UDC: 572. 02(22)

Title: insula: international jpurnal of isl.

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An o ganisation created for islandsto support inter-island co-operation

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ECOLOGY AND VULNERABILITY: ISLANDS AND SUSTAIMABLE RISK MANAGEMENT 5BYÏLAN KELMAN AND JAMES LEWIS

VULNERABILITY - A CHALLENGE TO SUSTAiNABLE DEVELOPMENT 0F SUALt. ISLAN5S: Thé case of thé Maidreo 13

BY FATHIMA GHINA

CONSTRAINTS LINKEDTOTHE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND VULNERABILITY 0F ISLAND F.CONQMESIN THE SOUTH-WEST 0F THE INDIAN OCEAN 25

BY FRANÇOISE RIVIÈRE

CRIME IN THE CARIBBEAN: PROVISIONAL EVIDENCE 33BY JEROME L. MCËLROY AND ANDREA J. ROCCANTI

ENVIRONMENTALVULNERABiLITY INDEX FORTHE ISLAND OFTOBAGO, WEST INDIES 39B. MARISSAN. GOWRIE

ECONOMiC VULNERABILITY AND RESIDENCE 0F SMALL STATES 47BY LlNO BRIGUGUO AND GORDON CORDINA

EARLY PARTICIPATORY INTERVENTION FOR CATASTROPHE TO REDUCE ISLAND VULNERABIUTY (EPIC) 57B»KAT HAYNES, ILAN KEUVIAN ANDTOM MlTCHELL

PROCIDA: AN EXAMPLE 0F REMARKABLE VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE 61BY MAGAU CHETAIL

TAIWAN CONFERENCE: Islands of thé World Vltl. Changing Islands - Changing Worlds 69

RESTORINGTHETOXICISLAND 69

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UTU LAN

AD MEMORIAM: RONALD PARRIS

END OFTHE CAMPAIGN FORTAKE-OFF, CLOSING CONFERENCE IN BERLIN

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ENERGY SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES PROJECT (2003-2005), EUROPEAN ISLANDS

INTERNATIONAL OCEANOGRAPHIC COMMISSION ACTiVITIES DEALING WITH DiSASTER MITIGATiON

THIRD GLOBAL CONFERENCE ON OCEANS, COASTS AND ISLANDS

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insulaInternational Journal oflsland Affairs

ISSN 1021-0814Year 14, No. 2

December 2005

. .., : D'A

Editurial Board

Editer:

Fier Giovanni d'Ayala

Scientiftc Advisory Commitïee:

Prof. Salvino Busuttil, Malta

Prof. Nicolas Margaris, Greece

Prof. Patrick Nimn, Fiji

Prof. Edgar J. DaSilva, India

Prof. Hiroshi Kakazu, Japan

Dr. Henrique Pinto da Costa, Sao Tome e Principe

Prof. Lino Briguglio, Malta

Published by mSCLA, thé International Scientific Council for IslaadDevelopment, wifli thé support of UNESCO.

Articles published in this journal do not necessarily reflect thé opmions ofINSULA or of UNESCO.

Material appearing in this joumal cannot be reproduced without (he priorpermission of thé Editor.

insula thé International Journal of Island Affairs is distributed freeto INSULA's individual and institutional members. For subscriptions andinformatioB, please write to:

insulae/o UNESCOl, rueMioUis

75732 Paris. FRANCETél. : +33 l 45.68.40.56, Fax: +33 l 45.68.58.04E-mail: insula@unesco.org

Graphie designer: Susanne Klein

From top to bottom:"Stromboli", painting by Valentina Perin"Vulcano", painting by Alanis Thomi"Vulcano", drawing by Kaleb Freeman"Vulcano", drawing by Luana Thomi

Cover: "Tsunami", 30th December 2002 after thé fall in thé sea of a part of thé Sciara delFuoco. Painting by Eleonore (postcard in sale in Stromboli) (Courtesy of Alain Catté,Red Volcanoes, Black Music) (http://acatte.club. fr/Jazz-at-Paris.htm)

Back cover: A "volcanological" drawing and painting contest dedicated to thé children'sviews of thé Stromboli, paintings byAlanis Thomi, Kaleb Freeman, Benjamin Omili andLuana Thomi.

Page l : "Vulcano", painting by Benjamin Omili

Dear readers,

Thé International Journal of Island Affairs edited

by INSULA reaches its 14th year of existence.As such it represents one of thé oldest periodicalsaddressing issues ofa direct interest to islands fromail latitudes.

We tried during thèse years to be particularly atten-tive to that complex and polymorphous mattercoming under thé name ofsustainable developmenttogether with its concepts and practices.

Tourism, climate change, island govemance, water,waste and renewable énergies, information soci-ety, culture and environment were just a few of théthèmes we addressed from one year to thé other.Thé excellent quality of thé authors who contrib-uted to thé journal with their articles was thé verybackbone of a constant encouraging appréciationby our readers.

We may also add that in many instances thé journalcontents took advantage from thé results of severalinnovative field projects that INSULA, thé Inter-national Scientific Council for Island Developmentimplemented in islands together with islandersunder thé supportive umbrella of thé EuropeanCommission. Should we thus consider ourselvessatisfied? Thé answer is mildly négative. We cer-tainly could hâve done better. In fact, to generate

and share usefùl information dearly needed by smallislands décision makers, in their day to day strug-gle to optimise thé allocation of limitée resources,is an endless task.

With thé above in mind we pursue our policy dedi-cating thé présent issue to a thème that seems to behotly debated not only within académie circles inter-ested in islands but also among International Organ-isations and small developing island states(SIDS).Thé subject matter is somehow abstruse. What isthé reality behind two concepts: "vulnerability"and "resilience" applied of course to islands? Whatare their respective operational values? What canbe considered as a meaningful indicator for thé oneor thé other concept?Thé debate, perhaps slightly absta-act, was sched-uled to be on thé forefront of thé UN Conférence of

thé Small developing island states "Barbados +10"which took place in Mauritius, a few weeks afterthé tragic tsunami stroke South East Asian Islandsand coasts, taking a heavy toll of human lives andgoods. Suddenly, islands' fragility and vulnerabil-ity were no more debatable concepts but concrèteévidence of an inescapable hard reality.

