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Cross Cultural Management: AnInternational Journal

Vol. 16 No. 4, 2009pp. 333-346

# Emerald Group Publishing Limited1352-7606

DOI 10.1108/13527600911000320

Islamic work ethic among Arabcollege students in Israel

Mahmood KhalilThe College of Sakhnin – Academic College, Sakhnin, Israel, and

Ismael Abu-SaadDepartment of Education, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev,

Beer Sheva, Israel

Abstract

Purpose – The aim of this paper is to investigate the Islamic work ethic (IWE) and individualismamong Arab college students in Israel, who represent an ethnic and religious minority in a western-oriented state.Design/methodology/approach – The participants included 837 male and female Arab collegestudents from an academic and a technical college in northern Israel. Most participants (64 percent)were Academic college students. Two measures were used: the IWE and individualism scales developedby Ali. Correlation analysis and two-way multivariate analysis were used to analyze the data.Findings – There was a strong and highly significant correlation between the IWE andindividualism scales. Academic college students scored significantly higher than technical collegestudents on both scales. There were significant interactions between gender and marital status, andcollege type and year of studies, on the scales.Practical implications – Within the multi-cultural context of Arab college students in Israel, theIWE and individualism scales emerged as reliable, practical measures for understanding the work-related values of Arab college students in Israel.Originality/value – This study is the first in the published literature to use the IWE andindividualism scales among Arab students who were not raised in a homogeneous Islamic culturalcontext. Although the Arab minority in Israel is exposed to Israeli and Western, as well as Islamic,cultural and organizational influences, IWE scale proved to be highly reliable for this population. TheIWE and individualism scales, used together, were uniquely effective for capturing the many nuancesof work-related values in this complex, multi-cultural context.

Keywords Work ethic, Students, Israel, Islam, Work identity, Behaviour

Paper type Research paper

General backgroundThis article presents an overview of Arab college students’ work values in anethnically and culturally diverse context. The study subjects represent an indigenousethnic and religious minority in Israel. The development of the work values theory isreviewed, and the relevance of an Islamic work ethic (IWE) measure, which was used tomeasure Arab students’ work values in this multicultural setting, is evaluated.

The literature on work values suggests that work attitudes and behaviors aregoverned to a large extent by values. Values can be defined as constructs that mediatebetween a person’s internal physiological and psychological needs, and the specificactivities available to fulfill each need (Gartland, 1984). Research on work values in awide range of cultural settings indicates that they are key constructs in thesocialization process and reflect conditions of education, occupation, politics, religion,culture, and the family milieu (Abu-Saad, 2003; Abu-Saad and Isralowitz, 1997; Aryeeet al., 1994; Chew and Putti, 1995; Elizur et al., 1991; Morinaga et al., 1993; Sidani, 2000;Zytowski, 1994). Work values have been defined as qualities that:

. people desire from their work (Ben-Shem and Avi-Itzhak, 1991; Dawis andLofquist, 1984);

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. are more fundamental than interests (Super, 1970);

. reflect a correspondence between needs and satisfaction (Abboushi, 1990;Drummond and Stoddart, 1991);

. are indicative of preferences and not moral imperatives (Pryor, 1979); and

. are broad tendencies to prefer certain states of affairs over others (Hofstede,1999).

Identification of individuals’ work value profiles is useful for:

. providing an informational basis for employment counseling and careerplanning (Reichel et al., 1981);

. assessing an individual’s level of motivation for certain jobs (Brown, 1976);

. designing effective motivational systems (England, 1978);

. influencing an individual’s drive for achievement at work and job satisfaction(Mankoff, 1974; Knoop, 1994; Sidani, 2000); and

. inducing individuals to be highly involved in their jobs (Randall and Cote, 1991).

Much of the research on work values has been carried out in the West and has focusedon the Protestant Work Ethic (PWE) as defined by Weber. Weber considered the PWEto be on the basis of the Western idea that a person has a ‘‘duty’’ to work, and assertedthe existence of a relationship between Protestantism and the development of moderncapitalism.

