maleny_woolworths_2.php>. 86
ibid.
31
Aspects of the protest such as these were cited as causing a divide in the community that
was contrary to the tenets of cooperation, diversity, sustainability, and tolerance that
constituted the character of the town.87 It was stated that the protests were “inflicting far
more damage on the community than a Woolworths supermarket ever could”.88 The
motivation of the protesters was questioned with one resident suggesting that protesters
were merely trying to get in the limelight and inflate their own sense of importance.89
As the division in the community grew, Council discussed the option of buying the land. The
deadline for the purchase of the land was extended and more funds were raised from
community members. Council eventually announced that no money would be contributed
to the purchase of the property but facilitation between the developers and the community
was offered.90 This decision was incongruent with Council’s statement that there was an
intention to purchase the property once designated as open space. Yet after surveys,
demonstrations, and substantial financial pledges indicated the community’s desire for the
site to be acquired, the intention to buy the site was reversed. This decision coincided with
the Council decision to raise the salaries of Councillors and the purchase of the Maleny
Community Precinct for $2.7 million. This act reportedly caused division in the community
because the land on Bunya Street was perceived to be more environmentally significant
than the MCP land.91
Supermarket construction approved
The second ruling from the courts allowed the development to proceed five months after
clearing of the site ceased.92 The deadline for the funds to be raised for the purchase of the
Bunya Street property had been extended to this point. A Woolworths spokesman stated a
six month moratorium had been placed on development to allow the site to be purchased93
but the majority of the ‘moratorium’ was the time it took for the second court verdict to
permit further vegetation clearance. Over a year after the site was offered for sale to
87
ibid. 88
ibid. 89
Sunshine Coast Daily 2006, ‘Woolies countdown’, 4 March, p. 19. 90
Caloundra City News 2004, ‘Council buy nearby farm but decline Woolies site!’, 16 July, pp. 1-2. 91
ibid. 92
Cornerstone Properties Ltd v Caloundra City Council & Anor [2004] QPEC 044. 93
Sunshine Coast Daily 2005, 20 July.
32
Council, Cornerstone Properties sold the land to another developer for $1.6 million; less
than the amount the community was attempting to raise to buy it back.94 This aroused
suspicion about how authentic the gestures to allow the community to take back the
property were.95
The protesters appealed to Queensland Environment Minister Desley Boyle in a final
attempt to halt the construction of the supermarket. The Minister described the protesters
as valiant and then recommended that since there were no longer any options to halt the
construction, the protesters should “go home and cry”.96 The sentiment was returned by a
protester who suggested that if Boyle was incapable of protecting the wildlife habitat on the
site, “she should quit her post and get a job at Woolies as a checkout chick”.97
The last stand by the protesters on the day construction resumed was met with “a virtual
battalion” of 130 police who marched westward down Bunya Street and removed nearly all
the protesters from the site.98 With a ratio of two policemen and security guards for every
protester on site, no arrests were made and no serious injuries were reported. Local
photographer Steve Swayne described the scene:
Theatre of the absurd as the entire main highway through Maleny was blocked off.
Roadblocks, flashing lights, cops on bikes, sirens, a frenzy of TV news cameramen… A
majority of the police present did not want to be there, and to their credit they dealt with
the situation with calm detachment.99
Once the supermarket was established, division in the community could be measured by
those in the ‘I won’t shop there’ boycott of Woolworths, and residents who became
94
Sunshine Coast Daily 2005, ‘Woolies site sold’, 10 June, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.sunshinecoastdaily.com.au/news/scd-woolies-site-sold/323077/>. 95
Maleny Voice: Background - Before the Protest Campaign. 96
Sunshine Coast Daily 2005, ‘Maleny sit in to grow’, 27 June, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.sunshinecoastdaily.com.au/news/scd-maleny-sit-in-to-grow/322885/>. 97
ibid. 98
Sunshine Coast Daily 2005, ‘Cop this Maleny’, 13 July, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.sunshinecoastdaily.com.au/news/scd-cop-this-maleny/322693/>. 99
Maleny Voice: Obi Obi protest site.
33
customers. The supermarket survived the boycott, whether by local support or subsidisation
from more profitable outlets, as it is still operating eight years after it opened.
Conclusion
The community consultation that led to the intended designation of the property on 2
Bunya Street as ‘open space’ suggests a sense of connection between the inhabitants of the
Maleny region and the landscape. If surveys are indicative of the support to protect the land
as platypus habitat, riparian vegetation and as a park for the enjoyment of the public, then
the majority of the community felt a connection to the land in its undeveloped state. Some
residents’ dedication extended to the point of occupying a tree on the development site or
getting arrested, while others showed their dedication with pledges to purchase the land or
by challenging the developers in court. Opponents of the construction may have claimed
that supporters of the development were disconnected from the landscape, but perhaps the
supporters believed the town needed a supermarket. Supporters of the supermarket could
point to the degraded state of the land prior to construction; it was a former cattle yard that
had a number of invasive weeds established. The development plan called for a centralised
commercial district to maintain the character of the town and residents complained that the
existing supermarket was inadequate. The supermarket appears to have been financially
sustainable, as the boycotts have not resulted in closure.
Polarisation occurred between those who saw the development as an improvement and
those who saw it as degradation of wildlife habitat and public open space. The majority of
the conflict was between protesters and the police, developers, and the supermarket chain,
rather than between different factions within the community. Nevertheless, it was an
opportunity for sides to be taken and lines of division to be drawn, adding to the Maleny
dilemma of agreeing on appropriate and balanced land-use decisions. This case study shows
the extent of the passion for the landscape that exists in the Maleny region with the lengths
residents went to in attempting to conserve the land. It also reveals how, despite the
support for the conservation of land from the community and Council, the law maintains the
final say on the establishment of a retail outlet. Both the large corporate chain’s financial
capacity to wait for the boycott to lose momentum and consumers’ shopping decisions have
34
the final say on whether the supermarket will remain. The highly complex situation,
involving government, courts, police, corporate interest, locals—both for and against—and
conflicting recommendations within planning schemes, had significant community impact,
evidenced in the resilience demonstrated in ‘moving on’ after the region had its ‘heart
ripped out’.
Case Study Two: The Maleny Folk Festival
This case study covers another example of contestation over land use on a different
temporal and spatial scale to the Woolworths development. The Maleny Folk Festival
directly affected the Maleny region for less than a week per year, utilising the site of the
Maleny showgrounds and spilling over into the surrounding areas as it grew. Concerns for
the impacts were different to the Woolworths development, yet the theme of community
division and the process of determining the best use of the landscape remain.
Growing pains: Contestation over a festival in a small town
Figure 3 depicts the inaugural Maleny Folk Festival in 1987. It had an attendance of 900
people and was a celebration of music and culture for people from a wide range of
ethnicities, ages, and social classes.100 Organisers secured local support from the quiet
town’s more conservative community; however, despite the welcome addition of a music
festival,101 costs of hosting it required necessary growth.102 Within two years, the Maleny
Folk Festival became the largest entertainment event in Australia since Expo 88,103 with
attendances eventually reaching 120,000 in 2013,104 illustrated in Figure 4. Managing this
growth and deciding where to relocate the Festival developed into a complex issue for the
community.
100
Cameron, N 1995, Maleny Folk Festival: The Art of Celebration, Mimburi Press, Maleny, Queensland, p. 17. 101
ibid. 102
Cameron 1995, p. 132. 103
The Range News 1989, ‘Maleny boosts proud folk tradition’, 17 March, p. 1. 104
Woodford Folk Festival media fact sheet, viewed 29 March 2014, <http://www.woodfordfolkFestival.com/resources/media/fact-sheet.pdf>.
35
Figure 3. The first Maleny Folk Festival in 1987.105
Figure 4. The relocated Festival in Woodford in 2013.106
An economic and cultural boon
Alderman Don Aldous described the Festival as aligned with Hinterland Development
Control Plan aims of maintaining character whilst promoting tourism, and: “a goldmine that
105
Robshaw, L nd, Peace, Love and Chai: the Chai Tent’s 21st birthday, viewed 1 April 2014, <http://leighrobshaw.com/articles/peace-love-and-chai-the-chai-tents-21st-birthday/>. 106
Ollman, M 2013, ‘First-timers’ guide to the Woodford Folk Festival’, Courier Mail, 19 December, viewed 2 March 2014, <http://www.couriermail.com.au/questnews/moreton/firsttimers-guide-to-the-woodford-folk-Festival/story-fni9r1i7-1226782831001?nk=8f1fcc1f504937ddea5092f897b25610>.
36
offers the kind of promotion that you can’t buy”.107 Worth $3.5m to the Caloundra City
region,108 the $1m boost to Maleny109 benefitted local businesses in difficult economic times.
Division in the community started to develop as complaints about the Festival surfaced and
suggestions that the Festival should be relocated were put forward. Surveys by the Chamber
of Commerce suggested that locals believed the Festival was good for Maleny,110 and a
Council survey on local support for the Festival was overwhelmingly supportive.111 Another
survey conducted by Jill Jordan and April Adsett with the assistance of The Range News also
supported the Festival’s location in Maleny.112 Despite assertions by the Sunshine Coast
Daily in 1993 that the Festival had support from “the silent majority”,113 and support in 1994
from “most residents”,114 a refusal to fill out surveys by some residents due to them not
knowing who would use the information, suggests division and mistrust.115
Supporters pointed out the thousands of dollars in donations for tree planting along Obi Obi
Creek116 and the development of the widest ranging community festival Aboriginal
program117 as great economic and cultural benefits. A letter to the editor of The Range
News described the Festival patrons:
Like a big, warm, welcoming, friendly and accepting family, they are environmentally aware
and have healthy positive attitudes, they do a great deal to promote the area, businesses,
local organisations, tourism, and the scenic beauty. It is a pleasure to mix with creative
positive people rather than the sad pervading negative attitudes that seem to abound which
could seriously harm the area’s reputation Australia wide.118
107
The Range News 1989, ‘Mayor speaks at chamber meeting’, 12 May, p. 3. 108
Cohen, S 1993, “Leave the Festival at Maleny: Playford”, Sunshine Coast Daily, 1 September, p. 5. 109
The Range News 1994, ‘Chamber releases results of Folk Festival survey’, 11 February, p. 3. 110
ibid. 111
The Range News 1993, ‘Folk Festival survey’, 5 February, p. 18. 112
The Range News 1992, ‘Results of Folk Festival survey’, 1 May, p. 7. 113
Sunshine Coast Daily 1993, ‘Maleny Action Group backs Folk Festival’, 6 December, p. 3. 114
Bennet, S 1994, ‘QFF hopes to allay folk centre fears’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 23 September, p. 4. 115
Jordan, J 1992, ‘Representation of community’s feelings’, The Range News, 15 May, p. 23. 116
The Range News 1991, ‘Festival tree plant a success’, 11 January, p. 24. 117
Cameron 1995, p. 32. 118
Phillips, R 1993, ‘Let’s have some fun’, The Range News, 17 December, p. 27.
37
A rally of 200 Festival supporters organised an acknowledgement of support to be circulated
to gather signatures.119 As opinions were voiced, some of them vitriolic, the issue of
whether to keep the Festival in Maleny contributed to community polarisation. The
Caloundra City Manager stated: “When it comes to the Folk Festival I don’t know where you
would find a disinterested party”.120
Perspectives from the supporters of the Festival suggested that its benefits “outweigh[ed]
the inconveniences of a small minority of objectors”.121 Considering the Festival ran for five
days of the year, complaints were labelled “melodramatic nonsense”.122 The Maleny and
District Action Group (MaDAG), established to protect Maleny residents from the ill effects
of the Festival, was accused of putting forth “intolerant whinging that ignores anything
positive and exaggerates anything negative”.123 Festival opponents were called “petty and
parochial, selfish and fear mongering”124 and it was claimed that “the Festival is obliged to
ensure that no citizen ever suffers any ill effect from the event or any things they have
planned for the future”.125 Calls to find common ground and avoid polarisation suggested
that “communities that are divided become hostile and intolerant, communities that work
together create solutions and have fun doing it”.126
Degradation of the landscape
The complexity of the issue increased as numerous and varied grievances with the Festival
were aired. Stereotypes of Festival patrons described them as “hippies”, “druggies”,
“dropouts”, and “corrupt”.127 They were accused of being unwashed, dressed in tablecloths
and tea towels,128 and having an unpleasant odour.129 Complaints cited Festival-goers as
“evacuating, urinating and fornicating on the verges and in cars along the road”.130
119
The Range News 1993, ‘Folk Festival supporters rally’, 10 December, p. 4. 120
Observer 1994, ‘Referendum plan for Maleny Folk Festival’, 9 February, p. 24. 121
Scarlett, S 1994, ‘Belongs in Maleny’, The Range News, 28 January, p. 15. 122
ibid. 123
ibid. 124
Westcott, R 1994, ‘If the cap fits…’, The Range News, 31 March, p. 14. 125
Friend, D 1994, ‘To co-operate’, The Range News, 11 February, p. 15. 126
Phillips, R 1993, ‘Let’s have some fun’, The Range News, 17 December, p. 27. 127
ibid. 128
Tafe, B 1991, ‘Folk Festival’, The Range News, 25 January, p. 20. 129
Woolett, P 1993, ‘Who’s on the nose?’, The Range News, 1 October, p. 14. 130
Tafe, B 1991, ‘Folk Festival’, The Range News, 25 January, p. 20.
38
Residents reported attempted thefts, dogs causing problems,131 and garbage and faeces
being left on local properties.132 There was said to be excessive noise from the
performances, traffic congestion, trespassers on private property, parking problems forcing
pedestrians onto roadways, people swimming in the drinking water supply, and campers
making noise well into the night.133 The sewage treatment plant could not contain the
amounts generated at the Festival and raw sewage overflowed into the Obi Obi Creek,
which flows into the Baroon Pocket Dam—Maroochydore and Caloundra’s municipal water
supply storage area.134 Organiser of the Festival, Bill Hauritz, admitted that residents were
understandably upset with “many hundreds of people camping on footpaths”.135
Relocation: Will Maleny residents embrace the impact of a large festival?
Hauritz reflected on how the Maleny Showgrounds location was suited to the Festival when
it first began. It was set in a beautiful area where the town was small but had all the right
amenities and there was plenty of room.136 Eight years of consistent growth of Festival
attendances, combined with the town’s expansion around the showgrounds, made it
apparent that the location was too small.137 The announcement that the Festival was going
to relocate to a larger venue close to Maleny resulted in a stronger and more organised
opposition to the Festival, and vitriolic comments that fuelled community polarisation.
A new location under consideration, situated on Mountain View Road, was envisaged as a
walking/picnicking area that would provide views of the Glasshouse Mountains while
reducing potential accidents on the narrow verge and relieving overuse at Mary Cairncross
Reserve (located opposite).138 MaDAG’s 400 members139 held meetings welcoming
everybody willing to oppose the development to preserve the beauty and tranquillity of
131
Adsett, R, & Adsett, A 1992, ‘In your backyard’, The Range News, 24 January, p. 21. 132
Adsett, R, Adsett, A, Graham, M, Graham, V 1990, ‘Another Folk Festival comment’, The Range News, 2 March, p. 24. 133
Sunshine Coast Daily 1993, ‘Problems won’t halt Maleny Folk Festival’, 10 February, p. 3. 134
Adsett, R & Adsett, A 1994, ‘Infringe on no-ones rights’, The Range News, 11 February, p. 15. 135
Hauritz, B 1993, Letter to Friends of the Festival on behalf of the Queensland Folk Federation Committee and the Maleny Folk Festival Organising Group. 136
Cameron 1995, p. 17. 137
Cameron 1995, pp. 132, introduction. 138
Lacey, S 1993, ‘An alternative’, The Range News, 1 October, p. 14. 139
Sunshine Coast Daily 1993, ‘Group formed to settle folk dispute’, 7 December, p. 4.
39
Maleny.140 Michael Berry, a columnist for The Range News, was banned from a MaDAG
meeting because he was suspected of not being likely to give the organisation a fair
hearing.141
MaDAG expressed outrage at pre-emptive fundraising for a new site by the Queensland Folk
Federation, the organisers of the festival, prior to Council approval, suggesting the new site
would cause community division.142 The group vowed to fight Festival organisers “until the
very end” over concerns for the land’s fragility under large attendances and the potential for
year round use for other activities.143 A local farming group supported MaDAG’s stance with
concerns for the area’s peaceful lifestyle and a call for an environmental impact study.144
Maleny resident Andrew Murray expressed his views on the issue in a letter to the Sunshine
Coast Daily. He described the Queensland Folk Federation as “quasi-cultural zealots” with an
agenda hidden behind a “veil of cultural respectability”. He then asserted that the claimed
merits of the Festival were “totally irrelevant” to the rights of the individual to live
anywhere without fear of having their life degraded by the actions of any other person or
organization. The issue was said to be about the right to decide what an individual
constitutes as degradation of the quality of their life rather than having it dictated to
them.145
The Maleny and District Action Group was criticised for claiming to support the Folk Festival
while opposing the new location, and for asking people with positive things to say about the
Festival to leave their meeting. A letter to the editor of The Range News stated: “There is a
continuous flow of negative, uncooperative vitriol in an effort to sour the relationship
between Maleny and the Folk Festival and to discredit the Queensland Folk Federation as
outsiders imposing their will on a hapless Maleny”.146 With the realisation that the land was
not large enough, the Queensland Folk Federation withdrew the application for the
Mountain View Road site,147 and shifted its attention to the Armstrong Farm, which would
140
The Range News 1993, ‘Local group objects to development of rural land’, 24 September, p. 5. 141
Berry, M 1994a, ‘Newcomer savaged by MADAG’, The Range News, 31 March, p. 14. 142
Observer 1993, ‘Fight continues over Festival’, 3 November, p. 1. 143
Observer 1993, ‘Diverse band in fight against Festival site’, 20 October, p. 3. 144
Bennet, S 1993, ‘Farmers push for impact study on site’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 10 September, p. 9. 145
Murray, A 1993, ‘Who’s misleading?’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 15 November, p. 14. 146
Sheppard, D 1994, ‘Revelations!’, The Range News, 21 January, p. 15. 147
Sullivan, S 1993, ‘Folk Festival begins search for bigger site’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 22 December, p. 9; The Range News 1993, ‘Folk Federation withdraws from controversial site’, 17 December, p. 3.
40
become the Maleny Community Precinct. Opponents claimed that relocating to this site
“would be detrimental to almost every aspect of community life”.148 When Festival
organisers discovered that Council had plans to develop part of the property into a sewage
treatment facility, it was deemed a public relations “washout”.149
A new home in a neighbouring region
The Festival was eventually sited near Woodford and renamed to reflect the new
location.150 Leaving the Maleny area was not the end of the battle for Festival organisers as
complaining neighbours incurred “huge” legal expenses151 and nearly forced the Festival to
be cancelled five days before it was due to start.152 The Festival was further hindered by
erroneous rumours about the Festival being privatised, entry not being permitted without
prepaid tickets, tourists being taken through Aboriginal land, there being a supreme court
injunction against the Festival, and that the Festival would not go ahead.153 Twenty years
after relocation, the Woodford Folk Festival has become the largest gathering of artists and
musicians in Australia, with attendances of over 100,000 people.154 The Festival’s economic
contribution to the Caboolture region led local MP Jon Sullivan to note that Caloundra City
Council paid too much attention to negative comments from a small group and needed a
more proactive response in relocating the Festival.155 The 2012/13 Woodford Folk Festival
was estimated to have an economic impact of $18 million.156 Ultimately, the Festival’s
relocation allowed room for it to grow and thrive and Woodford is now a benchmark for
festival practice.
148
Chetwynd, D & Chetwynd, J 1994, ‘Residents concern’, The Range News, 18 March, p. 18. 149
Cameron 1995, p. 132. 150
The Range News 1994, ‘Maleny Folk Festival moves to Woodford’, 10 June, p. 3. 151
Hauritz, B 1996, “QFF Update”, Queensland Folk Federation Newsletter, December. 152
Cameron 1995, p. 137. 153
Hauritz 1996; Sunshine Coast Daily 1994, ‘Crisis talks save Festival’, 23 December, p. 1. 154
Woodford Folk Festival media fact sheet. 155
The Range News 1994, ‘Folk Festival’, 17 June, p. 16. 156
Woodford Folk Festival media fact sheet.
41
Conclusion
The inhabitants of the Maleny region and the visitors that arrived for the Maleny Folk
Festival connect to the landscape in different ways. Those that supported the Festival being
in Maleny and the patrons of the Festival may be viewed as connecting to the landscape in a
celebratory way. Set in Maleny’s picturesque landscape, the showgrounds were utilised as a
place to share and experience culture and environmental ideals with tree planting activities,
Aboriginal programs, and an educational environmental program.157 The Festival’s recycled
program booklets, closed loop water and waste water, and on-site native vegetation
regeneration suggest Festival organisers are concerned about minimising the environmental
impact to avoid unsustainable degradation.158
Opponents of the festival saw patrons swimming in the water supply and spreading garbage
and waste as a disconnection from the landscape and its residents, whereas they saw
themselves as connected to the tranquillity, cleanliness, security and spaciousness of the
landscape. New locations for the Festival evoked demands for environmental impact
studies, reflecting the emergence of concerns for protection of environmental quality.
Affected residents stressed that the Festival led to degradation of the landscape as a place
to live. The growth of the Festival was unsustainable in its original location because the
increased size led to a decline in the integrity of the landscape—even if only temporary. This
was admitted by parties on both sides of the debate.
The Maleny Folk Festival was seen as a cultural and financial improvement to the landscape
by its supporters and as degradation to the liveability of the landscape by its opponents.
This is an indicative example of the dilemma of the Maleny human-landscape dynamic: a
community divided over the usage of the landscape with polarisation occurring through the
debate of whether the land use of the Maleny Folk Festival had a beneficial or detrimental
impact on the landscape and the community within it. The complexity of the issue was
based on a clash between a desire for celebration, awareness, and economic stimulus and
the desire to have a peaceful place to live. Confusion as to how much of the community
157
ibid. 158
ibid.
42
supported the Festival is a theme that was also prevalent in the Woolworths story. The state
of balance that was achieved was facilitated by the relocation to a site that was close to the
Maleny region, large enough to handle the growth of the Festival, and was not situated in a
residential area. The Festival’s success has shown its great resilience in the face of
opposition and complex issues. The community has also been resilient in facing this
contestation and adapting to the events that unfolded.
Case Study Three: The Conondale Range National Park
Councillor Rees of Maleny stated in 1922 of parks: “These are places that will do more for
people with bad business livers than all the medicine in the world”.159 The contestation over
the forests in the Conondale Range, shown in Figure 5, is linked to the previous case studies
by a split in the community over the best use of the landscape: using the forest for timber
extraction or protecting it as a national park for tourism, recreation, water supply, and
biodiversity. This case study is on a larger scale in that the land being contested covers
thousands of hectares and the contestation lasted a quarter of a century.
Figure 5. View over the Conondale Range from the Mount Allan fire tower.160
159
Rees, H O 1922, “Trees and Parks”, Brisbane Courier, 23 June, p. 7, viewed on 1 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20532744>. 160 Ashdown, R, photograph, NPRSR, viewed 1 March 2014, <http://nprsr.qld.gov.au/parks/great-walks-conondale-range/index.html>.
43
Introduction: Sketching the ‘battle’ lines
The Conondale Range is the last remaining significant forested area of the landscape near
Maleny. It is an area with “immense aesthetic appeal”;161 “unparalleled natural beauty,
outstanding scenery, mountain cascades, towering forests and spectacular gorges, a visual
delight.”162
The struggle to protect the Conondale Range can be traced back to 1966. Citizens of
Kenilworth petitioned Queensland Premier Frank Nicklin for the establishment of a national
park in the Conondale Ranges, but despite representations from the Premier to the
Department of Forestry, no action was taken.163 This lack of result inspired the following
rumination from G. J. Roberts, editor of The Conondale Range: A Case for a National Park:
“It is peculiar that even the exhortations of the State’s leading parliamentarian do not
interfere with the processes and procedures of government departments”.164 A study of the
region’s flora recommending a national park conducted by representatives of the forestry
industry and the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) was
submitted to the State Government in 1970.165 Three years later the Queensland
Conservation Council166 made a proposal to protect 16,000 ha and the National Parks
Association conducted wildlife surveys in the area. By 1976, the Save the Conondale Range
Committee was formed and, at the suggestion of the Premier’s department, a proposal for a
large national park was included in the Moreton Region Growth Strategy.167 The next year
the Save the Conondale Range Committee proposed that 31,000 ha be reserved and urged
the government declare a National Park of 1,700 ha.168
As studies of the flora and fauna continued, so did the proposals to enlarge the park,
evoking opposing points of view from the communities of the Maleny region, with an
emphasis on the conservation of Booloumba Gorge and Bundaroo Creek. The voices of the
161
Roberts, G J 1978, The Conondale Range: A Case for a National Park, p. 8. 162
Seabrook, C 1992, The Conondales: Bushwalking and Recreation, Conondale Range Committee, Kenilworth, Queensland, p. 1. 163
Roberts 1978, p. 5. 164
ibid. 165
Seabrook 1992, p. 2. 166
An advocacy group formed in 1969 consisting of bushwalkers, divers, nature lovers and geologists concerned about the loss of Queensland’s unique places. The group is now Queensland’s leading voice for environmental protection <http://qldconservation.org.au/about-us/>. 167
Seabrook 1992, p. 2. 168
ibid.
44
community opposed to national park expansion expressed the importance of forestry. The
complexity of the issue began to increase as lines of conflict were set in the contestation
over the forests. Some saw the forests as medicine,169 as natural reserves with intrinsic
value, and as having economic tourist value if left intact, while opponents saw forestry as
essential to economic growth. Perspectives on the history of this region from long-term
residents tend to view clearing of the land as a story of progress and growth, contrasting
with more recent conservationist perspectives of degradation within the same history. The
complexity of these multiple histories and perspectives has led to contestation accompanied
by polarisation.
Growth is good: Forest as economic resource
Sawmill owner and president of South Queensland Association for Protection of Rural
Australia (1983) Campbell Green declared that cutting prevents forest degeneration that
occurs if trees are not harvested and that wood is renewable and energy efficient. He
insisted: “Declaring more Conondale forest National Park would reduce logging, grazing,
apiculture and sight-seeing in the area”.170
Chairman of the Landsborough electorate of the National Party John Ahern (1982) turned to
the history of the region to provide context for the pro-forestry argument. His arguments,
based on over 60 years of raising cattle in the region and a familiarity with logging,
emphasised how the Conondale region forest reserves had been “the main source of first
class hardwood timber to sustain the building development on the Sunshine Coast and
other parts of South-East Queensland for over more than (sic) half a century”.171 Ahern
added that ecological stability was maintained through the employment of environmental
scientists to study the effects of logging. This is somewhat paradoxical in that he recognised
the need for scientific management but did not acknowledge the scientific reports stating
conservation was necessary.
Ceasing access to local wood supplies was predicted to result in the loss of six hundred jobs,
higher prices in the building sector through necessary importation, and a lack of alternative
169
Rees, H O 1922, p. 7 170
Sunshine Coast Daily 1983, ‘Sawmiller calls for Conondale logging’, 26 May, np. 171 Sunshine Coast Daily 1982, ‘Conondale Range logging defended’, 24 June, np.
45
areas of mature hardwood in South East Queensland. Recognising that the area was
ecologically sensitive, assurances were made that only 50% of the timber would be taken.172
In 1982, Ahern stated that if forestry’s strategic management plan was “allowed to proceed
without interruption, the total forest area will continue to produce high quality timber in
perpetuity.”173 This statement appears to be incongruent with the Department of Natural
Resources Comprehensive Regional Assessment of South East Queensland 1999, which
determined that between 1979 and 1999 the native hardwood sawlog harvest declined and
resource availability was reduced by over 50%.174 The conclusion was that “the current
levels of harvesting and clearing appear to be unsustainable in the long term”.175
Ahern stated that “logging occurs only over small and scattered areas at any one time, and
these are soon recolonised from adjoining undisturbed areas”.176 Additionally, references to
studies of areas that had been logged 60 years earlier were said to demonstrate that the
“Forestry plan is succeeding”.177 This claim is complicated by the use of the present tense
because it seems to infer that because the forestry practices of the 1920s had successful
outcomes, the current practices were also sound. It is unlikely that cutting rates and
methods had remained unchanged in the region between the 1920s and the 1980s, a
premise on which the assertion appears to be based. This exemplifies an ongoing trend of
living in a ‘permanent present’, which began at colonisation and led to both resource
depletion and eventually new forestry regimes based on studies such as the Comprehensive
Regional Assessment.
The opinion that there appeared to be “no detrimental effects to fauna” was definitively
challenged by proponents of the national park.178 Ahern describes the 8940 ha of forest in
Booloumba Creek as “one of the last areas to have its primary logging”, making it the most
172
Maleny News 1982, ‘To log, or not to log and the on-going question?’, 16 July, p. 2. 173
Sunshine Coast Daily 1982, 24 June, np. 174
Commonwealth and Queensland Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee, Department of Natural Resources 1999, South-East Queensland Comprehensive Regional Assessment 1999, Indooroopilly, Queensland 1999, pp. 13, 15. 175
Commonwealth and Queensland Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee 1999, p. 14. 176
Sunshine Coast Daily 1982, 24 June, np. 177
ibid. 178
Czechura, G V 1977, Submission for a National Park for Conondale Range, South East Queensland, on Behalf of Save Conondale Range Committee and Wildlife Research Group, p. 4; Queensland Conservation Council Newsletter, December 1981, p.1.
46
prolific hardwood area remaining in South East Queensland.179 ‘To have its primary logging’
seems to infer that logging is inevitable, that no areas should or will be spared, and that the
Conondale region is the last area in a predetermined queue to be cut. The ‘last area’ may
mean to proponents of forestry that the forest needs to be logged because there is nowhere
else to source the wood, whereas the “last area” to a conservationist may mean there is
nowhere else for people to be able to enjoy such a place or for the species that inhabit the
region to survive.
Another point in Ahern’s argument for not having a national park was that the cutting
“would be carried out in such a way that the least possible disturbance will result” and in
terms of economic and therefore social factors, “there would be serious consequences if the
area was closed to logging for an impact study or a National Park”. Ahern went further to
say that the claims that the logging would adversely affect the ecology and the rare species
that are in danger of extinction “cannot be substantiated”.180 Ahern here claims to know
the extent of disturbance and extinction before a study has been conducted, and
discourages the proposal of a study being uninterrupted by logging. The continuation of
logging while a department fauna study was assessing the impacts from logging was a
contentious issue. The decision was described as “unscientific and callous” by Save the
Conondale Range Committee Secretary Richard Giles, suggesting that by the time the study
would be completed the area would be “all but destroyed”.181 In 1983, the State Forestry
Department Management Plan allowed the cutting of the Booloumba Creek area to be
finished at the same time as the completion of the fauna study.182 The decision was,
according to Giles, typical of Forest Minister Bill Glasson’s “cynical approach to
protection”.183
Assurances were made that endangered frogs would not be affected because the trees by
creeks would be spared. Researcher Michael Tyler countered this claim by pointing out that
179
Sunshine Coast Daily 1982, ‘Conondale Range logging defended’, 24 June, np. 180
ibid. 181
Sunshine Coast Daily 1982, ‘Range group forms lobby’, 29 November, np. 182
Sunshine Coast Daily 1983, ‘Range qualities ignored’, 21 May, np. 183
ibid.
