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Name: __________________ Introduction to the Zapatistas Context: The Zapatistas of Chiapas In the southernmost corner of Mexico, there is a beautiful and extraordinary place that is called Chiapas. One of Mexico’s 31 states, Chiapas is probably the greenest of them all, with lush vegetation and stunning landscapes over 74,415 square kilometers of land, and the most biodiversity of any state. Agriculture is the most common form of work, with crops such as coffee, corn, beans, sugar, and cattle ranches being the most common. Within this beautiful state live diverse people, including at least 56 distinct linguistic groups. The largest major indigenous groups are the Tzotzils, Tzeltals, Ch’ol, and Zoques. Many of these groups are descendants of the Maya and Mokaya civilizations; Chiapas has been inhabited since 7000 BC. Indigenous groups have kept their culture, traditions, and languages alive despite the many threats from outside of their communities. As is true for much of Latin America, the indigenous people of Figure 1: Agua Azul, beautiful site in the Chiapan jungle
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Page 1: Intro to Zapatistas (collected).docx · Web viewName: _____ Introduction to the Zapatistas Context: The Zapatistas of Chiapas In the southernmost corner of Mexico, there is a beautiful

Name: __________________

Introduction to the Zapatistas

Context: The Zapatistas of Chiapas

In the southernmost corner of Mexico, there is a

beautiful and extraordinary place that is called Chiapas.

One of Mexico’s 31 states, Chiapas is probably the

greenest of them all, with lush vegetation and stunning

landscapes over 74,415 square kilometers of land, and

the most biodiversity of any state. Agriculture is the most

common form of work, with crops such as coffee, corn,

beans, sugar, and cattle ranches being the

most common.

Within this beautiful state live diverse people, including at least 56 distinct linguistic

groups. The largest major indigenous groups are the Tzotzils, Tzeltals, Ch’ol, and Zoques.

Many of these groups are descendants of the Maya and Mokaya civilizations; Chiapas has

been inhabited since 7000 BC. Indigenous groups have kept their culture, traditions, and

languages alive despite the many threats from outside of their communities. As is true for

much of Latin America, the indigenous people of

Chiapas have suffered oppression, injustice, racism and

marginalization as a result of colonialism. After Spain

left, and colonialism ended, colonial landowning

patterns continued, with a small number of rich people

controlling much of the farmable land, with Indigenous

populations working near-slavery conditions. Due to

the fact that much of Chiapas is jungle and dense forest,

many groups remained isolated from Spanish influence

and development. Over time, much of the forest has been cleared for cattle ranches, and the

majority of land is owned by few families and companies, yet worked by indigenous

peoples for poor wages. Over time, poverty increased, while access to basic services like

running water, and schools, decreased.

Figure 1: Agua Azul, beautiful site in the Chiapan jungle

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The indigenous groups have consistently resisted and rebelled against Spanish and

Mexican efforts to control and oppress them, particularly in regards to their rights to keep

their land, religion and culture. Rebellions broke out in towns, and people have migrated to

find work and forcibly took over farms and land owned by wealthy landowners. After the

Mexican, Revolution, some land was returned to indigenous groups, to form ejidos, or

communal land that was farmed together. Yet,

over time, this land was taken back by larger

companies and many indigenous were forced to

migrate to find work, food and better living

conditions. In the 1960’s and 70’s, groups began

to more aggressive take over land and town halls

in protest of injustice. In 1974, Samuel Ruiz, the

Catholic bishop of the Diocese of Chiapas-

organized a state wide "Indian Congress" with

representatives from the Tzeltal, Tzotzil, Tojolabal and

Ch'ol peoples from 327 communities. They organized together to demand more political,

economic and social rights. People want basic things like jobs, land, schools, hospitals,

electricity and running water, as well as more power and voice in their governments. This

became the beginning of the Zapatista Movement. In 1983, the group formed and began

working for indigenous rights and land reform.