The PWE is based on the Calvinist doctrines that humanity has fallen into a state ofsin and that, consequently, it is a human being’s duty to engage in unremitting hardwork, in the absence of indulgence, as a means of attaining certainty of salvation(Bendix, 1962). Weber argued that the inherent logic of these doctrines directly andindirectly encouraged self-denial, planning and investment in pursuit of economic gain.Since Calvinism also tended to eliminate the satisfaction of the creative experiencefrom work, it gave religious sanction to impersonal mechanical labor, low wages andexploitation in the early period of modern capitalism (Bendix, 1962). According toFurnham (1990) the broader meaning of the PWE refers to one or more of the followingbeliefs and attitudes: considering hard work and industriousness religious duties; anegative attitude to leisure activities; frugality and productivity; punctuality and time-saving; pride in work; commitment and loyalty to occupation and organization; needfor achievement; honesty; viewing idleness and the wasting time and money as vices;internal locus of control (one first must blame himself or herself instead of others);viewing ambition and success as the signs of God’s favor; and considering poverty asuniversal indicator of sin and wealth as a sign of God’s favor.

While the PWE has been used to examine work values in non-Western societies,efforts have also been made to study and describe the work ethics developed underother belief and social systems. Ali (1988, 1992, 2005, 2008) identified an IWE whichhas its origins in the Quran and the sayings and practices of the Prophet Mohammedand the early Islamic leaders. Unlike the strains within Christian (Bendix, 1962) andJewish (Lipset, 1990) thought which view the need for work as a consequence of humansin, Islam views humanity as free from primordial guilt and has a more positiveorientation to work. In the IWE, work is considered a virtue in light of a person’s needs,and a means for establishing equilibrium in one’s individual and social life. The IWE isoriented more toward life fulfillment than life denial, for example, ‘‘no one eats better

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food than that which one eats out of one’s work’’ (Ali 1992, p. 507). The Islamictraditions on which it is based also emphasize the importance of quality work, forexample, ‘‘Persist in your action with a noble mind . . . . Failure to perfect your workwhile you are sure of the reward is injustice to yourself’’ (Ali, 1992, p. 507).

Furthermore, Islamic teachings put heavy emphasis on forgiveness, kindheartedness,and compassion. Atiyah (1999) has noted that Islamic values emphasize harmony,cooperation, and brotherly relationships. Conflicts should be avoided or suppressed.Albashi and Ghazali (1994) listed the following as core Islamic values: every act should beaccompanied by intention (niyat); conscientiousness and knowledgeableness in allendeavors (itqan); proficiency and efficiency (ihsan); sincerity (ikhlas); passion forexcellence (al falah); continuous self-examination; constant mindfulness of the Almighty;piety (taqwa); justice (adil); truthfulness (amanah); patience (sabar); and moderation,dependability, accountability, dedication, gratefulness, cleanliness, consistency, discipline,and cooperation. Yousef (2000) notes that the IWE advocates ‘‘that life without work hasno meaning, and engagement in economic activities is an obligation’’ (p. 284).

During the first six centuries of Islam, knowledge, trade, industry, agriculture, andcomplex organizations thrived. All forms of work and creativity were honored, andlabor organizations, which supported both the needs and the professional quality of theworkers, were developed (Ali, 1992, 2008). As Izeedin stated:

The industries and trades were organized into corporations or guilds. These corporationswere of great social importance. They maintained the standard of craftsmanship andprevented underhanded competition, thereby insuring a friendly society. Based on religiousand moral foundations, they impressed upon their members a sense of duty toward one’s craftand toward one another. Honesty and sobriety were characteristic qualities of Moslemartisans. A tradition of mutual aid prevailed. (1953, pp. 30-31).

In summary, the literature on Islamic values, based both on the Quran and ProphetMohammed’s sayings and practices, stresses values that are applicable both to workand to general conduct and behavior. These are: equality, accountability, consultation,goodness, kindness, trust, honoring promises (commitment), sincerity, justice, hardwork, humility, universalism, consensus, self-discipline, persistence, and cooperation(Ali, 2005).

