Notes Introduction 1. For the history and development of the notion of police, see Neocleous 2000. Chapter 1 1. In a section of the novel that connects two land stories (Rulfo 1990, 102–12), end- ing with the anonymous voices of the displaced (110–12), Pedro decides to marry Dolores Preciado in order to pay off his debts, while Toribio Aldrete challenges the unlawful expropriation of his lands by unsuccessfully referring to the legitimacy of traditional property rights. Pedro refuses the existence of preexisting property laws (“What laws, Fulgor? From now on we make the law” [107]). This double tale of expropriation, in which the land is violently individualized, is the point at which Comala slowly begins to change into a land of shadows, ghosts, and echoes of previ- ous life-forms: “The sky was still blue. There were a few clouds. The breeze was still blowing up above, but down here it was becoming hotter” (107). 2. See Susana San Juan’s rejection of her biological father (Rulfo 1990, 153), spiritual father (162; 185), and Pedro Páramo (165). 3. The episode hinges on the indeterminate relation between the two Greek words for freedom: eleutheria (liberty, license) and exousia (authority, jurisdiction, liberty). See Derrida (2005, 22). 4. See Nancy (“Abandoned,” 43–44) and Agamben (1998, 29). 5. For mythic violence, see Benjamin (1996, 248–49). 6. See Schmitt (1976, 26). 7. For more information, see Loveman (1993, 89). 8. For the extraordinary power concentrated in the office of the Mexican presidency, see Meyer (2000, 51). 9. Adolfo Gilly establishes a direct link between the history of Mexican radical liberal- ism (in particular, Ricardo Flores Magón’s turn to anarchism in the years preceding the Mexican Revolution) and the language of the 1917 Constitution. See Gilly (2005, 51, 115–18, 186–7). Also see MacLachan (1991). For the relation between the Constitution and the colonial “Leyes de Indias,” see Krauze (Biography, 25). 10. Consider the effects of the economic meltdown of 1982 and the end of the regime of import substitution; the emergence of technocratic neoliberalism at the heart of the PRI state; the postearthquake elections of 1988, stolen by the PRI; the
Transcript
Notes
Introduction
1. For the history and development of the notion of police, see Neocleous 2000.
Chapter 1
1. In a section of the novel that connects two land stories (Rulfo 1990, 102–12), end-ing with the anonymous voices of the displaced (110–12), Pedro decides to marry Dolores Preciado in order to pay off his debts, while Toribio Aldrete challenges the unlawful expropriation of his lands by unsuccessfully referring to the legitimacy of traditional property rights. Pedro refuses the existence of preexisting property laws (“What laws, Fulgor? From now on we make the law” [107]). This double tale of expropriation, in which the land is violently individualized, is the point at which Comala slowly begins to change into a land of shadows, ghosts, and echoes of previ-ous life-forms: “The sky was still blue. There were a few clouds. The breeze was still blowing up above, but down here it was becoming hotter” (107).
2. See Susana San Juan’s rejection of her biological father (Rulfo 1990, 153), spiritual father (162; 185), and Pedro Páramo (165).
3. The episode hinges on the indeterminate relation between the two Greek words for freedom: eleutheria (liberty, license) and exousia (authority, jurisdiction, liberty). See Derrida (2005, 22).
4. See Nancy (“Abandoned,” 43–44) and Agamben (1998, 29). 5. For mythic violence, see Benjamin (1996, 248–49). 6. See Schmitt (1976, 26). 7. For more information, see Loveman (1993, 89). 8. For the extraordinary power concentrated in the office of the Mexican presidency,
see Meyer (2000, 51). 9. Adolfo Gilly establishes a direct link between the history of Mexican radical liberal-
ism (in particular, Ricardo Flores Magón’s turn to anarchism in the years preceding the Mexican Revolution) and the language of the 1917 Constitution. See Gilly (2005, 51, 115–18, 186–7). Also see MacLachan (1991). For the relation between the Constitution and the colonial “Leyes de Indias,” see Krauze (Biography, 25).
10. Consider the effects of the economic meltdown of 1982 and the end of the regime of import substitution; the emergence of technocratic neoliberalism at the heart of the PRI state; the postearthquake elections of 1988, stolen by the PRI; the
194 ● Notes
founding of the opposition Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD); the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994; the unexpected eruption onto the political scene of the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional and the assassination the same year of PRI presidential candidate Luis Donaldo Colosio; mass migration; the virtual collapse of the PRI government during the presidency of Ernesto Zedillo; the electoral crisis of 2006 and the announcement of the war on drugs in the months following.