47
“logging and other clearing activities affect water flow, water quality and water
temperature all of which can spell disaster for the sensitive frog”.184
Ahern draws the conclusion in his defence of logging the last area with the statement: “If
Queensland is to develop, some of its rich natural resources must be developed”. To
illustrate what Ahern is referring to with the use of the word ‘some’ resources being
developed, approximately 18 million cubic metres of Araucaria were removed from
Queensland in the 20th Century, and at the time less than 0.75 million cubic metres
remained.185 Meanwhile, approximately 1% of Queensland was protected by national park
status.186
Gold!
The gold mining activities in the Conondale region were under threat with the proposal of a
national park. Rob Slaughter, managing director of the gold mining company Astrik,
complained that people opposing the mine were “not rational, but emotional”.187 He
claimed there would be no environmental damage from the proposed 80 metre deep open
cut goldmine.188 This was based on a promise to rehabilitate any damage and create a
tourist park connected with electricity and water.189
Complaints by conservationists to the government regarding the expansion of gold mining in
the Conondale ranges were met with impotence due to an existing lease and the area not
being a national park. Brian Austin, State Minister for Mines and Energy, stated: “if these
people want to prevent mining going ahead in that area, who will provide the company with
compensation?”.190 Here, financial compensation for loss of expected earned revenue is a
legal entitlement for companies that exploit resources, whereas the actual environmental
clean-up costs for tax payers are not mentioned. This reveals a paradigm in which the
human-landscape dynamic is one that places a significant bias towards extracting financial
gain with scant regard for landscape degradation. In what Seabrook describes as “an
184
The Local 1982, “Battle to save rare range frog”, 3 November, np. 185
Maleny News 1982,’To log, or not to log and the on-going question?’, 16 July, p. 2. 186
Roberts 1978, p. 8. 187
Sunshine Coast Daily 1987, ‘Conondale Ranges gold mining: We have no control: MP’, 9 March, p. 6. 188
Sunshine Coast Daily 1988, ‘Astrik rejects claim of environmental threat’, 15 August, p. 2. 189
ibid. 190
Sunshine Coast Daily 1987, ‘We have no control: MP’, 9 March, p. 6.
48
ecological nightmare and financial failure”,191 the aftermath of the mining operation
included a cyanide tailings dam that had to be capped and neutralised. An inquiry into toxic
waste in the Conondale range reported cyanide levels well over the level judged fatal to
animals and humans and poisonings of rare wildlife were attributed to leaks from the mine
into a major tributary of the Mary River.192 In addition, water had to be treated, and the
remaining open pit had to be filled and revegetated; a slow process due to acidic water and
heavy metals leaching into the soil.193 Reports vary on the amount of the security deposit
paid by Astrik for the rehabilitation of the land, with numbers ranging between $15,000,194
$20,000195, and $80,000.196 It is clear that the deposit contributed a small fraction of the
over one million dollars of public funds spent after the mining company went bankrupt,
abandoning the site and the responsibilities that went with it.197
Emotion vs reason
Accusations and insinuations of damaging the environment and damaging livelihoods made
protection of the Conondale Ranges an emotive and divisive issue in the community,
evident in this article from the pro-forestry group:
Self-appointed experts thought to be the guardians of conservation, supported by large
numbers of idle counterproductive people have convinced too many well-meaning people
that timbermen are: the masters of terminology, destroying our oxygen supply, destroyed
Maleny forests, destroy (sic) endangered species, not to be missed if they were
exterminated, are heavily subsidised, that rainforest is disappearing at an alarming rate.
There is an urgent need to return back to reality and wisely use these resources for the
191
Seabrook 1992, p. 1. 192
Berry, M 1994b, ‘The drum’, The Range News, 13 May, p. 16. 193
Mackay, I 1996, ‘Mine clean-up welcome’, The Range News, 5 April, p. 12. 194
Mackay, I 2011, ‘Remembering Mark’, Conondale Range Conservation , viewed 5 May, 2015, <http://www.exploreconondales.com/content/memories/mark-ricketts/52-remembering-mark>. 195
Seabrook 1992, p. 4. 196
Ivoradventures, ‘Agricola, the Broken Dream’, viewed 5 May, 2015,
<https://ivoradventures.wordpress.com/2013/07/28/agricola-the-broken-dream/>. 197
Seabrook 1992, p. 4.
49
benefit of man. Many of the facts of this unnecessarily emotive issue will be revealed at a
public meeting.198
Descriptions of those trying to protect the forests as ‘not rational, but emotional’ and
‘unnecessarily emotive’ suggest there is no place for emotion in land-use contestation. This
stems from paradigms of the past in which Rosenwein reminds us how it has been
“assumed without question that emotions [are] irrational”.199 Ricatti challenges this polarity
between reason and emotion by merging emotions with truth, suggesting truth “shares
many of the characteristics associated with emotions” and rather than having no place in
contestation, emotion “is a matter of and a tool for contested discourses”.200 Attempts to
omit emotions from contestation and other domains of power can be attributed to their
“potential to disrupt hegemonic discourses and narratives, as well as challenge the power of
deafening silences and censored topics in defining reality”.201 Maintaining established land-
use methods was seen by some as a task that required the discouragement of not only
emotions, but also inquiry.
The Conondale Ranges were located in both Maroochy Shire and Landsborough Shire and
the former decided to allow logging to continue while the latter transferred all logging
operations out of the Booloumba Creek catchment within the Landsborough Shire.202 Whilst
applauding Maroochy Shire’s decision, a forestry proponent deemed the Landsborough
Shire’s decision as “interfered with” by the Queensland Conservation Council and an ill-
informed decision that would cost them votes at the forthcoming election. He stated: “the
public at large are not well enough enformed (sic) or qualified to question the management
of professional foresters”.203 In the modern era of community consultation and debate, it
seems unlikely that this kind of discouragement of questioning and participation in land
management would be well received today. Changes such as this indicate how values and
practices are shifting towards a new regime.
198
Green, C 1982, ‘The history and values of our forests and forest industry’, Maleny News, 16 July, pp. 13-14. 199
Rosenwein, B H 2002, “Worrying about Emotions in History”, American Historical Review, vol. 107, no. 3, p. 822. 200
Ricatti, F 2013, “The Emotion of Truth and the Racial Uncanny: Aborigines and Sicilians in Australia”, Cultural Studies Review, vol. 19, no. 2, p. 128. 201
Ricatti 2013, p. 129. 202
Haagsma, B 1985b, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 20 September, p. 5. 203
Green, C 1985, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 4 October, p. 6.
50
Public support for the National Park
As anti-national park as the forestry industry and its proponents may appear to be when
polarisation of the issues occurred, it cannot be said that this was the position in the
Queensland Department of Forestry Annual Report 1949-50:
The Department is often urged to exploit the natural resources of the parks, timber it is
alleged, is going to waste etc. The department does not hold this view. I feel on the contrary,
that the virgin bushland serves the people amply in providing a haven of rest, recreation,
interest and the education and will continue to do so. Timber removal operations cause
irreparable damage. Falling trees open great scars, logging roads and snig204 tracks disfigure
the scene, lantana and other foreign plants are introduced and the areas are vulnerable to
fire. Untouched bushland can and does uplift and re-create the jaded worker, but a scarred
and marred countryside has only a depressing effect.
In the interests of national health alone, the preservation of national parks is more than
justified, apart altogether from educational and other values. From the tourist viewpoint, it
will surely be conceded that, to continue to attract visitors from other lands, our areas must
be unique and must have character. If we remove our best trees and disfigure the landscape,
we make our parks less than second rate and cannot hope to interest and delight visitors.
These considerations make it more than ever desirable to preserve the essence of Australia
represented in the parks. We can sell our “wasted trees” over and over again to visitors.205
The contrast between this position of the Forestry Department in the 1950s and forestry
proponents in the Maleny region of the 1970s and 80s is significant. Whether this can be
attributed to increasing emphasis on profits, decreasing timber supplies, or increasing
polarisation, the report’s position reveals how selective the anti-national park campaign was
in terms of heeding the expertise of professional foresters. The report maintains that
conservation of forests benefits a diverse range of people. This is evident in the support for
extension of the Conondale Ranges National Park expressed by The Premier’s Department,
204
Snig: Drag (a heavy load, especially timber) with ropes and chains, Google, viewed 27 October 2014, <https://www.google.com.au/#q=snig+definition>. 205
Maleny News 1985, ‘Queensland Department of Forestry Annual Report 1949-50’, 4 October, p. 12.
51
the Queensland Museum, National Parks, the Moreton Region Growth Study, Sunshine
Coast Regional Growth Study, and a tourism report.206 The Queensland Government
contributed to the issue by forming a committee to reduce conflict and achieve sound land-
use planning through consultation between representatives from the Department of
Forestry, National Parks, the timber industry, and conservation groups.207
The reasons presented for the conservation of a large area in the region were primarily to
secure a natural water management system, a self-sustaining habitat for rare and
endangered species of flora and fauna, and space for recreation and education.208
Water management: Urban politics in a rural setting
The Conondale Ranges are part of the Brisbane water catchment area and the time when
the push was being made to conserve the area was within recent memory of the severe
flooding that caused loss of life and property in Brisbane, Gympie and Maryborough. This
extreme level of flooding was apparent again in 2011 and serves as a reminder of the
importance of conserving the stability of a water catchment, especially Brisbane’s, which
houses a large population centre.209
Considering that flooding is a symptom of excessive runoff from heavy rainfall, maintaining
natural vegetation cover in upper catchment areas plays an important role in limiting excess
runoff from high rainfall areas.210 Removal of timber can cause increased runoff by raising
the water table, removing the plant litter that affects soil structure, and diminishing the
forest canopy’s potential to intercept and disperse precipitation through evaporation. As
much as 225 tonnes of soil per hectare can be disturbed when exposed to rainstorms after
logging. This silts streams and leaches nutrients from the soil, in turn promoting
downstream aggradation and sedimentation.211 It therefore was argued that a national park
206
Seabrook 1992, p. 4. 207
ibid. 208
ibid; Czechura 1977, pp. 1-2; Save Conondale Range Committee Submission 1978, pp. 1-3; Roberts 1978, p. 7. 209
Czechura 1977, p. 1. 210
Save Conondale Range Committee Submission 1978, p. 3. 211
Czechura 1977, p. 4.
52
would maximize the quality of the water supply needs for a large portion of South East
Queensland and reduce the risk of severe flooding.212
Endangered flora and fauna
The Conondale Range was also considered extremely important habitat for a high number of
rare and uncommon species.213 The area is the northern or southern limit of some species’
range, while some species are virtually endemic.214 The best known of these was the gastric-
brooding frog or platypus frog (Rheobatrachus silus), discovered in the Conondale Range in
1972.215 The creature was unique in the entire animal kingdom for it incubated its young in
its stomach. This species is believed to have become extinct before the Conondale National
Park was declared.216
The diversity of forest types in the Range has national significance because it is
representative of the vegetation that once covered the Blackall Ranges. The region was
estimated to have represented over a quarter of Queensland’s wildlife with 180 species of
birds and 22 rare and endangered species. This made it one of the premium bird watching
areas in Queensland.217 There was concern over the clearing and fragmentation of native
vegetation that has led to decline in many lowland-dwelling species218 and the loss of similar
habitat in surrounding areas made the area extremely important as a potential national
park.219 Studies revealed a notable absence of species where vegetation had been
removed220—two of three studied species disappeared during the study221—and that:
“there is little likelihood of the return of floristic-structural features of a rainforest”.222
The Queensland Museum Report on the National Estate of the Moreton Region: Wide Bay
Burnett stated: “it is important that further alienation of native forests should not take
212
Roberts 1978, p. 7. 213
Czechura 1977, p. 1. 214
Czechura 1977, p. 2. 215
Seabrook 1992, p. 1. 216
Meyer, E et al. 2004, Rheobatrachus silus, in IUCN 2013. IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. Version 2013.2., viewed 10 March 2014, <www.iucnredlist.org>. 217
Seabrook 1992, p. 1. 218
Commonwealth and Queensland Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee, p. 25. 219
Czechura 1977, p. 1. 220
Czechura 1977, p. 4. 221
Seabrook 1992, p. 3. 222
Czechura 1977, p. 7.
53
place”.223 It recommended that the least affected areas should be converted to national
park status and areas no longer primitive should not be further altered so they might act as
buffer zones between protected areas and the intensive farming operations beyond the
boundaries of State forests.224
The two small national parks in the area were suggested to be of an inadequate size225
because a large reservation is required to incorporate representative samples of all the
habitat types of the region, which in turn maintains diversity. Park overuse suggested that
the protected areas need to be a minimum of between 4,000 and 10,000 ha.226 It was
proposed that the entire catchment area be conserved to protect the area from upstream
pollution, ensure an uninterrupted water flow during extended dry periods, and provide a
buffer against invasive species with a size that is resilient and self-sustaining.227
Recreation and Aesthetics: Towards rethinking landscapes in a post-
resource era
Well known for its camping grounds, scenic qualities, and bushwalking, the virgin forests of
the Conondale Range area offered recreation potential unequalled anywhere in the
hinterland.228 Comparisons with neighbouring regions showed that the Landsborough and
Maroochy shires lacked a national park equivalent to Gold Coast’s Lamington, Noosa’s
Cooloola, and Maryborough and Hervey Bay’s Fraser Island.229
The Mary Cairncross Scenic Reserve was deteriorating from increased visitor usage and this
justified increasing park numbers to spread the load and enable recovery. Statistics showed
that a 160 kilometre radius around Brisbane included 60% of the state’s population with 2.3%
of the land designated as national parks, while the figure for Sydney was 21.5%. The use of
ballot systems for camping places was evidence that the number of national parks,
wilderness areas and State forest parks was insufficient to meet local and tourist demand,
223
Czechura 1977, p. 1. 224
ibid. 225
Seabrook 1992, p. 2. 226 Roberts 1978, p. 8. 227
Czechura 1977, p. 5. 228
Maleny News 1982, ‘To log, or not to log and the on-going question?’, 16 July, p. 2. 229
Haagsma, B 1985a, ‘The Hinterland’, Maleny News, 6 September, p. 10.
54
potentially damaging remaining wilderness.230 Criticism of the national park proposal from
the National Party Minister for Land Management claimed that the estimated 300,000
visitors to the Booloumba Creek catchment would be an ecological disaster. This was
contested by the fact that the overloaded areas of Kondalilla and Mapleton Falls National
Parks were seeing 140,000 visitors without a ‘disaster’. The Booloumba area being 70 times
larger made it likely that it could handle twice the load of an area one seventieth the size.231
A job study published by the Save the Conondale Range Committee in 1983 predicted the
possibility of a drastic decline in timber industry employment and suggested developing a
tourist industry as a sustainable alternative.232 Tourism was said to have the potential to
create more jobs than the timber industry could provide in the long term. Despite cutting
increases, logging production employment had decreased by 22% in five years, suggesting
that operational methods were responsible for job losses.233 The local Witta sawmill closure
occurred after operating on a marginal basis for two years and conservationists asked why
should the last remaining large area of virgin forest in the Conondale range234 be logged if
the operations were barely profitable?235
Tourism would provide jobs and dollars every day rather than every 40 years through
logging,236 and would not degrade the forests in the process.237 It was suggested that
tourism from the expanded national park in the Conondale Ranges would more than
compensate for the loss of logging in the Booloumba Creek area.238 Studies undertaken a
few years after the expansion of the Conondale Ranges National Park suggest that tourism
in South East Queensland rivalled native forestry for employment and revenue while having
much more potential for growth. Native hardwood sawlog harvesting was estimated at
employing between 765-872 people with a gross value for 1995-96 being approximately $69
million.239 Tourism and recreation provided 768 jobs for the commercial tour sector, with
230
Haagsma, B 1983, ‘National parks a heritage not to be lost’, Maleny News, 18 November, pp. 10-11. 231 Haagsma, B 1985c, ‘Economic bonanza is not an ecological disaster’, Maleny News, 4 October, pp. 7-8. 232
Seabrook 1992, p.3. 233
Sunshine Coast Daily 1983, ‘Report says Range offers potential’, 15 October, np. 234
Seabrook 1992, p. 2. 235
Giles, R 1984, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 7 September, pp. 10-11. 236
Haagsma, B 1985, ‘The Hinterland’, Maleny News, 6 September, p. 10. 237
Giles 1984, pp. 10-11. 238
Maleny News 1983, ‘Forestry tour at Conondale’, 6 October, pp. 1-4. 239
Commonwealth and Queensland Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee 1999, p. 15.
55
$29 million in takings; visitors to forests expended an estimated $190 million in 1997. The
tourism industry was expected to grow by 57% in the following 21 years.240
Expansion of the National Park
According to the Sunshine Coast Environment Council, twenty-five years of struggle,
resulting in an increase in the park’s size in 1991 from 2126 ha to 7000 ha, and the exclusion
from logging of 3000 ha of neighbouring State forest, secured a decent biodiverse and
sustainable national park in the Conondale Ranges.241 The Minister for Primary Industries
hailed the decision as the first time the Department of Primary Industries, the Department
of Environment and Heritage, the timber industry, and members of the conservation
movement had worked together to resolve an important land issue in the state.242 It was
described as an informed decision made by intelligent, responsible members of the
community who had examined all sides of the issue.243
Conclusion
The debate over land use in the Conondale Ranges epitomised the polarisation that has
been a characteristic of the Maleny region. The long and passionate struggle to save what is
today a 35,500 ha national park containing some of Queensland's most popular and
picturesque forests demonstrates a degree of connection between humans and the
landscape. While the $4.43 billion that Queensland National Parks provide to the economy
annually244 is a significant motivation to protect forested areas, the motives to save the
region for biodiversity and quality of life values cannot be easily measured, suggesting an
intrinsic appreciation of the forested landscape. Whilst the extrinsic utilisation of the
landscape through modification (mining, silviculture and agriculture) provides resource and
employment advantage, the resultant significant impacts (erosion, extinction and pollution)
demonstrate a disconnection between humans and landscape.
240
Commonwealth and Queensland Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee 1999, p. 17. 241
The Range News 1991, ‘Environment Council welcomes Conondale Range decision’, 20 September, p. 8. 242
ibid. 243
Haagsma, B 1985,’Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 20 September, p. 4. 244
Queensland Government, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.nprsr.qld.gov.au/tourism/>.
56
The Conondale Range National Park, starting at 1,700 ha, and eventually reaching beyond
the proposed 31,000 ha, was made possible through cooperation of organisations and
government, and regional communities and can be linked to the Sunshine Coast and
Hinterland region having the highest levels of intrinsic value of forests and concern for
forest management in South East Queensland.245 Viewing the forests for their intrinsic or
extrinsic values can affect whether the modifications to the Maleny region’s landscape are
perceived as improvements or degradation. The Conondale Range forests were the only
remaining representative forests of the region, suggesting that forested landscapes were in
decline. Studies show that the forest management system was not sustainable and this was
a factor in the decision to protect the area through national park expansion. The size of the
Conondale Range National Park follows guidelines for ecosystem resilience and
sustainability and the success of the Park suggests that the land management of the area as
a park is sustainable.
The lack of forest resilience under forestry industry management resulted in unprofitable
and unsustainable practices. The resulting contestation between a range of interests
(forestry; mining; tourism; recreation; biodiversity; endangered species and ecosystems;
water supplies and aesthetics) was a complex issue that required a cooperative approach
and demonstrated resilience in all parties amidst a divisive 25-year battle.
Summary
These case studies demonstrate the dilemma of managing the complexities of the landscape,
but also the Maleny region’s passionate participation in the contestation. While there are
suggestions that the polarisation has been detrimental to the communities, the
participation and resilience that accompanies this polarisation has been a vital element in
forming identity and affecting land-management policy. The human-landscape dynamic of
the Maleny region is a complex and active entity, both in the physical shaping of the
245
Commonwealth and Queensland CRA/Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee, Queensland Department of Natural Resources, CRA Unit, Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Australia: Social Assessment Unit 1999, South-East Queensland Social Assessment Report 1999, Indooroopilly, Queensland, figure 5.14 Forest Management Concern Across Sectors, p. 59; Commonwealth and Queensland CRA/Regional Forest Agreement Steering Committee 1999, Figure 5.15 Intrinsic Value Across Sectors, p. 61.
57
landscape and the social contestation that forms the policies on how that shaping will be
carried out.
58
Chapter 2: The Sanctuary of History: a possible history? Or multiple histories?
Introduction
Understanding the dilemma of the Maleny region as a process of determining balanced
land-use policies and how this is reflected on the landscape can be further enriched by
establishing a comprehensive landscape history. Chapter 1 outlined examples of the
landscape being utilised for the development of retail services, festivities, and wilderness
recreation and conservation, along with the complexities and contestation involved in
managing these land uses. This chapter will add to the understanding of the human-
landscape dynamic of the Maleny region by encapsulating the histories of the landscape
from its volcanic shaping to the present. The multiple histories will be categorised into
dominant and overlapping regimes and connected by themes of complexity, contestation
and resilience.
Identity & sustainability
A quest for identity may lead to the sanctuary of history—a place where our identity can
feel authentic. Producing histories has the tendency to foster a sense of continuity—an
evolutionary trajectory that makes the current present hegemonic (i.e., the only present
possible). Yet we need to study and disseminate histories to build community and
connection to place. Observing multiple histories is a way of confronting this sense of
hegemony. The histories that can be observed regarding the human relationship to the
landscape will develop a well-rounded and inclusive sense of local identity for the Maleny
region. This extensive environmental history will provide the foundations for the
interpretations that will be developed in Chapter 3 and used to inform the interpretive trail
in the Maleny Community Precinct. The trail will be a means for sharing the region’s story
and generating a sense of awareness and identity in the community. The story will be made
59
accessible to the public via a simplified and thematic view of the human-landscape dynamic
throughout history.
The human-landscape dynamic is significant in that it has become a force that shapes the
landscape. This is because the human relationship with the land has been one of increasing
impact246 and so human history can be described as a story of how environmental
limitations on human activities have been circumvented and the consequences on the
environment that resulted.247 As land-use methods changed, so did the degree of change in
the landscape. Amidst this transformation was a fundamental shift in the human approach
to land use. This shift moved from an interconnected relationship with the environment,
where humans shaped the local landscape by encouraging and discouraging the growth of
native species, towards a separation from nature resulting in increased productivity and
land degradation.248
A timeline following the stages of geological shaping, Indigenous habitation, European
arrival, and the issues that followed concerning conservation, development, and
sustainability provides a broader context for the case studies discussed in Chapter 1.
Emphasis is placed on the transformational period after colonisation. Conservation issues
arose when resources became scarcer and development became a concern when
populations increased and farming decreased. Sustainability has become a current
movement to address depletion and degradation of the landscape. These complex issues
resulted in contestation over land use and have tested the resilience of the landscape and
its inhabitants. The timeline is motivated by the premise that environmental history is a
234
Redman 1999, Human Impact on Ancient Environments, University of Arizona Press, Tucson, p. 24; Richards, J F 2003, The Unending Frontier: An Environmental History of the Early Modern World, University of California Press, Berkeley, p. 17; Hughes 2001, p. 38; Simmons, I G 1996, Changing the Face of the Earth: Culture, Environment, History, Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 68, 69, 111; Ponting 1993, p. 168; Worster 1988 (ed.), p. 7; McNeill, J 2000, Something New Under the Sun: An Environmental History of the World in the 20th Century, Allen Lane, London, pp. 8, 9, 11, 13. 247
Ponting 2007, p. 409. 248
Worster 1988, p. 6; McNeill 2000, p. 40; Ponting 2007, p. 71; Simmons 2001, p. 161; Hughes 2001, p. 33; Jordan, J & Gilbert, N 1999, “Think Local, Act Global: Discourses of Environment and Local Protest” in Fairweather, N B, Elworthy, S, Stroh, M & P H G Stevens (eds.), Environmental Futures, Macmillan, Basingstoke, New York, pp. 41-42; Slaughter, R A 1996, “Futures Studies: From Individual to Social Capacity”, Futures, vol. 28, no 8., p. 754; Bookchin, M 1994, “An Outline for Ecological Politics” in D Aberley (ed.), p. 46; Beck, L & Cable, T T 1998, Interpretation for the 21st Century: Fifteen Guiding Principles for Interpreting Nature and Culture, Sagamore, Champaign, IL, p. 41; Curthoys & Cuthbertson, p. 230.
60
method of describing how we got here and what we need to know to handle our global
environmental predicament.249 Understanding the environmental history of the Maleny
region adds to the case studies of regions across the planet, which can contribute to local
and global awareness that, in turn, can inform more sustainable practices.
The Maleny Community Precinct
Much of the history described in the timeline is applicable to the Maleny Community
Precinct. The transitions from geological and vegetative shaping to human modification for
subsistence (Indigenous) and then agricultural, recreational, and residential purposes,
happened on the land that is now the Maleny Community Precinct in a similar trajectory to
the rest of the landscape. This chapter’s focus on the history of the Maleny region’s
landscape will also establish a foundation for the analysis of the Maleny Community Precinct
as a microcosm of the broader region in Chapter 4.
Volcanic Landscape: Formation of the Maleny Plateau
Bizarre monolithic intruders that Captain James Cook likened to the large glass furnaces of
his native Yorkshire250 are clues to the geological origins of the Maleny Plateau. The
Glasshouse Mountains, as they were named, are intriguing both in their strange spire-like
shapes and how mystifyingly out of place they appear in their flat surroundings. As rhyolite
and trachyte plugs they are all that remain of a dynamic and violent volcanic past.251 Due to
their great resistance to erosion, these plugs stand isolated since the loose pyroclastic
(fragmented rock) material of the volcanoes that surrounded them weathered away.252
Trachyte is a volcanic rock known to mingle with the colourful mineraloid, opal.253 Rhyolite
eruptions can be highly explosive and in the Glasshouse Mountains, the rhyolite cooled
249
Adams, W M 2011, “Separation, Proprietorship and Community in the History of Conservation” in S Sӧrlin, & P Warde (eds.), pp. 54-55. 250
Russel, H S 1888, The Genesis of Queensland, Turner & Henderson, Sydney, p. 514. 251
Knesel K M, Cohen B E , Vasconcelos P M, & Thiede D S 2008, “Rapid change in drift of the Australian plate records collision with Ontong Java Plateau”, Nature, vol. 454, p. 756. 252
Willmott, W 2007, Rocks and Landscapes of the Sunshine Coast, revised second edition, Kingswood Press, Underwood, Queensland, p. 12; Cohen, K & Cook, M 2000, Heritage Trails of the Great South East, State of Queensland Environmental Protection Agency, p. 127. 253
Eckert, A W 1997, The World of Opals, John Wiley & Sons, New York, p. 322.
61
quickly inside the volcanoes, solidifying to form plugs.254 The type of rhyolite in this region is
called comendite255 but, interestingly, if it had cooled even more quickly, crystals would not
have had time to grow and the rhyolites would have formed into translucent volcanic glass
known as vitrophyre or obsidian,256 historically used to make sharp arrowheads and blades.
If this had been the case, then the name Glasshouse Mountains would have been more
fitting than Captain Cook could have imagined.
The material that significantly influenced the Maleny region was the basalt lava that flowed
before the volcanoes were plugged, between 31 and 27 million years ago.257 The basalt lava
filled in river courses and valleys then later covered ridges to form a gently sloping sheet, or
shield, that is now the Maleny-Mapleton plateau.258 The shape of the Maleny landscape was
formed by tectonic activity and erosion after the cessation of volcanic eruptions, illustrated
in Figure 6. As the magma cooled, tremors and earthquakes caused minor faults to shatter
and these fractures became reservoirs for ground water. Flowing streams formed to retreat
escarpments around the edges of the lava bed while the surface of the Maleny-Mapleton
plateau remained relatively unchanged.259
Figure 6. Eruption and erosion create the modern landscape.260
254
Johnson, D 2009, The Geology of Australia, Cambridge University Press, Melbourne, p. 41. 255
Willmott, W 2004, Rocks and Landscapes of the National Parks of Southern Queensland, Geological Society of Australia, Queensland Division, Brisbane, p. 162. 256
Johnson 2009, p. 43. 257
Johnson 2009, p. 191. 258
Willmott 2007, p. 15. 259
Willmott 2007, p. 16. 260
Willmott 2007, p. 13.
62
The basalt rock that remains after the volcanic activity of the Tertiary Era is dark grey to
black and in places contains plagioclase,261 a constituent rock of the highlands of the earth’s
moon. Chemical reactions between the basalt rock and the atmosphere during erosion
formed the deep, fertile, red or chocolate soils. This process was accelerated by the
rainforests shedding foliage that decomposes to form acids that oxidise rock, leaching away
potassium and calcium. What remains are the red acidic soils rich in iron and magnesium
that gave rise to dense primeval rainforests. The root systems of these rainforests penetrate
the fractures that store ground water to siphon trace elements and nutrients to surface soils.
Rainfall then refills the fractures ensuring an abundance of ground water.262 These
geological processes are the foundation for shaping of the landscape and determining the
changing human-landscape dynamics of the Maleny region from hunting and gathering, to
agriculture and eventually property development.
Indigenous regime
In 1910, John Mathew, an award-winning anthropologist, ethnographer and author with
extensive experience living with Aborigines of South East Queensland, noted that: “Man
generally seems to stand outside and above Nature, they [the Aborigines] were decidedly
part of it.”263
For the purposes of this study, the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region begins
with the Indigenous hunter gatherer tribes that moved from place to place sourcing
seasonal foods throughout South East Queensland, such as the Kabi Kabi illustrated in Figure
7. The transient nature of these groups and the dearth of documented histories regarding
the Maleny region led to this thesis providing an account of the Aborigines that inhabited
the Sunshine Coast region, rather than the more specific Maleny locality. This is a practical
approach to establishing an understanding of the Indigenous human-landscape dynamic
within and beyond the Maleny region.
261
Johnson 2009, p. 44. 262
Maclure, A 1990 ‘Geological constraints on and the hazards of closer settlement on the Blackall Range’, The Range News, 11 May, p. 19.
263
Mathew, J 1910, Two Representative Tribes of Queensland, T. Fisher Unwin, London, p. 83.
63
Figure 7. Aborigines of the Kabi Kabi group near Tytherleigh’s Falls on Bridge Creek, Maleny ca 1870. 264
The ability of Aborigines to remain as custodians of the land for millennia is a testament to
their resilience, made possible by an emphasis that was placed on guarding and conserving
the environment they inhabited for future generations.265 Their sustainable land-
management regime was founded on an extensive and intimate knowledge of the
complexities of the landscape, which can be described either as a connection to the land but
also as effective resource management systems.266 This sustainable landscape connection or
management was influenced by how Indigenous people handled tribe numbers, territorial
boundaries, movement, sharing, fallowing, and taboos.