According to Ali (1992), the foreign conquests and domination of the Arab world,which began with the Ottoman Empire (1412-1918) and were perpetuated by themodern Western powers, have led to a breakdown of work-related structures andbehaviors and to a weakening of the influence of the IWE. The early Western colonialpowers (British and French) deliberately instilled Arabs with a sense of inferiority,which has been perpetuated by the continued foreign domination, either throughpolitical structures or through the influx of multinational corporations and expatriatelabor (Ali, 1992, 2005). This historical development has resulted in widespread Arabcultural and social alienation, and a growth of apathy in the workplace (Ali, 1992, 2005;Ali and Al-Shakhis, 1990; Barakat, 1993). However, in several studies among Arabs indifferent settings, quite strong support for and identification with the IWE was found(Abu-Saad, 2003; Ali, 1988, 1992, 2008; Yousef, 2000).

Another important work-related attitude, individualism, was examined in thepresent study for two reasons. First, it has been shown to provide an understanding ofcultural variations among nations (Hofstede, 1999; Hofstede, 1980; Miller and Sharda,2000; Triandis et al., 1988). Second, individualism in the Western world is thought to

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enhance organizational performance and productivity (Hennessy, 1990), and it is ofinterest to examine its role in non-Western societies.

Hofstede (1980), who identified an individualism/collectivism dimension in his multi-country studies, defined individualism as a preference for loosely knit social frameworksin which individuals are obligated only to take care of themselves and their immediatefamilies. Collectivism, on the other hand, represents a preference for tightly knit socialframeworks in which people are emotionally integrated into an extended family, clan,organization, or other ingroup which is expected to protect them in exchange for theirunquestioning loyalty. Muna (1980) reported that two-third of the Arab executives in hissurvey thought employee loyalty was more important than efficiency. Furthermore, incollectivist societies, there is no clear line between job life and private life, sorelationships (both within and outside of the job) take precedence over work tasks (Abu-Saad and Hendrix, 1995; Hofstede, 1984, 1999). Highly individualistic groups, on theother hand, manifest greater assertiveness in meeting personal objectives and needs,such as the desire to actualize one’s gifts and abilities (Hofstede, 1980).

In Western societies, the concept of the individual has been basic to social thoughtsince the Renaissance. The opposite of it is true of Arab society, which has tended to de-emphasize the individual as an end in and of itself and emphasize instead the networkof obligations and responsibilities that the individual assumes as a member of hisfamily and his immediate community. Traditional Arab values put more emphasis onthe group than on the individual, on solidarity than on the activity and needs of theindividual, and on the communion of persons than on their autonomy. Arab society is acollectivist one, in which, as Barakat stated:

. . . individuals engage in unlimited commitments to the group. Instead of asserting theirseparateness and privacy as independent individuals, they behave as committed members ofa group – hence the significance of family, tribe, neighborhood, community, village, sect, andso forth. Generally speaking, one may claim that the need for affiliation is nurtured at theexpense of needs of power and achievement. In fact, however, the latter two needs are oftenmet through affiliation.

. . . No matter what, Arabs assert, ‘‘people are for people’’ (‘‘An-nass lil-nass’’); paradise withoutothers, they say, is unlivable (‘‘al-janneh bidoon nass ma bitindas’’). Even in the presenttransitional period, Arabs. . .continue to maintain intimate affiliations from which they derive agreat deal of intrinsic satisfaction and a strong sense of belonging. Nevertheless, they areexposed to immense family and community pressure, and to constant interference in the mostprivate aspects of their personal lives. Demands for conformity undermine individuality, theformation of independent views, and self-expression (Barakat, 1993, pp. 203-204).

In the setting of the present study, there are a number of differing and perhaps conflictingcultural, social and organizational influences on the work values of Arab college studentsin Israel. The Arab minority in Israel, 90 percent Moslem, is similar to other Arabsocieties, in that it has a strong social network and a clear and well-defined system ofvalues and customs (Abu-Saad and Hendrix, 1993). However, in the course and aftermathof the establishment of the state of Israel, much of the Palestinian Arab population wasdispersed, and the minority who remained in Israel was left without a political and socialleadership. The loss of the society’s cultural and political elite has increased itssusceptibility to Jewish cultural and economic influences (Abu-Saad, 2004).

Regarding organizational influences on the work values and behavior of Arabcollege students in Israel, there have been Western influences through the Britishcolonial legacy and the enduring Western structure of the higher education system, aswell as of many other organizations in Israel. Much of the work values research in

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Israel has applied theory and instruments developed in the West without anydiscussion as to their cultural or organizational appropriateness (Ben-Shem and Avi-Itzhak, 1991; Mannheim and Seger, 1993; Popper and Lipshitz, 1992). Elizur et al.’s(1991) eight-country study indicated that the rank order of work values between Israeliand American samples were quite similar, with achievement, job interest andadvancement as the three highest-ranked values, and contribution to society as thelowest-ranked value (in contrast to China, a more collectivist society, in which this wasthe fourth-highest ranked value).