Important statistics about Chiapas in 1994:

Approximately 70% of people live in poverty, with some regions with large

Indigenous populations soaring to 90%

19% of the work-force of 1.12 million in Chiapas is

without any income; another 40% earn less than the

federally mandated minimum wage of $3.33 per day

Chiapas produces 55% of Mexico's hydroelectric energy,

20% of the nation's electricity, yet 7 out of 10 homes are

without electricity.

Figure 2: Percent of people living in poverty in Mexico

Figure 3: Indigenous women work on an ejido or a collectively farmed land. Though many more families and pueblos were given back ejidos after the Revolutionary War, just like Native Americans on Reservations, the land given was often the poorest in condition.

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In 1990, only 58.4% of the households in Chiapas had running water

1/3 of the population is without any access to health care.

80% of the children suffer from malnutrition; on average 1,500 deaths occur each

year from curable diseases.

Until the early 1980s, Indians were not allowed on the sidewalks of the major city

San Cristobel de Las Casas.

Sixty percent of school-age children were unable to attend school and the illiteracy

level is 30%. In some communities, the adult illiteracy rate is 60%.

While across Mexico 7.5% people speak an Indian language, in Chiapas this figure

stands at 26.4%; moreover, between 30-40% of the Indians don't speak Spanish at

all. Mexican schools teach in Spanish only.

The bishop of San Cristobal, Samuel Ruiz, has estimated that in 1993 alone 15,000

Indians died of hunger, disease, and violence.

1) What injustices existed in Chiapas?

2) In what ways is the situation in Chiapas similar to other contexts of injustice we

have studied?---consider Nigeria, India, South Africa, the U.S

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Strategy #1: Violent Rebellion: Enough is

enough!

In 1994, a guerrilla group came down from

the Lacondan jungle of Chiapas and announced the

beginning of a revolution: the Zapatista revolution.

They demanded better rights for the indigenous population, in terms of work, land,

health, education, dignity, and respect. Especially, they demanded the land reform of the

1917 Mexican Constitution that promised the return of indigenous lands to the

indigenous people, greater autonomy for their communities, and greater benefit from

their own natural resources. They were tired of the way they had been treated by

society and by the Mexican government and their message to them was: Basta! ‘Enough

is enough.’

To show their power, the Zapatistas took over six towns by force, including the

town of San Cristobal de las Casas. They had about 3,000 fighters, and barely had

enough guns and machetes to arm everyone. They ransacked town halls and burned

land deeds. They destroyed 10 government offices, freeing 179 prisoners then

attacking an army garrison. In one town they shot down an army helicopter, and

torched the town hall before quietly slipping back into the jungle. The timing for the

international “audience” was crucial, coinciding with the controversial introduction of

the North American Free Trade Agreement.

People were paying extra attention to Mexico. It

didn’t take long for the Mexican government to

fight back. On January 4th, ten towns near San

Cristobal were bombed by the Mexican military,

killing 400 people. Firefight lasts for 12 days,

killing 145 people. However, the Zapatistas

already had gained a great deal of support.

1. What strategies did the Zapatistas use here, to gain power?

Figure 5: Mexican military encampments in Chiapas-by the second week of the rebellion, 10-15,000 soldiers had been moved into Chiapas.

Figure 4: Zapatistas in front of their flag (EZLN: Ejercito Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional or Zapatista Army of National Liberation)

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2. What are the benefits of those strategies?

3. What are the risks and drawbacks?

4. Given the context, do you think these strategies were wise choice?

5. What were the effects of these actions?

Strategy #2: Non-Violence: Protest, Negotiation

In the days after the rebellion, some 100,000 people

gathered to protest in Mexico City, yelling, "we are all

Zapatistas". The Mexican army, apparently caught off-

guard by the fighting, countered soon after New Year's

Day, pushing the rebels out of the towns they had

seized. However, because the Zapatistas were able to gain so many supporters and allies

across the world, and the world was watching, the government decided to end their use of

violence in response to the Zapatistas. "Without that broader popular support, the

government would have destroyed them in the most violent way," says Blanche Petrich, a

journalist with La Jornada newspaper.