We thus dedicate this issue to ail thé islanders who

know and accept nature's hardship and yet prise itsbeauty.

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In this paper, two conceptual models

are combined in order to propose

insight into aad a way forward forachieving sustainable risk manage-ment. Thèse models direct research

and application towards thé appropriate

issues and encourage multidisciplinary

work and solutions.

Thé first conceptual model sum-marized is "Disaster Ecology". This

term was first used by Lewis (1980)and brings an ecological framework

to thé understanding of dealing withdisasters. Applying similar reasoningfor "Risk Ecology" widens thé conceptbeyond spécifie disaster events, settingthé stage for a focus on vulnerability inorder to achieve sustainable risk man-

agement. Thé second conceptual modelsummarized is "Island Vulnerability",which has developed through thé web-site http://www. islandvulnerability.org Island vulnerability describes théimportance of and advantages fromexploring thé vulnerability ofislands.

Using thé disaster ecology approachfor island vulnerability illustrâtes théinsights which can be gained from,and highlights lessons to be appliedby practitioners for, moving towardssustaiaable risk management. To begin,thé meaning and importance ofvulner-ability are described.

Thé disaster management and riskmanagement literature (e. g. UN DHA1992) tends to converge on définitionssimilar to:

Disaster. An event with detrimental

conséquences beyond thé coping abil-ity of thé affected community. For

example, houses collapsing during anearthquake.

Risk. Thé potential for disaster or ex-

pected lasses aver a given timeframe,

usually expressed or calculated as acombination ofhazard and vulnerabil-

ity. For example, a community mightestimate that 5% of their properties

will be flooded by a river during thé

next décade.

Hazard. An event, process, or entity

interpreted as posing a threat. For ex-

ample, thé hazard ofa landslide which

might bury a town or thé hazard of

disinterest in preserving a languagewhich can lead to cultural loss. A

"natural hazard" stems from thé natu-

rai environment, such as earthquakes,

tomadoes, or vimses.

Vulnerability. Thé potential for dam-âge or harm to occur. For example,during smog, emergency ambulance

calls for respiratory complaints might

increase 60% with people older than

50 years accounting for thé majorityofexfa-acalls.

Thé term "natural disaster" fre-

quently dénotes a disaster requiring a

natural hazard. Because vulnerability

is also required for a disaster to occur,

few disasters are tmly "natural" (e. g.

Wisner et al. 1976). Thùs, "natural

disaster" is a misnomer and this paper

uses thé phrase "disaster involving anatural hazard".

Before a disaster, much effort is

often expended in quantifying risk.After a disaster, much effort is often

expended in studying thé disaster'seffects. Hazard studies, usually com-ing from thé physical sciences such

as meteorology and seismology, tendto receive prominence, such as thé

annual prédictions ofAtlantic tropical

cyclones (e. g. Gray et al. 2003) and

analyses of earthquake frequencies(e.g. Murray and Segall 2002).

Vulnerability, with perhaps thé leastconcrète of thé previous définitions,

could appear to be secondary or lessimportant. No annual report exists

of thé vulnerability of Atlantic com-munities to tropical cyclones. Few

studies examine thé frequency or ratewith which communities are becomingincreasingly vulnérable to earthquakes.Vulnerability therefore warrants a moredetailed investigation.

Expanding thé définition of vul-

nerability (after, e.g., Capobianco etal., 1999; Klein and Nicholls, 1999;

James Lewis is an architect

specialising in hazard-resistantconstruction. He has worked on

istands around thé world, manyexpériences from which appear in his book Devel-opment in Disaster-prone Places (ITDG, 1999), andfounded Datum International http://datum. gn. apc. orgHe is also a Visiting Fellow in Development StudiesatUniversityofBath, U. K.E-mail: datum@gn.apc.org(Photo of James Lewis: Pierrre Hinkeltz)

llan Kelman is thé Deputy Directoryof thé Cambridge University Centrefor Risk in thé Built Environment

and founded thé Island Vulnerabilitywebsite http://www. istandvulner-

ability-org to explore thé challengeswhich isolated geographies face when dealing withrisk and disasters by examining thé proosses whichcreate, maintain. and coutd be used to reduce their

vulnerability.E-mail: islandvulnerability@yahoo.com

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gs

Wisner et al., 2004), it is often takenas (a) mathematically a fùnction ofand(b) non-mathematically comprising:

l. Résistance, thé ability to withstandchange due to a hazard.

2. Resilience, thé ability to retum to

thé original state following a hazardevent.

3. Susceptibility, thé current character-istics which could be harmed from

a hazard event, without taking into

account temporal changes.This définition may be interpreted

for natural environments, individuals,

societies, structures, infrastructure, so-

cial networks, communities, cultures,

and thé built environment.

An example of a coastal settle-ment in a tropical cyclone illustrâtesthé definition's applicability. Peoplehâve résistance in their ability to livethrough thé tropical cyclone withouthaving nightmares for thé next yearand without being fearful each time théwind blows more strongly than usual.Houses hâve résistance in their abilityto withstand staT ictural collapse due to

wind speed, débris, and extemal waterpressure from rain or a storm surge.People's resilience appears throughtheir ability to carry on with theirnormal routines soon after thé tropicalcyclone bas passed. Houses also hâveresilience in their materials' physical

properties relating to thé ability to drywithout damage following inundation.Finally, people hâve susceptibility dueto gender and âge distributions, prierdisabilities, familiarity with survival

and coping stratégies, and mental andphysical states when thé tropicalcyclone strikes. Thé houses hâve sus-ceptibility due to their value, state ofmaintenance, and location.

Vulnerabilities ofhouses andpeopleinfluence each other. People can affecttheir house's vulnerability by boarding

up Windows and securing or removingloose abjects in thé garden. Housescan affect thé people's vulnerability bytheir ability to withstand damage. Thédifférence is that houses do not make

décisions and choices, whereas people

do. People's décisions frequently af-fect others' vulnerability more than

their own.

Thus, rather than looking at vul-nerability as only related to locationor place, Lewis (1999) suggests thatsocial and political issues must beconsidered as much thé physical rec-ognition of a current state of vulner-ability aad a community's physicalrésistance to natural hazard forces.