The studyGiven the diverse cultural context described above, the purpose of this study was:

. to explore the work values of a sample of Arab academic and technical collegestudents in Israel; and

. to test for differences in work values and the individualism measures by variousdemographic variables, including: college type, gender, year of study, andemployment status).

The study was conducted in the spring of 2008 and based on a sample of 837 Arabcollege students from an academic and a technical college in northern Israel.

InstrumentationA questionnaire consisted of two sections: a work ethic measure and an individualismmeasure.

The work ethic was measured using the IWE scale developed by Ali (1988). Thisscale measures the extent to which people consider hard work and commitment to be asource of self-respect, satisfaction, fulfillment, independence, and success. It alsomeasures the importance they attach to the contribution of their work to the broadercommunity and society. The original scale contained 47 statements. A response to eachstatement is made on five-point Likert-type scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) tostrongly agree (5). The Cronbach’s reliability coefficient for the instrument was 0.89.

The individualism questionnaire was also developed by Ali (1988). The scalemeasures individualism in the work place, emphasizing self-reliance as a source ofsuccess, individual rather than group rewards, pride in accomplishments, one’s loyaltyto self and family, and loyalty to superiors in the workplace. Each item was measuredon a five-point Likert-type scale ranging from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree(5). The Cronbach’s reliability coefficient for the instrument was 0.79.

Data analysisThe statistical methods used for processing the collected data were: descriptivestatistics, Pearson’s correlations between the work ethic factors and the individualismmeasures, Cronbach’s reliability coefficient to determine the reliability of the scale, andmultivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) to explore differences between studentson the work ethic and individualism measures by gender, marital status, educationallevel, and age.

ResultsOf the sample 64 percent was from the Academic College and 36 percent was from theTechnical College. Twenty four percent (24 percent) of the participants were male and

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76 percent were female; and 57 percent were single, while 43 percent were married.Most of the participants (75 percent) were between the ages of 18-24, while 16 percentwere between the ages of 25-34, and 10 percent were 35 years old and above. Fortypercent (40 percent) were in their 1st year, 33 percent were in their 2nd year, 14 percentwere in their 3rd year and 14 percent were in their 4th year of studies. The majority (61percent) were employed.

Table I presents the item means and item-total correlations for the IWE andindividualism scales. An examination of the item-total correlations for the IWEindicates that most items are significantly and positively correlated with the total scoreon the scale. The item-total correlations for the individualism scale reveal that all itemscorrelate positively with the total score of the scale. In most cases, both scales havehigh mean concentrations.

Table II contains the correlations between the IWE scale and each item of theindividualism scale, as well as with the individualism scale as a whole. The IWE indexwas highly and significantly correlated with the individualism scale (r ¼ 0.52,p < 0.01). Each item of the individualism scale separately was also significantlycorrelated with IWE; p < 0.01. This pattern of relationships is consistent with theIslamic emphasis on an individual’s hard work, achievement, honesty, and frankness.

Table III presents the results of the 2-way multivariate analysis (MANOVA) for theIWE and individualism scales. Academic college students scored higher than technicalcollege students on the IWE (F (1, 735) ¼ 19.34, p < 0.01) and the individualism(F (1, 735) ¼ 10.36, p < 0.01) scales. In addition, male students scored higher thanfemale students on the IWE scale (F (1, 735) ¼ 4.21, p < 0.05); while students in the 4thyear of their studies scored higher on the IWE scale than those in their 1st, 2nd, and 3rdyear of studies (F (3, 735) ¼ 4.16, p < 0.05).

Furthermore, there were significant interactions between several demographicvariables on the IWE and individualism scales. Two-way MANOVA revealed a maineffect for marital status by sex on both the IWE (F (1, 735) ¼ 4.68, p ¼ 0.03) and theindividualism (F (1, 735) ¼ 4.00, p ¼ 0.05) scales. Married male students scored higherthan single male students and married female students on both scales, while singlefemale students scored higher than married female students and single male studentson both scales (see Figures 1 and 2).