11. Juárez, Madero, Carranza, Villa, and Zapata all presented themselves as saving the law in the name of the nation. In its current guise, however, saving the law is carried out not in the name of technological modernization but in the name of democracy and the interests of international capital. See Salinas de Gortari (2002, 315–38).
12. Fox was actually implementing the policies first proposed by the neoliberal wing of the PRI during the presidency of Salinas (1988–94).
13. The Femospp was created to investigate the crimes detailed in a report published in November 2001 by the National Commission for Human Rights (CNDH). Its legal framework was provided by Articles 16, 20, 21, and 102 of the Constitu-tion. These articles deal primarily with questions of due process: the existence and administration of judicial procedures for arrest and detention; the regulation of procedures designed to guarantee the right to a fair trial by jury; the right to the prosecution of penalties exclusively by the judiciary, as opposed to other branches of the executive; or the responsibility of the attorney general and his office to obey the provisions of the law and to accept responsibility for every offense, omission, or violation they may incur in the discharge of their duties.
14. Fox appointed staunch Echeverría loyalists Adolfo Aguilar (national security advi-sor), Juan José Bremer (ambassador to Washington), and Alejandro Gertz Manero (chief of federal police) to his government. Luis Echeverría was Interior Secretary (Secretario de Gobernación) under President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964–1970) and president of the republic from 1970 to 1976. He presided over the state’s first phase of repression against leftist and student groups dating from 1966 to 1971 (including the events in Tlatelolco Square on October 2, 1968), was responsible for the actions of the infamous Olimpia Batallion in October 1968, and orches-trated the second phase of repression that included the deaths and disappearances of Mexico’s “dirty war” against the student movement and the revolutionary Left in the wake of the Tlatelolco massacre. After 1968 the government formed clandes-tine student groups as ununiformed security forces designed to confront and divide the student movement. This arrangement enjoyed some initial success, but the so-called Halcones’s cover was blown on June 10, 1971, when open police cooperation in a deadly attack erased any doubt that the government was linked to systematic violence against students.
15. For accounts of the 1988 electoral fraud, see Gilly (1989, 54–56), Barberán (1988) and González Graf (1989).
16. According to Virno, “What I mean by Exodus is a full-fledged model of action, capable of confronting the challenges of modern politics—in short, capable of con-fronting the great themes articulated by Hobbes, Rousseau, Lenin, and Schmitt (I am thinking here of crucial couplings such as command/obedience, public/private, friend/enemy, consensus/violence, and so forth) . . . Exodus is the foundation of
Notes ● 195
a Republic. The very idea of ‘republic’, however, requires a taking leave of State judicature: if Republic, then no longer State. The political action of the Exodus consists, therefore, in an engaged withdrawal” (Virno 1996, 197).
17. As Subcomandante Marcos noted on September 16, 2005, “Constructing unity with a longing for hegemony and homogeneity is bound to fail” (Marcos 2005).
18. The EZLN states that what they propose “is like a campaign, but it’s very other, because it is not electoral” (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional 2010). Beginning in January and ending in July 2006 (though the idea was that that end mark a new beginning) the EZLN intended to send delegates to every Mexican state, invited by whoever wanted them to go and financed on a purely ad hoc basis, to “listen and organize the indignation” (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional 2010). The EZLN presented its criticism not as an end in itself, but simply a means. For the significant rift in the relation between the EZLN and the intellectual Left, see Anzar (2005).
19. Throughout this book I refer to imperium in the terms described by Anthony Pag-den (1995, 12–14).
20. “La Otra” withdraws from recognizing the basic historical framework and rules for the exercise and reproduction of elite command and obedience—a framework that has been forged and reproduced since the ratification of the Constitution of 1917 but that also has its roots in the power relations of the agrarian village tradition since colonial times. As such, the announcement of “La Otra” bears witness to the exhaus-tion of common frameworks for understanding and recognizing legitimate authority.
21. This is an important point with significant connotations for the historical develop-ment of Zapatismo and, in particular, for the appreciation of the difference between contemporary Zapatismo and its historical predecessors. Enrique Krauze refers to Emiliano Zapata as a “born anarchist” (Biography, 274–304). Also see MacLachan (1991, 55–56).
Chapter 2
1. For the influence of the Mexican revolutionary period on US cinematic and news-reel production, see Orellana (1999). Also see Mraz (2009, 59–105).