Vulnerability often manifests after anevent, such as river floods affectingpoorer people more than richer people(Pelling, 1999), or after a process, suchas cultural héritage being lost becausea génération of youth bas sought op-portunities offthe island.

This vulnerability, though, is notjust

in thé dilapidated state of thé poorerdwellings or in thé physical pres-ence of thé financially disadvantagedpopulation in a flood-prone location.Vulnerability also encompasses thé

hidden and intangible extemal pres-sures-social, économie, political, andhistoric-over which this sector of thé

population may hâve no control, whichprescribe living in such locations, andwhich produce thé lack of options andresources for mitigation.

Lewis (1999) notes, therefore, thatcommonly "vulnerability is related tooverall policies and activities in théconta-ol ofothers". Vulnerability is not

only about thé présent state, but alsoabout what we hâve donc to ourselves

and to others aver thé long-term; whyand how we hâve doue that in order

to reach thé présent state; and how wecould change thé présent vulnerabilitystate to improve in thé future.

Ecology of vyinerabilityThé importance of vulnerability hasbeen shown. An approach for examin-ing and understanding vulnerability isnow required.

Thé traditional view of disaster

is of a detrimental phenomenon toboth thé society and thé environmentwhich must be avoided. Thé conceptof recovery, for example, implicitly

assumes that an idéal pre-disaster stateexists to which society, communities,aad individuals must retum following

a disaster event. Thé presupposition isthat retuming to this pre-disaster stateis viable and désirable. Similarly, a

disaster destroying an ecosystem or

cultural héritage is generally assumedto be unwelcome. While disasters can

hâve appalling conséquences, they mayalso provide opportunities to rebuildto a différent and better state than had

existed before and to enact bénéficiai

changes which might not hâve beenfeasible otherwise.

While this view applies to society

aver shorter time scales such as human

life and smaller space scales such as acity or country, it also applies to globalnatural history. Conceptual conflictsresult. Thé mass extinction event which

included thé death of thé dinosaurs ap-

proximately 65 million years ago per-

mitted thé rise of mammals followed

by thé development ofhumanity (e. g.Cooper and Penny, 1997), but a similarevent today would not be consideredacceptable.

Thèse analogies and conceptual link-âges between environmental/ecologi-cal and societaVsociological aspects,

on differing scales of space and time,yield a set of linked questions:. How might it be possible to extract

thé positive conséquences from dis-aster while minimizing thé négative

conséquences?. Might thé positive and négative con-

séquences be inextricably linked?. How are positive and négative conse-

quences defmed and identified? Thisquestion effectively investigates how"disaster" is defined and indicates

that detrimental conséquences are

subjectively defmed.Kelman (2003) and Lewis (1999)

détail examples where disasters in-

volving natural hazards were a triggerfor political change or influenced awar's deciding battle. Disaster andrisk can become a resource in some

circumstances-or from thé victor's

viewpoint. To fully understand thé

présence and conséquences of thispotential "risk resource" and thé rôleof vulnerability, a wide overview is

necessary. Ecology provides such anoverview.

Ecology investigates thé relationshipbetween organisms and their natural

environment. By analogy, disasterecology investigates thé relationshipbetween society and thé social and

physical environment which resultsin disaster. Thé rôle of disaster could

be defining of that relationship or adefming component of thé spécifiesociety considered. For example, manyriverine societies are dépendent on

annual floods and their annual cyclecenters around thé floods' appearance.Etkin and Stefanovic (2004) and Fraser

et al. (2003) discuss how society'sdependence on and interaction withnatural hazards is a key component ofvulnerability.

Thé ecological term "disturbance",or thé generic word "change" incor-porating both thé nature and rate of

that change, might therefore be moreappropriate than "disaster". This term

provides linguistic neutrality and in-dicates thé complexity of outcomeswhich a disaster event yields and thépace at which such outcomes mightoccur.

Actions by society to resist change,such as from a disaster, themselves

create change. Therefore, anticipatingdisaster or merely thé thought or ideaof disaster, irrespective of an actualevent, is part of thé disaster ecology ofa society. Disaster ecology applies notonly to society's réactions following adisaster, but also to thé influence of thé

threat ofdisaster on society's attitudesand décisions, which might lead toprévention, mitigation, and adaptationactivities. Therefore, thé initial idea of

disaster ecology based on Lewis (1980)bas moved into "Risk Ecology".

Understaading écologies is used forimproving thé relationship between or-gamsms and their environment as well

as for improving interaction befrweensociety and thé environment. By anal-

ogy, understanding disaster and risk

écologies can be used for improvingthé changes which occur when societyencounters disaster or risk.

Thèse changes would be dominatedby society's ability to prevent, miti-gâte, and cope with disasters; that is,society's vulnerability. Understandinghow vulnerability changes society andhow society changes its vulnerabilities

yields an ecology ofvulnerability. Théimportance and relative lack of inves-

tigation of vulnerability suggests thatan ecology of vulnerability would be

a vital component for sustainable risk

management.

Given thé complexities ofecological

studies and their far-reaching nature,

fully understanding thé ecology ofvulnerability présents challenges. ASystem in which such studies could

be undertaken is needed. This System

should be small enough that linkagescould be viewed, analyzed, and inter-preted. Isolation would assist to keepthé analysis relatively simple. In orderto ensure that recommendations are

practical and workable, this systemshould also be realistic rather than be-

ing artificial or created specifically forresearch purposes.

One System which meets thèse crite-

ria in ecological studies is islands, par-ticulariy small islands (e.g. MacArthurand Wilson, 1967). Understandingisland vulnerability to disasters is thusproposée for understanding thé ecol-ogy ofvulnerability and, hence disasterand risk écologies.

£cology ofïvinerability

Islands

Thé focus on islands arises because thé

physical and psychological isolation of

islands tends to prioritise them dispro-portionately low in comparison to theirimportance. Reasons for neglectingislands include small size, lack of re-

sources, and relative inaccessibility, yet

thèse same characteristics make islands

more unique and more vulnérable.

When thé risk in a vulnérable situa-

tion manifests, such as in thé form of

a disaster, an island's insularity tendsto preclude a timely response with théneeded resources. Thé result is worse

conséquences than would occur at an-

other location experiencing a similarsituation.