There was also a main effect for college type by year of study on both the IWE (F (6,735) ¼ 8.16, p < 0.001) and the individualism (F (6, 735) ¼ 3.96, p ¼ 0.02) scales.Academic college students in their last year (4th) of studies scored higher than those inthe 1st, 2nd, and 3rd years of study on both the IWE and individualism scales. Incontrast, technical college students in their last year (3rd) of studies scored lower thanthose in the 1st and 2nd years of study on both scales (see Figures 3 and 4).

DiscussionThe results of this study present a complex picture in which the study’s multi-culturalsetting is reflected. The emergence of a highly reliable IWE index indicates that it is anappropriate instrument for use with the Arab minority in Israel, despite the Israeli andWestern cultural and organizational influences on this population. The IWE reflectsthe collectivist nature of Arab society, insofar as values about individual effort andobligations are not separated from values about the importance of one’s contribution tocommunity and society, and the obligations of the organization to its members. It isunlikely that the work values instruments developed in the West would have been ableto pick up on the combination that is represented in this instrument. The emergence of

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Table I.Item-total correlations,

means, and standarddeviations of IWE and

individualism scale

Item M SDItem-totalcorrelation

IWECooperation is a virtue in work 4.34 0.71 0.48*Laziness is a vice 4.26 1.07 0.28*Dedication to work is a virtue 4.64 0.63 0.38*One should take community affairs into consideration in hiswork 3.94 0.88 0.41*The state should provide work for everyone willing and ableto work 4.52 0.77 0.39*One should not be denied his full wages 4.62 0.77 0.39*One should strive to achieve better results 4.65 0.59 0.47*Good work benefits both one’s self and others 4.46 0.75 0.44*Justice and generosity in the workplace are necessaryconditions for society’s welfare 4.39 0.74 0.49*Cooperation benefits society 4.26 0.80 0.46*Cooperation provides satisfaction 4.00 0.91 0.49*Competition to improve quality should be encouraged andreward 4.31 0.81 0.46*Constant struggle for the actualization of ideals andadherence to work values guarantees success 4.22 0.80 0.51*Our society would have fewer problems if each person wascommitted to his work and avoided its hazards 4.23 0.82 0.49*One must participate in social activities 3.97 0.86 0.44*One must participate in economic activities 3.61 0.99 0.39*Work should be done with sufficient effort 4.29 0.74 0.51*Work is an obligatory activity for every capable individual 3.60 1.15 0.43*He who does not work is not a useful member of society 3.30 1.34 0.40*Gambling is harmful to society 4.32 1.04 0.43*One should carry out work to the best of his ability 4.48 0.67 0.55*A person can overcome difficulties in life and better himselfby doing his job well 4.25 0.84 0.47*Work is not an end in itself, but a means to foster personalgrowth 3.69 1.06 0.26*Work is not an end in itself, but a means to foster socialrelations 3.34 1.15 �0.15*Hard work is a virtue in light of the needs of man and thenecessity to establish equilibrium in one’s individual andsocial life 4.07 0.86 0.45*Work is not a source of satisfaction 3.33 1.22 0.19*Work is not a source of self-fulfillment 3.63 1.17 �0.11*One should spend most of his time working 2.50 1.19 0.12*Life has no meaning without work 3.79 1.15 0.37*More leisure time is good for society 2.86 1.23 0.03Work for its own sake stifles an individual’s life 3.37 1.20 0.13*Human relations in organizations should be emphasized andencouraged 4.13 0.82 0.42*Exploitation in work is not praiseworthy 4.34 0.96 0.32*Any man who works is more likely to get ahead in life 4.28 0.76 0.50*Creative work is a source of happiness and accomplishment 4.43 0.75 0.55*Those who do not work hard often fail in life 3.52 1.11 0.39*Work gives one the chance to be independent 4.19 0.79 0.50*

(continued)

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an IWE scale supports previous research in collectivist/Arab societies (Abu-Saadand Hendrix, 1995; Hofstede, 1984) which has found no clear distinction between one’sjob and personal life, but a unity dominated by the network of social relationships andobligations. The Western orientation in the education of Arab college students in Israel(an increasingly individualistic/capitalistic society) does not seem to have altered these

Table I.