Connection to the land
The Indigenous connection to the land is apparent in how the people observed and
interacted with it. Andrew Petrie, an Australian pioneer who lived amongst several tribes of
South East Queensland,267 provided a rich record of his time with Aborigines that was
detailed and published by his daughter, Constance Campbell Petrie. Andrew Petrie noted
that Indigenous people were excellent trackers because “The natives had wonderful
264
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 2 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24505955/348651,1?FMT=IMG>. 265
McCarthy, J H 1996, A Brief History of Human Occupation of the Caloundra Region, Self Published, p. 5. 266
Kelly, P 1990, Tree fern and Honey Bee: A study of Aboriginal Australian Ancestors of the Mapleton District, Complete Printing Services, p. 17. 267
Petrie, C C 1904, Tom Petrie’s Reminiscences of Early Queensland, Watson, Ferguson & Co., Brisbane, p. 4.
64
eyesight, and nothing would escape them”.268 This literal reference to eyesight is
representative of a broader sense of vision Indigenous people had that enabled them to
perceive both the subtleties and the bigger picture of how the landscape functions.
Gammage describes this high level of perception:
Detailed local knowledge was crucial. Each family cared for its own ground, and knew not
merely which species fire or no fire might affect, but which individual plant and animal, and
their totem and Dreaming links. They knew every yard intimately.269
Awareness of the interconnected complexity of the landscape is exemplified in their
cooperation with animals. Aborigines worked with dolphins to access fish270 and
domesticated dingoes for companionship, protection and night-time warmth;271 spotting a
white breasted sea eagle soaring high and then hastily over the sea was a signal for the
commencement of the mullet season.272
A connection to the vegetation of the landscape is clear in the Indigenous reverence for the
Bunya pine (Araucaria bidwillii). Jones reports that in 1848, when Andrew Petrie began
cutting a piece out of one, the accompanying Aborigines “almost cried in their distress,
saying the tree would die of its wounds”.273 Symmons and Symmons note that Aborigines
were able to link the flowering of plants and the corresponding time at which animals were
fattest.274 Such awareness of the ecological systems was not simply technical but part of the
cultural lore of the tribe and illustrates how the Indigenous people were aware of the
impact they had on their resources and made decisions accordingly to remain resilient in an
unpredictable environment.
268
Petrie 1904, p. 72. 269
Gammage 2011, p. 3. 270
Neil, D T 2002, “Cooperative Fishing Interactions between Aboriginal Australians and Dolphins in Eastern Australia”, Anthrozoos, vol. 15, no. 1, p. 3. 271
Smith, B P & Litchfield, C A 2009, “A Review of the Relationship between Indigenous Australians, Dingoes (Canis dingo) and Domestic Dogs (Canis familiaris)”, Anthrozoos, vol. 22, no. 2, p. 111. 272
Symons, P & Symons, S 1994, Bush Heritage: An Introduction to the History of Plant and Animal Use by Aboriginal People and Colonists in the Brisbane and Sunshine Coast Area, Nambour, p. 17. 273
Jones, S 1990, A Submerged History: Baroon, Aborigines and White Invasion, Cairncross Press, Maleny, p. 21. 274
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 16.
65
Population
Population management was a key to the resilience of this regime. Aborigines intentionally
limited their population numbers so that all could be comfortably fed within the land’s
capacity.275 The practice of infanticide was reported by Archibald Meston in 1895 when he
stated that “no deformed or sickly children were preserved”.276 Food sources fluctuated
from scarcity to abundance and this was met with a flexible system of population numbers.
The solution to scarce resources was to exist in the smallest groups possible, nuclear
families.277 The typical organisation was to function as residential groups with numbers
between 30 and 160 strong,278 while tribally associated groups were as large as 500
people.279 Seasonal abundance in particular areas was utilised by having large gatherings of
many different groups with numbers in the thousands. It has been estimated that from the
Tweed River to the Fraser Island Coast and inland as far as the Great Dividing Range, there
were about 3000 people on the coast, 1500 on the ranges, and 400 on creeks.280
Territory
Aborigines managed resources to support the continuation of the cycles of plant and animal
species through a complex system of territorial regulations and rituals.281 The territory of
each clan was well defined according to ancestral law282 and tracts were approximately 25
kilometres in length.283 ‘Proprietors’ of a particular territory had detailed knowledge of their
own area and a limited knowledge of outlying areas. They had the exclusive right to direct
275
McCarthy 1996, p. 4. 276
Meston, A 1895, Geographical History of Queensland, Government Printer, Brisbane, p. 87. 277
Hayden, B 1972,”Population Control among Hunter/ Gatherers”, World Archaeology, vol. 4, no. 2, p. 214. 278
Simpson, S 1842, Letter to the Colonial Secretary Containing Narrative of the Runaways (Davis & Bracewell), Colonial Secretary, Co-respondence, letter no. 42/4284, box no. 4/2581-2. MS. M.L., Handt, J C S 1842, Report of Transactions Relative to the Condition of the Aborigines of the District of Moreton Bay, for the Year 1842, N.S.W.G.D, vol. 42, 1843, p. 618 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 9. 279
Kelly 1990, pp. 12-13. 280
Hall, H J 1982 “Sitting on the Crop of the Bay: an historical and archaeological sketch of Aboriginal settlement and subsistence in Moreton Bay” in S Bowdler (ed), The Coastal Archaeology of Eastern Australia, Australian National University, Canberra, p. 83; Simpson, S 1844, Report on the Present State of the Aborigines in the District of Moreton Bay for the year 1844, N.S.W.G.D., vol. 44, 1845, p. 1132 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 8. 281
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 1. 282
Kelly 1990, p. 17; Radcliffe-Brown, A R 1930, “The Social Organisation of Australian Tribes”, Oceania, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 34-7, 61. 283
Aldridge, H E 1882, Letter to A W Howitt dated 7 November, Howitt Papers, box 8, folder 2, paper 2; 4pp.
66
when hunting and burning was done in their area.284 Contestation over territory took the
form of organised fights to settle disputes regarding trespassing on hunting grounds.285 The
Maleny region’s territorial boundaries were probably determined in the 1700s before
European settlement when the Dalambarra tribe drove the Nalbo tribe from Obi Obi Creek
and Baroon Pocket. This is a rare account of contestation over land use escalating to a
larger-scale conflict. After the fight was settled, the two tribes had harmonious relations
and assisted each other in hunting, sharing food and fighting.286
The tribal territories of South East Queensland offered great potential for Indigenous hunter
gatherers with plentiful and varied food sources from a variety of different micro-
environments.287 In times of abundance, streams were filled with fish, the hills and flats
swarmed with kangaroos and wallabies; plant foods bloomed, attracting fauna that further
added to food availability.288 Vegetable foods included roots, tubers, nuts, beans, seeds,
berries, fruits, gums, and drinks. Animal foods included marsupials, birds, lizards, snakes,
insects, larvae, eels, fish, shellfish, marine mammals, eggs, and honey.289 Rainforests were
primarily a vegetable resource, while open eucalypt forests were more a source of hunting
for marsupials and honey.290 Human flesh is said to have been consumed only of someone
who had died; people were not killed for food.291
It has been suggested that Aborigines avoided the rainforest after nightfall because they
were afraid of evil spirits.292 Forests were not ideal for walking through and hunting was not
good because it provided feed for fewer animals;293 their camps were therefore located in
more open areas, away from prevailing winds, facing north east to maximize sunshine
284
Lang, J D 1847, Cooksland in North-Eastern Australia, Longman, Brown & Green, London, p. 392. 285
Winterbotham, L P nd, Gaiarbau’s Story of the Jinibara Tribe of South East Queensland (and its neighbours), MS. 45 in A.I.A.S. Library, p. 8 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 27. 286
Langevad, G 1983, Some Original Views Around Kilcoy, Book 1: The Aboriginal Perspective, Brisbane Archaeological Branch, p. 61 cited in Jones, S 1997, Four Bunya Seasons in Baroon 1842-1845, Vagabond Ventures, Maleny, Queensland, p. 27. 287
Winterbotham nd, p. 8 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 27. 288
Kelly 1990, p. 16-17. 289
Kelly 1990, pp. 40-44. 290
Coaldrake, J E 1961, “The Ecosystem of the Coastal Lowlands (“Wallum”) of Southern Queensland”, CSIRO bulletin no. 283, Melbourne, p. 66; Calaby, J H 1966, “Mammals of the Upper Richmond and Clarence Rivers, NSW”, CSIRO, Division of Wildlife Research, Technical Paper no. 10, pp. 4-5. 291
Petrie 1904, pp. 18-19; Partington, G 2008, “Cannibalism: A White Colonist Fiction?”, Quadrant, vol. LII, no. 5, p. 87. 292
Young, H E 1939, “The Romance of the Bunya Tree”, Queensland Naturalist, vol. 11, no. 1, p. 12 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 23. 293
Rolls 1994 in S Dovers (ed.), p. 25.
67
exposure in the winter.294 The Indigenous people’s demands on the landscape for shelter
and clothing were very slight. Sometimes when travelling long distances and sleeping in
different places each night along the way, no shelter was made, unless it was raining295 and
clothing of kangaroo, wallaby and possum were only worn in winter.296 Seasonal food
scarcity prompted temporary camps for ease of relocation to new hunting grounds to
remain resilient.297 When relocating, the bark for the huts was stored off the ground to be
used again upon returning. Rounded huts called mia mias or gunyahs were made of bark
from blackbutt, stringy bark or tallow wood, bent sticks, grass, palm leaves and branches.298
Groups moved their camps around their own territory hunting and gathering according to
the seasons,299 with food usually being found within five kilometres of camp.300 As food
sources declined, relocation would begin.301 It was common to be in the mountains in
summer and at the beach in winter, but groups also travelled to specific areas when food
was in season.302 The best known example is the Bunya Festival, in which the seeds of the
bunya tree were so revered that people came from as far away as 285 kilometres to enjoy
them.303
Cooperative food gathering
Sharing food was integral to the resilience of Indigenous culture. It was said that “selfishness
and greediness were regarded with measureless contempt”.304 Typically, while men hunted,
women and children gathered edible plants. If a person was unlucky in their hunt, it made
294
Kelly 1990, p. 12-13. 295
Petrie 1904, p. 13. 296
Tainton, J 1976, Marutchi: The Early History of the Sunshine Coast Country, unpublished manuscript, Kawana Library, p. 14. 297
Fraser, E 1837, Narrative of the Capture, Sufferings and Miraculous Escape of Mrs. Eliza Fraser…, Webb, New York, p. 10 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 5. 298
Tainton 1976, p. 14. 299
McCarthy 1990, p. 4. 300
Kelly 1990, pp. 12-13. 301
Sahlins, M 1972, Stone Age Economics, Tavistock Publications, London, p. 33; Handt, J C S 1841, Report of Transactions Relative to the Condition of the Aborigines of the District of Moreton Bay, for the Year 1841, N.S.W.G.D., vol. 38, 1842, p. 1064, cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 7; Moran, Cardinal P F 1894, History of the Catholic Church in Australasia, Oceanic Publishing Company, Sydney, p. 413 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 7. 302
Sullivan 1977, p. 6. 303
Tindale, N B 1974, Aboriginal Tribes of Australia, ANU Press, Canberra, p. 125 304
Meston 1895, p. 88.
68
no difference; they did not go without because food was shared equally with the others.305
As with the territorial group ownership of specified areas, there were systems of individual
ownership. In the areas of the bunya tree, each local man was the owner and caretaker of
two or three bunya trees that only he could climb; but the nuts from it were shared with
all.306 Women also owned trees such as minti (Banksia aemula), dulandella (Persoonia sp.),
midyim (Myrtus tenuifolia), or dakkabin (Xanthorrhoea aborea). Personal possessions mainly
consisted of tools such as axes and digging sticks that were eventually inherited by family
members when a person died.307 A man could also own a portion of a river by having
exclusive fishing rights. Within the system of ownership remained a culture of sharing and
protection of resources. As Constance Campbell Petrie describes it: “To primitive man it was
clear that ‘property’ was not ‘robbery’”.308
Gatherings held for the sharing of food sources with outside groups were both a social event
and a strategic method of food distribution to ensure resilience. Invitations were sent out
for people to join in the abundance of food, much of which could not be stored for extended
periods. This can be seen as “a kind of living storage”309 that was reciprocated by other
groups so that cooperation spread the resources among many throughout the seasons and
avoided the waste and scarcity that would have existed without such a system. It has been
suggested that island peoples invited mainlanders to winter fish runs to return the
hospitality of mainland gatherings like the Bunya Festival.310
Other gatherings that were for initiations, fights, and corroborees were held in times of
normal food supply, so resources were carefully managed. They were held close to tribal
boundaries so that both tribes shared their food resources to support the gatherings.311
These gathering areas were prepared by a minimum of people while the host group camped
approximately 30-50 kilometres away until the gathering began, thus conserving food
supplies in the area. The duration of gathering was proportional to the food available in the
305
Petrie 1904, p. 17. 306
Petrie 1904, p. 16. 307
Petrie 1904, p. 118. 308
ibid. 309
Sullivan 1977, p. 57. 310 Morwood, M J 1975, Moreton Island Archaeological Survey—Preliminary Report, Unpublished manuscript,
Archaeology Branch, Department of Aboriginal and Islander Advancement, Queensland, p. 2; Lauer, P K 1977, “Report of a Preliminary Ethnohistorical and Archaeological Survey of Fraser Island”, Occasional Papers in Anthropology, University of Queensland Anthropological Museum, no. 8, p. 8 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 57. 311
Winterbotham nd, p. 138 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 34.
69
area considering that a 2000 person gathering could eat the food supply for 40 kilometres
around in a single week.312
The noticeable impact of diminished food resources meant that fallowing of areas, where
extensive hunting and gathering had occurred, was an important part of the sustainable and
resilient Indigenous human-landscape dynamic. Large groups did not gather food from the
same area for 3-4 years after a gathering, allowing food resources to be replenished.313
Petrie tells of how Aborigines went to the coast after the Bunya gathering to live on fish and
crab for a month, and then they returned inland to eat the Bunya nuts they had buried in
sacks.314
Taboos
Taboos were another means of sustainably managing resources. The native game laws were
sacred and severe. A violation was punished with death. Hunting was only for food
acquisition, animals were not killed for “sport”. Children were shown how birds place their
nests where hailstones or swaying branches will not damage their eggs. While learning from
the birds’ actions, they were taught conservation ethics of leaving bird nests alone and not
to eat the eggs of small birds.315 An example of how taboos worked to conserve the
populations of food sources can be seen in how the eaglehawk or wedge-tailed eagle
(Aquila audax), was treated. This bird was highly valued for its feathers and therefore had a
protected status. The eaglehawk was never intentionally killed and never eaten, even if
accidentally killed. Aborigines would not eat something an eaglehawk had killed because it
was to be left for the bird to eat. Eaglehawk feathers were used to dress wounds and were
so precious that they were washed and reused. The only men that were allowed to collect
feathers from the nest were those with the eaglehawk totem. The totem a person was given
meant they could never harm the animal of their totem, which was a way of reducing the
number of specific animals that would be hunted.316 Two men with the eaglehawk totem
were the only ones that could be trusted to fend off the eaglehawk attacks, while another
312
Aldridge, H E nd, Letter to A W Howitt, Howitt Papers, box 8, folder 2, paper 2; 1pp. 313
ibid. 314
Petrie 1904, p. 23. 315
Kelly 1990, p. 11. 316
Aldridge, H E 1902, Letter to A W Howitt dated 26 November, Howitt Papers, box 8, folder 2, paper 2; 2pp.
70
two men stole the feathers from the nest. Anyone not of the eaglehawk totem suspected of
trying to harm the bird was grounds for a fight to occur between men.317 Other taboos such
as walking underneath a fallen tree may be more difficult to ascertain the significance of,
but considering how capable Indigenous people were at living sustainably in their landscape,
customs that are difficult to understand perhaps deserve to be given the benefit of the
doubt.
The impact of fire
Hunting and gathering placed very little pressure on the earth but the use of fire reveals the
first impacts of humans that were recorded.318 Foresters, engineers and scientists have in
the past condemned the use of fire by Indigenous peoples as a tool of ecological
management.319 The intimate ecological knowledge that was used to successfully employ
fire has been disparaged and ignored,320 but Goudsblom argues that the use of fire is one of
the earliest signs of the emergence of Homo sapiens, apparently even predating language,
and that the mastery of fire is the source of civilization.321 Rolls (1994), and more recently
Gammage (2011), have begun to draw attention to the significance of fire regimes in
shaping the landscape. This is evident in how lighting fires to reduce fuel loads in parks and
reserves is now integrated into land management strategies.322
Indigenous populations of South East Queensland judiciously lit fires, and in doing so,
managed the distribution and composition of the vegetation. The complexity of burning
regimes is still only beginning to be understood. Animals were flushed out and then more
easily hunted, and the succulent pasture that grows from a burn would attract game to
additionally improve hunting.323 Access to terrain was improved by clearing the
undergrowth and food plants were given opportunity for regrowth with more access to
317
Kelly 1990, p. 15. 318
Simmons 1996, p. 43. 319
Burke III, E 2009, “The Big Story: Human History, Energy Regimes, and the Environment” in E Burke III & K Pomeranz, (eds.), The Environment and World History, University of California Press, Berkeley, p. 34. 320
ibid. 321
Goudsblom, J 1994, Fire and Civilization, Penguin, London, pp. 18, 19, 41. 322 Caloundra City Council 2007, Caloundra City Council Open Space Strategy-Parks and Recreation part 1, July,
p. 14-15. 323
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 1.
71
sunlight. Nutrients were returned to the soil by incinerating organic material into ash and
heating the soil, while open areas were maintained and extended. Fires favour grasses and
fire-resistant species of brush and trees because their ability to regenerate is not diminished
by fire,324 so it is logical that most Australian trees outside rainforests are adapted to fire to
the extent that some species actually depend on fire for regeneration.325
The Indigenous human-landscape dynamic is characterised by a strong connection to the
land, evident in many aspects of life. This can be observed in the ability to detect
environmental changes relevant to food gathering and caretaking of individual trees
through to territorial regions. Population management, cooperation with other groups, and
taboos offer additional evidence of a culture connected to the landscape. In cases where the
impact of this human-landscape dynamic significantly modified the landscape, the
modifications tended to be of a beneficial nature to both humans and flora and fauna.
European arrival
The arrival of Europeans signified an abrupt and rapid transformation of the Indigenous
human-landscape dynamic. The Indigenous concept of sharing, territory, and ownership
were completely different to how the European human-landscape dynamic functioned.
Contestation arose when Aborigines continued to hunt on lands that had been their
designated territory for generations, yet were suddenly ‘acquired’ as the exclusive ‘property’
of a settler. Many Indigenous people were killed for seeking food on private property and
soon land clearing meant there was little left in the way of native vegetation to ‘trespass’
upon.326 Constance Campbell Petrie describes the transformation of the landscape:
If all the old aboriginals of Brisbane could come to life again they would not recognise their
country—the country we have stolen from them. If they went hunting in the forests, where
324
Pyne, S 1991 The Burning Bush: A fire History of Australia, Henry Holt, New York, p. 201 cited in Alcorn, B 2008, The Cultural Landscape Engineers: Humans and Environment in the Maroochy District, 1850-1950, PhD Thesis, University of Queensland, Brisbane, p. 47; Vitousek, P M, D’Antonio, C M, Loope, L L, & Westbrooks, R 1996, “Biological Invasions as Global Environmental Change”, American Scientist, vol. 84, no. 5, p. 474. 325
Symons & Symons 1994, p 1. 326
McCarthy 1996, p. 9.
72
would be their spoil?—where indeed would they find forests to hunt in? Oh how they must
have loved those forests—their forests.327
A human-landscape dynamic that proved successful for tens of thousands of years for the
longest surviving culture on Earth was based on management that was adapted to the
landscape over broad time scales. The regime was resilient enough to withstand anything
the natural world provided but could not withstand the incursion of a technologically
complex European building regime. The culture of Indigenous people has survived despite
this dispossession and has shown the ability to display some resilience in the face of a
dominating new regime.
European settlement: The building regime
Captain James Cook’s journey along the coast of what is now South East Queensland in 1770
and Captain Flinders’ subsequent exploration mark the beginning of the European arrival to
the broader Maleny region.328 Surveyor General of New South Wales John Oxley was sent by
the British Government at the request of Royal Commissioner John Bigge to locate a suitable
site for a convict settlement in 1823 and this led to the establishment of a penal colony on
the land where Brisbane stands today.329
Exploitation of timber
Timber was a vital resource at the time of European settlement and the forests around
Brisbane in the 1820s were so abundant that no cutting was instigated beyond the local
area.330 However, a lack of perception that the surrounding wood supply was exhaustible
facilitated the depletion of the resource and degradation of the environment.331 The
extraction of the resource was to the extent that, by 1835, convict labour had denuded the
327
Petrie 1904, p. 66. 328
McCarthy 1996 p. 9. 329
Laverty, J R 2009, The Making of a Metropolis: Brisbane, 1823-1925, Boolarong Press, Salisbury, Queensland, p. 1. 330
Alcorn 2008, p. 61. 331
Lang, J D 1852, An Historical Account of New South Wales, vol. 2 , Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, London, p. 225 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 67.
73
forests around the penal colony of suitable timber.332 As foreman of works at the Moreton
Bay penal colony, Andrew Petrie was in charge of the lumber yard333 and recognised that it
had become more difficult to source timber.334 It followed then, that Petrie searched for
new sources of timber between Brisbane and the Maroochy River in 1838.335 During this
time, Petrie learned of Aboriginal culture and discovered that the bunya tree was highly
prized by Aborigines for its seeds.336 The area around Mooloolaba first drew interest due to
the prevalence of Aborigines camped there and the large cedar trees growing inland that
they described.337
European arrival in the Maleny region
The government enacted a complex system of laws in an attempt to manage the resources
and control the colonies. This played a significant role in how the landscape developed.
These laws were not always followed, sometimes ignored and frequently changed to suit
the different stages of settlement.338 The government restricted all settlement within 50
miles (80 kilometres) of the Moreton Bay penal settlement and this left the landscape
largely unmodified by Europeans; this government restriction on free settlement was lifted
in 1842. The first free settlers in the vicinity of Maleny were the Archer brothers who, in
defiance of the government restriction,339 established a sheep run of 50,000 hectares in
1841 known as Durundur, west of present-day Woodford.340 This was an act of contestation
that may have influenced the change in policy shortly afterward.
332
Clunie, J O 1835, New South Wales Record Centre, Moreton Bay, To the Colonial Secretary, 24 June 1835, micro A2.8 frames 711, 715, held in the John Oxley Library, Brisbane cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 62. 333
Petrie 1904, p. 229. 334
Alcorn 2008, p. 62 335
Holthouse, H 1982, Illustrated History of the Sunshine Coast, A H & A W Reid, Frenchs Forest, New South Wales, p. 18. 336
Tainton 1976, p. 38. 337
Hankinson, D 1978, Reminiscences of Maleny, Maleny and District Centenary Committee, Maleny, p. 2. 338
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 339
Lloyd, P L (ed.) 1979, Caboolture Shire Handbook: An Inventory of the Agricultural Resources and Production of Caboolture Shire, Queensland, Department of Primary Industries, Brisbane, p. 1. 340
Alcorn 2008, p. 30; Tainton 1976, p. 31.
74
The Bunya Proclamation
Accounts of Aborigines being fiercely protective of bunya trees coupled with Andrew Petrie's
report on the Aboriginal way of life resulted in Governor of New South Wales Sir George Gipps
enacting the Bunya Proclamation in 1842.341 This law protected bunya trees by not allowing
settlement or the granting of timber licenses wherever Bunyas were found.342 Boundaries of
protected areas were left undefined ensuring all localities were covered.343 It was then
deemed by settlers to be too risky to have a pastoral run near bunya forests344 effectively
creating an un-administered reserve for the Aborigines.345 Alcorn asserts that Gipps would
have understood the impact on the landscape that timber harvesting had and that the
future timber needs of settlers would require a measure of conservation.346 This suggests
that the conservation of bunya trees not only aimed to reduce conflict between settlers and
Aborigines, but may have also been a means of ensuring a future timber supply as
settlement increased.
When Queensland became a colony separate from New South Wales in 1859, the Bunya
Proclamation was repealed with the passing of the Unoccupied Crown Lands Occupation Act
1860. Timber getters and pastoralists had been encircling the land north of Moreton Bay
that was protected by the Bunya Proclamation and once the bunya reserve was rescinded,
there was “a mad scramble to seize the best value land”347 and the dispossession of
Aboriginal people of the region advanced.348
341
Haebich, A nd, Assimilating the Bunya Forests, Centre for Public Culture and Ideas, Griffith University, Queensland, p. 27, viewed 1 June 2014, <http://fennerschoolassociated.anu.edu.au/environhist/links/publications/anzfh/anzfh2haebich.pdf>. 342
Tainton 1976, pp. 18, 38. 343
Alcorn 2008, p. 68. 344
Alcorn 2008, p. 31. 345
Wilson 2010, p. 2. 346
Alcorn 2008, p. 68. 347
Johnson, B 2005, Maleny History, Maleny Realty, viewed 1 May 2013, <http://www.malenyrealty.com.au/about/maleny-history/>; McCarthy 1996, p. 10. 348
Wilson 2010, p. 2.
75
Timber as an industry
The quest for high-quality, marketable red cedar and other timber, as shown in Figure 8,
was a prime motivator in the exploration and settlement of The Sunshine Coast349 and the
timber industry in the Maleny region was instigated by Tom Petrie’s expedition up the
Mooloolah River in 1862.350 Despite the depletion of the forests around Brisbane that
spurred exploration further afield, the Queensland Government of the 1860s treated timber
as an abundant and inexhaustible natural resource.351 No legislation protected large tracts
of forest,352 possibly because of wood’s regenerative potential.353 Far from seeing the
forests as inexhaustible, when timberman John Low arrived in the region he estimated that
the forests of the Blackall Range and Cooloolabin would take just three to four years to
cut.354 Nevertheless, the forests were considered a resource to be harvested to satisfy the
European community’s needs, so large-scale timber harvesting modified the landscape.355
The forests were obviously not sufficiently resilient to withstand the cutting rates that were
documented; stands of trees hundreds of years old could be depleted in just a few years.
Figure 8. Alec Hume with loaded bullock wagon, Maleny ca 1916. 356
349
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 350 Tainton 1976, p. 42. 351
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2; Alcorn 2008, p. 72. 352
Lanham, W nd, Pioneering Days, unpublished manuscript held in John Oxley Library, Brisbane, p. 118 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 72. 353
Alcorn 2008, p. 72. 354
Low, J 1896, Letter to Pettigrew & Sons, 2 June, Letterbook, p. 270, Queensland, Parliament, Legislative assembly, Queensland Votes and Proceedings, 1888 vol. 3, pp. 359-361 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 94. 355
Alcorn 2008, p. 27. 356
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24507689/283251,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>.
76
An effective method for felling a large number of trees with a limited number of labourers
was known as ‘backing’. An area of forest would be prepared with a succession of large
trees receiving preliminary cuts, or ‘nicks’, at right angles to the direction of the largest tree
at the start of the succession, known as the ‘driver’. The driver was cut so that it would fall
into the next nicked tree thus creating a domino effect that eventually levelled the entire
prepared area.357 The set up for this procedure could take an entire day but made a
significant impact, as weather forecaster Inigo Jones described: “I know of no more
imposing and wonderful sight than a really good drive... in some cases in a few minutes,
acres of former dense forest lie prone”.358
The Unoccupied Crown Lands Occupation Act 1860 did more than simply protect the State’s
lucrative logging industry. It was a means for ensuring the tenure of pastoral leases and
attempted to curtail speculation of pastoral land by stipulating that selectors must reside on
and ‘improve’ the land.359 Selectors who failed to stock the run to a set capacity or clear the
prescribed amount of vegetation became ineligible for a lease, forfeited the 10 shillings paid
for the licence and vacated the land.360 Some of the selectors lost the land they attempted
to acquire under this legislated contestation, but then eventually returned to successfully
alienate the land from the Crown again.361
The road from Gympie to Brisbane was built in 1868 to cater for the gold rush; paving the
way for the establishment of permanent settlement in the hinterland.362 Prospects of cheap
land and finding gold increased immigration to the area, while Brisbane’s growth increased
the demand for construction timber. This put pressure on the government to resume
portions of squatters’ land for farming and closer settlement363 and to open up more land to
timber leases.364 The Crown Lands Alienation Act of 1868 facilitated the establishment of more
357 Tutt, S in Caboolture Heritage Society 1974, Pioneer days: Stories and photographs of European settlement
between the Pine and the Noosa Rivers, Queensland, p. 75; Dixon, W 2008, The Singing of the Saws: The Timber Industry of Landsborough Shire, Landsborough and District Historical Society Incorporated, p. 9. 358
Dixon 2008, p. 9. 359
Alcorn 2008, p. 42. 360
Queensland State Archives: Unoccupied Crown Lands Act 1860, viewed 2 August 2014, <http://www.archives.qld.gov.au/Researchers/Exhibitions/Top150/001-025/Pages/007.aspx>. 361
Street, T 2013b, Hilda Penny Oral History, 5:30. 362
Alcorn 2008, p. 153. 363
Alexander 1987, p. 127. 364
Holthouse 1982, p. 32.
77
settlement by allowing the government to subdivide 50% of a pastoral run365 and restricting
individual land ownership to a maximum of 10,880 acres (4,402 hectares).366
The 1868 Crown Lands Occupation Act then required property owners to fence and cultivate
their land,367 increasing the demand on the landscape for lumber.368 A tenth of the native
vegetation was to be removed and replaced with cultivation,369 which hastened the
transformation of the environment to a European mould.370 Vast areas were cleared and
burned to make way for agriculture and grazing371 and, in the process, cutting was not done
selectively to conserve stocks for the future.372 There was a great deal of waste with only
the best cedars being taken, the rest of the fallen trees were left to rot or be burnt.373
Sawmills were established close to towns and transport routes then shut down and
relocated once the timber was depleted.374 There were two sawmills in Maleny in the 1890s.