2. Part of the Casasola archive, there are two photographs of Villa on the presidential chair with Zapata by his side. One has Zapata looking to his right to exchange a few words with Villa, and the other has Zapata looking sullenly in the general direction of the camera while Villa chuckles and looks off to his right, with Tomás Urbina at Villa’s right hand, Otilio Montaño to Zapata’s left, and the Villista General Rodolfo Fierro standing at Montaño’s left. The rest of the frame is packed with the faces of about thirty onlookers jostling for position. Mauricio Gómez Morin suggests that the photographer that day was Agustín Víctor Casasola (Gómez Morin 2000). However, as John Mraz contends, there is no evidence of this (2000, 3).
3. See O’Malley (1986, 113–32). 4. See Vaughan (1997, 25–46). Also see Monsiváis (2000, 985–93) and Legrás (2005). 5. For the most detailed account of the role and rise of the Sonoran factions, see Agui-
lar Camín (1985).
196 ● Notes
6. I follow Paul Bové’s definition of “interregnum” as “that place and time . . . when there is as yet no rule, when there are ordering forces but they have not yet sum-moned their institutional rule into full view” (1996, 385).
7. See Womack (1968, 222). Also see Guzmán (1998, 409), Katz (1998, 437) and Knight (1986, 306–7).
8. For an excellent evaluation of Guzmán’s novel in relation to the political complexi-ties of the 1920s, see Parra (2005, 78–80).
9. According to Rancière, “There is order in society because some people command and others obey, but in order to obey an order at least two things are required: you must understand the order and you must understand that you must obey it. And to do that, you must already be the equal of the person who is ordering you. It is this equality that gnaws away at any natural order. Doubtless inferiors obey 99 percent of the time; it remains that the social order is reduced thereby to its ultimate contingency. In the final analysis, inequality is only possible through equality” (1999, 16–17).
10. Alberto Moreiras examines this same section of Guzmán’s novel in The Exhaus-tion of Difference (2001, 123–26). In his analysis of subaltern negation, he makes a fundamental point (with which I concur fully) regarding the relationship between abandonment and the limits of hegemonic thinking: “The zapatistas’ failure to act in a sense that would have potentially enabled them to preserve some kind of military control over the Mexican state is still a condition of the political even though it presents itself contingently as a suspension or momentary abandonment of the political. What if, for the zapatistas at the palace, the appar-ent abandonment of the political had been nothing but an alternative under-standing of the political, a radicalization of subaltern negation in a final ‘non serviam’—‘I will not be as you say’—conducive to a secret triumphant redemp-tion? Zapatista atopics: I will not be where you place me, in a context in which hegemonic thinking can only at most place everything, place obsessively, and find itself exhausted in a thinking of the place . . . If subaltern negation is a simple refusal to submit to hegemonic interpellation, an exodus from hegemony, is that not a new assumption of political freedom that remains barred to any and all thinking of hegemony, to any and all thinking of location? What do the zapatistas retreat from if not sovereignty?” (Moreiras 2001, 125–26).
11. See Benjamin’s notion of the destructive character (1999, 541–42). 12. Alain Badiou’s reading of the Paris Commune is important here (Badiou 2003, 148).
Chapter 3
The anonymous epigraph is quoted in Carr (1992, 303). 1. The change in the mode of production of representation in postrevolutionary
Mexico was profound, multifaceted, and wide ranging (see Mraz 2009, 107–51). Literacy campaigns had begun to create a reading public for articles published by important international intellectuals and Mexican thinkers. Modern illustrated magazines replete with photo reportages began to circulate during the regime of Lázaro Cárdenas (Mraz 2001, 117). The radio and the phonograph began to bring regional musical forms into contact with one another for the first time. And
Notes ● 197
cinema, more than any other form, began to facilitate “a common urban cultural patrimony whose symbols were absorbed in varied ways by unequal social sectors” (Schmidt 2001, 45–46).
2. For a description of the Carpa theaters, see Pilcher (2001, xxii). Also see Pilcher’s description of Moreno’s debt to Mexican plebeian culture, political theater and satire, and popular street theater and its main comic characters prior to the 1930s (2001, 1–20). Moreno began working regularly at the Carpa Sotelo in Azcapo-tzalco in 1930. In 1933 he moved to Tacuba to join the Carpa Valentina and returned to Mexico City in 1934, where he eventually rose to a legitimate stage in 1936 with the opening of the Follies Bergère. By 1940, after his move into film, his fast-talking, convoluted humor had become the “voice of an era” (Pilcher 2001, 26–32).
3. In 1935, Samuel Ramos described the pelado as “the most elemental and clearly defined expression of national character” (1962, 58), who belonged “to a most vile category of social fauna: he is a form of human rubbish from the great city” (1962, 58–59). Octavio Paz later described Ramos’s work as “still the only point of depar-ture we have for getting to know ourselves” (1985, 143).