A set définition for terms including"island", "small island", and "isolated"

does not exist in a geographical con-text. Many authors (e. g., Briguglioet al., 1996; Crowards, 2002; Royle,2001) hâve discussed définitions of

thèse ternis using such criteria as:el dictionary définitions0 population size

c landarea

8 arable land area

' gross national product

® environmental influence, for exampledefining an island to be a landmasswhich does not create its own climate

or ecology due to its volumecharacteristics of social geography,such as thé présence of a uniquepeople or culture.

In thé end, it is appropriate to answerthé question "What is an island?" with

an intuitive concept ofa comparativelysmall landmass, generally without anadéquate land transportation networkconnecting with a larger land mass.This statement is not a définition but a

working description. Obvious exam-pies of islands are St. Lucia and thé

Chatham Islands which belong to NewZealand. Africa and Nebraska are not

islands in thé sensé of physical geog-raphy. Brazil and Galicia are arguablycultural and linguistic islands. Ambi-guities émerge, includingAndorra and

Ceuta (Spain).In defining islands, thé expérience

of smallness and isolation, as distinct

from theoretical analyses, shouldbe considered alongside traditionalcriteria such as population size, landarea, and resources. Thé 122 km2 of

St. Helena or thé 400 km2 ofBarbados

are substantial "smallnesses" when

compared to that of Tuvalu's 26 km2.

Much more significant is that Tuvalu's

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INIIRNATIONAL JOURNAL 0F ISUND AFFAIRS

minimal land area is scattered amongst

nine atolls aver oceanic distances

of 650 tan. Although ail are "small"- islands or states - thé expérience

of their land formations, whether by

visitors or indigenous inhabitants, isvastly différent.

Understanding islands thus requiresan understanding of "dispersiveness"or "entireness" in order to convey théfragility and thé remoteness that is apart ofa spécial expérience ofislands."Remoteness from what?" - such as a

continental land mass, capital city, orother islands - would need to be con-

sidered. Smallness is more a complex

matter than simply size. Interactionswith thé environment and neighboringsocieties, as often dictated by disper-siveness, émerges in an ecologicalcontext.

Thèse interactions and thé smallness

and remoteness ofislands make them

highly vuhierable to some of thé mostdevastating disasters involving naturalhazards. One of thé most lethal tsunami

(on Papua New Guinea, which is asmall island developing state, in 1998)and one of thé most lethal volcanic

éruptions (on Martinique in 1902) ofthé 20th century stmck islands. Whentropical cyclones threaten, islandpopulations cannot evacuate inland ascoastal populations do.

Moreover, islands often expérience

longer-term, more chronic vulnerabili-

ties including:o Maintaining adéquate water and

energy supplies.. Preventing emigration which depletes

thé population and removes a neededskill base.

* Maintaining self-sufRcient econo-mies.

0 Preserving their culture and herit-âge.

Such vulnerabilities are as dan-

gerous and important as thé single,catastrophic event, for example anearthquake or cyclone (e.g. Pelling2001, Kelman2003).

Thèse difficulties and challenges

can lead to advantageous outcomes.

Thé vulnerabilities of isolation and

dispersiveness imply an impetus to-wards developing local, small-scaleenergy sources and water supplies.Thèse techniques could be transferredto other locations to reduce community

vulnerability. Thé same argument ap-

plies to other resources and communityneeds because thé potential exists for

focusing on self-sufficiency and lo-cally sustainable resource and riskmanagement.

A further advantage of islands is

that they provide thé compactness andisolation needed to fully analyze andcommunicate thé inter-relationshipsamongst vulnerability, sustainability,and risk. Thé ability to demonstrate andto articulate thé processes which create,maintain, and could be used to reduce

vulnerability can be leamed throughisland study and then applied to non-is-land geographies. Thé transferability oflessons from islaads to other locations

(e. g. coastal zones or small, landlockedcountries) is a vital outcome from is-land vulnerability studies.

Islands are examinée due to their

importance, their vulnerability, and thélessons which can be gained.

Island vulnerabiliîyFrom thé previous discussion, islandvulnerability refers to thé potential forhann to corne to island locations. More

than thé présent state ofpotential harmmust be covered. Island vulnerability

also examines why that state ofpoten-

tial harm exists in such a relatively

small environment, how it arose, thé

advantages and disadvantages of itsexistence, how it should be changea,and how that change might be effected

given thé challenges and advantages ofislands. Thé processes which createdthat vulnerability and thé processeswhich that vulnerability créâtes areexaminée in thé islaad context where

they can be more readily understoodthan in other locations.

Pelling and Uitto (2001) quantifyisland vulnerability by using socioeco-

nomic data to develop a vulnerability

index or indicator number by which

islands may be ranked. They concludethat "Thé larger, and least globally con-nected island states are those most se-

verely affected by disaster.. .Althoughit is thé smaller islands that are most

at risk from 'knock-out' by a singleevent. " Thé vulnerabilities experiencedby islands are aptly illustrated.

UN DHA (1992) also provides a

quantitative définition ofvulnerability:"Degree of loss (from 0% to 100%)resulting from a potentially damag-ing phenomenon". When consideringvulnerability as a percent loss, thé im-

partance ofislands becomes apparent,as Lewis (1999) notes in discussing"proportional impact". Proportionalimpact reports percentages; for ex-ample, thé percent of thé populationkilled or affected or thé percent of théinfrastructure damaged. In contrast,disaster magnitude reports numbers;for example, thé number of peoplekilled or affected and aumbers or

monetary value of buildings damagedor destroyed.

Prior to thé start of thé volcanic

emption in 1995, thé total populationof Montserrat was approximately11,500, about halfthe death toll fromthé 26 January 2001 earthquake inGujarat, India. Superficially, it appearsthat thé tragedy in India far surpassesany event which could possibly afHictMontserrat. Proportional impact, how-ever, shows thé territory ofMontserratto hâve far greater vulnerability thanthé state of India. Every Montser-

ratian, 100% of thé population, basbeen directly affected by thé volcano.More than 50% of thé population basmigrated away from thé island. Thé25 June 1997 pyroclastic flows killedat least 19 people, which proportion-ally would be équivalent to more than1. 5 million people dying in India.Similarly, nearly 100% ofMontserrat'smain infrastructure was destroyed. Thé

issue is not to downplay disasters inIndia, but to give island disasters théprominence they deserve.