The Lahey mill operated for nine years; the Obi Obi Sawmilling Company relocated their mill
after operating for five years.375
Cedar cutting in Maleny lasted only 14 years376 and the majority of the accessible cedar had
been taken from the Blackall Range foothills by the 1870s.377 As the cedar was becoming
scarce, attention was placed on beech, hoop and bunya pine,378 but in 1864, amendments
were made to timber regulations specifically to protect bunya trees.379 This meant that the
trade in cedar and beech was coming to a close by the time the first land was selected in the
Maleny region, due to poor prices and a diminished supply.380 Selectors began to trickle into
the region in the 1870s, first at Landsborough, then Bald Knob, and eventually Maleny by
365
Queensland State Archives: Crown Lands Alienation Act of 1868, viewed 1 March 2014, http://www.archives.qld.gov.au/Researchers/Exhibitions/Top150/001-025/Pages/022.aspx. 366
McCarthy 1996, p. 11. 367
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 368
Alcorn 2008, p. 128. 369
Queensland, Parliament, GG, 1868 Supplement to GG, 22 February 1868, vol. 9, pp. 173-184 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 118. 370
Alcorn 2008, p.126. 371
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 372
Alcorn 2008, p. 65. 373
Tainton 1976, p. 319. 374
Dixon 2008, p. 2. 375
Dixon 2008, p. 37. 376
Dixon 2008, p. 1. 377
Riis, E 1994, Growth of Caloundra: Part 1, Riis, Queensland, p. 8. 378
Hankinson 1978, p. 3. 379
Frawley, K J 1983, A History of Forest and Land Management in Queensland, Rainforest Conservation Society of Queensland, p. 82 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 86. 380
Maleny Visitor Information Centre 2012, From Mud to Magic: A History of Maleny, p. 20.
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the end of the decade.381 Contestation was prevalent in the rush to select land in the area in
the 1880s, illustrated by an example in Teutoberg (eventually renamed Witta), where all the
selections available were lodged in a single day.382
The need for conservation
Recognition of the impacts of deforestation prompted legislated restrictions on tree clearing
as early as 1803 in New South Wales, but subsequently “self-governing colonies were
reluctant to take any action”.383 The lack of resilience of the forests was starting to be
recognised in Queensland by the late 1800s when it became clear that there was an
insufficient amount of land being left for permanent wood production.384 The beginning of
contestation over forest conservation can be traced to the Queensland Minister for Public
works establishing the first timber reserve in South East Queensland in 1870.385 The
movement towards forest conservation was becoming more widespread by 1880, when the
Undersecretary for Public Lands expressed the need to prevent waste because the most
valuable timbers were disappearing.386 Protection proved difficult to implement as timber
reserves were set aside to conserve bunya, turpentine, cedar, kauri, and hoop pine.387
Bunya trees were eventually protected by being cordoned off in Queensland’s second
national park in 1908.388 An attempt for legislation to reverse the trend of accelerating
deforestation came with the 1886 Land Act, which restricted the sale of timber for five years
after selection; despite this, the cutting continued.389 In 1897, the editor of the Queensland
Agricultural Journal made mention of the short-sightedness of not replenishing the timber
resources that were being exploited.390 The lack of organised reforestation was exacerbated
381
Hankinson 1978, p. 4-5; Tainton 1976, p. 320; Wilson 2010, p. 4. 382
Tainton 1976, p. 320. 383
Hutton, D & Connors L 1999, History of the Australian Environmental Movement, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, p. 56. 384
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 385
Queensland Parliament, GG 1870 vol. 11, no. 93, p. 1299 in Alcorn 2008, p. 96. 386
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2. 387
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 3. 388
Haebich, p. 28. 389
Queensland, Department of Agriculture, cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 92. 390
Boyd, A J 1898, “Forestry—Forest Conservancy”, Queensland Agricultural Journal, vol. 2, p. 66 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 97.
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by slow growth of native trees and the invasion of noxious weeds had the potential to
significantly delay a new harvest.391
The need for vegetation clearance
The deforestation was not merely the result of legislation. Making a clearing to grow crops
and raise sheep and cattle was a means of survival for the selector. Settlers were virtually
self-sufficient between what they grew and raised, and the fish and game that surrounded
them.392 Valuable information on how to exist within the natural landscape was passed on
to cattlemen, timber men and early settlers from some of the convicts who escaped the
Moreton Bay Penal Settlement. These convicts gained an intimate knowledge of the country
by living with tribal Aboriginal groups and adopting their practices.393 The survival of the
settlers during the transition period from rainforests to cleared pastures depended partly on
their ability to gain sustenance from what the landscape provided in its unmodified state.394
Native food sources diminished as settlement increased, vegetation disappeared, and
waterways filled with silt. This would have precipitated a heavier reliance on what could be
produced from agriculture. Settlers needed to adapt the unfamiliar environment to meet
their needs with the agricultural methods with which they were familiar.395 Survival under
these circumstances required resilience and ingenuity accompanied by hard work. Land was
cleared as soon as possible to access the soil, which could produce vegetable gardens, meat,
dairy, draught animals, leather, and provide open space for construction. The fallen timber
was essential for building homes, carts, and fences, and was a source of fuel. Settlers
additionally cleared the vegetation around their homestead site for better visibility in
anticipation of an Aboriginal attack.396
Trees were felled with saws or ringbarked to become standing dead, as can be seen in
Figure 9. There were claims that ringbarking contributed to better water retention in creeks
391
Voller, S C 1889, Department of Agriculture, Queensland, Report on agricultural farms, in letter 3110 of 1889, AGS/P1 QSA cited in Alcorn 2008 p. 92. 392
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 28. 393
Tainton 1976, p. 27. 394
Lloyd 1979, p. 1. 395
Alcorn 2008, p. 99. 396
Alcorn 2008, p. 49-50.
80
and streams throughout the summer and better grass for pastures.397 Tree roots and
stumps were burned or extracted with gelignite explosives. Stan Tutt, a Sunshine Coast
writer and conservationist, describes the process: “some men with good teeth and scant
regard for the future, put the detonator into their mouth and bit it so that it was clamped
onto the fuse”.398
Figure 9. Rainforest cleared for pastures, Maleny ca 1908.399
Increasing scale in the human-landscape dynamic
Stan Tutt’s priorities were for conservation of native flora and fauna on the Sunshine Coast.
He refers to the land clearing of the settlement era as a “War on the trees”.400 It is clear that
the human-landscape dynamic of the Europeans regarding trees was very different to that
of the Aborigines. Trees were rarely cut by Indigenous people, and caretakers were
appointed to individual trees.401 As noted above in the Connection to the Land section of the
Indigenous regime, damage to important trees caused a great deal of distress. In contrast,
an example of European reverence for an individual tree can be seen in 1886. A section of a
397
Alcorn 2008, p. 49. 398
Tutt, H S 1995, Sunshine Coast Heritage, Discovery Press, Maroochydore, Queensland, p. 9. 399
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24508282/51363,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>. 400
Tutt 1995, p. 9. 401
Petrie 1904, p. 16.
81
giant red cedar cut from a Maleny property was exhibited in London. The diameter was
large enough that a horse and carriage was able to turn in circles upon the stump that was
left behind and consequently there were no mills that could handle such a log. The decision
was then made to detonate the exhibited log with high explosives to reduce it to more
manageable pieces.402
Agricultural human-landscape dynamics tend to fluctuate between times of plenty and
times of scarcity to a greater degree than with nomadic hunting and gathering, so settlers
needed to generate a surplus to ensure survival. This means that the modern human-
landscape dynamic is more vulnerable to factors such as weather conditions, soil fertility
and market demands. As the Maleny community developed the landscape into pastures,
butter was the obvious product choice because it keeps longer than milk and was more
conducive to being transported along the undeveloped mountain roads than cream.403 The
income from the surplus allowed settlers to purchase what they could not easily produce
themselves, namely salt, sugar, tea, and flour; this was how the Maleny dairy industry was
conceived.404
Optimism was high at the turn of the century for the Maleny region’s potential to thrive. As
Brisbane Courier journalist L. Cameron described the area:
Streams pure as crystal… *the Blackall Ranges] cannot but become in the near future a
leading agricultural centre in the colony. Nature has adjusted the conditions to this end…
rich volcanic soils from 50-100ft deep which absorbs excessive rainfall… an almost unlimited
supply of hardwood… they found it scrub—almost impenetrable—and, as with the touch of
a wizard’s wand, it is beginning to blossom like the rose.405
This exemplifies the sense that the land was designed to be transformed to increase
productivity and that agriculture was the land’s destiny. There is little question that
146
Maleny and District Centenary Committee 1978, By Obi Obi Waters: Stories and Photographs of Early Settlement in the Maleny District, Blackall Range, South Eastern Queensland, p. 15; Wilson 2010, p. 5. 403
Brisbane Courier 1903, “Butter factory on Blackall Range”, 6 November, p. 4, viewed 1 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19250082>. 404
Maleny and District Centenary Committee 1978, p. 26. 405
Cameron, L 1898, ‘Impressions of the Blackall Range’, Brisbane Courier, 17 June, p. 6, viewed 1 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article3673587>.
82
landscape modification was considered an improvement from this point of view. This type
of human-landscape dynamic was predominant as can be observed by the thinkers of the
time, such as Ralph Waldo Emerson, who stated: “The first farmer was the first man, and all
historic nobility rests on possession and use of land”.406 The description of the “almost
unlimited” hardwood timber supply contradicts what timber cutters, government officials,
and the editor of the Queensland Agricultural Journal were observing: Timber supplies were
becoming more limited.
The 70 acres of berries and 100 acres of bananas growing in Maleny at the time the article
was written in 1898 inspired Cameron to posit: “this industry is capable of indefinite
expansion”.407 It is difficult to ascertain whether this is meant to be taken literally, but is
indicative of the human-landscape dynamic of the time and the belief in infinite bounty that
accompanied it.
Unsustainable land use: Feeling the earth move under your feet;
watching soil fertility bloom and wither
If anything were to rebut a sense of infinite agricultural potential in the Maleny region, it
would be the explicit lack of resilience evident in the rise and fall of fruit production.
Optimism initially stemmed from the rich volcanic soils that “could grow anything”.408 Corn
grew “13 feet high with leaves wider than a man’s hat” and the lush grass grew “flank high
to dairy cows”.409 The Brisbane Courier in 1922 describes the Blackall Ranges as a
“forbidding and uninviting wilderness” that was only eagerly sought after by settlers after it
became a commercial fruit growing region.410 Strawberries and bananas bore heavily for a
406
Emerson, R W, Bosco, R A & Wilson, D E (eds.) 2008, Collected Works of Ralph Waldo Emerson: Society and Solitude, Belknap Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, p. 69. 407
Cameron 1898, p. 6. 408
Hankinson 1978, p. 6. 409
Tutt, 1974, p. 32. 410
Brisbane Courier 1922, ‘Around Nambour’, 8 March, p. 7, viewed 1 May 3013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20548188>.
83
few years but the nutrients were soon depleted from the soil.411 This was followed by
erosion and landslides from the torrential rainfall Maleny receives.412
As with the belief in the inexhaustible forests, the belief that the soil was also inexhaustible
resulted in the land being denuded.413 The use of chemical fertilizers after 1910414 allowed
the industry to continue and expand to the point where 20,000 cases of Maleny bananas
were sent to market in 1928.415 Even with artificial fertilizers, this level of production relied
on regularly seeking new land to plant after soils were depleted. Systematic soil exhaustion
did not seem to cause much concern as a Brisbane Courier journalist’s blasé tone suggests:
“the life of the lands for the production of the fruit will not last many years, and eventually
banana growing will give place to dairying, for which the country is suitable”.416
Once the land was “out of bearing”,417 fresh areas were prepared. This suggests that the
human-landscape dynamic was a prioritisation of profitable enterprises over the short term,
despite soil nutrient depletion and diminishing availability of land.418 This can be attributed
to the leadership that established the colony of Queensland as a “great property” that was
to be “developed along business lines for the benefit of colonists and prosperity”.419 The
consequences of this human-landscape dynamic could be unpredictable and sometimes
contrary to benefit and prosperity.
Problems with soil instability became evident with major landslides occurring between 1928
and 1931, as can be seen in Figure 10. A five acre (two hectare) landslide at Bald Knob
created a 20 foot (six metre) drop-off on the Maleny-Landsborough Road420 and caused the
destruction of a farm as acres of banana crops slid down a hill during a cyclone. This event
411
Alcorn 2008, p. 219; Symons & Symons 1994, p. 28; Tainton 1976, p. 322; Maleny and District Centenary Committee 1978, p. 48. 412
Want, B & Heaton, D 1992, The Burnside-Perwillowen Story, Maroochy Shire Council, Nambour, Queensland, pp. 5, 8.
413 Alcorn 2008, p. 128.
414 Alcorn 2008, p. 215.
415 Maleny tourist brochure 1929, p. 14, copy at Kawana Heritage Library.
416 The Brisbane Courier 1931, ‘Banana growing’, 31 October, p. 9, viewed 2 May 2013,
<http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/21732926>. 417
Ibid. 418
Alcorn 2008, p. 223. 419
Farnfield, J 1974, “Problems of Early Queensland 1859-1870”, in B J Dalton (ed.), Lectures in North Queensland History, Townsville History Department, James Cook University of North Queensland, p. 12 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 99. 420
Brisbane Courier 1928, ‘Serious landslides’, 20 February, p. 18, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21224863>.
84
exemplifies the impact landslides have had on the Maleny landscape.421 The problem has
continued, sometimes with hundreds of landslides occurring at a time, with portions of the
landscape moving 150 metres, causing road closures and extensive loss of soil.422
Figure 10. Mass of earth and rock dislodged in a landslip on the Cooper family farm, Hunchy, ca 1930.423
Studies conclusively point to the removal of deep-rooted vegetation from the naturally
vulnerable soil composition as the primary cause of such frequent and massive landslides.424
Fruit growing was not abandoned for some time, despite the degradation of the soil and
topography that occurred. This could be linked to the thinking that underpinned the human-
landscape dynamic of the era, embodied in publications such as the Weekly Guardian in
1865:
The agriculturalist cannot perform a single operation without improving the land. Every rood
of ground that is broken up, every single tree that is grubbed up, is a permanent
improvement to the land that no subsequent mismanagement can neutralise.425
421
Wilson 2010, p. 25; Brisbane Courier 1928, ‘North Coast: Big landslides’, 21 February, p. 14, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21225241>; Brisbane Courier 1931, “Many Landslides”, 9 February, p. 15, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21667815>. 422
The Range News 1992, ‘Heavy rains bring major landslide fears’, 6 March, p. 22. 423
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24509110/490994,25?FMT=IMG>. 424
Maclure 1990, p. 14.
85
Although environmental problems persisted, trial and error eventually led to emphasis
being placed on developing the land-use infrastructure that could remain viable and
stabilize the settlement of the region.
Stabilisation: Transitioning from a building regime to a
maintenance regime
Dairying success
Many crops were attempted in the Maleny region over the years, including tobacco, coffee,
arrowroot, citrus, pineapples and tea.426 Market forces, diseases, and soil fertility affected
the long-term viability of these ventures. Eventually it was predominantly dairying and pig
raising that could be relied upon, largely because the land would continue to support
grasses long after fruit growing was no longer viable.
The Queensland Department of Agriculture was established in 1887 to develop the state’s
primary industries by assisting new settlers.427 The Department made impacts on agriculture
by developing a high-yielding cattle breed, a soil management and conservation program,
improved animal husbandry methods, containment and control of crop disease, and grass
programs.428 One of the department’s most successful programs was the travelling dairies.
Farmers were instructed on how to make cream, butter and cheese and this led to the
establishment of Maleny’s cooperative dairy.429
The establishment of the dairy industry proved to be the success story that transformed the
handful of selections surrounding the Maleny Town Reserve in 1888 into a thriving region of
the Blackall Ranges. An example of this type of land use is shown in Figure 11. The rapid
425
Weekly Guardian 1865, 19 July cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 110. 426
Brisbane Courier 1929, ‘Summer pineapple crop’, 19 March, p. 23, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21387072>; Hankinson 1978, p. 8; Symons & Symons 1994, p. 97. 427
Alexander, G I 1987, “Department of Primary Industries: 100 Years of Serving Queensland Agriculture” Queensland Agricultural Journal, vol. 113, no. 3, p. 127. 428
Alexander 1987, pp. 127-139. 429
Alexander 1987, p. 128.
86
expansion is evident in the annual butter production between 1903 and 1922 increasing
from 26 tons to 535 tons.430 This can be linked to the formation of the Maleny Co-Operative
Dairy Association in 1903.431 Property values started rising shortly after the opening of the
first butter factory in 1905 when there were about a dozen houses in Maleny.432 Figure 12
shows the size of Maleny before a boom in construction between 1913 and 1916 resulted in
schools, doctor's residence, church, bridges, and post office that shaped the new hinterland
town.433 The success of the dairy industry was due to the land’s capacity to support the
introduced species kikuyu grass more sustainably than fruit. Butter was also the most
realistic choice because it could endure the lack of refrigeration and the turbulent
conditions of the undeveloped roads to market. With a successful industry firmly in place,
land-use priorities supported the maintenance of the human-landscape dynamic that had
been established by the colonial building regime.
Figure 11. T. C. Dixon’s dairy no. 349 in area now known as Cedar Street, Maleny, ca 1894. 434
430
Tainton 1976, p. 325. 431
Wilson 2010, p. 9. 432
Brisbane Courier 1905, ‘Country news: North Coast District’, 30 October, p. 7, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19416948>. 433
Wilson 2010, pp. 15-18. 434
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24509340/348244,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>.
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Figure 12. Maleny township, looking south from Lawley’s Hill (Teak Street), 1912.435
The road to prosperity
Although butter could endure being transported along rough roads, the condition of the
Maleny-Landsborough road made for an arduous journey, as shown in Figure 13, and was a
barrier to harnessing the perceived potential of the landscape. This spurred a strong
demand for road improvements; a means for transporting goods was said to be “of more
importance, from a material point of view, than any other consideration”.436
435
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24509733/52665,6?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>. 436
Brisbane Courier 1904, ‘Good roads movement’, 19 January, p. 4, viewed 4 May 2013, <
http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19261437>.
88
Figure 13. Dunlop’s Pinch on the Maleny-Landsborough Road at Bald Knob, ca 1908.437
The wet and muddy conditions of the region meant that the worse the condition of the road,
the more horsepower was required to haul goods over it. More horses required more grass
to feed them and more hooves did more damage to the road, compounding the problem.438
It was clear that the condition of the road had a direct impact on the landscape and on the
viability of commerce. A story of a horse dying from exhaustion prompted claims that the
Landsborough-Maleny Road was one of the worst roads in Queensland.439 Complaints were
made that the roads were being abused and damaged by overloaded carts and the need to
enforce the bylaws that were designed to control the problem was stressed.440
The first car that managed to drive to Maleny in 1913441 signalled the start of a new era, but
ten years later the Minister for Lands decried the road to Landsborough as “an
437
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24509963/4350,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>. 438
Brisbane Courier 1906, ‘Blackall Range and Conondale roads’, 27 June, p. 5, viewed 4 May 2013 <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19456639>. 439
Brisbane Courier 1910, ‘The Blackall Range’ 19 September, p. 5, viewed 4 May 2013,
<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19676974>. 440
Brisbane Courier 1912, ‘Local Government’, 10 May, p. 4, viewed 4 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-
article19732525>. 441
Brisbane Courier 1913, ‘Country telegrams’, 27 November, p. 8, viewed 4 May 2013,
<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19916192>.
89
abomination”.442 The major improvements that followed in the 1920s transformed the road
and it was hailed as “a triumph of engineering”443 that soon brought Maleny into
prominence444 as car accessibility started an expansion in tourism promotions.445 This was a
turning point and can be described as a transition from a building regime to a maintenance
regime.
Tourism and land conservation
After World War I, questions about Maleny’s prosperity being sustainable were being raised
as areas such as “the Downs, the Lockyer, and others” had petered out once the source of
prosperity diminished.446 The landscape dynamic of this era sought to maintain the
established rural settlement and industry for the prosperity and wellbeing of the
communities. The beauty of the Blackall Range was often spoken of and tourism had been a
part of the Maleny region since its establishment, yet it was not well catered for.447 The
numbers of tourists improved in the 1920s,448 with projects such as the Howell’s Knob
lookout and the construction of picnic reserves.449 Tourism was recognised as an important
industry that depended on the natural beauty of the Maleny region. As tourism grew, so too
did the number of land reserves.
The movement towards establishing reserves for timber gained momentum at the end of
the 19th Century before expanding into the protection of a variety of land reserves in the
20th Century. A 319 acre reserve for public purposes in Maleny in 1912450 and a bird reserve
442
Brisbane Courier 1923, ‘An abomination’, 27 February, p. 8, viewed 4 May 2013,
<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20604681>. 443
Brisbane Courier 1924, ‘In pouring rain’, 29 September, p. 7, viewed 4 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article22891772>. 444
Brisbane Courier 1925, ‘Nambour’, 24 December, p. 12, viewed 4 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20988768>. 445
Brisbane Courier 1925, ‘Scenic grandeur’, 4 May, p. 8, viewed 4 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20923500>. 446
Brisbane Courier 1918, ‘Landsborough Shire attractions’, 10 December, p. 8, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20247630>. 447
ibid. 448
Brisbane Courier 1926, ‘Maleny’, 10 April, p. 14, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21001848>. 449
Brisbane Courier 1926, ‘Energetic women’, 31 July, p. 9, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21043122>. 450
Brisbane Courier 1912, ‘Crown lands’, 11 May, p. 5, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-
article19753426>.
90
in 1915451 are indicators that the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region may have
been starting to change once the top of the range was nearly devoid of rainforest.452 After
working so hard to remove trees just a few decades earlier, Arbour Day became an annual
tradition of reforesting the school grounds, streets and surrounds of Maleny.
In 1922, Maleny councillor H. O. Rees spoke of the importance of conserving native
vegetation because of the therapeutic qualities of parks, and because trees take up to 50
years to replace. He believed that young people should be taken to see and learn about
native trees and not to cut them down.453 Land was donated for a sports ground454 and land
was purchased by Council for recreation and the grounds of the Maleny Show,455 while
thousands of acres were set aside as State forests and timber reserves.456
There was some backlash from those that did not appreciate land being protected from
cutting and development. The Brisbane Courier published a resident’s plea for roads to be
built to access Baroon Pocket, lamenting that the land was “languishing for lack of
settlement”,457 while another writer described uncultivated land as “waste spaces”.458 One
resident aired his concerns in 1927 that the millions of acres held in reserve by the
government should be opened up for the welfare and growth of the state to reduce the
disastrous potential of drought and the possibility of foreign invasion.459 A court injunction,
451
Brisbane Courier 1915, ‘Protection of native birds’, 8 October, p. 6, viewed 5 May 2013,
<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20069751>. 452
Brisbane Courier 1922, ‘Impressions of the Blackall Range’, 8 November, p. 8, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20582272>. 453
Brisbane Courier 1922, ‘Trees and Parks’, 23 June, p. 7, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20532744>. 454
Witta State School 1972, Witta State School 1892-1972: 80th year jubilee celebrations, p. 9. 455
Wilson 2010, p. 22. 456
Brisbane Courier 1920, ‘Mr J W Coakes’ return’, 18 December, p. 12, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20463977>; Brisbane Courier 1921, 16 April, p. 12, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20459547>; Brisbane Courier 1925, ‘Council Meetings’, 19 January, p. 5, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article20894617>. 457
Brisbane Courier 1926, ‘Blackall Range’, 27 November, p. 13, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21093526>. 458
Brisbane Courier 1927, ‘Welcome gift’, 9 July, p. 17, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21860205>. 459
Brisbane Courier 1927, ‘Drought losses’, 5 October, p. 11, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21180755>.
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served to protect a settler from having the timber on his land cut and burned, reveals that
the days of cutting with reckless abandon were in the past.460
A letter to the editor of the Brisbane Courier complaining that too much timber was being
locked up for people to look at and admire to satisfy a “timber fetish” stated: “Surely no one
is so simple as to credit the statement that our timbers are being swept into oblivion”.461
This was rebutted with the opinion that settlement was reaching “saturation point” and
timber was reaching “vanishing point” and this marks the beginning of a long tradition of
contestation filled with vitriolic exchanges that have fuelled the polarisation and become a
distinct characteristic of the Maleny region.462
The last remaining block of rainforest in the Maleny region was donated to Council as a
public scenic reserve in 1941.463 It was opened as the Mary Cairncross Scenic Reserve in
1960 and has remained a major tourist attraction that serves as a glimpse into the shape of
the landscape before transformative European settlement occurred. The land is held in trust
as a recreation reserve and sanctuary for the preservation, conservation, and exhibition of
natural flora and fauna for scenic purposes and no other purposes whatsoever. The
reserve’s benefactor, Mrs A. J. Thynne nee Cairncross, was one of Queensland’s first
conservationists. She was involved in campaigns to prevent the felling of native forests and
stop effluent being discharged into the ocean.464
460
Brisbane Courier 1927, ‘Law report’, 3 August, p. 14, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21868143>. 461
Brisbane Courier 1931, ‘Forestry and land report’, 12 October, p. 15, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21734508>. 462
Brisbane Courier 1931, ‘Value of timber’, 17 October, p. 20, viewed 5 May 2013,
<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21749292>; Brisbane Courier 1921, ‘Settlement and timber’, 22 October, p.
3, viewed 5 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21763492>. 463
Nambour Chronicle 1941, ‘Cairncross Scenic Reserve’, 24 October, p. 1, viewed 6 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article78043931>. 464
Tutt 1974, p. 46-47.
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Increasing complexity and participation: Transitioning to an
emerging sustainable regime
Growth, changing market conditions, and increased community involvement in decision
making led to significant changes in the human-landscape dynamic at the end of the 20th
Century. Emphasis on land care for quality of life and sustainability became a prominent
feature of the newly emerging regime of the 21st Century.
Real estate development
A recent aspect of the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region to have a significant
impact has been the increase in property development. The beginning of a shift in mindset
occurred in the 1970s with an increased demand for rural residential land spurred by the
arrival of “the hippies, the retired, the weekenders, the commuters and the alternative
lifestylers… attracted to the beauty and possibility of new lives”.465 This began to alter the
character of the Blackall Range, and mixed development caused contestation over land use,
contributing to the Maleny dilemma.466
The real estate boom took off in the last decades of the 20th Century as the dairy era came
to an end.467 This led to the subdivision and re-subdivision of prime agricultural land. This
became the subject of community concern.468 Complexities arose with the division of the
land into small privately-owned parcels that often meant new landowners, with little
knowledge of rural issues and farming conservation, exacerbated problems of soil erosion,
landslides, weed and pest control and watercourse degradation.469 People who made their
livelihoods from the land were under pressure from encroaching residential development
465
Harrison, S 1990, ‘Big scale development’, The Range News, 22 June, p. 17. 466
The Range News 1990, ‘Maroochy Shire Development Control Plan’, 17 August, p. 4 467
The Range News 1990, ‘The end of an era…’, 19 January, p. 12. 468
The Range News 1993, ‘What is landcare… and why do we need it?’, 19 November, p. 7. 469
The Range News 1990, ‘Maroochy Shire Development Control Plan’, 17 August, p. 4; The Range News 1994, ‘Self-help landcare for new farmers’, 22 April, p. 4.
93
and in the process it was expressed that the aesthetic appeal of the Range was being
eroded.470
By the late 1980s, Maleny was running out of residential land and there was a severe
shortage of real estate stock of all kinds.471 City Councillor Winston Johnstone announced
that Council would support the rezoning of suitable land for urban residential and rural
residential subdivisions to address the immediate need for residential development.472 This
caused contestation between developers, residents, and the tourism industry. The Blackall
Range Tourism Association requested that Council conduct an environmental impact
assessment of the Blackall Range to prevent spoiling of the beauty of the area. It was
suggested that management and planning could prevent overdevelopment and maintain a
balance between rural, residential, commercial development and natural environmental
attractions.473
In early 1994, Maleny’s first major subdivision in 67 years underwent construction on
Porter’s farm.474 Real estate companies used the aspects of the landscape that had become
scarce due to development as major selling points, emphasising the rare opportunity to live
near remnant rainforests and wildlife.475 The next year with the Porter’s farm subdivision
almost vacant, two estate developments, and 200 houses and 80 vacant blocks for sale,
questions began to be raised about claims that the need for housing superseded the need
for the retention of agricultural land.476 An application to develop the Lee family dairy farm,
which elicited disapproval from the Caloundra - Maroochy Water Supply Board and the
Maroochy Shire Council due to potential effects on municipal water supplies, was eventually
approved by Caloundra City Council. This and other development concerns spurred the
formation of The Maleny District Green Hills Fund. The organisation was founded by
residents that were concerned about local residential development and wanted to preserve
the character of Maleny. The objectives of the fund were:
1) To preserve the existing rural charm of Maleny and its districts.
470
The Range News 1992, ‘Blackall Range Planning Association Inc.’, 26 June, p. 8. 471
The Range News 1989, ‘Real estate shortage’, 3 March, p. 18. 472
The Range News 1988, ‘Land in short supply’, 16 September, p. 1. 473
The Range News 1989, ‘Blackall Range Tourism Association’, 23 June, p. 15. 474
The Range News 1993, ‘Maleny residential subdivision’, 8 January, p. 5. 475
The Range News 1995, ‘Will you love “She-Oak”?’, 15 December, p. 14. 476
Berry, M 1995, ‘The drum’, The Range News, 12 May, p. 11.
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2) To preserve the visual charm of the Maleny district.
3) To preserve the environment of Maleny by adopting a balanced approach.
4) To preserve Maleny for Maleny lovers.
5) To safeguard the interests of all Maleny residents and landowners.
6) To establish a structure whereby the objectives as set out above can be achieved for the
benefit of future generations.477
The backlash against subdivision and residential developments was countered by the
perspectives of the farmers choosing to subdivide. Dairying was becoming unviable,
especially when properties were not large enough and when dairying activities were
constrained because of the surrounding residential properties. Unable to sell these
properties as dairy farms, subdivision was considered the only option.478 Restrictions being
placed on the ability to subdivide were described as: “a way of locking many ageing
landowners into a position of low income and high rates to satisfy the residents who wish to
view rolling pastures”.479
Contestation from this point on became a prominent feature of the Maleny region and
developed the ‘Maleny dilemma’ as an increasing variety of demands made for greater
complexity in land-use planning. Chapter 1 offered case studies of the major contestations
that arose within the past half century to show how contestation has provided the
foundation of a new regime that prioritises balanced, sustainable land management.
477
The Range News 1996, ‘Green Hills news’, 17 May, p. 8. 478
The Range News 1995, ‘Letters to the editor’, 12 May, p. 12. 479
McCosker, E 1990, ‘Letters to the editor’, The Range News, 31 August, p. 32.
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Table 1: Summary of shifting historical land-management regime attributes.
Thematic attributes:
Complexity Contestation Resilience
Regime:
Indigenous Low technology and
infrastructure, very high in
understanding of sustainably
managing landscapes.
Small scale, organised;
generally cooperative and
sharing; faced violent
dispossession.
Strong ability to thrive in
unpredictable conditions;
greater difficulty
responding to invasion.
Building Adapting legislation; imposing
dispossession; unpredictable
results from land clearing and
applying foreign land-use
methods.
Incurred violent dispossession;
competitive and stringent land
selection process; petitions,
proposals, and defiance of
regulations.
Strong ability to adapt to
industrial methods to
unfamiliar terrain;
degraded land slow to
recover; systemic links to
market forces outside of
the region.
Maintenance
Dairy industry regulation;
depletion of resources;
conservation; land
degradation; population
growth.
Industry vs. conservation; farms
vs. residential; peace & quiet
vs. celebration.