Item M SDItem-totalcorrelation

Work is a source of self-respect 4.01 0.90 0.50*Carelessness is unhealthy to one’s welfare 4.10 0.90 0.50*More leisure time is bad for individuals and society 4.11 0.98 0.47*A successful man is the one who meets deadlines at work 3.97 1.03 0.42*Hard work does not guarantee success 3.25 1.24 0.12*One should constantly work hard to meet responsibilities 4.18 0.77 0.46*Progress on the job can be obtained through self-reliance 4.17 0.84 0.46*Q45Devotion to quality work is a virtue 4.25 0.75 0.51*The value of work is derived from the accompanyingintention, rather than its 3.53 1.02 0.31*Consultation allows one to overcome obstacles and avoidmistakes 4.03 0.89 0.46*

IndividualismOne should be proud of his own achievements andaccomplishment 4.43 0.72 0.43*Individual incentives and rewards should be given priorityover group incentives and rewards 3.94 0.97 0.24*One’s loyalty should be first and foremost to himself and hisfamily 4.23 0.88 0.23*A man is the best judge of his own best interests 4.11 0.86 0.27*To be successful one has to rely on himself 4.34 0.75 0.34*Loyalty to one’s superior is necessary for an organization tosurvive 4.10 0.89 0.36*

Notes: *p < 0.01, two-tailed; n ¼ 837

Table II.Pearson correlationbetween IWE andindividualism scale

Scale M SD r

IWE index 4.01 0.34 1.00One should be proud of one’s own achievements andaccomplishments. 4.43 0.72 0.43*Individual incentives and rewards should be given priority overgroup incentives and rewards. 3.94 0.97 0.23*One’s loyalty should be first and foremost to one’s self and one’sfamily 4.23 0.88 0.23*A man is the best judge of his own best interests. 4.11 0.86 0.27*To be successful, one has to rely on one’s self. 4.34 0.75 0.34*Loyalty to one’s superior is necessary for an organization tosurvive. 4.10 0.89 0.36*Individualism index (total items) 4.19 0.50 0.52*

Notes: *p < 0.01, two-tailed; n ¼ 837

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students’ collectivist values and expectations with regard to the role and responsibilitiesof the organization.

Students in the academic college scored significantly higher than students in thetechnical college on both the IWE and individualism scales. This finding may be relatedto the fact that academic college students have a stronger background in the

Table III.Two-way MANOVA test

for IWE andindividualism by

demographic variables

Variable n IWE meanIndividualism

mean

College typeTechnical 305 3.69 3.77Academic 532 4.09 4.22

GenderMale 195 3.96 4.05Female 613 3.88 4.01

Marital statusSingle 454 3.91 4.04Married 348 3.93 4.02

Age18-24 602 3.90 4.1025-34 131 3.95 4.1235þ 65 3.91 3.84

Year of study1st 314 3.97 4.072nd 262 3.99 4.103rd 109 3.68 3.804th 109 4.94 4.27

Employment statusEmployed 482 3.91 4.02Unemployed 312 3.90 4.03

Notes: IWE ¼ Islamic work ethics; *p < 0.01; **p < 0.05; n ¼ 837

Figure 1.Means on IWE scale by

type of college and year ofstudy

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humanities, including Islamic religion, heritage, and history. The students in thetechnical college generally had a vocational track education in high school and a non-academic matriculation qualification, or a lower level academic high school educationand matriculation qualification that did not meet the requirements for acceptance toacademic college/university programs of study. Therefore their exposure to Islamicheritage and values in their formal education would have been lower. Ironically,students entering the technical professions would be parallel to Muslim artisans in thefirst six centuries of Islam who had powerful trade associations which were deeplysteeped in the IWE (see the quote given by Izeedin, 1953 above). However, it appearsthat this highly relevant part of Arab students’ Islamic heritage is not being conveyedto them in the modern Israeli technical/vocational education they receive. Malestudents tended to score higher on the IWE scale than female students, but in actuality,this was dependent upon marital status for female students; and in the presence of the

Figure 2.Means on individualismby type of college andyear of study

Figure 3.Means on IWE scale bygender and marital status

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interaction between gender and marital status, significant differences were also foundon the individualism scale. Single female students actually had higher IWE andindividualism scores than either single or married male students, and much higherscores than married female students. It may be that single women are able to directmore of their personal effort and initiative into their work, and also feel the need toprove themselves professionally (Abu-Saad, 2003; Mar’i, 1978); but after marriage, theymust divide their efforts between family and work (Abu-Saad et al., 2007). Marriedmen, who are usually the main, and perhaps the only breadwinners in Arab families,scored much higher than single men on the individualism scale, perhaps because theysaw the importance of individual effort and investment to their possibilities foradvancement.