Therefore, island vulnerability en-

compassés "proportional impact"and "potential proportional impact"as indicators of thé importance of adisaster or potential disaster. Island

vuhierability investigates thé processeswhich produce thé potential propor-tional impact, ofwhich thé small sizeof islands is an obvious élément, and,

more importantly, looks at ways inwhich proportioaal impacts could bediminished by reducing vulnerability.Thus, thé ecology of islaad vulner-

ability émerges.

Thé compactness and smallness ofislands implies that a reasonable graspof thé entire vulnerability ecology

could be attained. Meaningfiil analy-

ses could be completed on thé entireSystem providing lessons that could bescaled up to non-islands.

ApplicationThé conceptual background has nowbeen established. In addition to thé

theoretical combination of two con-

ceptual models - disaster ecology and

island vulnerability - application isneeded to indicate how thé ecologyof island vulnerability could be usedoperationally to contribute to sustain-able risk management. Thé first opera-tional lesson, already implied, is thatstudies on islands are an appropriatestarting point, but lessons should be

considérée for and applied to non-island geographies.

Two island case studies are providedhère: Koltur, one of thé Faroe Islandsin thé North Sea, and Rathlin Island,

Northern Irelaad's only inhabitedisland. Thé spécifie vulnerability ad-dressed in both cases is thé sustain-

ability of thé island héritage.

Koltur

With an area of 2.5 km2, Koltur is thésmallest of thé 17 inhabited Faroese

islands (Figures l and 2). No com-mercial ferries travel to thé island,but a public helicopter route has afew scheduled landings each week,weather-permitting. Otherwise, a pri-vate boat or helicopter is needed. Thé

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Figure l. TheFaroes,highlighting Koltur.

Figure 2. Thé FaroeseislandofKoltur,

population 2 in 2003(Copyright Ilan Kelman,

2003).

population is two: a couple who farmthé island, who were selected from

a group of applicants to live there,and who are guardians of thé uniqueFaroese héritage on Koltur.

Koltur has exceptional examplesof old building traditions, in terms ofcommunity layout, building design,and architecture (Figure 3). Afterthé historical process of settlement,

declining opportunities, and abandon-ment, two clusters of buildings remain.

Their principal vulnerability is beingleft to decay with thé conséquent lossof héritage. Another historical andcontinuing process contributing to thisvulnerability is emigration from théFaroes to seek better opportunity andthé increasing Faroese préférence forurban, consumerist lifestyles.

For tackling Koltur's vulnerability,an opportunity exists to tum thé islandinto a prominent héritage site display-ing traditional Faroese building andcommunity styles, une idea is makingKoltur a living site where thé buildingswould be preserved and maintained yetbecome a fùnctional farm illustrating

Faroese farming techniques aver thépast millennium.

One principal issue is accommoda-

tion and facilities for visitors. Achiev-

ing modem safety and access standardscould damage thé island or thé oldbuildings, either physically or throughaltering their character (Figure 4).Camping would be an appropriate

alternative, but thé cold, damp climatecould preclude that option and it wouldnot solve thé emergency managementchallenges posed by Koltur's isolation

and smallness. Regular and affordable

transport to and from Koltur could

assist, yet would impact thé island'sisolation and access is not straightfor-

ward (Figure 5).Teams of visitors could be used to

work on thé farm and to restore and

maintain thé buildings. With groups

arriving and departing irregularly,

chartering a boat or helicopter becomes

viable with minimal impact on Koltur's

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Figure 3. Thé old buildings of Koltur (Copyright IlanKelman, 2003).

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 0F ISLAND AFFMRS

5. *,

Figure 4. Koltur's old buildings do not meet modemsafety and access standards (Copyright Ilan Kelman,2003).

remoteness.

Thé challenge for Koltur is balanc-ing préservation with tourism. Visiter

numbers should not exceed thé abilityto provide facilities without damagingthé island or thé héritage, includingthé character of thé surrouadings.Nonetheless, visitors would bring in

revenue which would be needed to mn

and maintain thé héritage site.Plans would be needed to protect

thé buildings from natural hazards,particularly thé wind and rain but alsoincluding extrême waves, coastal ero-

sion, and subsidence or heave. Visitors

could also cause damage and disparag-ing word-of-mouth feedback could

affect Koltur's popularity. To avoidinadvertent damage or disappointment,visitors would need to understand thé

environment they visit and its vulner-

abilities. An off-island orientation

session would help, but could drainresources from managing Koltur.

This brief description of thé his-

torical processes, fiiture potential, andprésent tradeoffs being examined tomake K-oltur a viable visitor centre

illustrâtes thé challenges faced by iso-lated small islands in managing theireritage's vulnerability. Detailing eachoncem and placing it within disaster

cology frameworks, such as that pro-'osed by Etkin and Stefanovic (2004)or disasters involving natural hazards,/ould yield thé needed vulnerabilitynd risk écologies for Koltur.

Thé risk ecology is particularly seen

1 understanding how changes to pre-erve thé héritage could augment itsulnerabilities or cause direct harm.

^onversely, preventing such changesould also augment thé héritage'sulnerabilities or cause direct harm.

)nce thèse issues, and others involvingingle-event and chronic hazards andulnerabilities, hâve been identified,

esolving them could be attempted to

ield risk management, inclusive of

ecisions made by others, which would

'e as sustainable as possible.Although Koltur's situation parallels

lie expériences of many non-island

.eritage sites, thé advantages of is-

lands appear in that thé options arestraightforward while each choice'simpacts are directly seen - in isolation.

Meanwhile, thé entire population of

Koltur could be directly consulted and

their entire expérience and knowledge,covering thé island in détail, could beapplied. A further vulnerability is thenrevealed because this expertise of, andcontributions to, Koltur could be lost if

an inhabitant were injured or decided

to leave.

Rather than being strictly about

tourism at a héritage site, thé ecologyofisland vulnerability for Koltur indi-

cates how thé heritage's vulnerabilitychanges thé wider society (includingvisitors) and how wider society af-fects Koltur's héritage vulnerabilities.