Variable levels of
adaptation to land
degradation, changing
market forces,
demographic shifts.
Emerging
Modern
Sustainability
Increased participation and
awareness of land issues;
diverse values within resident
population; sustainability;
revegetation.
Balancing flora and fauna
conservation, agriculture,
recreation, and development.
Recovery from divisive
contestation; land
protection and repair.
Conclusion
The Maleny region’s human-landscape dynamic has oscillated between utilisation,
degradation, and conservation of the landscape throughout changing land-management
regimes. Table 1 illustrates how variable levels of complexity, contestation and resilience
throughout changing land-management regimes have caused oscillations between
utilisation, degradation, and conservation in the Maleny region’s human-landscape dynamic.
Key themes in the Indigenous regime still exist in the modern human-landscape dynamic.
The connection between the Aborigines and the land was strong. The same can be said of
96
the people that have struggled to influence land-management policy. While writing letters,
protesting, voting, and supporting causes is a different form of connection to the land, the
underlying principles of concern and land use are similar. Indigenous people shaped the
landscape with hunting, digging, and predominantly by strategically lighting fires. The tools
and methods are different today but deciding how to shape the landscape is at the heart of
the Maleny dilemma. Cooperation was an essential element of life for making use of the
abundance and averting the scarcity that the cycles of nature present. Polarisation may
seem like a lack of cooperation, but each side of the issue comprises camps of people that
work together to try to achieve land-management goals.
Sustainability is so evident in the Indigenous way of life that it is difficult to separate it.
There are many examples of the modern human-landscape dynamic that are the opposite of
this, with the depletion of resources occurring in the blink of an eye in geological time. This
is due to a fundamental difference in landscape management: industry. Indigenous people
had small populations and did not work to develop any substantial stored surpluses. In
contrast, European settlers used agricultural methods that rely on large surpluses that
facilitated larger populations. The rapid depletion of resources was aided by supplying
distant European markets where populations were much larger and resources much scarcer.
The quest for prosperity through industry built the modern civilisation that comprises
Australia, with all the benefits and the disadvantages. Depletion and foreign demand for
resources motivated expansion of settlements into unexploited areas and this also led to
conservation legislation in the form of reserves.
The debate between exploitation of the landscape and conservation emerged from this
dynamic of depletion. The modern face of this dilemma can be seen in the desire of Maleny
residents to retain the green hills and vegetated waterways by controlling how much of the
landscape is developed. Too much housing and infrastructure is seen as a threat to the
tourism industry, the lifestyle of the area, and the habitat of flora and fauna. Not enough
development is seen by others as limiting essential services, facilities, jobs, and
accommodation. Finding a way to balance these polarised interests has become a signature
feature of the Maleny region. The levels of complexity and contestation have increased as
the landscape dynamics have shifted with changing economic bases, growing and changing
populations, and new priorities for land management.
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Chapter 3: Integrating interpretation and futures theory
Chapters 1 and 2 described the ‘Maleny dilemma’ and the environmental history of the
region. To apply this knowledge in a way that can promote community identity and
sustainability awareness and action, the information will be interpreted in Chapter 4 for the
proposed interpretive trail on the Maleny Community Precinct. This will be based on theory
derived from a review of interpretation and futures literature that encompasses storytelling,
themes, conservation, separation, participation, and interactive systems outlined in this
chapter.
Effective interpretation: Overview of key elements
According to Tilden, environmental and cultural interpretation is an activity that is
educational and aims to reveal the meanings and relationships that lie within the factual
information of a place.480 A goal of interpretation therefore is to foster understanding of the
cultural, historical, and natural heritage of areas.481 Understanding can be facilitated by
translating the terminology of the natural sciences into concepts non-scientists can
comprehend.482 Effective transmission of such information, Tilden argues, is best conveyed
through media such as stories, which can highlight the role that themes, conservation,
separation, participation, and interactive systems play in the human-landscape dynamic.
Stories form the interpretive basis for site-specific learning. Sites such as the Maleny
Community Precinct can provide opportunities for visitors to appreciate and understand
resources and their processes, systems, relationships, and meanings,483 developing
480
Tilden, F 1977, Interpreting Our Heritage, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, p. 8.
481 Ham, S H 1992, Environmental Interpretation: A Practical Guide for People with Big Ideas and Small Budgets,
North American Press, Golden, Colorado, p. 1; Division of Interpretive Planning, 1998, Planning for Interpretation and Visitor Experience, Harpers Ferry Center, Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, p. 13; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 10; Sharpe, G W 1976, Interpreting the Environment, John Wiley & Sons Inc., New York, p. 4; Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 224; Grimwade, G & Carter, B 2000, “Managing Small Heritage Sites with Interpretation and Community Involvement”, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol. 6, no. 1, p. 35.
482 Ham 1992, p. 1.
483 Division of Interpretive Planning 1998, p. 30.
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awareness while making the experience rewarding and enjoyable.484 The important
distinction between interpretation and other modes of education is that it delivers more
than a collection of facts;485 it conveys concepts in a thematic way within the structure of a
story.486 These goals and approaches will only be effective if there is engagement with the
audience and Tilden, Ham, and Beck and Cable stress that engagement requires a measure
of provocation.487
Storytelling
“We understand where we are, in part, because we have a story that explains how we got
here.” 488
To promote understanding, interpretation can be communicated in the format of a story489
because people can only understand information in the context of what they already
know.490 Stories enhance communication because they are a familiar format that is
prominent and integral to our lives491 because people see everything that happens to them
through stories.492 Connecting people to the past, present and future,493 stories provide a
context for tangible heritage objects and invoke the people and activities historically
associated with them to make the interpretive experience more romantic and inspiring.494
This may be attributed, in part, to the story’s potential to make listeners feel as though they
have been where the story took place.495 This can be achieved by relating stories to the lives
of the listeners.496 Stories with cause and effect relationships are more rewarding to visitors
484
Sharpe 1976, p. 4. 485
Tilden 1977, p. 19. 486
Division of Interpretive Planning 1998, p. 30. 487
Tilden 1977, p. 18; Ham 1992, p. 53; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 20. 488
Rushkoff, D 2013, Present Shock, Penguin, New York, p. 15. 489
Ham 1992, p. 21; Tilden 1977, p. 26. 490
Ham 1992, p. 12. 491
Beck & Cable 1998, pp. 42-43. 492
Sartre, J & Alexander, L 2007, Nausea, A New Directions Book, New York cited in Beck & Cable 1998, p. 41. 493
Williams, T T 1984, Pieces of the White Shell Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press cited in Beck & Cable 1998, p. 45. 494
Carter, R W & Horneman, L 2001, “Does a Market for Heritage Tourism Exist?” Bulletin of the Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology, no. 25, p. 67. 495
Tilden 1977, pp. 19, 29. 496
Hockings, M, Carter, B & Leverington, F 1998, “An Integrated Model of Public Contact Planning for Conservation Management”, Environmental Management, vol. 22, no. 5, p. 645; Ham 1992, p. 13; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 14; Tilden 1977, p. 11.
99
than isolated facts;497 therefore, to be effective, interpretive presentations can be designed
as compelling stories498 that provoke an interest and response while entertaining, informing,
and enlightening visitors.499 An example from this research could be described in this
manner:
The majority of the original gallery rainforest along the Obi Obi Creek riparian zone
has at some point been cleared or degraded. Fortunately, remnants still exist
providing habitat for endangered and vulnerable species. A lush rainforest
surrounding a waterway maintains cooler water temperatures essential for aquatic
life, resists weed invasion, absorbs more runoff to reduce flooding, and prevents
erosion that carves up landscapes and pollutes drinking water supplies. Intact
aquatic ecosystems are aesthetically pleasing. They therefore hold social and cultural
value in terms of recreation and passive enjoyment for both locals and tourists.
Obi Obi Creek has a high recovery potential and many community-based projects
have been contributing to the ‘riparian repair’. Fencing is reducing livestock impacts
and replanting the riparian zone with native vegetation is trapping nutrients,
pesticides, and sediment before entering the waterway—this is improving the health
of our ecosystems and water supply.
Sharing stories such as this can offer a sense of empowerment and validation by helping
people celebrate their sense of distinctiveness and identity.500 This can be achieved by
clarifying the value and significance of an area.501 The need for this is apparent in the
context of the new millennium’s accelerating cultural change and disruption, which
Rushkoff refers to as a “narrative collapse”.502 This collapse of our cultural storyline has
497
Washburne, R F, & Wagar, J A 1972, Evaluating Visitor Response to Exhibit Content, Curator, vol. 15, no. 3 cited in Sharpe 1976, p. 51. 498
Division of Interpretive Planning 1998, p. 22. 499
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 37. 500
Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 235; Carter & Horneman 2001, p. 61; Pearson, M & Sullivan, S 1995, Looking After Heritage Places: The Basics of Heritage Planning for Managers, Landowners and Administrators, Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, Australia, plate 20. 501
Hockings, Carter & Leverington 1998, p. 241. 502
Rushkoff 2013, pp. 15-18.
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resulted in a disconnection from a sense of history and purpose,503 and so interpreting the
history of the landscape can help reclaim a sense of narrative.
An effective way to tell a story is to incorporate a beginning and an end and a message or
moral.504 As Tilden argues, one of the foremost goals in interpretation is to present a whole
picture rather than an incomplete one, because focusing on a single whole can convey the
essence of a place and provide an understanding of why it should be preserved.505
Presenting the ‘whole’ is referred to by Kubler as describing “elements of continuity… the
web of happening that laces throughout the intervals between existences”.506 This is
important because merely scanning segments of the past does not illuminate the layered
relationship between what has preceded and what will follow historical events.507 Thinking
in terms of a whole is also useful because it directs interpreters specifically to historical
events that support the theme.508
Themes
“Reducing all experience to the template set by a few master themes resembles a funnel. It
channels experience into a more powerful flow; the themes and patterns are few in number
but their intensity of meaning is thereby increased”.509
Interpretive themes are the key concepts for visitors to understand. They provide the
foundation for all interpretive programs.510 A theme can be described as the big picture, the
moral to the story, or the main idea. It is the main point or message conveyed about a
particular topic.511 Examples of themes used for interpretations from this research include:
“Prosperity and depletion: Motivators for changing land uses in the Maleny region” and
“Shaping the landscape and moving with it”.
503
Rushkoff 2013, p. 18. 504
Ham 1992, p. 21. 505
Tilden 1977, pp. 40-41. 506
Kubler, G 2008, The Shape of Time: Remarks on the History of Things, Yale University Press, New Haven, pp. 5, 11. 507
Kubler 2008, pp. 4-5. 508
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 59. 509
Kubler 2008, p. 26. 510
Division of Interpretive Planning 1998, p. 13; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 59; Ham 1992, p. 21. 511
Ham 1992, p. 21.
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Thorndyke’s research suggests that without a theme, comprehension and recall can be as
poor as when listeners are presented with a series of jumbled, unrelated sentences.512
Thematic treatment can provide a coherent story and ensure that all significant areas are
covered.513 This increases the audience’s ability to pay attention and remember what was
said because themes provide a sense of direction and details can be organised cognitively by
being attached to the theme, much like the function of a plot in a movie.514 The following
passage is an example of how themes and accompanying analogies, graphics and segues
make interpretive information more understandable:
Figure 14 shows various human-landscape dynamics of the Maleny region organised into
thematic regimes and plotted on a timeline. This illustrates how themes ‘funnel’ ideas into
manageable concepts that relate to each other. The overlapping of regimes represents
times of transition and how the regimes are interrelated in that each new one builds upon
the previous ones. This is due to the long history beneath the regimes; therefore, they do
not exist within a vacuum, but rather are a result of the layering of the new on top of the
existing. Historical lessons can inform regimes; the emerging modern sustainability regime
will incorporate concepts from the Indigenous regime, which is a model of sustainability.
The disparity in length of time between the Indigenous and the subsequent regimes is so
vast that it is impractical to attempt to represent the timeline to scale. The number of years
of the Indigenous regime is beyond the immediate comprehension of the average person, so
this can be simplified with relatable analogy that can provoke interest from a wider
audience. Such provocation is in line with Tilden, Ham, and Beck and Cable 515 and draws
Maleny Precinct visitors into the history, themes, and messages. A thought-provoking
analogy could be used as such: If the timeline of Aboriginal habitation of the Maleny region
was scaled down to equal the length of a cricket oval, the length of time Europeans have
been there is equal to the length of a cricket bat—or a large boomerang.
512
Thorndyke, P W 1977, “Cognitive Structures in Comprehension and Memory of Narrative Discourse”, Cognitive Psychology, vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 77-110. 513
Pearson & Sullivan 1995, p. 293. 514
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 59; Ham 1992, p. 4. 515
Tilden 1977, p. 18; Ham 1992, p. 53; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 20.
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Figure 14. Historical timeline.
Ham has stated that a goal of interpretation is to communicate a message516 and when
interpretation is thematic, it has a message.517 Beck and Cable518 argue that historical
messages are effective if they relate past events to present and future consequences.
Therefore, it is important to include a futures dimension to extend narratives into the
viewer’s life and beyond, to provide continuity in the midst of change. Boulding espouses
the concept of the 200-year present; that is, planning with consideration of the events of
the past 100 years and possibilities 100 years into the future.519 This kind of thinking can
produce stories that provoke listeners to “reflect on what has brought us to today in order
to make a decision in a particular moment, but also to project into the future what the
effects of this decision may be”.520 This is in line with this research in that it seeks to use the
historical data to inform future land-use decisions.
516
Ham 1992, p. 4. 517
Ham 1992, p. 33. 518
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 79. 519
Boulding, E 1990, Building a Global Civic Culture: Education for an Interdependent World, Syracuse University Press, Syracuse, New York, p. 4. 520
Filipi, J 2011, “For Elise: Social Ecology in the 21st Century”, Unrest Magazine, no. 4, viewed August 1 2014, <http://www.unrestmag.com/for-elise-social-ecology-in-the-21st-century/>.
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Conservation
Environmental conservation has often been a priority in interpretation goals.521 Aldridge
states that interpretation is: “Explaining the place of [people in their] environment… to
awaken a desire to contribute to environmental conservation”.522 In the Queensland Parks
and Wildlife Service, interpretation has been defined as ‘‘communicating nature
conservation ideals and practices’’.523 Interpretation fundamentally promotes conservation
through the explanation of the value and significance of heritage sites.524 This can promote
an enhanced connection with place and a sense of identity.525 Carter and Grimwade
describe this idea:
Effective interpretation further increases capacity and, if well-conceived, extends the
protective behaviour of the audience beyond the immediate site. Interpretation fosters
support for heritage conservation far more than site conservation practice (developments
and controls).526
The need to promote conservation and develop a sense of identity through landscape
awareness can be linked to the separation between humans and their environment.
Separation
The separation between people and their environment stems from a broken connection
with landscape and history causing detachment rather than collective and meaningful
interaction.527 The human-environment separation origins lie in the transition from hunting
and gathering to agriculture, because it opened the way to seeing land as property.528
Northern European and Mediterranean traditions defined and portrayed wilderness as a
521
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 64. 522
Aldridge, D 1972, Upgrading Park Interpretation and Communication with the Public, Second World Conference on National Parks, Grand Teton National Park, Wyoming cited in Sharpe 1977, p. 4. 523
Q, NPWS 1983, p. 7 in Hockings, Carter & Leverington 1998, p. 644. 524
Grimwade & Carter 2000, p. 48. 525
Sharpe 1977, p. 9. 526
Carter, B & Grimwade, G 1997, “Balancing Use and Preservation in Cultural Heritage Management”, International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, p. 50. 527
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 41. 528
Ponting 2007, p. 52.
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landscape to be feared because it was seen as outside the safe boundaries of human
settlement.529 This was reinforced by urbanisation, because city dwellers’ connection to
nature was less apparent. There was distance from the impacts on the landscape; fewer
people owned land; therefore, fewer took responsibility for it.530 This caused nature and
culture to be split into two separate realms with culture—representing order and security—
dominating over the chaos of nature.531 As civilisations developed, so too did ideas of the
relationship between humans and the natural world.
Philosophers have referenced the soul and reason to define the separation of humans from
animals, which can be seen as an attempt at exemption from the laws of nature.532 Such
concepts were solidified during the Enlightenment and emphasised distinctions between
human and nonhuman, husbanded and wild, male and female, constructed and natural.533
Another influence on separation was religion and the concept that the earth was managed
by God, not humanity.534 Despite teachings of environmental stewardship in the scriptures
of Islam, Judaism and Christianity, these religions seem to separate God from nature,
leaving nature without spiritual value and placing humans above nature, giving them
permission to use the earth without considering that it has any value of its own.535 The book
of Genesis was interpreted in a way that reinforced the Western notion that wilderness and
paradise are spiritual and physical opposites.536 In medieval Europe, clearing of the forest
for agriculture could be considered a religious duty since the wilderness could be associated
with the old pre-Christian order and therefore clearing the land extended God’s domain.537
Eastern religions, such as Jainism, Buddhism and Taoism, emphasise a respect for all living
things. These religious philosophies advised living the simplest lives possible and making few
demands on the environment, yet they were not always effective. Gadgil suggests that this
529
Tuan, Y 1979, Landscapes of Fear, Pantheon Books, New York, p. 9. 530
Worster 1988, pp. 14-15. 531
Hughes 2000, p. 33. 532
Hughes 2000, p. 17. 533
Adams 2011, in S Sӧrlin, & P Warde (eds.), p. 54; Plumwood, V 1993, Feminism and the Mastery of Nature. Routledge, London, pp. 4,7. 534
Worster 1988, pp. 14-15. 535
Hughes 2000, p. 58. 536
Williams, G H 1962, Wilderness and Paradise in Christian Thought, Harper, New York cited in Hall, C M 1992, Wasteland to World Heritage: Preserving Australia's Wilderness, Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria, p. 59. 537
Simmons 1996, pp. 172-173.
105
is because societies will only favour ecological prudence as long as it in their interest to do
so.538
More recent contributions to separation came from scientific reductionist thought. This led
to a fragmentation of the world, focusing on individual parts instead of systems interacting
as part of a whole.539 In this paradigm, capitalism reduces humans to a labour source and
the Earth as raw material to generate profit; a process in which the bond between humans
and nature is reduced to mere instrumentalism.540 Political ideologies made their mark
when Marxism, ignoring the value of resources, only acknowledged the value of human
labour in productivity. This is exemplified in Marx stating: “Nature... is nothing for man...
simply an object for mankind, purely a matter of utility”.541 This led to the conclusion that
nature was external to culture and had no effect on human development.542 Worster states
that: “The history of the world has been the story of a long shift away from direct and local
interaction with the earth, as the defining context of daily life, to dealing with it more
indirectly and globally”.543 The many influences that led to separation paved the way for
human dominance of the Earth; perhaps one of the most explicit coming from Genesis 1:28:
“Fill the earth and subdue it”.
This has resulted in people living in the “rigid and dichotomized places that currently exist in
the Western cultural mindscape”.544 An example of the landscape being viewed from a
utilitarian perspective comes from an oral history in which a resident of Maleny (since 1922)
describes the trees that have been planted since the area was cleared: “they’ve only planted
rubbish here, most of them”545 when asked why the trees were “rubbish”, the response was:
“well, they can’t use them for timber”.546
538
Hughes 2000, p. 55. 539
Ponting 2007, p. 122. 540
Worster 1988, p. 12. 541
McLellan, D 2000, Karl Marx: Selected Writings, Oxford University Press, Oxford, p. 398. 542
Hughes 2000, p. 197. 543
Worster 1988, p. 6. 544
Haluza-DeLay, R & Cuthbertson, B 2000, “Developing Compassionate Sense of Place” in I Schneider, D Chavez, B Borrie, & K James (eds.), Proceedings of Social Aspects of Recreation Research Symposium, Tempe, Arizona, February 14-17, 2000, p. 20 cited in Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 227. 545
Street, T 2013e, Jean Larney oral history, 15:15. 546
Street 2013e, 18:25.
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Interpretation is a way to reverse the physical and psychological detachment of humans
from the natural world547 by provoking understanding landscapes as “holistic entities—
complex, open, dynamic mosaics—rather than as collections of isolated static resources”.548
An example of this happened to me at Cypress Provincial Park in West Vancouver, Canada.
While enjoying a panorama of the islands of Howe Sound, I read a BC Parks interpretive sign
commenting on the smog over the city and how it obscured the view. The ‘brown blanket’
as they referred to it, was the result of humans polluting the atmosphere with automobiles
which had a direct effect on visitors being able to enjoy the view. I was shocked that it was
not the chipper celebration of the landscape that I had come to expect from interpretive
signs. I furthermore was provoked into think about and act upon my behaviour to reduce
the effect on the environment. There was a distinct connection made between myself and
my surroundings that has stayed with me to this day, 17 years later. This shows how
provocative approach to interpretation, outlined by Tilden, Ham, and Beck and Cable549 can
move people from separation to reconnection by motivating the public to participate in
sustainable action.
Participation
Public participation in interpretation can include both the integration of public input into
interpretation planning and interpretive activities that encourage and provoke visitors to
participate. Public contact is a vital component of natural resource management programs
because it decreases the likelihood of resistance to the programs from stakeholders,550 and
success depends on effective communication between managers and the public.551
Interpretation can develop a sense of place and identity, encouraging communities to
celebrate and share their local heritage.552 A more dynamic and participatory interpretive
planning approach has the potential to cultivate ecological literacy553 and develop a sound
547
Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 230. 548 Zonneveld, I & Forman, R (eds.) 1990, Changing Landscapes: An Ecological Perspective,
Springer-Verlag, New York cited in Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 230. 549
Tilden 1977, p. 18; Ham 1992, p. 53; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 20. 550
Hockings, Carter & Leverington 1998, p. 643. 551
Little 1994, Alcock 1995 cited in Hockings, Carter & Leverington 1998, p. 643; Sharpe 1977, p. 64. 552
Binks 1989, Carter 2001, Clifford 2000, Pierssené 1999, Tabata 1989 cited in Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 225. 553
Curthoys & Cuthbertson, 2002, p. 229.
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working relationship between communities and heritage professionals.554 These methods of
public inclusion form community cohesion because interacting with each other and
understanding heritage gives community members the “thrill of belonging”.555 Inviting and
provoking the public to participate and become involved in interpretation activities makes
the interpretive experience more enjoyable for visitors and is a more effective way for them
to learn.556 New technologies are now available to visualise landscapes in an immersive
environment, creating an engaging experience; this technology will be discussed in Chapter
5. The emphasis on participation fits within interpretation concepts of a holistic approach
and is a reflection of how ecological systems work within an interconnected web of
participating entities.
Interactive systems
Observing the world as a web of interactive and interdependent systems is fundamental to
the way interpretation is undertaken. Curthoys and Cuthbertson promote an ecological
literacy approach to interpretation that places interconnectedness at the centre to
encourage an informed and meaningful connection to all life.557 This assists in promoting
the understanding of interpretive themes as a whole as well as promoting conservation by
acknowledging all parts of an ecosystem. A sense of wholeness can be expressed further by
explaining the connections between tangible aspects of interpretive sites and intangible
ideas such as harmony, wholeness, spirituality, and identity that can be associated with
them. Expressing the connections between past and contemporary issues is also beneficial
to the interpretive sense of the whole.558
The interpretive emphasis on interactions between individuals and their surroundings can
be a way to help people understand their place in the wider world559 through the
development of a sense of place. Snyder suggests that the human relationship with the
554
Grimwade & Carter 2000, p. 48. 555
Tilden 1977, p. 77. 556
Ham 1992, p. 279; Tilden 1977, p. 68; Wagar, A J 1972, Evaluating Interpretation and Interpretive Media, Paper presented to the Association of Interpretive Naturalists, Callaway Gardens, Pine Mountain, Georgia, April 7 cited in Sharpe 1977, p. 49. 557
Curthoys and Cuthbertson 2002, pp. 225, 230. 558
Beck & Cable 1998, p. 11. 559
Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 229.
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earth must “take place in a place, and it must be grounded in information and
experience”.560 Interpretation can therefore communicate thematic information and foster
enjoyable, meaningful experiences to develop a sense of physical place within the landscape
as well as a sense of relational place within the community of life—the web on which our
long-term survival depends.561
Environmental futures
“In the act of searching out the future, Homo sapiens crosses the frontiers of the unknown
and is transformed from the [human] of action, who responds to the moment, to the [human]
of thought, who takes account of the consequences of [their] actions”.562
Futures thinking is about considering “what action to take to create a future that will be as
desirable as possible, given present conditions and hopes for the future”.563 Throughout
history, the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region has fluctuated in terms of
consideration of future consequences. The Indigenous dynamic was thoroughly rooted in a
type of futures thinking that displayed “visionary planning, and skill and patience greater
than anything modern Australia has ever imagined”.564 This is evident in the mammoth scale
of landscape modification and vast period of time that Aboriginal people successfully
inhabited the land. This was achieved by accounting for multiple futures in the present using
traditional practices of risk management. The European dynamic also engaged in futures
thinking by transforming the landscape to provide sustenance to large populations. This was
a process of creating a prosperous future that required decades of clearing and cultivation.
The landscape now continues to provide for the population because of this preparation
more than a century and a half later; this present state is the future that the colonial
human-landscape dynamic created.
560
Snyder, G 1990, The Practice of the Wild, North Point Press, California, p. 18 cited in Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 225. 561
Capra, F 1999, Ecoliteracy: The Challenge for Education in the Next Century, Liverpool Schumacher Lectures, California: Center for Ecoliteracy, p. 1 cited in Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 226. 562
Polak, F 1973, The Image of the Future, Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, London, p. 4. 563
Slaughter, R A 2002, New Thinking for a New Millennium: The Knowledge Base of Futures Studies, Routledge, London, p. 11. 564
Gammage 2011, p. 43.
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Other aspects of European management suggest a lack of accounting for future
consequences. The depletion of vital regional resources such as timber and soil, in just a few
decades, is a testament to this. This dynamic can be understood in terms of Eisler’s
dominator model of civilizations, which are combative, competitive and reactionary as
opposed to the Indigenous regime that follows the partnership model, which is relational,
caring and anticipatory.565 This ‘domination’ dynamic can be attributed to what Hobsbawm
describes as the destruction of the link between contemporary experience and earlier
generations, or living in a “permanent present”; a phenomenon that has made the
historian’s job more important than ever before.566 This illustrates the importance of efforts
to address the need to reconnect to the past, such as the Maleny Community Precinct’s
Interpretive Trail.
Research across the disciplines of environmental history, environmental interpretation, and
environmental futures has brought an awareness of the need to be more cognisant of the
future; therefore, sustainability has become a priority. Futurist Marcus Bussey reminds us
that: “our assumptions about the future inform our decisions and actions today”.567 With
this in mind, it is important to recognise Sohail Inayatullah’s point:
We often believe that there is only one future. We cannot see the alternatives, and thus we
make the same mistakes over and over. But by looking for alternatives, we may see
something new.568
Mid-Twentieth-Century futurist Fred Polak has argued that to develop a sustainable future
“The future not only must be perceived; it also must be shaped”.569 This is where the field of
environmental futures is useful for envisioning preferred future scenarios, because once
people consciously create images of the future they become participants in the process of
creating this future.570 It is common practice for futurists (cf. Wendell Bell, Richard Slaughter,
Sohail Inayatullah, Ziauddin Sardar) to describe the future in terms of the probable, the
565
Eisler, R 1987, The Chalice and the Blade: Our History, Our Future, Harper & Row, New York, p. xvii. 566
Hobsbawm, E 1994, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991, Penguin, London, p. 3. 567
Bussey, M 2014, Concepts and effects: ordering and practice in foresight, Foresight, vol. 16, no. 1, p. 4. 568
Inayatullah, S 2008, “Six Pillars: Futures Thinking for Transforming”, Foresight, vol. 10 no. 1, p. 5. 569
Polak 1973, p. 5. 570
Polak 1973, p. 6.
110
possible, the plausible and the preferable.571 All such futures are supported by different
‘images’ of the future that those doing the futures thinking hold as ‘real’ or likely. Therefore,
it is essential to examine the nature of the image of the future and study how it is formed
and propagated so that sustainable, preferred futures can be realised.572
Futures lenses are ways of observing images of possible future scenarios. These lenses can
be categorised into five epistemological domains to better differentiate existing ways we
can understand images of the future. Pop futurism573 describes the trite and superficial
imaginings of a technology-infused future prevalent in film and literature. Emphasis is
placed on extremes in optimism/pessimism and representations of uni-dimensional worlds
where existing social relations, wealth distribution, and views on progress are rarely
challenged. A Critical futures574 lens involves contestation and recognises social interests,
power and civilizational factors. Inevitability and worldviews are questioned with a goal of
transcending existing patterns. Empirical futures575 are popular in corporate
environments focussing on a positivist view of trend analysis and prediction, where external
and measurable data are given priority. An Interpretive futures576 lens, in contrast, explores
personal and social inner worlds, values, ideas, traditions, ways of knowing and worldviews
with a goal of understanding the social construction of reality. Transformational futures577
incorporates social evolution to develop new cultural options beyond the collapse of
industrialism,578 placing the pursuit of wisdom above the pursuit of raw technical power.579
Analysing the historical data collected on the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny
region through a futures lens can apply the knowledge of history to improving the future.
This thesis utilises an interpretive futures lens in response to Futurist Richard Slaughter’s
571 Bell, W 2002, “Making People Responsible: The Possible, the Probable, and the Preferable” in J A Dator (ed.), Advancing futures: Futures Studies in Higher Education, Praeger, Westport, Connecticut, p. 50. (pp.33-52). 572
Polak 1973, p. 8. 573
Slaughter, R A 1995, The Foresight Principle: Cultural Recovery in the 21st Century, Adamantine, London, p. 41. 574
Slaughter, 1995, p. 16. 575
Slaughter, 1995, p. 29. 576
Slaughter, 1995, p. 58. 577
Slaughter, 1995, p. 75. 578
Slaughter,1995, p. 173. 579
Polak 1973 cited in Slaughter, R A 1999, “Towards Responsible Dissent and the Rise of Transformational Futures”, Futures, no. 31, p. 153.
111
argument that the reduction of the world into purely empirical terms has had devastating
consequences. He goes further to say:
Individuals and cultures were stripped of inner meaning and the external world (including
the global ecology) was rendered into a set of things, mere resources. Consequently the
world of modernity was built on an illusion that only half of reality mattered: the external,
objective, measurable part… The cry ‘no more myths’ led to the abandonment of any
possibility of further development of self and the world.580
This describes the disconnection between humans and the landscape to which
environmental history, interpretation and futures literature frequently refers. This
perspective therefore, is suited to the aims of this research to develop identity and
sustainability. The interpretive futures epistemological approach considers notions of ‘truth’
relative. Causality is not viewed as linear but layered, open-ended and multiple. The goal is
to “search for universal narratives that can ensure basic human values” and to make the
exploration personal by creating a sense of unity and identity.581 This can be achieved by
studying the relationship between the past, the present, and the future to gain insight into
differences within a complex and layered history. Elements of critical futures are applied by
identifying power regimes that rationalise particular human-landscape dynamics within a
specific historical period. Contestation is highlighted and changes in regimes are observed to
suggest that futures can also be contested. This research also engages in transformative
futures in that it is inviting people, via the interpretive trail, to begin considering new stories
and thus creating new futures.