Figure 6: Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatistas in the Lacondan jungle of Chiapas

Figure 7: More than 100,000 people gathered to protest in Mexico City

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The Zapatistas invited a delegation of 6,000 people from all over Mexico to meet at the

National Democratic Convention, in rebel territory in order to form a political branch of

their movement. At this time, the Mexican government is in a chaotic state, both

economically, but also due to their handling of the Zapatistas, several high-ranking officials

resign.

The Zapatistas take over more land, occupying more than 1/3 of the state of Chiapas, and

declare these areas 38 autonomous Zapatista towns. In response, the Mexican military

again invaded Zapatista territory, forcing more people to flee towns for the mountainous

jungle. The military maintained a large army in Chiapas during this period continuing to

harass the indigenous population- including well-documented rapes and killings. In

addition, a paramilitary group-a military group separate from the Mexican government, but

funded and supported by the government, begins to harass Zapatistas. The purpose of this

army was to intimidate the Zapatistas to make sure they didn’t rise up again.

Peace negotiations followed a ceasefire. The group pressed for indigenous autonomy over

traditional territories, and better access to health, education, justice, democracy and land.

The Catholic Church mediated the peace talks between the Zapatistas and the government.

With much celebration and relief, the Mexican government and the Zapatistas signed the

San Andres Accords in 1996, however the peace talks break down

because the government does not implement the agreements.

They pretended they would enforce them, but they really did

nothing. The Mexican Congressional Peace Commission drafts an

indigenous rights law that gives indigenous more control over

local governments and resources, yet it does not pass. In a town

called Acteal, in Chiapas, a paramilitary group massacres 45

Zapatista supporters, mostly women and children, in one of the most brutal killings in

recent Mexican history. Low-level warfare continues in

Chiapas, as Mexican military invades towns, arrests

suspected Zapatistas, and forces human rights observers to

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leave Chiapas. The Zapatistas organized protests across Chiapas, and in Mexico City, in

response to continued government repression.

1. What strategies did the Zapatistas use here, to gain power?

2. What are the benefits of those strategies?

3. What are the risks and drawbacks?

Strategy #3: Provide a Better Alternative

Caracoles: Zapatistas Make Their Own Government

In 2003, the Zapatistas took matters into their own hands

and established their own autonomous—or self-

governing, communities in parts of Chiapas. Within

these communities, they set up schools for the

children, healthcare clinics, irrigation systems and

even their own local governments, where members of

the community could take turns in the official decision

making of their home town. Their local governing

boards care called “Juntas” (gatherings) and the towns

Figure 9: Zapatista woman in front of a Zapatista community clinic

Figure 8: Zapatista-run schools

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are called “Caracoles” (sea-shells). The symbol of the caracol comes from Mayan culture—

the places in communities where people would meet up to make decisions were called

caracoles. They also call their government “Good Government”, to contrast with the “bad

government” that is the corrupt Mexican government. Zapatista communities are entirely

autonomous, meaning they produce and grow all of their food, make all of their clothes and

household goods, grow medicines, and buy goods only from Zapatista markets, thus they

do not participate in the Mexican capitalist economy.

The Caracoles are cooperative, truly democratic villages, totally run by the Zapatistas. As

one town member said, “Collective work is the motor of the process. Everything from

farming, schools, crafts and politics are down collectively—together as a group process.

”Women are given equal respect to men, and everyone has an

opportunity to work and to eat, not just a few rich people. Both

men and women do all work and care. When there is a

disagreement, the Zapatistas have their own courts, where the

trial is held in the local languages, rather than Spanish, which

few people speak. Because of the fairness of the Zapatista

justice system, they are gaining a good reputation in many parts

of Chiapas. When a conflict arises between a Zapatista and a

resident of another area, both people will often agree to go to

the Zapatista court because they know that it is fair. “This an

example of how to rule without discrimination," says Alvarez.