4. The CROM had been the largest of the pro-Obregón and pro-Calles union federa-tions of the 1920s. However, it began a protracted process of disintegration after the assassination of president-elect Obregón in 1928. Morones “was the prototype of those labor bureaucrats who, while enriching themselves and providing politi-cal personnel for the bourgeoisie, eventually come to rely on armed gangsters to crush any attempt at rank-and-file opposition” (Gilly 2005, 323). Lombardo, on the other hand, was inspired in his youth by the ideas of classical Greek democracy and the teachings of the “Ateneísta” philosopher Antonio Caso. Lombardo, a mem-ber of the so-called Generation of 1915, emerged with the victory of Venustiano Carranza in 1916 as one of a new cadre of revolutionary intellectuals who were committed to orderly, unified civilian rule (see Krauze 1976, 86). As Alan Knight notes, through the new generation of intellectuals, such as Lombardo, “the licen-ciados were staking their claim, the military were politely being shown the door” (1991, 167).
5. However, in Novo’s Hoy chronicles reproduced in 1964 as La vida en México en el período presidencial de Lázaro Cárdenas, there is no mention of the confrontation or of Cantinflas’s role in it (1964, 81–82).
6. For a general overview of the relations between the state and the administration of the labor movement from 1920 to 1934, see Aguilar Camín and Meyer (1993, 112–41).
7. Lombardo considered himself to be a Marxist but not a Communist (see Liss 1991, 366–69). The Mexican Communist Party considered him to be a chauvinistic nationalist in spite of his close working relations with Moscow; Trotsky labeled him a bourgeois political dilettante; Víctor Alba (1954, 56–57) called Lombardo’s Marxism unoriginal and devoid of political analysis; and José Revueltas considered him to be a right-wing opportunist (1962, 108). In 1947, Roberto Cordova, Mexi-can ambassador to the United States, characterized Lombardo Toledano in a report to Washington as follows: “VLT is not a dangerous man for the government. He is always ready to compromise with the government. Whenever he gets particularly
198 ● Notes
rambunctious, the president merely has to call him in and Lombardo agrees to whatever the president wants” (quoted in Carr 1992, 153).
8. For more detailed accounts of the founding of the CTM and of interactions between Lombardo, the labor movement, and the Cardenista state, see Brown (1991, 313–19) and León (1991).
9. See Carr (1992, 53–54), and Brown (1991, 320–21). 10. Morones’s mention of “the Boy Fidencio” was a reference to José Fidencio de Jesús
Constantino Síntora (see Monsiváis 1997, 119–28). In the 1920s, “the Boy Fiden-cio” had been a mystical faith healer and effeminate country messiah who fused together Aztec gods and Christian saints, spiritualism and Marianism, the Saint of Cabora and the legend of Saint Felipe de Jesús, and revolutionary messianism. He had become a trickster and a frequenter of houses of ill repute and was gunned down on June 20, 1937, by a Toluca police officer during a game of dominoes (see Taracena 1968, 146).
11. For the original Spanish, see Taracena (187–88). I have made minor adjustments to the translation of Cantinflas included in Monsiváis (1997, 95–96).
12. An example of the verbiage of the police system of distributions can be found in the official statutes of Lombardo’s CTM: “The Mexican proletariat must know that the stage of historical evolution in which we find ourselves has the character-istic of an individualist, semi-colonial, semi-democratic regime that is agitated by popular forces favoring national liberation and socialism, and by reactionary sec-tors that push it toward a bourgeois dictatorship” (quoted in Brown 1991, 318). John Rutherford mentions the “massive class barrier” (1971, 127) that haunted the relations between the intellectuals and the revolutionary peasantry in the decade of military insurrection. Obviously that lack of representation or iden-tification was still prevalent, though in a different form, in the institutionalized workers movement of the 1930s.
13. In the “Revolution made government” of postrevolutionary Mexico, “the organi-zation of bourgeois consciousness is, in Mexican historical reality, nothing more than the bourgeois organization of all consciousness, the leader in the process of development and the mediating force of worker consciousness” (Revueltas 1962, 81–82).
14. I am using the term “populist” as the performance of an imprecise consciousness in which all ambivalence is transcended and immediately simplified by subjective (i.e., identitarian) affirmation as a veneer for, and in spite of, actual conditions.
15. It is not surprising that Cantinflas’s performances were, to a large extent, consonant with the conservative press’s and the entertainment industry’s cultural organization of bourgeois consciousness (see Pilcher 2001, 49–53).