Thé vulnerabilities of smallness and

isolation also become advantages bybeing part of thé Koltur expériencebeyond thé héritage meaning of théold buildings.

Rathiin

Rathlin Island (Figure 6) lies about5 km from Northern Ireland's north

coast and about 25 km from Scotland.

At its widest, thé island is approxi-

mately l . 5 km across, but its L-shaped

length yields an area ofapproximately

14 km2. Evidence ofon-island human

activity dates back to up to 9,000 yearsago, but following a récent population

peak of l , 200 in 1784, a steady décline

has yielded a 2003 population ofjust

aver 80. Ferry is thé only public trans-port available for reaching thé island.Thé désire for emigration and thé lack

ofinterest in building and maintaining

a sustainable small island community

is Rathlin's and Rathlin's heritage'smain vulnerability.

Rathlin is a useful case study for

disaster ecology and island vulner-

ability related to héritage due to thé

collaboration between an outside her-

itage organisation, thé U.K. National

Trust, and thé islanders. Thé National

Trust owns small amounts of thé natu-

rai and built héritage on thé island and

is considering opportunities to pur-chase more. Through their ownershipof parts ofRathlin, thé National Tmsthas been working with Rathliners:. To provide thé form of investment

which thé islanders désire.

9 To ensure that National Tmst propertiesserve thé community as well as visitors

and thé National Tmst's goals.

^. ^ ^.y-" -. :"'- H 1km

w

^.

Figure 7. Manor House on Rathlin (Copyright Ilan Kelman, 2003).

Figure 6. Rathlin Island (Modified from http://www.baUy-castle. free-online.co.uk/places/rathlin/rathlinmap.htm).

. To develop and maintain a sustain-

able community.Thé héritage building of Manor

House (Figure 7), owned by thé Na-

tional Tmst, could play a central rôle

in sustaining thé Rathlin community.Manor House is operated mainly as aguest house, but thé property includescommunity-orientated rooms such as

a nurse's clinic, an Irish Gaelic class-

room, a pottery and crafts workshopused by islanders and visitors, and of-

fiées for thé Rathlin Island Co-op.Showcasing good environmental

and sustainability practice is one ofthé operational goals ofManor House.Examples are:

. A no smoking policy is activelyencouragea.

. Paper, ice cream tubs, margarinetubs, and glass jars are reused asmuch as possible along with organicwaste which is composted.

. Local products are purchased when-ever possible and organic produce isgrown in thé Manor House's garden,in which greenhouse-type stmctureshâve been built (Figure 8).

. Employées live on Rathlin.

. Low energy light bulbs are used andmuch of thé hot water is passivelysolar heated.

. Laundiy is air dried, either outdoorsor indoors.

None of thèse methods is especially

innovative, but they are simple, effec-

tive, and économie. Implementing suchpractices illustrâtes a clear coacem forthé community in which thé NationalTrust owns property. Additionally,

demonstrating and promoting good

practice would hopefiilly inspire otherlocals to act similarly.

Thé goal for Manor House is creatinga sustainable living and community

centre. Not only is thé built héritage

of Manor House preserved, but also

its place of importance on Rathlin isaugmented and opportunities are cre-ated for Rathliners. Thus, thé héritageis seen within thé complète risk ecol-

ogy ofRathlin rather than as a separate

entity which must be preserved forits own saké rather than for Rathlin's

saké.

For example, local mistmst of thé

National Trust's goals and attitudes isfrequently a concem for thé National

Tmst when acquiring properties. OnRathlin, this concem was balanced bysome Rathliners' initiative in approach-ing thé National Tmst to see how a col-

laboration could support a sustainableisland community. Sensitive, honestinteraction with Rathliners assisted

in allaying fears and in ensuring thatNational Tmst activities and policieswere appropriate for thé island.

Further complexity émerges due

to competing interests on thé island.

Rathlin interests sport hunters whowould wish to make thé land amenable

to pheasants and thé people amenableto shooting birds. As well, develop-ers are building houses to be used as

weekend or summer cottages. ManyRathliners are concemed about both

thèse activities because they feel thatthèse activities would do little to sup-port thé local community and culture

and to reduce thé island's vulnerability

to emigration. Thé debate is amplifiedby thé smallness and isolation of thé

island. Without imposing or appearingto impose outsiders' dictums, thé Na-

tional Tmst, as an outside organisation

trying to become a local supporter, hashad to carefully balance thé combina-

CI:C£.

Figure 8. Growing Organic Produce in Manor House's Garden (Copyright Ilan Kehnan, 2003).

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAI 0F ISUND AFFMRS 11

tion of Rathliners' wishes, thé pathtowards sustainability, National Tmst

policies, and other like-minded organi-sations' policies.

In attempting to achieve this balanceat Manor House, thé overall ecology

of island vulnerability bas been ad-dressed. In addition to thé aforemen-

tioned contributions to thé community,Manor House seeks tourists who would

stay on-island and who would become

involved in Rathlin. Aside from thé di-

rect présence ofproviding high-quality,

environmentally-friendlyaccommoda-

tion, activities and tours liable to assist

thé local economy and culture are pro-moted. Themed visits and workshopshâve been held on Rathlin and, in thé

future, topics could encompass nature,history, shipwrecks, or enviromnentalmanagement.

An interesting héritage issue within

Rathlin's risk ecology relates to théseveral dozen shipwrecks around théisland. Thèse sites are part ofRathlin'shéritage as well as a possible incentivefortouristvisits. Shipwrecks, however,hâve thé potential to damage coastlineor historical sites, particularly with thé

Briguglio, L., R. Butler, D. Harrison, and WL Filho. 1996.Sustainable Tourism in Islands and Small States: Case

Studies. Pinter, London/New York.

Capobianco, M., HJ DeVriend, RJ Nicholls, and MJF

Stive. 1999. Coastal Area Impact and VulnerabilityAssessment: Thé Point of View of a MorphodynamicModeller. Journal of Coastal Research, vol. 15, no. 3,pp. 701-716.

Cooper, A., and D. Penny. 1997. Mass Survival of BirdsAcross thé Cretaceous- Tertiary Boundary: MolecularEvidence. Science, vol. 275, pp. 1109-1113.