Finally academic and technical college students scored differently on both the IWEand individualism scales by year of study. Academic college students’ scoresprogressively increased as they advanced through their program of studies. However,among technical college students, the scores on both scales decreased sharply in theirlast year of studies. This is likely to be related to the issues discussed above regardingthe differences between academic and vocational education in Israel. Furthermore, thetechnical college program is formally a 2-year program, so 3rd year students wouldprimarily be working and just finishing up their final projects. It is possible that theirmore intensive exposure to the real work environment further alienated them from theideals of the IWE, and disillusioned them about the importance of individual effort andachievement.

The overall mean IWE and individualism scores found in the present study may becompared to those found in other studies which used the IWE and individualismscales, including studies among Arab students at universities in the United States (Ali,1988), Arab managers in Saudi Arabia (Ali, 1992) and Kuwait (Ali and Al-Kazemi,2007), United Arab Emirates (UAE) university students and post-university workingnationals (Whiteoak et al., 2006), and Arab teachers in Israel (Abu-Saad, 2003).Different types of analysis were used on the IWE which limits the comparability, but ingeneral the samples of Arab college students in the present study and of Arab teachersin Israel (Abu-Saad, 2003) tended to score markedly lower on the IWE, and higher onthe individualism scale, than the subjects in Ali’s (1988, 1992), Ali and Al-Kazemi’s

Figure 4.Means on individualism

scale by gender andmarital status

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(2007), and Whiteoak et al.’s (2006) studies. The Arab minority in Israel is clearlyinundated, first and foremost through the educational system, by other culturalinfluences. The nature of this influence, within the context of the Israeli/Palestinian/Arab conflict, has included the de-emphasizing of Arab identity, culture, and values(Abu-Saad, 2004). As Ali (1992) noted, the phenomenon of external political/cultural/economic domination has led to a weakening of the influence of the IWE throughoutArab countries, which is likely to be the case with the Arab minority in Israel as well. Itis also possible that Arabs in Israel know less about the values of their heritage thanthose in other Arab countries, where the school system enables them to learn about andtake pride in the values embedded in Arabic/Islamic culture.

The mean score of Arab college students in the present study on the individualismscale (M ¼ 4.19) was considerably higher than that of Arab university students in theUnited States (M ¼ 3.30, Ali, 1988), Arab managers in Saudi Arabia (M ¼ 3.24, Ali,1992), and UAE students and nationals (M ¼ 4.00, Whiteoak et al., 2006). Similarly,Abu-Saad (2003) reported that Arab teachers in Israel scored higher on all of the itemson the individualism scale than did the respondents in Ali’s (1988, 1992) studies. Thisdifference may be related to the Western-oriented economic, cultural, social andorganizational influences on the Arab minority in Israel.

Regardless of these differences, the findings of this study indicate that the IWE andindividualism scales are useful measures for describing the work-related values ofArab college students in Israel, and suggest that the many different cultural andeducational influences they encounter also play a role in the formation of their workvalues.

References

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Abu-Saad, I. (2003), ‘‘The work values of Arab teachers in Israel in a multicultural context’’,Journal of Beliefs and Values, Vol. 24 No. 1, pp. 39-51.

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About the authorsMahmood Khalil obtained his PhD from the Technion Israel Institute for Technology in Science(Biology) Instruction in 2000. His research interests include science education, higher education,and minority students.

Ismael Abu-Saad obtained his PhD from the University of Minnesota in Educational Policyand Administration in 1989. His research interests include education and development amongindigenous peoples, social identity in pluralistic societies, and organizational behavior inmulticultural contexts. Ismael Abu-Saad is the corresponding author and can be contacted at:abusaad@bgu.ac.il

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