Chapter 4
1. The “Ateneo” (1909–13) was the most influential generation of humanist scholars in the history of modern Mexico. It was also one of the most influential intellectual formations of twentieth century Latin America as a whole. Its founding members (Alfonso Reyes, Pedro Henríquez Ureña, Antonio Caso, and José Vasconcelos), established the Popular University and the National University in the early days of
Notes ● 199
the Revolution (1910–20), in addition to the faculty of humanities in the National University as the revolution drew to a close. From 1920 until 1924 José Vasconce-los presided over the Secretaría de Educación Pública,’ which was responsible for the creation of the modern national school curriculum. Alfonso Reyes came from a prominent Porfirista family (Camp 1985, 86). Reyes, who became a diplomat, founded the Casa de España with Daniel Cosío Villegas in 1938 and directed the prestigious Colegio de México from 1939 to 1957. He also brought a generation of Spanish intellectuals to Mexico after the Spanish Civil War, and was himself one of the most prolific humanist scholars in the Americas until his death in 1959. The bibliography on the “Ateneo” is vast. For an initial though significant assortment, see Conn (2002), García Morales (1992), Henríquez Ureña (“La influencia”), Hernández Luna (1984), Legrás (“Ateneo”), Pineda Franco and Sánchez Prado (2004), Reyes (“Nosotros”; “Pasado”), Vaughan (1982, 239–66), and Zea (1944).
2. For the “Arielista” tradition in Mexico, see Conn (2002, 56–80), Parra (2005, 83–89), Vaughan (1997, 239–66), and Zea (1944, 282–84). Claudio Lomnitz characterizes “Arielismo” as an elitist attempt at cultural immunization against the crass materialism of US society (2001, 103).
3. For the aesthetic state also see de Man (1984, 264–65). 4. See Matthew Arnold (1960, 53–54; 69; 147). 5. In a later essay, Legrás modifies his position on the “Ateneo”: “There was no ‘Ger-
man road’ to revolution for Mexico as successive waves of peasant armies com-pletely destroyed the material bases for the reproduction of symbolic capital upon which the whole ateneísta project rested. After 1913 the “Ateneo” disbanded and although its members continued being active in Mexican politics, the “Ateneo” became just a cultural myth” (2005, 9).
6. For discussion of some important limitations in Classical Weimar’s appropriations of Greek civilization, see Bolgar (1981, 433–65).
7. For the relation of “just war” to Spanish ideas on conquest and settlement, see Pagden (1995, 91–102.)
8. See Schmitt (2003, 102–3). 9. With the barbarian transformed into an unequal public enemy, Christianity forged
the law of a fallen humanity, the law of humanity as the law that pertains to the Christian fall, the ultimate finality of which is to distinguish between dominions and properties (Villacañas 2008, 151).
10. Monsiváis mentions that Reyes placed too much emphasis on the paternal figure (1989, 512). However he does not take this comment any further. Margo Glantz provides us with one of the most ambitious, and perhaps risqué, readings of Reyes.
11. Amity lines were legal spatial divisions designed to distribute and rationalize rela-tions among European powers with a view to ordering the land and sea appro-priation of the Indias Occidentales (Schmitt 2003, 92–99). My use of the term is predominantly temporal and intellectual, rather than spatial and geopolitical. However, as my reading of Reyes’s essays shows, his establishment of genealogical friendship networks, or amity lines, is not unrelated to the history of the nomic appropriation of the land. I am using the term “master function” as it appears in Lacan, and as it is taken up in Moreiras’s reading of Donoso Cortés and the ori-gins of modern Spanish reactionary thinking (2004, 123–30). Lacan notes that the
200 ● Notes
nineteenth century can be defined “in terms of a radical decline of the function of the master,” since Hegel “turns him into the great dupe, the magnificent cuckold of historical development, given that the virtue of progress passes by way of the vanquished, which is to say, of the slave, and his work” (1992, 11). Hegelianism is the fiction of the Aristotelian master in its negation (see Moreiras 2004, 125). Alfonso Reyes’s essays are a response to the decline in the function of the master, an attempt to turn the clock back on Hegel and his philosophical, historical, and political legacies.
12. See Carr (1992, 47–48). Also see Revueltas (1985, 77–78). 13. For the significance of the 1940 elections, see Carr (1992, 59–62). 14. Reyes was not the first to suggest that the Revolution was lacking in rhyme and
reason. Also see Azuela and Tannenbaum (1933). Paz would later repeat the same idea (1985, 130–31). For further discussion, see Parra (2005, 33–37) and Franco (“Dominant,” 454–57).
15. In the Roman translation of the Greek aletheia, truth passed from meaning “always already un-concealment” to adaequatio intellectus et rei, the correspondence of mind and thing.