Crowards, T. 2002. Defining thé Category of 'Small'States. Journal of International Development mi. 14,pp. 143-179.

Etkin, D., and IL Stefanovic. 2004. Mitigating NaturalDisasters: Thé Rôle of Eco-Ethics. Mitigation andAdaptation Stratégies for Global Change, in press.

Fraser, EDG., W. Mabee, and 0. Slaymaker. 2003. Mutualvulnerability, mutual dependence: Thé reflexive relationbetween human society and thé environment. GlobalEnvironmental Change m\. 13, pp. 137-144.

Gray, WM, and PJ Klotzbach with assistance fromW. Thorson and J. Connor. 2003. Extended RangeForecast of Atlantic Seasonal Hurricane Activity and

essential rescue, recovery, investiga-tive, and commemorative activities.

Thé old shipwrecks are valued, yetcomplementing new shipwrecks areundesirable. When does a contami-

nant and unwanted event become a

welcome part of a place's héritage?Where lives hâve been lost, especiallywhere thé majority of thé population

on a small island has been affected,

are such eveats and sites appropriatefor marketing tourism?

Attempts to tackle such questions,

even if définitive answers are not

forthcoming, are part of developingand understanding thé vulnerabilityand risk écologies ofRathlin. As withKoltur, disaster ecology frameworks,

such as that proposed by Etkin and

Stefanovic (2004) for disasters in-

volving natural hazards, should beused. Thus, thé ecology of island vul-nerability for Rathlin implies under-standing thé meaning of thé héritageand its vulnerabilities to Rathliners

and to thé wider community as wellas ways of exploiting, without dam-aging, that héritage for thé island's

benefit.

US Landfall Strike Probability for 2004. Department

of Atmospheric Science, Colorado State University,online http://tropical. atmos. colostate. edu/Fore-casts/2003/dec2003

Kelman, l. 2003. Beyond Disaster, Beyond Diplomacy.Chapter 7, pp. 110-123 in Pelling, M. (éd.), NatwalDisasters and Development in a Globalizing World,Routledge, London.

Klein, RJTand RJ Nicholls. 1999. AssessmentofCoastal

Vulnerability to Climate Change. Ambio, vol. 28, no. 2,March 1999, pp. 182-187.

Lewis, J. 1980. Thé Ecological Intégration of DisasterRelief. Reprint in English from thé article published as

De integratie van een beleid voor rampenbestrijdingin de ecologische problematiek, Aspecten van inter-

nationale samenwerking, No. 6, Ministry of ForeignAffairs, Thé Hague.

Lewis, J. 1999. Development in Disaster-pmne Places:

Studies of Vulnerability. Intermediate TechnologyPublications, London, U. K.

MacArthur, RH, and EO Wilson. 1967. Thé Theory ofIsland Biogeography. Princeton University Press,Princeton.

ConclusionsThé conceptual model ofdisaster ecol-ogy has led to risk and vulnerability

écologies. Island vulnerability is seenas a useful approach for applying this

conceptual model, as shown by thé case

studies of Koltur and Rathlin. Fully

analyzing thé écologies ofKoltur andRathlin would be needed to develop

solutions for sustainable risk manage-

ment. This analysis would also assist

in answering questions posed hère,including those regarding thé positiveand négative conséquences ofdisaster,

and filling in gaps, such as developing

speciiïc recommendations for sustain-

able risk management at a site.Thé complexity of thèse analyses

and thé need for différent disciplines

collaborating should be emphasized.

Application on islands yields signifi-cant challenges. Non-islands face thosechallenges without islands' advan-tages. Nonetheless, thé thoroughness,

breadth, and depth implied by combin-

ing thé conceptual models examinedwould be a significant step towardscreating and maintaining sustainable

risk management.

Murray, J., and P. Segall. 2002. Testing Time-predictableEarthquake Récurrence by Direct Measurement ofStrain Accumulation and Release. Nature, vol. 419,

pp. 287-291.Pelling, M. 1999. Thé political ecologyofflood hazard in

urban Guyana. Geoforum, vol. 30, pp. 249-261.Pelling, M. 2001. Natural Disasters?, chapter 9 pp.

170-188 in N. Castrée and B. Braun (eds), Soc/'sfnature: theory, practice andpolitics, Blackwell, Oxford:Blackwell.

Pelling, M., and Jl Uitto. 2001. Small Island Develop-ing States: Natural Disaster Vulnerability and GlobalChange. Environmental Hazards, vol. 3, pp. 49-62.

Royle, S.A. 2001. /1 Geography of Islands: Small IslandInsularity. Routledge, London.

UN DHA. 1992. Intemationally Agreed Glossary ofBasic Terms Related to Disaster Management. UNDHA (United Nations Department of HumanitarianAffairs), Geneva.

Wisner, B., K. Westgate, and P. O'Keefe. 1976. Povertyand Disaster. New Society vol. 37, pp. 546-548.

Wisner, B., P. Blaikie, T. Cannon. and l. Davis. 2004.

At Risk: Natural hazards, people's vulnerability, anddisasters, 2nd éd. Routledge, London.

Small tropical islands are often asso-

ciated with images of idyllic, tropicalparadises with their palm trees, beachesand warm, clear lagoons. Although thisis largely tme, behind this façade there

are hidden a multitude of challengesand problems. Thèse islands maydiffer in their geographical distribu-tion; physical aspects; social, cultural,économie andpolitical contexts; but at

thé same time they share many similarcharacteristics which constrain them in

their path to sustainable development.Among others, thèse include small size

and insularity, fragility ofenviromnent,

limitée natural resources and lack of

institutional and human capacity (seeBox l). Over thé last décade, thèse

characteristics hâve been increasingly

associated with 'vulnerability' ofsmall

islands, especially in relation to thégeopolitical grouping of small islanddeveloping states (SIDS).