1. What strategies did the Zapatistas use here, to gain power?

2. What are the benefits of those strategies?

3. What are the risks and drawbacks?

Figure 10: Signs such as this are all over Chiapas. It reads " you are in Zapatista territory, here the town/people give orders, and the government obeys. Meeting of good government. Central heart of the Zapatistas in front of the world.

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4. Given the context, do you think these strategies were wise choice?

Strategy 4: Imagery & Iconography

a. Who is in charge of the Zapatistas?

The Zapatistas are led by a group of people, not an individual. They believe that it is

important that many people work together to make decision. They also believe that women

and men are equal. This is very rare for an army or movement, which are often only

controlled by men. They call the main leaders “comandantes”

(commander) and under that “subcomandantes”. (subcommander).

Little is known about Comendante Ramona, who was born in a

Tzotzil Maya community in 1959, but she is one of the most

important leaders of the movement. Toting a gun and wearing a ski

mask and traditional clothing, she led a company of soldiers in the

takeover of San Cristobal Comendante Ramona also was one of the

authors of the Revolutionary Women’s Law. This set of 10 rules includes rights for women

to be educated and work, to receive fair wages, and to be free from

violence. Later, Ramona helped found the National Indigenous

Council. She became a symbol of equality and dignity in the fight for

indigenous women’s rights.

Subcomandante Marcos is the most famous of the Zapatista leaders.

Little is known about Marcos, as he does not discuss his identity or

life much. It is thought he comes from a middle-class family in

Tamaulipas, Mexico, and later studies philosophy in Mexico City.

Figure 11: Comandante Ramona

Figure 12: Subcomandante Marcos

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There, he became radically political. Years later, he traveled to the Lacondan jungles of

Chiapas, to try to convince the peasants to organize a revolution against the Mexican

government. His image has become iconic—he is always seen smoking a pipe, wearing a ski

mask, and military gear, and brandishing a gun with a Revolutionary War-era bullet vest

that does not match the model of his gun. The name, “Zapatista” comes from Emeliano

Zapata, the peasant leader during the Revolutionary war who fought for land reform.

b. What do the Zapatistas wear?

The Zapatistas wear traditional indigenous clothing to show their pride in their distinct

cultures, as well as their resistance to European and American cultural influence. They also

wear ski masks and bandanas to protect

their identities and to show that they are

angry at the way things are—it is a

recognizable symbol of rebellion and

resistance. In addition, the ski masks also

add mystery and curiosity to them, which

has increased the number of newspapers

who cover their stories.

Marcos has given the following reasons as

to why he, and other Zapatistas wear the masks:

““The main reason is that we have to be careful that nobody tries

to be the main leader. The masks are meant to prevent this from

happening.”

“I will take off my ski mask when Mexican society takes off its own

mask, the one it uses to cover up the real Mexico…. And once they

[Mexicans] have seen the real Mexico—as we have seen it—they

will be more determined to change it.”

Figure 13: Zapatista young women in traditional dress

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In addition, Marcos and the Zapatistas take elements of their iconography from

Revolutionary leaders like Emiliano Zapata, Che Guevara, as well as pop-culture Heros like

Zorro, and Mexican Lucha Libre. In Chiapas, one can find Zapatista dolls, posters, t-shirts

and other items, which increase awareness and popularity of the Zapatistas and also raises

much needed money for their cause.

c. Gaining Allies

From the beginning of their movement, it has been very important to gain international

support for their cause. In the summer of 1994, the Zapatistas held the National Democratic