16. Henríquez Ureña also liked to give his readers endless lists of the names of his friends and masters (see “La influencia,” 369). Such lists attest to the sustained legacy of French Enlightenment Encyclopedism.
17. Carlos Monsiváis provides the following qualification: “The affirmation, which is quite controversial, ignores for example the theoretical accumulation and rebel-liousness of Ricardo Flores Magón’s anarcho-syndicalists. However, Reyes thinks he is saying the truth. He does not believe in any revolution and neither is he inter-ested in it. He is for civil harmony and the advance of his own work. He dedicates himself to that and that is what he is good at. For him revolution is a word emptied of all violent connotations; it is almost a synonym for institutionality” (1989, 510).
18. See Spanos (2000, 16). 19. Reyes is fully in tune here with the history and aesthetics of Mexican “Arielismo”
(see Parra 2005, 80–94). 20. Adela Pineda Franco and Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado propose showing “the con-
temporaneity of Reyes, situating him within the debates of Latin Americanism and recovering his role within the field of Latin American reflection” (2004, 10). They are aware that such a project may seem “anachronistic” (2004, 5). However, they say, “it cannot be denied that Latin Americanism, such as it has developed in the twentieth century, encounters a foundational figure in Reyes” (2004, 5). They reappropriate Reyes as a response to “the utilitarian paradigm of North Ameri-can academia” (2004, 12), assuring the reader that “reconsidering Reyes’ human-ism does not mean adopting a conservative cultural or political position” (2004, 12). But they reproduce the essential premises of conservative thought: that is, the nostalgic reappropriation of Latin-Romanic humanism against vague notions of northern utilitarianism. Also see Sánchez Prado’s reading of “Pasado inmediato” as a model for contemporary intellectual life (2009). Rather than reinstating a model of fidelity to Reyes’s humanism, this chapter privileges a model of critique as the precondition for intellectual vitality.
Notes ● 201
Chapter 5
1. Sous les pavés, la plage! The title and subtitles of this chapter are slogans from the Paris uprisings of May 1968. As paving stones were uprooted and hurled at riot police, the philosopher-rebels demanded nothing less than the right to break free of all forms of societal determination. This slogan suggests the existence of a world of beauty and freedom beneath the grey uniformity of the modern world. The impro-priety of language on the streets of Paris in May 1968 was unleashed by the feverish creation and propagation of slogans. Though largely Situationist in origin, they seemed to come out of nowhere and to be directed toward nobody in particular. They were, however, influenced by anybody who wanted to give them some kind of provisional content, meaning, or action. At a time when the international Left was becoming disillusioned with the bureaucratization of the Communist Party network, when European and Latin American youth were embracing Mao and the Cuban Revolution’s overt celebration of youth, slogans represented a condensation of revolutionary impropriety converted into political catch-phraseology, much akin to the citations contained in “The Little Red Book,” Quotations from Chairman Mao Tsetung.
2. For the complexity of the Mexican student movement, see Ramírez (1969). Also see the bibliography included in Bosteels (1999, 765 n.18).
3. The following is an excerpt from Article 145:
A prison sentence of two to twelve years will be given to any foreigner or Mexican national who in spoken or written form, or by any other means, carries out political propaganda among foreigners or Mexican nationals with a view to spreading the ideas, programs or plans of action of any foreign government that might perturb public order or affect the sovereignty of the Mexican state. Public order is perturbed when those acts determined in the previous paragraph tend to produce rebel-lion, sedition, tumult or riot. National sovereignty is affected when those afore-mentioned acts endanger the territorial integrity of the Republic, impede the functioning of its legitimate institutions or propagate among Mexican nationals disrespect for their civic duties. A prison sentence of between six and twelve years will apply to any foreigner or Mexican national who in any way carries out acts of any kind that prepare materially or morally for the invasion of national terri-tory or for the submission of the country to any foreign government. The same sentences will apply to the foreigner or Mexican national who by any means induces or incites one or more individuals to carry out acts of sabotage, acts that tend to weaken the general economy, illicitly paralyze public services or basic industries, undermine the institutional life of the country, or carries out acts of provocation in order to perturb order, public peace . . . (Monsiváis 1971, 230–31; italics mine).
4. José Revueltas very quickly realized the potential of the new situation. He thought it required calling for democratization by challenging the juridical status of Mexi-can sovereignty. See Revueltas (1998, 41).