The Maleny Community Precinct and its interpretive trail directly foster images of both the
past and the future. Environmental futures provide a set of foundational categories for
interpreting the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny Community Precinct.
Deployment of these categories in the Maleny Community Precinct’s interpretive trail will
encourage the extension of public involvement in their landscape from the observation of
580
Slaughter, R A 2003, Futures Beyond Dystopia: Creating Social Foresight, Routledge, London, pp. 117-118. 581
Inayatullah, S 1998, “Pedagogy, Culture, and Futures Studies”, American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 42, no. 3, p. 387.
112
an environmental interpretation to participation in developing environmental futures. This
aims to encourage a movement from passivity to engagement, effecting a shift from a
dominator paradigm to a partnership paradigm. These futures categories will be linked to
the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region so that they can be applied to this
research.
Environmental futures concepts also recognise that the environment and social life are
treated as ontologically detached from one another.582 This trend of separation from the
landscape could be said to be significantly lower in the Maleny region than in other
communities. A 2001 Council survey stated that protecting the environment was the first
value on the Maleny region’s list of priorities for envisioning the future,583 the region was
rated the highest in South East Queensland for levels of concern for the intrinsic value of
forests,584 and the case studies discussed in this thesis are also indicators of a connection to
the landscape. The Maleny region has become an icon for communities that want to
connect with and protect the landscape for the future. This makes the Maleny Community
Precinct’s interpretive trail an ideal medium for fostering the sense of identity and
belonging that can reconnect people, both locals and visitors, to each other and to the
landscape, promoting stronger social cohesion and discussion of sustainable futures.585
Sustainability, in the form of native landscape regeneration, catchment protection,
development control, and public consultation, is a part of new futures thinking that can
rectify the shortfalls of previous economy-based human-landscape dynamics. The Sunshine
Coast Regional Council is aware of the need to manage the landscape to maintain a long-
term economy. The Council’s corporate plan expresses a commitment to creating a
balanced land-use strategy with a vision of becoming Australia’s most sustainable region.586
The Maleny region is highly involved with these future goals. Growth in the region has come
under scrutiny and much engagement in the community has led to an expressed concern to
maintain environmental values; many organizations have been contributing to improving
ecosystems on which the region depends. There have been reactive elements in the
582
Jordan & Gilbert 1999 in Fairweather et al. (eds.), p. 41. 583
Sunshine Coast Communities, 2001, Dare to Dream: A Vision for the Future 2001-2101, Queensland Government, p. 9. 584
Department of Natural Resources 1999, p. 61. 585
Jordan & Gilbert 1999 in Fairweather et al. (eds.), p. 45. 586
The Sunshine Coast Regional Council Corporate Plan 2009-2014, p. 5.
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community because of the perceived failure of the planning process to meet the needs of
the majority of residents in the area. An example of this occurred in a public meeting about
Maleny’s sewerage system when Councillor Rixon Charles Burnett, who represented
Landsborough Shire Council Division Two from 1955 to 1982, stated: “I’m not here to ask
you what you want, but to tell you what you are getting”.587 This is contrasted by Council’s
participatory Local Area Plan and Development Control Plan along with the extensive
gauging of public opinion on topics such as the Woolworths development, the Folk Festival,
and the Maleny Community Precinct.
Environmental futures key categories
Futures studies is a field that seeks to help individuals and organizations improve their
understanding of the processes of change so that more informed preferred futures can be
created.588 Landscape/environmental futures concepts suggest that the public should have
agency in determining landscape directions and focus on land-use alternatives that explore
a range of possible cultural directions that the environment can facilitate.589 This agency can
be achieved through increased public participation in land-management decision making.
Participation must therefore be encouraged, or even provoked, by a range of means, with
thematic environmental interpretation playing a key role in this endeavour. These
approaches aim to foster explicit and relevant relationships between the science of
landscape ecology and planning policy.590 The need for environmental futures stems from
the current paradigm in which the past is considered tangible but the future is not; where
the dominant Western view of development and progress crowds out alternative
perspectives,591 perpetuating an unsustainable world.592
587
Maleny News 1983, ‘Letters to the editor’, 17 June, p. 8. 588
Inayatullah 2008, p. 5. 589
Winchester, H, Kong, L & Dunn, K 2003, Landscapes: Ways of Imagining the World, Pearson/Prentice Hall, Harlow, UK, p. 15. 590
Opdam, P, Foppen, R & Vos, C 2002, “Bridging the Gap Between Ecology and Spatial Planning in Landscape Ecology”, Landscape Ecology, no. 16, pp. 767–779 cited in Nassauer, J I & Corry, R C 2004, “Using Normative Scenarios in Landscape Ecology”, Landscape Ecology, no. 19, p. 343. 591
Barry, J 1999, “Green Politics and Intergenerational Justice: Posterity, Progress and the Environment” in Fairweather et al. (eds.), p. 68. 592
Slaughter 1996, p. 3.
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Environmental futures categories draw on the broad themes of Western cultural evolution
over the past 500 years or so (see Tarnas, Ponting, McNeill and others). This period saw
Western society becoming increasingly more aggressive in its attitude to nature, separating
nature from culture, as Descartes separated the body and the mind. Separation allowed for
increasingly predatory economic thinking to emerge in which the landscape became a
resource and conservation was sidelined as economically irrational. Depletion and
degradation necessitated a shift towards policy change and adaptation that has become
increasingly inclusive and participatory.
Concepts of futures
The concept of being able to envision alternative futures can emerge from a deeper
understanding of historical and emergent human-landscape regimes. As previously
mentioned, environmental interpretation is an effective approach to provoking deep
understanding of human-landscape dynamics.593 This concept of envisioning the future is
based on the premise offered by Bussey that “The future has effects… our assumptions
about the future inform our decisions and actions today”.594 This can be applied to all the
‘todays’ throughout history; so it can be asserted that the future affected the present in the
past. Furthermore, there is no single ‘Past’. Such is the nature of human experience and the
layered conditions shaping the past and our interpretation of it in the present, such a single
discrete unit (the Past), must be rejected.
Future landscape-dynamics on local, regional and global scales
Local scale
Considering the historical tendency of dominant land-management regimes to operate
within closed futures, the question can be asked if this tendency will continue into the
emerging sustainability regime. The site of the Maleny Community Precinct is a former dairy
farm with the heritage-listed Fairview or Pattemore House building that housed one of the
593
Tilden 1977, p. 18; Ham 1992, p. 53; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 20. 594
Bussey, M 2014, “Concepts and Effects: Ordering and Practice in Foresight”, Foresight, vol. 16, no. 1, p. 4.
115
first settlers in the region. This setting therefore could be a commemoration of a singular,
dominant history of the heroic settlers that cleared the land and made settlement and
prosperity in the region and with it a singular closed future. There is also the possibility that
the site will take on a more complex story that represents the layered and contested history
of the site and, in doing so, validate all the voices within the dominant regime. The mixed-
use planning of the Maleny Community Precinct that attempts to offer open space and
facilities for a range of activities, with a range of environmental, cultural, and heritage
interpretations, suggests a move towards open futures. With an interpretation of multiple
histories will come openness to multiple possibilities for the future that integrate the
complex range of values and needs of people and the landscape.
Regional Scale
Understanding the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region can provoke a sense of
identity and open new possibilities for creating preferred futures that acknowledge the
complexities of landscape interactions. A method for understanding the cycles of change in
the past, present and future developed by Slaughter is referred to as the Transformative
Cycle.595
The Transformative Cycle Model, depicted in Figure 15, is a tool for understanding the
evolution of issues as “a continual process of social ordering with the old embedded in the
new”.596 Here, the subtle processes of values, interests, cultures, and identity which
underlie the visible changes that have occurred throughout history can be analysed to
inform the quest for creating preferred futures. This evolution can be categorised into four
broad stages:
1. Breakdown of meaning (problems). This describes what happens when
concepts and values that shape a regime are no longer viable and therefore
begin to lose widespread support. 595
Slaughter, R A & Bussey, M 2006, Futures Thinking for Social Foresight, Tamkang University Press, Tamsui, p. 63. 596
ibid.
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2. Re-conceptualisations (new ideas). Proposals, petitions, innovations, and
actions that challenge norms that are no longer considered tenable.
3. Negotiations and conflicts (contestation). New ideas often challenge the
existing regimes and dominant interests will be protected by resisting the
new ideas. This leads to protracted periods of contestation in which many
proposals are rejected while some are eventually adopted. Tension exists
between what communities and individuals desire and what is prioritised by
decision makers.
4. Selective legitimation (winnowing). The result of contestation is that some of
the proposals become assimilated and the practice of new ideas determines
whether they become fully embedded into a regime or come under scrutiny
for the cycle to begin again.
Figure 15. The Transformative Cycle597
.
597
Slaughter & Bussey 2006, p. 63.
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This model can be applied to the turbulent and overlapping transitions between changing
regimes of the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region. The Transformative Cycle
that brought about the building regime was heavily influenced by legislation aimed at
managing colonisation of the landscape and adapting to changing requirements. The Bunya
Proclamation was an indication of an overlap of regimes; possibly a rare attempt at
pluralism before the building regime transitioned into total dominance. The laws generally
dictated land management; but when enough pressure was placed on the laws, the laws
changed. Ideas that originally motivated these laws were challenged with petitions put to
government to improve roads and other conditions to ensure that settlers flourished.
Market demands also challenged policy and the Archer brothers took action that defied
settlement restrictions. These examples of contestation resulted in the original restrictions
on settlement in the Maleny region and eventually the Bunya Proclamation being rescinded
as demands for open settlement were legitimised. Settlers were eventually supported
through the contestation process with new laws, road improvements, and government
organisations such as the Department of Primary Industries. The need for closer settlement
in the face of Brisbane’s growth and the Gympie gold rush proved that existing ideas about
settlement were untenable and legislative change followed to accommodate higher
populations. This was a turbulent experience for settlers whose land areas were being
reduced; a major step in the transition into the maintenance regime.
Regulation of the dairy industry was an iconic representation of the maintenance regime.
The government’s ideas for strengthening and maintaining the major industry of the region
included ensuring high prices for milk. It became clear that this was an untenable idea when
farmers produced an oversupply and were not internationally competitive. The deregulation
of the dairy industry was another indicator of a turbulent transition into a new regime.
Other indicators of a regime transition include the transition of farms to residential
properties, the designation of remnant forests as national parks, and the increase in public
participation in determining land-use planning schemes. Old ideas of widespread farming,
logging native forests and having land-management decisions dictated to the public were
challenged, underwent contestation and new landscape dynamics were legitimised.
The region’s emerging sustainability regime can expect the future to include increasing
contestation of the untenable ideas that constituted previous regimes and have proven to
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be unsustainable. Public participation will play an increasing role in this process of
developing landscape dynamics that are a response to challenges of old ideas and have the
potential to be more sustainable.
The global scale
Environmental history can be viewed as an interactive system with localised case studies
representing the organisms of which the system is composed. The stories of each case study
can be compiled into a global picture to allow for the perception of patterns, lessons, and
possibilities. The theory of environmental history was generated from this process and
needs to be continually applied, tested and subjected to the transformational cycle to
remain relevant, useful, and cutting edge enough to inspire new contestations and
legitimised ideas.
Conclusion
Concepts within the literature of environmental interpretation and environmental futures
set out clear guidelines as to how the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region can
be interpreted for the public. They show how a provocative environmental interpretation
can move people out of their passive and separated state.598 This separation from the
environment reduces the sense of identity in relation to the place people live and
interpretation provokes an active state of reconnection, awareness and identification with
the landscape. These are considered fundamental steps in establishing a society that thinks
and acts in more sustainable ways and can create preferred alternative futures.
To achieve the goals of this research—to promote sustainability and identity—the theory of
interpretation and futures will be applied to the interpretation strategies outlined in the
following chapter, which can be applied to the interpretive trail of the Maleny Community
Precinct.
598
Tilden 1977, p. 18; Ham 1992, p. 53; Beck & Cable 1998, p. 20.
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120
Chapter 4: The micro in the macro: What does the microcosm of the Maleny Community Precinct offer in terms of an interpretive site?
Consolidating the key elements of the material covered so far and reflecting on how these
elements can be observed as a microcosm in the Maleny Community Precinct provides a
clearer picture of the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region. The past, present
and future of the land over which the Maleny Community Precinct is situated parallels much
of the Maleny region and therefore is more complex than any of the individual land-
management issues covered in the case studies in Chapter One. As Toby Walker of the
Sunshine Coast Daily describes it:
While the supermarket stoush was perfectly scripted for the lazy stereotype of Maleny—a
David versus Goliath, Corporate Australia against Struggle Street battle—the issue of the
Maleny Community Precinct is about as clear-cut as a David Lynch film.599
This chapter outlines how the Maleny Community Precinct can be used to interpret the
human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region by discussing how:
the planning for the public use of the Maleny Community Precinct was an example of
the dilemma of land management;
the history of the land on which the Maleny Community Precinct is located is, in
essence, the history of the Maleny region; and
599
Walker, T 2007, ‘Are battle lines being drawn again at Maleny?’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 22 January, p. 10.
121
the interpretive themes chosen for the trail on the Maleny Community Precinct are
intended to promote a sense of identity via a reconnection to the land, which can
then inspire sustainable action in visitors.
The dilemma theme
The Maleny dilemma arises from the complexity surrounding how to balance the many
issues that accompany land-management policy in a diverse and sometimes polarised
community. The case studies of Conondale National Park, the Maleny Folk Festival, and the
Woolworths supermarket development are representative of this dilemma. Contestation
was based on desires to preserve existing landscape dynamics clashing with the
implementation of new dynamics. Issues of concern included: open space, employment,
biodiversity, cultural celebration, recreation, development of facilities, and peace and quiet.
The decision-making process and levels of community input were also important factors of
the dilemma. Polarisation was evident in the commentary on the issues that often saw
differing opinions on what the majority of residents wanted.
The microcosm of the Maleny Community Precinct
To understand the history of the Maleny Community Precinct is to understand the Maleny
region. The Maleny Community Precinct teemed with plants and animals and Aborigines
celebrated the Bunya harvest in nearby Baroon Pocket. European arrival first saw the
cutting of valuable cedars and eventually most of the land was cleared for pastures. Two
successful dairy farms on the Maleny Community Precinct land were indicative of the
prosperity that the human-landscape dynamic brought to the region, at least temporarily.
As markets and government regulations shifted, so too did the land use of the Maleny
Community Precinct. With livestock production no longer as economically viable as it once
was, decisions were needed regarding what to do with the land. Fifth-generation Maleny
farmer Stephen Porter, owner of one of the farms, expressed a desire for the land to be
used for the community; so he sold it to Council despite the higher price he could have
received from land developers:
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We could have sold it to developers stacks of times. None of us wanted to see it developed
for houses. We like the farming life… I would like to see only a limited number of houses go
on it, I would like to see the golf course go ahead and community amenities including a
swimming pool.600
Once the land was owned by local government and the goal was for the land to serve the
community, the dilemma of how to determine the use of the land arose. The familiar signs
of polarisation developed as they had with other land management issues in Maleny. The
two camps that contested previous issues settled into the battle of parklands versus the golf
course/mixed-use. Developing a plan for sharing the land was difficult with both sides
claiming that the majority of residents of the area supported their cause. Community
consultation was extensive and expensive. Each camp criticised the other’s means for
ascertaining the level of support in the community for a golf course.
Proponents of the parkland plan suggested that a golf course has more negative impacts on
the environment,601 but the president of the golf club expressed a commitment to
environmental stewardship with low use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides.602 Both sides
claimed the other’s plan was not financially viable.603 The need for Council to sell portions of
the land as residential lots to raise funds for the golf club raised the issue of spoiling the
lifestyle of the town and overtaxing the infrastructure.604 There were fears that if the golf
course folded, then the whole area would become residential and the Maleny Community
Precinct would be lost.605
Support for the golf course and mixed recreational land use came from the results of a
phone survey and from a collective of over 40 community organisations that advertised
their allegiance to the plan.606 Support for the parkland use came from a survey conducted
600
Martin, E 2006, ‘Porter’s land purchase goes ahead’, The Range News, 6 August, np, viewed 14 September 2014, <http://www.hinterlandgrapevine.com/RangeNews04/PortersFarm0804.html> 601
Hodgins, W 2007, ‘Park’s economic boost’ The Range News, 9 August, p. 33. 602
Outridge, C 2007, ‘Golf club president is not running from fight’, The Range News, 20 September, p. 7. 603
The Range News 2007, ‘Golf course estimates fail to account for rainy days’, 30 August, p. 6; Snell, D 2007, ‘Community Precinct golf course viability’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 1 August, p. 20; Whitten, M & Richards, R 2007, ‘MGC gets down to business’, The Range News, 30 August, pp. 7-8. 604
Clark, G 2003, ‘Maleny residents demand a voice’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 15 August, p. 3. 605
Benger, S 2007, ‘A Don deal?’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 7 December, p. 11. 606
The Range News 2007, ‘MALPAN supports Council’s Precinct plan’, 30 August, p. 4.
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by Council, which showed very little favour for the golf course.607 The golf and mixed
recreation lobby highlighted the desperate need for facilities.608 The parklands lobby
pointed to the popular and overcrowded Mary Cairncross Scenic Reserve as grounds for
developing the Maleny Community Precinct into a park.609
Criticism of Council’s handling of the planning process arose when changes were proposed
and voted on without Councillors’ prior knowledge.610 The decision for an 18-hole golf
course was perceived as contrary to the surveys and recommendations conducted by
Council and Councillor Dick Newman drew parallels with the lack of acknowledgement of
community consultation regarding the Woolworths development.611
Council announced that the decision endorsed a mixed-use plan that met economic, social
and environmental needs of the community.612 With the planning stage complete, the
Maleny Community Precinct will contain parkland, a golf course, a heritage trail, and mixed
recreation facilities.
Interpretation themes: Understanding the heritage of the people and
the landscape
The Master Plan for the Maleny Community Precinct states: “The precinct will provide an
educational tool to the community and local groups, and this should be encouraged during
the implementation of the precinct”.613 Recommendations are made for utilising
interpretive signage as a means of conveying informal environmental and cultural education.
The signage is suggested to be situated on the walking trails in the Maleny Community
Precinct’s parkland and include interpretations of flora and fauna and a historical depiction
of how the landscape has transitioned from rainforest to pasture and then to diverse
community land use and rainforest.614 This approach is intended to “recognise and celebrate
607
Newman, D 2007, ‘Council’s disgraceful decision’, The Range News, 29 November 2007, p. 31. 608
Denver, G 2007, ‘Decision right for Maleny’s future’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 27 November, p. 15. 609
Hodgins 2007, p. 33. 610
Lander, A 2007, ‘Locals’ anger at 5m cow paddock’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 23 November, p. 3; The Range News 2007, ‘Plan approved’, 29 November, p. 1. 611
Lander, A 2007, ‘Locals’ anger at 5m cow paddock’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 23 November, p. 3. 612
The Range News 2007, ‘Council agrees on future framework’ 12 July, p. 1. 613
Gamble, McKinnon, Green 2010, p. 101. 614
Ibid.
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various precinct elements, features and stories” and to “provide interest and understanding
that leaves the visitor with new knowledge to bring away from their experience at the
Precinct”.615
The interpretive themes of the heritage trail aim to increase a sense of awareness of the
landscape and our place in it to develop identity and promote sustainability. These themes
were developed by incorporating previously-mentioned theoretical themes in
Environmental history as well as the themes of this thesis, complexity, contestation and
resilience.
The Indigenous regime theme of shaping the landscape and moving with it uses the concept
of ‘shaping’ to refer to the Environmental history theme of impacts on the landscape as a
result of exploitation of resources. Moving with was developed to convey a connection to
the land in contrast to modern levels of separation from the land. This Indigenous theme
highlights the complexity of landscape histories by drawing attention to the distinctiveness
of the region regarding the Bunya Festivals, which only occurred in select parts of South East
Queensland. The thematic understanding how Aborigines shaped the landscape is intended
to promote a sense of unity in that all humans have shaped their landscape in order to be
successful. This theme identifies how Indigenous methods of land management were highly
resilient and therefore sustainable by being in tune with natural cycles. This concept can
inspire people to work towards more sustainable lifestyles for the future.
The connection to the land and cooperation with others that the traditional, Indigenous way
of life has embodied are also inspirational in terms of finding a sense of identity in the
landscape, and in working with others to optimise our management of the land. Realising
that there is much to learn about how Indigenous people lived can motivate people to learn
more about the traditional custodians of the land and ways of living more in tune with the
landscape.
The theme ‘all inhabitants of a region are connected to the landscape and therefore we
depend on the healthy ecosystems’ is intended to promote a reconnection to the landscape.
This theme was developed from the Environmental history concept of connection and
separation between humans and the land. Separation is what has allowed the problematic
615
Gamble, McKinnon, Green 2010, p. 102.
125
unsustainable land dynamic and has diminished our sense of identity. Developing a better
sense of who we are and to what we are connected can instigate that reconnection.
Knowing the different kinds of flora and fauna and how some of them are endangered
brings the importance of biodiversity to the fore. Drawing connections between the health
of the ecosystem and the fundamental need for clean water is a way of making the
connection to the landscape real. Asking the visitors the question ‘In what ways do the
inhabitants of this region depend on healthy ecosystems such as the Obi Obi Creek sub-
catchment?’ is a way of including the reader and making the interpretation relevant to them
by connecting them to the story. Making direct connections can lead to an understanding of
the indirect connections and then provoke an outlook of an interconnected world with
consequences for our actions rather than a compartmentalised disconnect.
The theme ‘Prosperity and depletion: Motivators for changing land uses in the Maleny
region’ was developed from the Environmental history theme of impacts on the landscape
and how those impacts can paradoxically be viewed as improvements, modifications, or
degradation. This concept highlights the complex dilemma of determining how to achieve
resilient methods of land use as well as the contestation associated with different levels of
landscape impacts. Differing views on impacts and the contestation that has accompanied
these views caused this theme to develop a strong focus on identity. The narrative of the
origins of the society in which we live today is a foundational element for developing
identity. Drawing attention to the prevalence of exploitation and depletion of resources
aims to create awareness of the need for new sustainable land-management planning. The
use of the concept of motivation is intended to provoke visitors to question their motives
and recognise a cause and effect relationship in their actions. Showing the connection
between prosperity and depletion in the past can inspire new alternatives that develop
prosperity in a sustainable way. This concept was developed from the Environmental history
theme of assessing landscape modifications as being sustainable or prone to decline. The
message that sustainability is the only true prosperity is underlying this theme.
126
Maleny Community Precinct Heritage Trail Interpretations
“The Maleny Community Precinct provides for the preservation, protection and rehabilitation
of land to maintain biodiversity, ecological processes, water quality, landscape character
and community wellbeing”.616
The following three interpretations are based on the history of the human-landscape
dynamic of the Maleny region. Interpretive theory is applied to make the information about
the heritage and the landscape of the region accessible, thematic, engaging and presented
with a sustainability message. These interpretations are intended to contribute to the
proposed Maleny Community Precinct Heritage Trail, illustrated in Figure 16.
Figure 16. Map of proposed Maleny Community Precinct Interpretive Trail.617
Obi Obi Walk: Environmental interpretation
Obi Obi Creek and the landscape it weaves through are connected by a web of interactive,
dynamic and interdependent systems. In the process of utilising the resources of the natural
environment, land uses have degraded ecosystems signifying a separation between humans
616
Caloundra City Council 2007, p. 23. 617
Sunshine Coast Council: Maleny Community Precinct, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.sunshinecoast.qld.gov.au/sitePage.cfm?code=maleny-cp>.
127
and their environment. Understanding the relationships between the humans, flora, and
fauna that inhabit the Maleny region can help to reverse the trend of separation by
illuminating a vital maxim:
All inhabitants of a region are connected to the landscape and therefore we depend on
healthy ecosystems.
In what ways do the inhabitants of this region depend on healthy ecosystems like the Obi
Obi Creek sub-catchment?
Water is the most fundamental component linking the local inhabitants to this landscape.
Fresh water is essential to human life for drinking, food production, cleaning, and industry.
It also sustains the flora and fauna of the region. Possibly the greatest challenge facing south
east Queensland is providing a sustainable supply of water that is sufficient in both quality
and quantity.618 The Obi Obi Creek sub-catchment supplies surface runoff and groundwater
to Lake Baroon, which in turn supplies water for much of the Sunshine Coast, and recently
to Brisbane via pipeline.619 This means that the health of Obi Obi Creek is connected to the
quality of the region’s water supply.
Open spaces, such as the Obi Obi Creek area of the Maleny Community Precinct, contribute
to the character, lifestyle, health, biodiversity, and economy of the region and are an
essential part of the quality of life and wellbeing of local communities.620 This is because
waterways are a key focus for recreational activities for both locals and tourists.621 A CSIRO
Futures report (2012, cited in the Sunshine Coast Regional Economic Development Strategy)
stated that a decline in biodiversity and the degradation of natural habitats will affect
prospects for the ecotourism and habitat conservation industries.622 Protecting ecosystems
of the region is therefore an opportunity to increase ecotourism as natural habitats become
618
ibid. 619
LBCCG, Importance of Water, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.lbccg.org.au/importance-of-water/>. 620
Caloundra City Council 2007, p. 9. 621
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council 2001, State of the Environment Report: Caloundra City 2001, p. 18. 622
Maleny and District Green Hills Fund 2013, Maleny as a Tourism Destination: Summary of a Submission made to Sunshine Coast Development Ltd, November, p. 3, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.greenhills.org.au/Resources/Documents/MALENY%20AS%20A%20TOURISM%20DESTINATION.pdf>.
128
scarcer over time. Intact ecosystems are also necessary for a healthy commercial and
recreational fishing industry, which provide a significant contribution to the local
economy.623 This means that the health of Obi Obi Creek is connected to the wellbeing of
the communities and economy of the region.
Obi Obi Creek contains a variety of species of flora and fauna, some of which are
endangered or threatened, and some the endangered species are endemic to this region.624
Providing suitable habitat is crucial for both these endangered and threatened species’
survival and for overall biodiversity. Maintaining the biodiversity of ecosystems is important
because it moderates strains on a system, such as species loss. This can be visualised as a
spider web with many strands which will hold together better when a strand breaks than a
web with fewer strands.625 Impaired biodiversity threatens ecological systems that provide
the air, food and water that are essential to life and that we are unable to replicate.626
Reduced biodiversity also impacts an area’s beauty, distinctiveness and economy. The
decline of flora, fauna, and ecosystems in this biodiverse region is attributed to the loss and
fragmentation of native vegetation and habitat degradation due to competition from
invasive species.627 This means that the health of Obi Obi Creek is connected to the
biodiversity of the region and the essential ecosystem services that it provides.
Obi Obi Creek: A closer look
The native ecosystem of Obi Obi Creek is a gallery rainforest, also known as a notophyll vine
forest. This ecosystem is known for a richness of species from the canopy to the forest
floor628 and has an endangered status.629 The majority of the vegetation has been, at some
623
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council 2001, p. 18; Lake Baroon Catchment Care 2013, Lake Baroon Annual Report 2013, p. 9, viewed 22 May, <http://www.lbccg.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Annual-Report-2012-13_web.pdf>. 624 McVerry, S 2012, Fauna Assessment Maleny Community Precinct—Bridge Crossings, Version A, Native
Foresters, Tuchekoi, Queensland, pp. 11, 16. 625
Hughes 2000, p. 211. 626
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council 2001, p. 24. 627
Lake Baroon Catchment Care 2013, p. 22. 628
Landscape Assessment, Management and Rehabilitation Pty Ltd 2001, The Remnant Native Vegetation Mosaics of Lands within Caloundra City Council, p. 9. 629
McVerry 2012, p. 7.
129
time, cleared or degraded,630 but there is remnant vegetation that is classified as
endangered regional ecosystems.631 It is critical to extend protection to the areas still
remaining because reduced, fragmented, and degraded areas cannot support viable
populations of flora or fauna.632 For these reasons, it has been recommended that all
remnants of original vegetation of the region should be regarded as valuable.633 Invasive
non-native species of flora and fauna exist in the area but the process of converting the
ecosystems back to native vegetation is underway.
Native flora of the Obi Obi Creek ecosystems includes many species of vines, ferns, trees,
groundcover, shrub, grasses, sedges and aquatic plants.634 Fauna recorded in the area
include birds, frogs, mammals, reptiles, spiders, butterflies, crayfish and fish. The mountain
spiny crayfish (Euastacus urospinosus), pictured in Figure 17, is common locally, but is found
only in upland streams of the Blackall and Conondale Ranges and is designated as an
endangered species.635
Figure 17. The endangered Mountain Spiny Crayfish (Euastacus urospinosus).636
630
Olsen, M F 1993, The Vegetation Mosaic of Lands Within the Boundaries of Caloundra City Council: Final Report, General Partner Pty. Ltd., p. 3. 631
McVerry 2012, p. 7. 632
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council 2001, p. 26. 633
Olsen 1993, p. 3. 634
Shaw, S 2012, Maleny Community Precinct Bridge Crossing Sites Flora Assessment, Brush Turkey Enterprises, Maleny, Queensland, Appendix 1. 635
McVerry 2012, p. 16. 636
McCormack, R B, Australian Aquatic Biological, viewed 1 June 2014, <http://www.aabio.com.au/update-august-2013/>.
130
An example of the interconnectedness of the ecosystem can be understood by the
relationship between two species that have been found on Obi Obi Creek in the Maleny
Community Precinct. The Richmond Birdwing (Ornithoptera richmondia), pictured in Figure
18, is a large butterfly with a wingspan of 110mm. Males are black, metallic green, yellow
and blue, while females are brown, white and red. Its natural range is the rainforests
between northern New South Wales and southern Queensland, but this range has declined
significantly due to habitat loss and introduced plant species that impact on the insect’s
reproductive ability. As a result, the Richmond Birdwing is listed as a vulnerable species
under the Nature Conservation Act (1992).637 The Birdwing Butterfly vine (Pararistolochia
praevenosa) is listed as a near threatened species and is important for the survival of the
Richmond Birdwing.638 These two species exist on Obi Obi Creek and therefore the
ecosystem provides habitat for interdependent species of flora and fauna that are
endangered, vulnerable or near threatened.
Figure 18. The vulnerable Richmond Birdwing (Ornithoptera richmondia).639
637
McVerry 2012, p. 15. 638
Shaw 2012, Appendix 1. 639
Brisbane Times.com.au 2011, ‘Rare sighting has butterfly lovers a-flutter’, 2 November, viewed March 2 2014, <http://www.brisbanetimes.com.au/queensland/rare-sighting-has-butterfly-lovers-aflutter-20111101-1mtpo.html>.