Convention, inviting Mexicans to dialogue, and a year later, in 1995; they invited people

from all over the world to dialogue and vote at the “consulta.” Over 1 million people voted

on what they thought the Zapatista demands should be. Based on their votes, they decided

on 6 themes: Indigenous Rights and Culture; Democracy and Justice Welfare and Development;

Reconciliation in Chiapas; Rights of Women in Chiapas; and, finally, the Cessation of Hostilities. In

July and August of 1996, thousands of people from all over the world came to Chiapas for the first

“encuentro”-or meeting, and the “Schools for Chiapas” is born. Many journalists documented the

meeting, and since then numerous international meetings have been held. Also, across the world,

protests continue to show support for the Zapatistas.

The Zapatistas successfully used the Internet, as well as the media

to gain allies and support. All communications, speeches and

declarations that they Zapatistas made were published online

for the world to read. "They had a lot of imagination and

successfully used the Internet and new communications

technology," says a professor named Flores. The Zapatista’s

use of the media, the Internet and gaining allies across the world helped their movement

gain force and respect. Additionally, the Zapatistas wanted "to listen and learn about

everyone’s struggles,” which shows their focus on creating a just and democratic

movement. Finally, they want to create what they call "a world where many worlds fit",

which means a world where people can be different and live in peace. Many people, in

Figure 14: 2007 International "Encuentro"

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Mexico and around the world, were inspired

by these Zapatista ideas. The Zapatistas have

also entered popular culture thanks in part to

the support it has received from bands such as

Rage Against the Machine, Anti-Flag, Dead

Prez, Immortal Technique, and Manu Chao.

Several books and movies have also been

made about the Zapatistas.

Pick one of the above sections (a, b or c). Answer the below questions about it:

1. What strategies did the Zapatistas use here, to gain power?

2. What are the benefits of those strategies?

3. What are the risks and drawbacks?

Effects: What changed because of the Zapatistas?

Directly after the 1994 uprising, about 500,000 hectares of land were given back to the

indigenous people. This was a direct result of the Zapatistas taking over that land. On a

local level, this was a huge win: now the Zapatistas had healthy land where they could

control their own lives. On a national level, the government signed the San Andreas

Accords; even though these new laws were not put into effect, even getting them signed

will help with later actions, as it gives legitimacy to their movement.

In the Zapatistas' communities, populated by an estimated 100,000 indigenous supporters,

poverty is still widespread. Key activists, who say they have struggled for a better world for

the past seventeen years, still cannot afford shoes for their kids, forcing them to walk and

work barefoot in the mud. However, they have gained the dignity of self-rule and control of

their lives.

Figure 15: Pro-Zapatista march/protest in San Francisco

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However there have been tangible, material successes, not just advances in dignity and

other abstract concepts. Pablo Gonzalez Casanova, the former director of Mexico’s largest

university UNAM, conducted a public health study comparing Zapatista communities in

Chiapas to their non-Zapatista counterparts. Zapatista health providers extended coverage

to 63 per cent of all expectant mothers, double the average for non-Zapatista communities

in the area. Seventy-four per cent of Zapatista homes have access to toilets, as opposed to

54 per cent in non-Zapatista homes. Zapatista communities also have significantly better

statistics for infant mortality (death of babies) than other rural areas in Chiapas.

"The position of women in the communities has increased greatly," Petrich says. "They

used to be kept in the margins, basically treated like domestic animals. Now the role they

play is crucial. This is not a minor result," she says. She added that the Zapatistas have also

made major improvements in education.

The Zapatistas managed to light the fire of resentment boiling within Mexico. However,

some people believe the Zapatistas "did not go as far as they expected". Even twenty years

to the day after the first shots were fired, the legacy of the movement remains unclear. A

popular Zapatista slogan, plastered on posters around their communities, demands

"everything for everyone, nothing for ourselves". While their progress might not be global

yet, for the people who live there, it makes a huge difference. For people around the world,

it means that change can be made through the work of dedicated, humble and idealistic

people.


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