5. For description of the brigades, see Revueltas (1998, 96) and Monsiváis (1971, 245–46).
202 ● Notes
6. For the president’s private reaction, see Krauze (Biography, 713). 7. Members of the PCM were referred to as “fish” because they could only swim with,
rather than against, the administrative currents of the police order. 8. See Carr (1992, 254). 9. Gustavo Díaz Ordaz presided over the repression of all these movements, either as
Minister of the Interior under President López Mateos (1958–64) or as the presi-dent himself (1964–70). See Krauze (1997, 681–82). For details of the doctor’s strike, see Krauze (1997, 688–90).
10. See José Agustín, quoted in Volpi (1998, 109). 11. This questions Octavio Paz’s take on the movement, which he characterized as
essentially nationalist. See Paz (1987, 31). 12. See Estrada (2004, 103 and 243). Also see Taibo (2004, 42–44). 13. See Taibo (2004, 36). 14. “Undoubtedly the subjectivity of a subject, already, never decides anything; its iden-
tity in itself and its calculable permanence make every decision an accident that leaves the subject unchanged and indifferent. A theory of the subject is incapable of accounting for the slightest decision” (Derrida 1997, 68).
15. See González de Alba’s Los días y los años (1999, 36–41) for the encounter between representatives of the Socialist German Student Union (Der Sozialistische Deutsche Studentenbund) and members of the Mexican Strike Council.
16. For similar concerns, see Taibo (2004, 46–50). 17. For the “library of this immense literature,” see Certeau (1997, 68–76). Also see
Bosteels (1999, 765n17). 18. There is actually nothing new in this insight. In the 1970s, President José López
Portillo referred to 1968 as a “watershed in the modern history of Mexico,” calling it “the expression of a crisis of conscience” (Estrada 2004, 234). Monsiváis has been saying something similar since the publication of Días de guardar in 1970.
19. Also see Taibo (2004, 108). 20. For the scientific explanation of ’68, see Revueltas (1998, 21). 21. Roger Bartra observes that “José Revueltas was truly puzzled by the movement
of 1968: the final years of his life were illuminated by the originality of that experience, to such a degree that his ferociously Marxist-Leninist conceptions were eroded; in 1973 he wrote in a letter to his daughter Andrea that ‘in light of the experiences of this half of the twentieth century the Leninist theory of the party—together with the theory of the State and the proletarian dictator-ship—should and can be overcome.’ Revueltas died in 1976 obsessed with the idea of writing a new prologue for his Ensayo sobre un proletariado sin cabeza, in which he would openly revise his former Leninist ideas about the Party” (2000, 66–67).
22. For the description of Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon, see Foucault (1979, 200–209). 23. Clearly my English translation cannot do justice to this indistinguishable subject,
hence the clumsy use of “s/he” or “his/her.” 24. “The possibility, the meaning and the phenomenon of friendship would never
appear unless the figure of the enemy had already called them up in advance, had indeed put to them the question or the objection of the friend, a wounding
Notes ● 203
question, a question of wound. No friend without the possible wound” (Derrida 1997, 153).
25. Suddenly ’68 in Mexico and ’68 in France are delivered over to each other as one and the same in their difference. Their mutual spectrality does not end there, how-ever, because the other that decides on the narrator in the narrator in Los días y los años is “La Marianne de Mai 68,” a photograph taken by Jean-Pierre Rey on May 13, 1968 (See Mai–68 2010). The photograph presents an image that is an uncanny revenant of Eugène Delacroix’s painting, “La liberté guidant le peuple,” which was painted in commemoration of the July Revolution of 1830 and the overthrow of Charles X. “La Marianne de Mai 68” appeared in Life Magazine on May 24. It depicts Caroline de Bendern, English aristocrat and model, brandishing the flag of the Vietnamese National Liberation Front. When her grandfather saw the image he disinherited her.
Chapter 6
1. For the history of the military colonies, see Katz (1998, 17). 2. Quoted in Aguilar Mora (1990, 156). 3. See Benjamin (“Paralipomena,” 402). 4. See Bellingeri (2003, 72). 5. Article 27 presented land reform in the following terms: “Ownership of the lands
and waters within the boundaries of the national territory is vested originally in the Nation, which has had, and has, the right to transmit title thereof to private persons, thereby constituting private property. Private property shall not be expro-priated except for reasons of public use and subject to payment of indemnity. The Nation shall at all times have the right to impose on private property such limita-tions as the public interest may demand, as well as the right to regulate the uti-lization of natural resources which are susceptible of appropriation, in order to conserve them and to ensure a more equitable distribution of public wealth. With this end in view, necessary measures shall be taken to divide up large landed estates; to develop small landed holdings in operation; to create new agricultural centers, with necessary lands and waters; to encourage agriculture in general and to prevent the destruction of natural resources, and to protect property from damage to the detriment of society. Centers of population which at present either have no lands or water or which do not possess them in sufficient quantities for the needs of their inhabitants, shall be entitled to grants thereof, which shall be taken from adjacent properties, the rights of small landed holdings in operation being respected at all times . . . All contracts and concessions made by former Governments since the year 1876, which have resulted in the monopolization of lands, waters, and natural resources of the Nation, by a single person or company, are declared subject to revi-sion, and the Executive of the Union is empowered to declare them void whenever they involve serious prejudice to the public interest” (See Political Database of the Americas, 2005).