131
When flora and fauna exist in their habitat, it is an interaction with the landscape and this
can be observed in the fallen logs, rocks, bark, leaf litter, and stream banks.640 Fallen trees
and branches that lodge into waterways are an essential part of aquatic ecology because
they provide a place for a wide range of flora and fauna to live.641 The woody debris in Obi
Obi Creek forms important structural habitat for invertebrates and fish such as the
endangered Mary River Cod. The debris also creates a variety of flow conditions essential for
the habitat requirements of many species. Fallen logs additionally benefit the ecosystem by
stabilising the beds and banks of waterways.642 Removal of in-stream large woody debris
has been widespread in Australian waterways throughout the last 200 years.643 This was
practiced to minimise flood impacts, although there is little direct evidence for this being
effective.644 It has been identified that catastrophic floods still occur in rivers where almost
all the woody debris has been removed.645 Attempts have been made to reintroduce woody
debris into Obi Obi Creek and researchers have measured the effects, but this process
occurs naturally when vegetation grows along waterways in what is known as the riparian
zone.
Riparian zones: The key to healthy waterways
A riparian zone is the land and vegetation that exists along waterways. It has been common
for riparian zones to be cleared for other land uses, illustrated in Figure 19, but it has
become evident that a riparian zone with native vegetation cover offers many benefits.
Some of these include:
stabilisation of banks against erosion;
640
McVerry 2012, p. 17. 641 Koehn, J, Rutherfurd, I, Humphries, P & Crook, D 1999, “Snags: A Valuable Resource”, Cooperative Research Centre for Fresh Water Ecology. 642
Department of Natural Resources, North Coast Region, Queensland, Australia 2003, Obi Obi Creek Large Woody Debris Reinstatement Project, p. 10, viewed 3 May 2014, <http://mrccc.org.au/downloads/publications/Obi%20Obi%20Creek%20Large%20Woody%20Debris%20Reinstatement%20Report.pdf>. 643
Brooks, A P, Abbe, T B, Jansen, J D, Taylor, M, & Gippel, J, 2001, “Putting the Wood Back into our Rivers: An Experiment in River Rehabilitation,” in I Rutherfurd, F Sheldon, G Brierley, & C Kenyon (eds.) Proceedings of Third Stream Management Conference: The value of healthy streams, Brisbane, 27-28 August, CRC Catchment Hydrology, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria, pp. 73-80. 644
Department of Natural Resources, North Coast Region, Queensland, Australia 2003, p. 11. 645
ibid.
132
reduction of sediment delivery to streams;
filtration of nutrients and other pollutants;
control of plant growth in streams;
maintenance of in-stream habitat;
food for aquatic ecosystems;
provision of terrestrial habitat and wildlife corridors;
aesthetic value and recreation; and
economic value.646
Figure 19. Cleared riparian zone, Maleny and Obi Obi Creek, ca 1912.647
Generally, vegetation cover limits the loss of soil in the catchment caused by erosion and
landslides; therefore, clearing of remnant vegetation presents a high erosion risk.648
Disturbance of riparian vegetation amplifies the potential for erosion because of the
646
Aldridge & Traill 1997, p. 20. 647
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24559088/308153,1?FMT=IMG>. 648
Dunstan, M 2007, Lake Baroon Catchment Implementation Plan 2007, Aquagen Water & Renewable Energy, Palmwoods, p. 38., viewed 12 May 2014, <http://www.lbccg.org.au/wp-content/uploads/2014/02/Lake-Baroon-Catchment-Implementation-Plan-lores.pdf>.
133
frequent and intense soil disturbance caused by water moving over exposed soil.649 Erosion
is further accelerated by livestock disturbing the exposed soil while accessing waterways.650
Riparian erosion is problematic because streams, creeks and rivers become wider, while the
area of land available for human use and terrestrial wildlife habitat is reduced. Sediment
removed from banks can clog waterways or be transported to the Baroon Pocket Dam,
which supplies drinking water to the region. Sedimentation smothers aquatic life and
reduces the quality of the water supply as pathogens and nutrients, such as phosphorus,
bond with sediments. The sediment also reduces the amount of water the dam can hold and
therefore supply to the community.651 Slope instability and soil loss are some of the main
land problems of the region and are primarily due to a loss of tree cover.652 The total
amount of soil loss for the Baroon catchment is estimated to be ~4,300 tonnes per year with
310 tonnes coming from channel bank erosion linked to the amount of riparian vegetation
that exists on waterways.653 Riparian vegetation not only reduces waterway erosion
depositing sediment into the water, the vegetation also acts as a trap to stop sediment from
runoff entering the waterway.
Riparian vegetation also provides links between fragmented bushlands that are necessary
for wildlife to be able to move without human interruption. These linkages and corridors
need to be increased to maintain biodiversity in the region.654 Obi Obi Creek riparian
vegetation in the Maleny Community Precinct has good connectivity to surrounding areas of
native bushland, making the area an important wildlife corridor.655
A lush rainforest surrounding a waterway, as in Figure 20, maintains cooler water
temperatures, absorbs more runoff to reduce flooding and the erosion that floods can
cause,656 and resists weed invasion.657 Intact aquatic ecosystems are more aesthetically
649
Olsen 1993, p. 19-20. 650
Lake Baroon Catchment Care 2013, p. 16. 651
LBCCG: Rehabilitation priorities Lake Baroon Pocket, viewed 1 May 2014, <http://www.lbccg.org.au/rehabilitation-priorities-lake-baroon-pocket/>. 652
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council, 2001, p. 18. 653
LBCCG: Rehabilitation priorities Lake Baroon Pocket. 654
Caloundra City Council 2007, p. 17. 655
McVerry 2012, p. 17. 656
Aldridge, P J & Traill, C B, (eds.) 1997, Lake Baroon Catchment Management Strategy, Lake Baroon Catchment, Volume 1, Aquagen, Palmwoods, Queensland, p. 20; Mary River Catchment Coordinating Committee 2001, Mary River and Tributaries Rehabilitation Plan, Department of Natural Resources, Gympie, Queensland, p. 26. 657
Olsen 1993, p. 38.
134
pleasing and therefore hold social and cultural value in terms of recreation and passive
enjoyment for locals and the tourism industry.658
Figure 20. Vegetated riparian zone, Obi Obi Creek.659
Surveys of the health of Obi Obi Creek in 2007 showed that the section from the Maleny
weir to Gardner falls, in which the Maleny Community Precinct is located, was degraded but
actively being rehabilitated. The areas of riparian zone that were rated as good totalled 5%;
sections with major disturbance made up 60%; and 35% of the creek’s riparian zone had no
native vegetation whatsoever. The creek was assessed as having a high recovery potential.
Since the survey, many community-based projects have been contributing to the recovery.
660 Fencing to reduce the impact of livestock on the creek and replanting of riparian zones
with native vegetation to trap nutrients, pesticides, and sediment before entering the
658
Mary River Catchment Coordinating Committee 2001, p. 27. 659
Maleny District Green Hills Fund, Green Hills photo archive, 2008 Riparian Walk, viewed 21 April, <https://www.flickr.com/photos/97614509@N06/9071466712/in/set-72157634179802847/>. 660
Mary River Catchment Coordinating Committee 2001, appendix.
135
waterway are improving the health of the ecosystems and the water supply.661 Additionally,
riparian landholders are being given assistance, advice and incentives to ensure riparian
zones are rehabilitated.662
We have observed how the ecosystems of Obi Obi Creek are connected to many of the
things that constitute the lifestyle of residents and visitors of the region. This waterway and
the landscape it travels through are integral to having access to drinking water, a sense of
wellbeing, an environment for recreation, a diverse economy, and biodiversity—the
foundation of a resilient web of life.
Just as flora and fauna need intact ecosystems as habitat for survival, humans need healthy
ecosystems to provide many of the essential elements of life.
Heritage walk: Cultural interpretation
Prosperity and depletion: Motivators for changing land uses in the
Maleny region
Early European settlement in the Maleny region can be traced back to Tom Petrie’s quest
for timber up the Mooloolah River in 1862, after the forests surrounding the Moreton Bay
Penal Colony were depleted.663 As the timber industry began to develop, the Governor of
New South Wales, Sir George Gipps, recognised the importance of Bunya trees to the
Indigenous people and enacted the Bunya Proclamation in 1842 to ban cutting and settlement
in Bunya forests. This law was rescinded in 1859, when Queensland became a separate colony.
The hunt for valuable red cedar to supply European demand and the need to create
settlements led to a land-management regime focussed on building a new landscape. The
result was a transformation of the rainforests of the Maleny plateau into green pastures.
The cutting and burning of the trees that covered the landscape served many purposes.
Clearing forests provided room to grow crops and pasture to feed livestock, on which
settlers depended for survival. The timber from the fallen trees was sold to buy supplies
such as flour, sugar and tea, sawn timber to build houses and fences, and it was also used as
661
Lake Baroon Catchment Care 2013, p. 16. 662
Mary River Catchment Coordinating Committee, p. 25. 663
Tainton 1976, p. 42.
136
fuel for stoves to cook and provide warmth. The demand for timber in the growing
settlement of Brisbane led the government to pass legislation that set prescribed amounts
of vegetation clearance and livestock. If these minimum requirements were not met,
settlers faced losing the land they sought to select. This led to large-scale cutting and
substantial waste as timber was cleared in areas without the roads to transport it.
As with the timber supplies around Brisbane, the forests of the Maleny region were
depleted rapidly. Cedar cutting in Maleny, lasted 14 years664 and the majority of the
accessible cedar had been taken from the Blackall Range foothills by the 1870s.665 As the
timber industry diminished, selectors began to establish permanent settlements with a rush
taking place to claim land in the 1880s.
While European land-use methods of clearing the native vegetation (depicted in Figure 21)
and planting crops provided a path to prosperity, the disturbance of the soil led to erosion
and siltation of waterways.666 This made water transportation from the coast inland difficult
or impossible667 and affected the viability of aquatic life such as fish, crayfish, mussels and
eels.668 The amount of soil available for use on the land was also diminished. Without deep
rooted trees to anchor the naturally unstable soil structures, landslips became a problem
that rendered land unusable and roads dangerous and inaccessible.669
664
Dixon 2008, p. 1. 665
Riis 1994, p. 8. 666
Low, J 1893, Letter to Under-secretary, Department of Harbour and Marine, 25 September, Letterbook 1893-1900, pp. 56-57 cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 86. 667
Holthouse 1982, p. 50. 668
Dunstan 2007, p. 4. 669
Willmott 1983, pp. 14, 29.
137
Figure 21. Timber cutting in Maleny circa 1911.670
Fruit growing was initially a prosperous venture with high yields of bananas and
strawberries. The soil fertility on which the crops depended was often depleted in just a few
seasons, so new ground was prepared for cultivation. This was ameliorated with the advent
of chemical fertilisers, but eventually the fruit and vegetable industry gave way to the
success of the dairy industry.671
Dairying in the Maleny region was ideal because imported grasses became well established
and did not require the levels of fertility that crops did.672 The high rainfall and abundance
of springs safeguarded dairying from the effects of drought felt elsewhere in the country.673
670
Hinterland Tourism: History of Maleny, viewed 21 September 2014, <http://www.hinterlandtourism.com.au/historicpics/up_a_tree.jpg>. 671
Alcorn 2008, p. 219; Symons & Symons 1994, p. 28; Tainton 1976, p. 322; Maleny and District Centenary Committee 1978, p. 48. 672
Maleny Visitor Information Centre 2012, p. 27. 673
Willmott 2007, p. 23.
138
Butter was a way of storing the surplus generated by dairy herds and it did not require
refrigeration or smooth transportation routes. Despite the arduous journey along the
muddy road to Landsborough, Maleny had reasonable access to Brisbane and a market for
the butter that allowed the industry to thrive in the 20th Century.
The Maleny Cooperative Dairy was formed in 1903 and butter production increased over
twenty fold over the next 20 years.674 The town began to grow with many buildings
appearing between 1913 and 1916. Dairy farms like the Pattemore farm shown being
developed in Figures 22, 23, and 24, operated on the land that is now the Maleny
Community Precinct. These dairy farms were common to the region as Maleny became an
award-winning butter producer, exporting as far away as England.675
Figure 22. Pattemore family pit saw camp at North Maleny, 1907.676
674
Tainton 1976, p. 325. 675
Brisbane Courier 1911, ‘Trade, finance and pastoral’, 4 October, p. 3, viewed 10 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19723823>; Brisbane Courier 1913, ‘Butter awards’, 26 March, p. 5, viewed 10 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19866219>; Brisbane Courier 1914, ‘Rockhampton’ 20 June, p. 5, viewed 10 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19962522>; Brisbane Courier 1932, ‘Paucity of advertising’, 8 March, p. 8, viewed 10 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article21787863>. 676
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24561181/51301,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>.
139
Figure 23. Pit saw in use during construction of Pattemore family’s home ‘Fairview’, Maleny, ca 1908.677
Figure 24. Stan Pattemore and other family members with timber getters at Maleny, ca 1907.678
677
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24561393/167,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>.
140
The green hills of the dairy farms and the views from the heights of the Blackall Ranges
attracted tourists to the area once the road from Landsborough was improved in the 1920s.
Tourism was recognised as an important industry and projects to build amenities
followed.679 A movement to conserve native vegetation had already begun with reserves
being designated and prominent voices of the community speaking of the therapeutic
qualities of natural areas.680 This conservation movement was met with resistance in
suggestions that further development was necessary to guard against the threats to the
nation such as drought and foreign invasion.681 A long tradition of lively debate over how to
best manage the landscape was born and continues to this day.
Towards the end of the 20th Century, market forces and government policy saw the decline
of the dairy industry of the Maleny region.682 Farmers who could no longer afford to operate
dairy farms subdivided their land to meet the growing demand for residential property.683
As the population of the Sunshine Coast grew, Baroon Pocket was flooded to supply water
to the region. Concerned for the quality of life of the growing town, people of the Maleny
region organised to preserve the local scenery and protect the water quality in the Baroon
Pocket Dam. Many community organisations worked to maintain the character of the area
and community consultations by Council attempted to determine how best to manage the
changing landscape. Finding a balance between developing the infrastructure of a growing
town and preserving the natural elements of the landscape that are part of the character
and identity of the town was not easy. Division over how to best manage this landscape has
led to people taking action to express their views.
The quest for prosperity and the depletion of resources has shaped the landscape of the
Maleny region. Community participation has ensured that the residential and economic
development of the region has taken scenery, environmental health and quality of life into
account. The challenge for the future is to develop sustainable land management and
economic policies that do not perpetuate previous cycles of depletion and decline. A
678
Picture Sunshine Coast, viewed 1 March 2014, <https://sunshinecoast.spydus.com/cgi-bin/spydus.exe/FULL/PIC/BIBENQ/24561584/42440452,1?FMT=IMG&IMGNUM=1>. 679
Brisbane Courier 1926. 680
Rees 1922, p. 7. 681
Brisbane Courier 1927. 682
Dairy Australia, viewed 1 August, <http://www.dairyaustralia.com.au/Industry-information/About-the-industry/Deregulation.aspx>. 683
The Range News 1988, 16 December, p. 18; The Range News 1990, 22 June, p. 17.
141
landscape that can provide an economy, recreation, habitat for wildlife, and quality of life
depends on careful management. We all depend on a carefully managed landscape.
Everyone can participate in the shaping of their region in some way and, in the process,
develop their connection to the landscape, the community and a sense of identity.
Bunya Pine Walk: Environmental/cultural Interpretation
Bunyas and balds: Shaping the landscape and moving with it
The Indigenous people of this region had an effective and sustainable system for living
within the landscape. This Indigenous land-management regime comprised an interactive
combination of shaping the landscape and moving with its seasons. The landscape was
shaped by the use of fire to provide abundant food sources. Planned burning of the
landscape improved access to forests by removing undergrowth, aided hunting by
maintaining open, grassy areas to attract animals, and encouraged the regrowth of food
plants. Specific species of trees, grasses, and animals would be made to thrive or disappear
depending on the frequency, temperature, and direction of the fires that were lit. The
significant difference between this large-scale shaping of the landscape and the European
shaping that would follow is that Indigenous methods did not cause land degradation.
A local example of this landscape shaping is the repeated use of fire to maintain clearings in
the forest that are referred to as ‘balds’. Balds provided an abundance of grass and open
space that were suited for camping and for luring and hunting animals.684 Since traditional
fire regimes have discontinued in recent times, forests have begun to grow on these balds.
Baroon Pocket was a large clearing amidst the forest known for its abundance of native
grasses685 before it was flooded to create a reservoir for the local drinking water supply. This
area was most likely created to be used as a hunting ground and as a gathering place for
Bunya Festivals.
684
Gammage 2011, p. 70. 685
Tainton 1976, p. 320.
142
Bunya Festivals were a celebration of the abundant harvesting of the coveted nuts of the
Bunya tree. The Bunya Pine (Araucaria bidwilii) is a distinctive tree known to grow in only a
few areas of South East Queensland. It is one of the world’s oldest living plants, hailing from
the Jurassic age 165 million years ago. It is of great cultural significance to the Aboriginal
peoples of this region.686 Individual Bunya trees and balds had names and Indigenous elders
designated which were to be reserved for feasts. The bunya trees were considered sacred
and therefore were never cut;687 rather each tree was designated a caretaker who would be
the one to harvest the nuts and share them with others at the Bunya Festival.688
People came on foot from as far as 285 kilometres away689 to enjoy this cultural event. It is
estimated that thousands of people attended the Festival. The gatherings were an
opportunity to socialise with people from other areas, hold ceremonies such as initiations
and corroborees, settle disputes with fights, and share in the abundance of food the tree
had to offer every three years.690
Sharing was a social activity as well as an effective method of utilising food resources that
were abundant all at once and could not be stored for long periods. The balds that were
created around bunya gathering areas allowed room for such large gatherings and provided
increased and varied plant and animal food to supplement the feasting on the bunya
nuts.691
Movement with the seasons took advantage of the abundance of food available at different
times in different places and allowed the landscape to replenish what had been
consumed.692 This movement provided a balanced and sustainable food supply for
thousands of years.693 The landscape is said to have swarmed with kangaroos and wallabies
and streams abounded with fish and eels. In fruit seasons, there were many pigeons and
turkeys and in the Bunya season, there were enough nuts to feed thousands of people.694
686
Sunshine Coast Environment Council: An introduction to the flora of the Sunshine Coast, viewed 1
September 2014, <http://www.scec.org.au/our-environment/flora/\>. 687
Jones 1990, p. 21. 688
Petrie 1904, p. 16. 689
Tindale 1974, p. 125 690
Sullivan 1977, p. 34. 691
Gammage 2011, pp. 70-71. 692
Kelly 1990, p. 12-13; McCarthy 1996, p. 4. 693
Handt 1841, p. 1064, Moran 1894, p. 413 in Sullivan 1977, p. 7. 694
Kelly 1990, pp. 16-17.
143
Vegetable foods included yams, fern roots, cabbage palms, quandong, and yellow berries,
while meats included marsupials, lizards, snakes, yabbies, eels, fish, birds, insects, and
larvae.695 Spreading resources over large areas allowed for sharing of abundance with other
clans and meant less vulnerability to the fluctuations of nature. This made life comfortable
because people generally had plenty to eat and needed only work a few hours a day.696
Indigenous people took responsibility for guarding and conserving the environment for
present and future generations.697 Thousands of years of successful living in this landscape is
a testament to the effectiveness of the relationship the Indigenous people have had with
the natural world. To successfully live within this landscape into the future, we may need to
incorporate some of the ways the traditional people took care of this land, for these people
lived successfully for millennia.
695
Kelly 1990, appendix. 696
Gammage 2011, p. 4. 697
Edwards, W H 1990, An Introduction to Aboriginal Societies, Social Science Press, Wentworth Falls, NSW, pp. 46, 68.
144
Chapter 5: Discussion of new knowledge emerging from the research
How can the futures of the landscape-human dynamic at a local
level be envisioned in Maleny?
This chapter distils the information that has come from analysis of the data and
recommends how it can be applied to benefit the landscape and the human communities
interacting with it. Emphasis is placed on the idea that the key to sustainability is humans
understanding and appreciating how their actions affect their world.698
The key themes of resilience, complexity, and contestation are used to illustrate the
changing human-landscape dynamic regimes. The Maleny Community Precinct will function
as an experiential learning site around which community comes to explore not a hegemonic
narrative, but the elegance of a range of possible identities, all in dialogue and tension. This
will allow residents and visitors to make up their own minds about their identity and their
place within their environment based on a thorough examination and interpretation of the
human-landscape history.
Key findings of the research
Regimes of the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region
Indigenous regime
The Indigenous regime can be identified as one that sustained the biodiversity and stability
of the landscape. A complex interdependence between humans and the landscape
developed over thousands of years. The Indigenous modification of the landscape was of a
greater scale and level of complexity than Europeans have been able to recognise or
698
Slaughter 1996, pp. 4, 12; Sharpe 1977, p. 9; Hockings, Carter & Leverington 1998, p. 644; Grimwade & Carter 2000, p. 48.
145
comprehend. This human-landscape dynamic sustained comparatively low population
levels699 with minimal material possessions, infrastructure,700 or waste701 for thousands of
years. The complexity of this landscape management is described by Gammage:
Uncertain climate and nature’s restless cycles demanded myriad practices shaped and varied
by local traditions… alert to season and circumstance… Successfully managing such a diverse
material was an impressive achievement; making from it a single estate was a breathtaking
leap of imagination. 702
Similarly, Rolls notes that “One can scarcely exaggerate the extent of this management”.
With the judicious use of fire, the Aborigines cultivated a landscape that “looked superb”.
Spongy soil that “had a mulch of thousands of years” took in water quickly and released it
slowly, so streams in all the better rainfall areas kept a more certain flow. They were
successful in animal husbandry, and manipulated the fruiting of plants. “No other land had
been treated so gently”.703
This resilient regime shows little evidence of large-scale sustained contestation over land
use in the Maleny region. There is said to have been a “big fight” in the 1700s over Obi Obi
Creek territory, but this resulted in harmonious relations afterwards.704 Individual disputes
over territory were typically resolved through organised fights at various gatherings.705
Cooperation, sharing, and recognition of well-defined land-management boundaries appear
to have been the norm.706 The scale of the land management combined with cooperation
with distant groups meant that different clans could spread their resources over vast areas.
This enabled resiliency through adverse climatic conditions when allies, hundreds of
kilometres away, could engage in trade or offer refuge.707 Examples of this regime’s
699
Simpson 1844, p. 1132 in Sullivan 1977, p. 8. 700
Petrie 1904, p. 13; Tainton 1976, p. 14; Fraser 1837, p. 10 in Sullivan 1977, p. 5. 701
Tainton 1976, p. 16. 702
Gammage 2011, p. 2. 703
Rolls 1994 in S Dovers (ed.), pp. 22-25. 704
Langevad 1983, p. 61 cited in Jones 1997, p. 5. 705
Winterbotham nd, p. 8 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 27. 706
Petrie 1904, p. 17; Morwood 1975, p. 2, Lauer 1977, p. 8 cited in Sullivan 1977, p. 57; Radcliffe-Brown 1930, pp. 34-37, 61; Kelly 1990, p. 17. 707
Gammage 2011, p. 3.
146
strategic cooperation include the Bunya Festivals and collective harvesting of fish runs,
which were largely harmonious and celebratory social gatherings.708
The European arrival brought an abrupt change to the land-management regime. Both
cultures had systems of recognising designated territory and conflict arose when settlers
acquired land that had been managed by particular tribes for many years prior.709 The
cooperative Indigenous regime contrasted with the exclusive property rights and ownership
of the new European regime.710 Aborigines have been reported as initially being very
accommodating to Europeans;711 an oral history of Olga Webster, a Maleny resident since
1924, recalls accounts from her parents that the Aborigines “never caused any bother at
all”.712 A story from Hilda Penny, a Maleny resident since 1925, tells of how her
grandmother was fearful of the Aborigines circling her house while she was alone with her
baby. It was soon revealed that the Aborigines were simply concerned when they heard the
cries of the baby and wanted to make sure the child was alright; “they were very friendly”
she said.713
An oral history of Eddy Oehmichen, dairy farmer and resident of the Maleny region since
1917, tells of how when Aborigines passed through on their way to Bunya Festivals, “settlers
went in their huts, brought out their gun and just shut the door” and the policy was: “leave
them alone, they’ll leave you alone”. His story states that while there were no shootings of
Aborigines in his area close to Maleny; he recalls that many Indigenous people were shot
near Conondale.714
The resilience of Aboriginal people can now be recognised in their survival of this regime
change, and both their ability to adapt to modernity and simultaneous preservation of
language, customs and culture that prevailed in the earlier regime.
708
Sullivan 1977, pp. 34, 57. 709
McCarthy 1996, p. 9. 710
Petrie 1904, p. 118. 711
Jones 1997, p. 7. 712
Street, T 2013c, Olga Webster Oral history, 31:30. 713
Street 2013b, 3:00. 714
Street, T 2013a, Eddy Oehmichen oral history, 22:40.
147
Building regime: 1840s-1890s
The transition to a modern European landscape dynamic gave rise to a regime characterised
by building. As contestation over land use between the new Europeans and traditional
Aborigines over land use subsided, contestation for land ownership was managed by
government allocation of land to ‘selectors’. This regime encountered the complexity of
managing a landscape in which timber getters, pastoralists, and farmers each had their own
diverse needs from the landscape and these needs were not always compatible with each
other. For example, as resources such as timber began to diminish, contestation arose in the
early 20th Century over land being used for agriculture and pasture and land being reserved
for timber supplies. As mentioned in Chapter 2, pro-timber lobbyists of the time parodied
supporters of forest reserves for claiming the native vegetation was reaching ‘vanishing
point’ by referring to conservationists as having a “timber fetish”.715
These European settlers achieved a level of resilience in the face of a complex range of
adverse conditions. The violence of dispossessing an Indigenous culture, while obviously
much more devastating for the Aborigines, would have been a difficult era in which to live
as a settler. Eminent Australian historian Henry Reynolds describes the conflict over the land
as a situation in which “reprisal and revenge spiralled viciously”.716 Introducing species and
land-management practices that were often incompatible with the terrain, and the hard
labour of transforming the landscape, added to the challenge of establishing this building
regime. Ken Johnson, renowned for intercultural engagement and his work in protecting the
bilby from extinction, describes this building regime in the context of Australian
environmental history:
It is the history of a European encounter with a foreign place. It is a history of the slow and
painful building of experience, a process of trial and error where errors often dominated and
were very expensive. It is a process that will not end within any foreseeable future, because
of the limited ability of humans recently arrived on the continent to comprehend and adjust
to the place where they live.717
715
Brisbane Courier 1931, ‘Value of timber’, 17 October, p. 20. 716
Reynolds, H 1981, The Other Side of the Frontier, UNSW Press, Sydney, p. 163 717
Johnson 1996 in S Dovers (ed.), p. 39.
148
European land-use methods modified the landscape in a way that laid the foundations for
the land to support larger local and global populations. These populations were then able to
have more material possessions and infrastructure and therefore create the ability to store,
gather, and manage large amounts of natural resources and wealth. The transformation of
the landscape during this regime saw the advent of bridges, fences, railways, roads, farms,
buildings, and herds of introduced livestock. This was facilitated by an increasingly complex
system of laws that sought to dominate the landscape for the benefit of the productive
colony of Queensland.
Determinism
In conducting oral history interviews with Maleny-region farmers who were raised by the
first European settlers in the area, there was a recurring sense of deterministic resignation
to the inevitability of events that unfolded. This could be linked to what Peet refers to as
environmental determinism:
Environmental determinism was geography's contribution to Social Darwinist ideology,
providing a naturalistic explanation of which societies were fittest in the imperial struggle for
world domination… the diversion of science into legitimation ideology… to explain the
imperial events of late nineteenth and early twentieth century capitalism in a scientific
way… as a necessary stage in the evolution to a higher order of existence… The gaps in this
“science” were filled through the retention of (prescientific) religious and mystical ideas,
especially in the areas of human consciousness and social purpose.718
This anthropocentric conflation of a mystically predetermined environmental future with
the immutable laws of nature/physics may well have influenced the daily life of people
working on the land, as following these natural laws was a matter of survival. Robert
Hawkins, resident of Maleny since 1936 and employee of the Maleny butter factory, states:
718 Peet, R 1985, “The Social Origins of Environmental Determinism”, Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, vol. 75, no. 3, p. 310.
149
“dairy farmers had to look after the land to survive”.719 Following colonial government laws
was also a matter of survival if settlers wanted to keep the land on which they worked. Hilda
Penny recalls how her uncle was a selector and did not sufficiently clear his land so the
government seized it. He then went and earned enough money to return to the same piece
of land, clear it, and then take ownership.720
The power of the government could also be expected to cultivate a sense of determinism in
the culture of this era when considering the influence living amidst an authoritarian penal
colony would have had on notions of free will. As Eddy Oehmichen states: “We don’t own
our own land… bloody government own everything… take it if they like… wouldn’t get much
for it either… Can’t fight the government”.721
This was a regime about fundamentally and rapidly changing the landscape (a policy
enforced by law),722 introducing new species, and completely removing native ones. Under
these circumstances, change may have been considered inevitable. This is illustrated in
literature produced by the Maleny Cooperative Dairy Association:
The continued development of the Maleny Plateau on the Blackall Range, which commenced
with the cutting of an abundance of first-class timbers of various types, must, of necessity,
have turned to other avenues of exploitation of the rich natural resources.723
Inevitability is further expressed in Hilda Penny’s perspective: “Farming and clearing had to
be done”, and regarding protesting about land-use decisions she remarked: “got to move
with the times, times are changing all the time, you’ve just got to change”.724 As mentioned
in Chapter 2, the government policies that dictated the changes in the landscape were often
also frequently changed to suit the different stages of settlement.725 This degree of change
eventually levelled off to allow for a transition into maintaining the new landscape that had
been built.
719
Street, T 2013d, Robert Hawkins Oral history, 12:00. 720
Street 2013b, 5:30. 721
Street 2013a, 13:00, 35:50. 722
Queensland Parliament Statute Book, cited in Alcorn 2008, p. 42. 723
Maleny Cooperative Dairy Association Limited 1955, Golden Jubilee: 1905-1955, Maleny, Queensland, p. 1. 724
Street 2013b, 36:00, 22:30. 725
Symons & Symons 1994, p. 2.
150
Maintenance regime: The 20th Century
The regime that followed the establishment of an industrial European landscape dynamic
can be described as focused on maintaining the transformed landscape and the increasing
levels of productivity and prosperity of settlers that followed. The interaction of native and
introduced species and land-use methods that had developed in different landscapes
created complex reactions and problems. This dynamic was in contrast to the Indigenous
regime characterised by successful long-term practices without land degradation. Under the
maintenance regime, levels of biodiversity and landscape stability were declining,726 as is
evident in Olsen’s727 statement: “All remnants of original vegetation should be regarded as
valuable because the majority of the vegetation has been cleared or degraded”.728 This land
degradation729 parallels similar stories from the past in which civilisations rose and then fell
due to a diminished capacity for the landscape to support increased populations.730 In 2001,
Caloundra City Council’s State of the Environment Report emphasised this point by noting:
“The massive costs of dealing with land degradation problems accumulate and are passed
on to future generations”.731
This period is marked by a series of large-scale landscape modifications such as
deforestation, fruit cultivation, and the flooding of Baroon Pocket for a reservoir. However,
turbulent transitions internal to this maintenance regime occurred due to these degrading
landscape modifications. Soil erosion made waterways no longer navigable or habitable for
native species;732 valuable timber resources vanished;733 fruit industries depleted the soil of
nutrients;734 landslides rendered land unproductive;735 and drinking water supplies were
726
Willmott, W 1983, Slope Stability and its Constraints on Closer Settlement on the Mapleton-Maleny Plateau, Southeast Queensland, Geological Survey of Queensland, p. 14. 727
Dr Mike Olsen is a senior botanical consultant and director at Landscape Assessment, Management and Rehabilitation Pty Ltd. 728
Olsen 1993, p. 3. 729
Mary River and Tributaries Rehabilitation Plan, Mary River Catchment Coordinating Committee, Department of Natural Resources, 2001 Gympie Queensland, pp. 26-27. 730
Hughes 2000, p. 54. 731
Environment and Planning Policy Unit, Caloundra City Council 2001, p. 11. 732
Wilson 1992, p. 6; Stockwell, B 2001, Mary River and Tributaries Rehabilitation Plan, Mary River Catchment
Coordinating Committee, Department of Natural Resources, Gympie, Queensland, p. 27. 733
Dixon 2008, pp. 1-2. 734
Alcorn 2008, p. 21; Symons & Symons 1994, p. 28; Tainton 1976, p. 322; Maleny and District Centenary Committee 1978, p. 48. 735
Division of Land Utilisation, Department of Primary Industries, Landslip on the Maleny Plateau, Advisory Leaflet no. 45, reprinted from Queensland Agricultural Journal, March-April 1979, p. 7.
151
polluted with nutrients.736 The resilience of the residents of this landscape is apparent in the
adaptations people made in the face of a changing and degrading landscape. Industries such
as fruit production and forestry proved unsustainable and were largely abandoned; those
such as dairying and tourism, which could be maintained, were embraced.
To understand the thinking behind a human-landscape dynamic that led to land degradation
and the problems associated with it, it is useful to consider to what the degradation was
attributed. Oral histories conducted for this research show a tendency for people of this
regime to identify many causes for the degradation that are not associated with human
action.
When discussing the ongoing labour-intensive and costly problem of fighting introduced
weeds, Hilda Penny stated that you always have this problem because “birds carry the
seeds”.737 While this is a reality, it does overlook the initial cause: humans bringing flora
from other countries and introducing them locally. Similarly, Eddie Oehmichen attributed
the lack of wildlife in the region to how “the dingoes cleaned everything up”.738 Robert
Hawkins attributed landslips to heavy rainfall, and, while rainfall does significantly influence
the incidence of landslips, the human influence of vegetation clearance739 was not
mentioned as an instigator. Eddy Oehmichen had a familiarly deterministic opinion on
landslides, stating: “nothing you can do”.740 The results of senior geologist Warwick
Willmott’s reports from 1983 were presented to Mr Oehmichen which state that the lack of
tree roots and increased water table pressure from deforestation led to an increase in
landslides, and that the only likely way to mitigate the problem is to replace the natural
forest cover.741 Mr Oehmichen said he had never heard of the idea.742
This thinking that overlooks the root causes of environmental degradation—European
methods of landscape modification—is the product of a paradigm that has revelled in the
transition from religious worldviews to scientific ones. Tarnas describes this transition:
736
Aldridge & Traill 1997, p. 1. 737
Street 2013b, 15:30. 738
Street 2013a, 19:00. 739
Street 2013d, 12:30. 740
Street 2013a, 7:00. 741
Willmott 1983, pp. 14, 29. 742
Street 2013a, 7:00.
152
For when the titanic battle of the religions failed to resolve itself, with no monolithic
structure of belief any longer holding sway over civilization, science suddenly stood
forth as mankind's liberation—empirical, rational, appealing to common sense
and to concrete reality that every person could touch and weigh for himself.
Verifiable facts and theories tested and discussed among equals replaced dogmatic
revelation hierarchically imposed by an institutional church. The search for truth was
now conducted on a basis of international cooperation, in a spirit of disciplined curiosity,
with a willingness, even eagerness to transcend previous limits of knowledge.
Offering a new possibility of epistemological certainty and objective agreement,
new powers of experimental prediction, technical invention, and control of nature,
science presented itself as the saving grace of the modern mind. Science ennobled
that mind, showing it to be capable of directly comprehending the rational order of
nature.743
Recognising the impact on the landscape that has accompanied the scientific perceived
‘control of nature’ is part of Johnson’s “slow and painful building of experience”.744 What
can be gained from this building of experience is a further transition, this time from a
dominating, determinist and anthropocentric landscape dynamic745 to a participatory and
ecologically integrated landscape dynamic that recognises the complexity of human-
landscape interaction.746 David Orr stresses the importance of making this transition:
The most important discovery of the past two centuries is that we are joined in one fragile
experiment, vulnerable to happenstance, bad judgment, short sightedness, greed, and
malice. Though divided by nation, tribe, religion, ethnicity, language, culture, and politics,
we are co-members of one enterprise stretching back through time beyond memory, but
forward no further than our ability to recognize that we are, as Aldo Leopold once put it,
plain members and citizens of the biotic community. This awareness carries both an
imperative and a possibility. The imperative is simply that we ought to pay full and close
attention to the ecological conditions and prerequisites that sustain all life. That we seldom
743
Tarnas, R 2010, The Passion of the Western Mind: Understanding the Ideas That Have Shaped Our World View, Random House, London, p. 282. 744
Johnson 1994 in S Dovers, p. 39. 745
Hughes 2000, p. 143; Worster 1988, p. 17; Ponting 2007, pp. 117, 120-124. 746
Hughes 2000, p. 18; Ponting 2007, p. 8; Redman 1999, p. 38.
153
know how human actions affect ecosystems or the biosphere gives us every reason to act
with informed precaution. And, because of the scale and momentum of the human presence
on earth, it is utter foolishness to assert otherwise.747
Indications of anthropocentricism are apparent in the way people who farmed the land in
this maintenance regime speak about the landscape. The term ‘rubbish’, as mentioned in
Chapter 3, has often been used to describe vegetation that has no direct purpose for
humans.748 Similarly, removing riparian vegetation and debris from creeks was referred to
as “cleaning out”.749
Early incidences of less determinist behaviour involving participation in developing
government policy occurred through lobbying or by acting outside the law. Most of the early
attempts at exercising ‘free will’ came in the form of petitions to government and
newspapers for the development of better roads.750 The Archer brothers’ decision to start a
sheep run within the exclusion zone of the Moreton Bay Penal Colony was an example of
‘deciding one’s own destiny’. The exclusion zone being nullified the very next year was an
acknowledgement of the demand for land from settlers751 that the Archers’ defiance of law
demonstrated. These are seminal examples of contestation—moving from determinist
thinking to participatory action. While these actions were mostly concerned with improving
one’s own situation, it can be viewed as a step towards taking responsibility for the situation
at hand. This is a step in the direction of recognising the human impact on the landscape
and taking responsibility to mitigate the complexity of the negative consequences. As
mentioned in The need for conservation section of Chapter 2, mitigation of land degradation
gained momentum at the end of the 1800s and has been progressing ever since. This shift is
an act of maturation, moving from Elgin and Renesch’s ‘cultural adolescence’ to long-term
resilience.
747
Orr, D W 2005, “Foreword” in M K Stone & Z Barlow (eds.), Ecological Literacy: Educating Our Children for a Sustainable World, Sierra Club Books, San Francisco, p. ix. 748
Gibson, J 1982, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 1 October, pp. 1-2; Street 2013e, 18:00. 749
Street 2013a, 8:00. 750 Brisbane Courier 1894, ‘Caboolture Divisional Board’, 10 September, p. 7, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/3587022>; Brisbane Courier 1906, ‘Landsborough to Conondale, via Blackall Range’, 25 April, p. 6, viewed 2 May 2013, <http://trove.nla.gov.au/ndp/del/article/19446529>; Brisbane Courier 1906, ‘Blackall Range and Conondale roads’, June 27, p. 5, viewed 4 May 2013, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article19456639>. 751
Laverty 2009, p. 3.
154
Contestation began to build in the later stages of the 20th Century as land-management
issues in the growing region of Maleny grew more complex. Land started to be targeted for
property development as the dairy industry began to decline. Residents fought for the
protection of the few remaining tracts of native vegetation from the logging and mining
industries. This was the beginning of what this research describes as the ‘Maleny
dilemma’—managing the complexity of allocating land for flora and fauna conservation,
agriculture, recreation, and development so that a balance of prosperity, conservation, and
wellbeing can be achieved.
An increase in public participation in land-use planning amplified the contestation of the
Maleny dilemma. The case studies in this thesis covering the ‘chaos’ of the human-
landscape dynamic show how some residents perceived this contestation as a force that
“ripped the heart out of Maleny”752 and therefore have required resilience to overcome.
More complex issues with more voices and more awareness of the need to protect the
environment from degradation have given rise to a new regime for the new millennium. As
Olsen puts it: “Residents and visitors alike have altered in their environmental awareness
and are demanding greater protection of these assets”.753
Identity and landscape
As mentioned earlier in this chapter, creating social identity involves contestation, and so
these increased levels of contestation may be correlated with a greater need in the
community for a sense of identity. The role of the landscape in the Australian quest for a
sense of identity should not be underestimated. A historical background to this concept
provides context for the significance of the landscape and identity in the Maleny region.
Griffiths claims: “Australian history has always been suffused with a sense of the land and its
difference”.754 This can be attributed to the first settlers arriving in Australia with a desire
for land and space755 and freedom from the “old tyrannies of the Western World”.756 In the
752
Hickie, N 2004, ‘Woolworths protesters to have support in court today’, Sunshine Coast Daily, 28 April, p. 3. 753
Olsen 1993, p. 4. 754
Griffiths, T 2003, “The Nature of Culture and the Culture of Nature”, in H Teo & R White (eds.), Cultural History in Australia, UNSW press, Sydney, p. 71. 755
Lyons, M & Russel, P 2005, “Australia’s History: Themes and Debates”, UNSW Press, Sydney, p. 178.
155
quest to define a distinctive past that, according to Carter, all settler colonies undertake,
identifying with the new Australian landscape had the effect of “anchoring our immigrant
cultures, our anxious sense of home”.757 This led to a mythology that idolized the ‘bushman’
because of his ability to harmonize with the natural environment, something Australians
have been attempting to do since colonisation.758
According to Neuenfeldt, the core of Aboriginal cultural values is “the connection of land to
the life of the people”.759 The similar emergence of a connection to the landscape as the
core of colonial Australian cultural values has been argued to be, rather than a coincidence,
“an almost entirely mimetic relationship”.760 The adoption of the land mythology served the
purpose of creating distinctiveness when considering Williams’ assertion that “people
without land are people without identity”.761
There is a significant amount of evidence suggesting many people of the Maleny region
place great value on cultural identity. The Caloundra City Council Open Space Strategy public
consultation’s key issues included “acknowledging the importance of local heritage”.762
After the Caloundra Council amalgamated into the Sunshine Coast Regional Council, social
history programs were initiated in response to this interest in local heritage. A related key
issue in the consultation was “preserving the landscape and character of the area”,763 which
indicates the region’s synonymous notions of character, or identity, and landscape. The
“strong emphasis”764 placed by locals on protecting the visual and environmental
characteristics of the region was transferred to the goals of the Maleny Community Precinct:
756
Australian 1966, 14 January in Moore, K 2006, “The Beach, Young Australians and the Challenge to Egalitarianism in the 1960s” in C Hopkinson & C Hall (eds.), Proceeding Social Change in the 21st Century, Queensland University of Technology, Brisbane, p. 2. 757
Carter, D 1994, “Future Pasts”, in D Headon, J Hooton & D Home 1994 (eds.), The Abundant Culture: Meaning and significance in everyday Australia, Allen & Unwin, St Leonards, NSW, Australia, pp. 9-10. 758
Fiske, J, Hodge, B, & Turner, G 1987, “Myths of Oz: reading Australian popular culture”, Allen & Unwin, Sydney, p. 54. 759
Neuenfeldt, K 1993, “Yothu Yindi and Ganma: The cultural transposition of Aboriginal agenda through metaphor and music”, Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 38, p. 4. 760
Tompkins, J 2006, Unsettling Space Contestations in Contemporary Australian Theatre, Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp. 24-25. 761
Williams, N 1986, The Yolongu and Their Land: A System of Land Tenure and the Fight for its Recognition, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra, p. 232. 762
Caloundra City Council 2007, pp. 21-22. 763
ibid. 764
Caloundra City Council 2007, pp. 28-29.
156
The Precinct provides for the preservation, protection and rehabilitation of land to maintain
biodiversity, ecological processes, water quality, landscape character and community
wellbeing.765
Interest in preserving the character of the region as a way to retain a sense of identity has
been prolific in planning schemes, newspapers, and community activism. In the 1970s, there
was concern that increasing demand for rural residential land was changing the character of
the Blackall Range.766 This was followed by concerns that tourism would change the
character of the town.767 It was voiced by residents that the atmosphere and character of
the villages of the region are essential components of quality of life.768 To retain the region’s
character, residents suggested new developments should retain a high percentage of public
and agricultural land.769 These concerns were implemented through efforts to preserve the
character of the region. This is apparent in the development plan for buildings constructed
on the Porter’s Farm property (now part of the Maleny Community Precinct), in which an
embedded covenant states that units and houses would remain in keeping with the
character and ambience of Maleny, which dates back to the early 1900s.770 The Hinterland
Management Control Plan aims to maintain the character of the area,771 and the Policy on
Environmental Impact Statements recognised that the characteristics of a location
contribute to a sense of community.772 The Green Hills Fund was launched in 1995 as a way
for the public to be able to protect the farmland of Maleny from being subdivided and
developed.773 One of the primary objectives of the organisation was to “preserve the
existing rural charm of Maleny and district”.774 Green Hills has been active in preparing
submissions to government regarding land-use issues, engaging in tree planting activities,
and planning for the design of the Maleny Community Precinct, which included signing a
765
Caloundra City Council 2007, p. 23. 766
The Range News 1990, ‘Maroochy Shire Development Control Plan’, 17 August, p. 4 767
Whitehouse, H 1982, ‘Letters to the editor’, Maleny News, 17 September, p. 4. 768
The Range News 1992, ‘Blackall Range DCP’, 4 September, p. 2. 769
The Range News 1990, ‘Hinterland control plan submission’, 30 March, pp. 14-15. 770
The Range News 1993, ‘Porters Farm and Boral Gas’, 5 November, p. 15. 771
The Range News 1989, ‘Mayor speaks at chamber meeting’, 12 May, p. 3. 772
Caloundra City Council, Planning and Development Committee 1992, Policy on Environmental Impact Statements, p. 6. 773
The Range News 1995, ‘Maleny District Green Hills Fund’, 13 October, p. 15. 774
The Range News 1996, ‘Green Hills news’, 17 May, p. 8.
157
memorandum of understanding with Council.775 Green describes the contestation of these
issues in the context of ‘character’:
The Sunshine Coast has seen an ongoing struggle between developers, Council, State
Government and the public to determine the level of development and conservation that
would shape the character of the Sunshine Coast.776
The widespread concern for the preservation of the character and identity of the Maleny
region can be linked to the impacts the deregulation of the dairy industry had on the
community. Deregulation meant the discontinuation of regulated sourcing and pricing of
drinking milk in 2000777 in an effort to make the dairy industry more globally competitive.778
The overall impact was a decrease in the number of farms, continuing an industry trend that
had been occurring for over three decades.779
The significance of the dairy industry as part of the character and identity of the Maleny
region started with the cooperative butter factory in 1904. This establishment provided an
industry that opened up the region and allowed it to grow rapidly at the start of the 20th
Century. The success of the cooperative can be seen in its high output and in the multiple
awards for quality it won both locally and internationally.780 This success developed into the
problem of farmers producing an oversupply of milk in the second half of the 20th
Century,781 leading to a decline that was punctuated by deregulation at the start of the 21st
Century.
Oral histories indicate the impact the decline of dairying and the increase in property
development had on the Maleny region. Robert Hawkins mentions how before deregulation,
there were 280 dairy farms in the region and 13 years after deregulation there were 15
775
Memorandum of Understanding between Maleny District Green Hills Fund and Sunshine Coast Council 2011. 776
Green, E 2009, Green legends: People Power on the Sunshine Coast, Sunshine Coast Environmental Council Incorporated, Nambour, Queensland, p. 22. 777
Dairy Australia. 778
Courtney, P 2008, Skim Milk, viewed 1 August 2014, <http://www.abc.net.au/landline/content/2006/s2221259.htm>. 779
Dairy Australia. 780
Brisbane Courier 1911, 1913, 1914, 1932. 781
Australian Bureau of Statistics, The Australian Dairy Industry, viewed 1 August 2014, <http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/Previousproducts/1301.0Feature%20Article182004>.
158
farms remaining.782 Eddy Oehmichen comments on his area: “used to be 30 farms, there’s
three left… I had four or five neighbours, now I have 20… they wouldn’t know where the tail
of a cow was!”.783 Hilda Penny says she feels “down in the dumps… because there are so
few dairy farms left”.784 Olga Webster laments: “What used to be rolling hills, are now
covered in houses… I know it’s progress but at the same time it’s lost its rural atmosphere…
once upon a time you knew everyone… you really feel like a stranger in your own town”.785
Jean Larney recalls how when she was younger “everyone would mingle together, now they
don’t”.786
The sense of alienation that occurred when the dairy farms, which were integral to the
identity of the community, were subdivided and built upon was compounded by an
increasing population that was less familiar with each other. This kind of alienation from the
environment can be countered by the sense of belonging and identity that comes with
interactivity in communities.787 Community members can interact with the past and the
future and with each other when participating in heritage activities such as the interpretive
trail on the Maleny Community Precinct. This is because interpretation can develop in
people the empowerment and validation that accompanies a distinctive sense identity
gained by understanding the value and significance of their heritage and the place in which
they are situated.788
Modern sustainability regime
In recent times, the trend of environmental degradation has been acknowledged at many
levels. Governments and citizens have taken on the challenge of transforming the human-
landscape dynamic to one that can be sustained without the levels of land degradation
previously witnessed. The Sunshine Coast Regional Council has ambitious sustainability
782
Street 2013d, 3:00. 783
Street 2013a, 15:00. 784
Street 2013b, 8:00. 785
Street 2013c, 10:50. 786
Street 2013d, 24:29. 787
Steiner 1994 in D Aberley (ed.), p. 182. 788
Curthoys & Cuthbertson 2002, p. 225; Carter & Horneman 2001, pp. 61-68; Pearson & Sullivan 1995, pp. 106, 388.
159
targets and there are many organisations dedicated to land care in the Maleny region.789
Organisations include, but are not limited to: Barung Landcare, Find Another Batching Site,
Friends of Mary Cairncross Association, Green Hills, Lake Baroon Catchment Care Group,
Save Our Farmers From Extreme Legislation, Save The Upper Mary Valley Committee, The
Maleny and District Action Group, The Maleny Society, The Mary River Catchment
Coordinating Committee, and The Sunshine Coast Environment Council. The Maleny
Community Precinct is an example of the value, but also the challenges of trying to
incorporate public input and developing land use that caters to many of the needs of the
human-landscape dynamic: recreation, biodiversity and land reclamation, heritage, scenery,
and industries such as tourism.790
This approach of considering the needs of people and the landscape has contributed to the
formation of a new regime that is multiple and open, unlike previous hegemonic regimes.
This makes for more tension and confusion due to the complexity that goes with greater
awareness and participation. The new regime has the opportunity to use new knowledge to
assist in collaboration for creating balanced, sustainable futures. The ultimate test of
resilience for today’s society is whether a sustainable human-landscape dynamic can be
achieved before the level of land degradation becomes irreversible.
This research seeks to contribute to the new complex and contested process of participatory
land management by interpreting the history of the human-landscape dynamic to inform
the envisioning of future scenarios. The research is also intended to promote the
development and uptake of new participatory landscape visualisation technologies that can
facilitate futures planning.
The Maleny Community Precinct as a futures case study
Interpreting the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region is a case study of a
community that has struggled with the dilemma of how to connect to the landscape while
managing it rather than remaining separate from it. Different ideas of how to balance
94
The Sunshine Coast Regional Council Corporate Plan 2009-2014, viewed 4 June 2013, <http://www.sunshinecoast.qld.gov.au/addfiles/documents/council/scrc_corporate_plan.pdf>. 790
Caloundra City Council, 2007, p. 23.
160
economics and conservation have led to polarisation and participation to create preferred
futures. Adapting to changing policies and landscape conditions throughout history has
been essential to the survival of the region and will be a key issue for the future. Planning is
a format that can facilitate adaptation and shape the future of the landscape and the
community. Stroh suggests: “The failure of many policies in the past has been because they
have not involved sufficiently widespread participation in their production”,791 therefore
public participation is essential in the planning process.792 The Rio Declaration on
Environment and Development states: “Environmental issues are best handled with
participation of all concerned citizens… each individual shall have… the opportunity to
participate in decision-making processes”.793 In the Maleny region, there have
simultaneously been high degrees of participation and suggestions of high levels of
abstinence from the ‘silent majority’.
Encouraging public participation in developing future scenarios that is cooperative more
than divisive can be a path to creating sustainable futures. The interpretation of the human-
landscape dynamic being presented in the Maleny Community Precinct heritage trail will be
a foundational step in encouraging the public to participate generating sustainable future
scenarios. A further step can be to develop existing technologies that can create an
immersive and engaging comparative visualisation environment for planning landscape
futures. The demonstrated levels of concern for the landscape in the Maleny region suggest
that there is a demand for developing planning schemes that incorporate land-management
methods that have less detrimental impacts. This makes the Maleny region an ideal location
for the development of alternative landscape futures.
The potential for utilising technology to envision future alternatives with visual simulations
is reaching new dimensions. The University of the Sunshine Coast is developing technology
along the lines of Monash University’s Cave2TM, a world-leading capability for the display
and interactive exploration of rich and large scientific and engineering datasets, shown in
791
Stroh, M, “Employing Qualitative Methods in the Assessment of Environmental Policy” in Fairweather et al. 1999, p. 26. 792
Slaughter 1996, p. 4; Pettit, C J 2006, “Geographical Visualization: A Participatory Planning Support Tool for Imagining Landscape Futures”, Applied GIS, vol. 2, no. 3, Monash University Epress, p. 22.4; Craig, D & Jeffrey, M 2010, “Non-lawyers and legal regimes: Participation for ecologically sustainable development” in L Leary & B Pisupati (eds.), The Future of International Environmental Law, United Nations University Press, Tokyo, p. 104. 793
The Rio Declaration on Environment and Development 1992, 14 June, Principle 10, viewed 1 August 2014, <http://www.un.org/documents/ga/conf151/aconf15126-1annex1.htm>
161
Figure 25. The technology uses a matrix of digital monitors that surround observers with a
330° view so that they can visualise, manipulate and comprehend multi-dimensional images
including imagined synthetic landscapes.794 3D glasses and hand-held control devices
installed with location points allow the system to show where the user’s head and hands are
pointing and change what is displayed. This allows the user to interact with the objects on
the matrix of monitors as the view is modified to match the orientation of the user’s
head.795 Utilising this immersive technology to compare three dimensional envisioned
landscapes for futures alternatives is a direction for further research.
Figure 25. Participants engaging with a landscape in Cave2TM
at Monash University.796
Promoting awareness of the potential of this technology by creating a web link that can be
accessed on the interpretive signage of the Maleny Community Precinct interpretive trail
can be an effective way to engage the community in participatory action. This has the
potential to inspire people to embrace the new levels of complexity of our age and promote
resilience by becoming active in envisioning and creating future landscape scenarios. These
794
Barnes, D 2013, ‘Cave2’, Monash University Immersive Visualisation Platform, viewed 20 August 2014, <http://monash.edu/mivp/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=3&Itemid=104>. 795
Bentley, K 2013, ‘Putting the “Science” in “Science Fiction”—The Holodeck’, Ottawa Life Magazine 19 April, viewed 20 August, <http://www.ottawalife.com/2013/04/putting-the-science-in-science-fiction-the-holodeck/#sthash.S3ceoeJQ.dpuf>. 796
Research @ Cloud Monash, viewed 12 August 2014, <https://rcblog.erc.monash.edu.au/blog/2014/01/the-visualising-angkor-project-on-rcmon/>.
162
scenarios can be more sustainable and have the potential to maintain what we have and
perhaps even increase the biodiversity and stability of the land.
The interpretive trail web link would be a short video clip, accessed by QR code or other
image-recognition software, demonstrating members of government and
the public using the University of the Sunshine Coast’s facilities to engage in
the stimulating environment that comprises comparative visualisation of
future landscapes.
Conclusion
The answers to the questions of this thesis have been explored in detail and can be briefly
summarised with the following answers:
How is the natural and cultural history of the Maleny region reflected in the landscape?
The landscape of the Maleny region reveals the layered histories and contestations over
land use. It is a mix of protected remnants of native vegetation; pastures that supported the
dairy boom and the handful of dairy farms that remain; housing and infrastructure that
supports the growing population; tourist attractions; and outdoor recreation areas. Modern
land-use methods have resulted in prosperity and degradation. This has affected slope
stability, waterway integrity, biodiversity, soil volume and fertility, and water supply quality.
The government and the community are increasingly addressing these issues and taking
action to prevent and reverse degradation. The Maleny Community Precinct will continue to
develop as a mixed-use facility that encompasses elements of each of these major
landscape features and is therefore a location that depicts the region’s human-landscape
dynamic and is ideal for presenting an interpretation to visitors.
How can this best be interpreted to the public?
The interpretation will ideally represent a variety of natural and cultural heritage themes
categorised into historical regimes. Thematic links suited to this region include complexity,
contestation, and resilience and can be applied to develop an appreciation and connection
to the landscape. The interpretations should focus on developing interest and include
163
visitors to be more engaging and effective. Underlying goals should be to enhance a sense of
identity and desire to act sustainably. Displaying links to where visitors can learn more and
participate in creating landscapes of the future furthers the effectiveness of the
interpretation.
How can concepts drawn from futures studies be applied to the data to help create
preferred futures for the region?
Participation is integral to creating necessary change toward sustainability. Utilising ‘state of
the art’ technology for visualising future landscapes is an engaging way to motivate the
public to participate in future land-use decision making. Once involved, participants can be
introduced to futures concepts such as: ‘ideas about the future affect the present and
therefore the future is tangible’; ‘alternatives can be sought in terms of the probable, the
possible, the plausible and the preferable’; ‘notions of ‘truth’ are relative’; and ‘there is a
need to find a balance between economics and conservation’.
This thesis contributes to the body of knowledge that illustrates how now, more than ever,
expensive and irreversible impacts on the landscape resulting from human habitation are
becoming understood. Governments and the public now have the opportunity to take this
knowledge and apply it to planning a sustainable future. This research is an attempt to
increase levels of understanding of the human relationship with the landscape and motivate
people to improve that relationship for the long-term survival of all life on this planet.
[We] must never stop thinking and dreaming the materials of new tomorrows, for
[we have] no choice but to dream or to die.797
797 Polak 1973, p. 21.
164
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Human Research Ethics
Appendix 1.
Research Project Information Sheet
Project Title
Interpreting the human-landscape dynamic in the Maleny region.
Investigators
Troy Street (HDR Student) Dr R W Carter (Supervisor)
Background
The Sunshine Coast Council plans to give greater emphasis to interpreting their park estate known as the Maleny Community Precinct by constructing a recreational and interpretive trail within the Precinct. With their sustainability vision, the Council is seeking guidance on how to focus interpretation towards providing a strong sustainability message using the landscape and its features to stimulate personal and community reflection on the drivers of unsustainable change and the implication of today's actions on the future. This research will undertake document analysis combined with a series of recorded oral history interviews.
Research Purpose
The purpose of the interviews is to fill the gaps of historical knowledge that exist regarding the human relationship with the landscape in the Maleny region. Drawing on the experiences of residents who have been involved in the landscape for extended periods will provide insight into the specific area of this research.
Participant Experience
Participation in the study is voluntary and participants may withdraw at any stage, without explanation and there will be no consequences as a result.
The interviews will take place in a setting that suits the interviewee. An explanation of the research project, the interview and its eventual use will be provided prior to the recording. Questions will be asked about the interviewee’s perspectives on land use in the Maleny region, memories of circumstances in the past that have since changed or have stayed the same. Questions will be tailored to the individual and what parts of history they will prefer to focus on.
Duration
Subjects will be asked to volunteer 30-60 mins of their time to participate in this study.
Risks
The only risks involved are that the interviewee may experience some discomfort from discussing memories or may make statements about others that could be considered defamatory. The
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interviewer will ensure these risks will be nullified by being sensitive to the content being discussed and steering the interview away from topics that may elicit such responses.
Results
Once the results have been analysed, the findings will be used contribute to a Masters Thesis exploring the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region which will inform the heritage trail interpretive signs that will be placed on the trails of the Maleny Community Precinct. The interview recordings will remain the property of The Sunshine Coast Regional Council and be accessible to researchers through the heritage library.
Confidentiality
While the identity of the interviewee is relevant to the research and it is common practice to attach names to oral histories, if the participant wishes to remain anonymous then that request will be accommodated and there will be no identification of the participant.
Complaints
If you have any complaints about the way this research project is being conducted you can raise them with the Principal Researcher or, if you prefer an independent person, contact the Chairperson of the Human Research Ethics Committee at the University of the Sunshine Coast: (c/- the Research Ethics Officer, Office of Research, University of the Sunshine Coast, Maroochydore DC 4558; telephone (07) 5459 4574; facsimile (07) 5430 1177; email [email protected]).
Contact
Troy Street (Chief Investigator)
Faculty of Arts and Business
University of the Sunshine Coast
Phone: 0406 113 468
Email: [email protected]
The Researchers and the University would like to thank you for your interest in this project and appreciate the effort involved.
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Appendix 2.
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Appendix 3.
Interpreting the human-landscape dynamic of the Maleny region interview questions
What is your name?
How long have you lived in the Maleny region?
What has been your involvement with the land? What has that been like for you?
What are some of the changes in the landscape you have noticed in your time there?
Are there any stories you have heard—either recent or from long ago—about people working with the land that you can share?
What do you think about how the land has been managed in the area?
What were the significant influences on how the landscape was shaped?
What have you learned from observing the way people interact with the land?
What is important to consider when interacting with the landscape?
How do you imagine the future of the area unfolding?
What would you like to see happen in the future in the region?
These questions are a guide to start out with and return to when and if relevant; questions will be modified and tailored to fit in with the direction the participant proceeds in, while simultaneously being steered in a direction relevant to the theme of human-landscape interaction.
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Appendix 4.
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