6. I refer to Article 27 as a historical correction because it rearticulated King Carlos III’s 1783 “Ordenanzas de Aranjuez,” which gave possession of the subsoil (e.g., the mines) to the Spanish Crown. After independence the Mexican nation became
204 ● Notes
the universal inheritor (see Gilly 2001, 141). At the beginning of the twentieth century, however, fifty families owned 20 percent of Mexico’s national territory.
7. See A. Bartra (1985, 161–62). Also see Padilla (2008, 40). 8. The story of Rubén Jaramillo and the history of “Jaramillismo” in Morelos are
central to the transformation and returns of Zapatismo under postrevolutionary conditions. See Bellingeri (2003) and Padilla (2008).
9. See A. Bartra (1996, 134–35). 10. For a detailed analysis of this moment in Cabañas’s political life, see A. Bartra
(1996, 135–46). 11. Guerra en el paraíso offers “an exceptional literary interpretation of the whole move-
ment, with broad documented sources” (Bellingeri 2003, 174). It is a political his-torical novel with clear ties to the techniques of reportage, the testimonial tradition, and even to the naturalist realism of the literature of the Mexican Revolution. The novel reconstructs the chronology of events from the peasants’ first armed attacks on the army to the death of Lucio Cabañas. The role of the narrator is to compile, organize, transcribe, and order the voices and thoughts of the participants on both sides of the conflict. However, the novel is not a stranger to the mythical evocation of the telluric roots of collective life in the highlands of Guerrero.
12. For the history of agrarian violence in Guerrero, see A. Bartra (1996). By mid-1972, after the Party of the Poor’s Peasant Justice Brigade killed 26 soldiers and captured more than fifty weapons in two separate ambushes, the US embassy was describing reports of mass detentions in Guerrero and the extensive use of torture by security forces during interrogations (Doyle 2005). The party became the most widely supported peasant-based movement in Mexico since the revolution.
13. “23rd of September Communist League” was an umbrella organization named after the ill-fated Chihuahua guerrilla of 1965 (see Montemayor 2006). For the “23rd of September Communist League,” see Bellingeri (2003, 164–65).
14. For similar sequences of torture (the sovereign reduction of life to purely biological functions), see Guerra (Montemayor 1991, 316–24).
15. For a similar sequence dealing with the nexus between the biopolitical rationaliza-tion of the social sphere and the sovereign right to kill without murdering, see Guerra (Montemayor 1991, 196–201).
16. The logic of this nascent militarized biopolitics is that the modern ratio makes anything other than itself immediately backward. Backwardness is both behind the times and the enemy of the people; therefore being poor is the enemy of the devel-oped people and the party that stands in the name of the poor is also the enemy of the people (see Montemayor 1991, 260).
17. Two years after the Atoyac massacre of May 1967, two battalions of soldiers arrived in the region to impede any commemoration of the violence by local pop-ulations. They also brought five hundred military doctors who distributed aid, medicines, and food to the people of Coyuca, San Jerónimo, Atoyac, and Tecpan. In 1971 and 1972 a socioeconomic study was carried out with a view to future development plans. In 1972 the Integral State Development Plan for Guerrero was announced. Between 1971 and 1974 over two hundred kilometers of newly paved highways were constructed (A. Bartra 1996, 145–47). In the context of
Notes ● 205
the peasant insurgency of that time, killing and torture became coterminous with infrastructure building and the saving of lives via modern medical techniques.
18. See A. Bartra (1996, 137). Also see Montemayor (1991, 48; 154). 19. Álvaro Delgado, quoted in Zavaleta Betancourt (2006, 69). 20. For Montemayor’s description of the novel’s chance origin, see Long (2006, 1). 21. For Salinas’s policies, see Harvey (1998, 169–92) and La Botz (1995, 101). 22. According to Article 133 of the federal penal code, the superior could be facing
between 5 and 40 years in prison.
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Center. See Centro de Derechos Humanos Miguel Agustín Pro- Juárez