Discussions on both thé conceptual

and empirical nature of vulnerability

hâve been well documented in thé lit-

erature and présents an evolving topic.Briefly, vulnerability can be definedas thé extent to which thé environ-

ment, economy or social System is

Box 1. Characteristics of SIDS leading to their vulnerability

Geographical isolation and small physical size

Ecological uniqueness and fragility

Rapid population growth, high densities and changes

Limited natural resources, often with high dependence on marine resources

Sensitivity and exposure to extremely damaging natural disasters

Susceptibility to climate change and sea level riseSmall domestic market

Small économies with limited diversification possibilities

Inabilityto influence international priées

Peripherality (related to remoteness and isolation): high per unit transportcosts, marginalisation,uncertainties of supply, need ta keep large quantifies of stocks

Trade vulnerability

Limited ability ta exploit économies of scale

Limitations on domestic compétition

Difficulties in absorbing FDI (foreign direct investment)Limited investment opportunities, including in communication servicesProblems of public administration

Dependence on extemal finance

Remittances

List compiled from various sources: Kaly et al. 2002, UWICED 2002, Barbados Programme of Action 1994.

FATHIMA GllTNA

prône to damage or dégradation byinternai or extemal factors. Economie

vulnerability refers to thé risks faced

by thèse économies from exogenousshocks to thé Systems of production,distribution and consumption. Envi -ronmental vulnerability relates to thé

risk of damage to thé island's natural

ecosystems or environment (e. g., coral

reefs, mangroves, freshwater, coastalareas, forests), including physical andbiological processes, energy flows,diversity, gènes, ecological resilienceand ecological redundancy (UWICED,2002; Kaly et al., 2002). Social vul-nerability reflects thé degree in which

Fathima Ghlna is a native of thé

Maldives. She has a degree in biol-ogy and applied social sciencesfrom thé University of Leeds, UK.Following this, she trained as a

teacher in biotogy and integrated scienos at thé Uni-versity of Bristol afterwhich she worked as a teacherin thé Maldives. Her interest in thé link betweenhuman activities and thé environment led her to do

a Master in Human Ecology at thé Free Univefsityof Bmssels (VUB). During this time she developed akeen interest in environment and development issuesrelated to small istands and how to address thèse in a

multi- and inter-disciplinary way. Since (hen she hasfocused her attention on sustainable developmentof small island developing states (SIDS). She alsotrained as a Chevening Scholar in Biodiversity atthé United Nations Environment Programme-WoridConservation Monitoring Centre, spending a yearin International Coral Reef Action Network (ICRAN).Presently she works at thé intersectoral Coasts andSmall Islands Platform (CSI) at thé United Nations

Scientific, Education and Cultural Organisation(UNESCO), Paris.

Contact: Fghina@free.frm

§

8

os

s

l

INTEKNWIWIM iJOUBMt 0F ISUKD Af»lRS 13

societies are affected negatively by

stresses and hazards. In ail cases, thé

causal factors can be natural or anthro-

pogenic or both.

Resilience is thé opposite ofvulner-

ability. It refers to thé ability of théenvironmental, social or économie

System to resist or recover from

damage. Hence, resilience building isan intégral component of managing

vulnerability, and cmcial to ensure that

a country continues to progress in its

path to sustainable development.While ail three types ofvulnerability

influence and shape thé development ofa state, it can be argued that for SIDS,

environmental vulnerability constitutes

thé biggest obstacle. Thé underlyingpremise for this is that: (i) a healthyenvironment is thé basis of ail life-sup-

port Systems, including human wellbe-

ing and development and, (ii) SIDS

tend to be greatly dépendent on theirenvironment and natural resources for

their basic needs as well as socio-eco-

nomic development. Where thé state of

thé environment is in décline and has

lost most, ifnot ail ofits life-supportfùnctions, even mère survival becomes

a gréât challenge.A team from thé South Pacifie

Applied Geoscience Commission

(SOPAC), thé United Nations Envi-ronment Programme (UNEP) and

other partners has been working onthé development of a global environ-mental vulnerability index (EVI) tocharacterise thé vulnerability ofnaturalSystems at local to régional levels. It

is designed to simultaneously meas-ure levels of risk and conditions now

and predict how thé environment is

likely to cope with future events. ThéEVI aims to promote thé intégrationof environmental vulnerability con-siderations in national developmentplanning and management so as toencourage sustainable development

at thé national level, together with théobjective to enhance national capacity,technical skills and knowledge in envi-ronmental vulnerability and manage-ment (SOPAC, 2004). Priority issues

in SIDS identified are climate changeand sea level rise, threats to biodiver-

sity, threats to freshwater resources,

dégradation of coastal environments,waste management, energy and tour-

ism (BPOA, UNEP 2003, United

Nations 1999b).In thé following section ofthis paper,

thé priority issues in thé context ofvulnerability ofSIDS will be exploredthrough a case study on Maldives.

Spécial attention will be given to

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grown dramatically with 87 resortstoday. Until thé Indian Océan tsunami

of December 2004, it bas maintained

a constant growth rate of7 % per year,

with tourist arrivais increasing from

430 000 in 1999 to 615 000 in 2004

(World Bank et al 2005). Tourism

now générâtes approximately 40 % ofgovemment revenues and aver 50 %

of direct employment. Thèse earaingsplay a major rôle in thé socio-economicdevelopment of Maldivian society,providing a source offunds for invest-ment in essential social infrastmcture

such as éducation, health institutions,

transport andpower génération; as wellas paying for imported commoditieson which Maldives economy is highlydépendent. Indirect benefits from théindustry are also substantial, through

increased fîshing, transport, carpentryand masonry in resort construction

and maintenance, production of localhandicrafts and souvenirs, ail contrib-

uting to employment and householdincarnes. While tourism générâtes

enormous benefîts for thé country, it

also threatens thé very environmenton which it is dépendent. Activities

such as thé high level ofwaste genera-tion, consumption of fireshwater and

energy, unwise coastal construction

and damage to reefs by snorkellers anddivers are some of thé négative impactsoftourism. Tourism can hâve implica-

tiens for thé cultural, traditional and

social fabric of thé society by impart

offoreign culture. It is also an industry

that is highly influenced by extemalmarkets and is therefore vulnérable

to shocks. Hence, it is imperative thattourism be planned in accordance withenvironmental, social, cultural and

économie sustainability.

Freshwater

Freshwater is confined to an under-

ground 'freshwater lens' or aquifer in

each island comprised of a freshwaterzone separated by a transition zone

over thé underlying seawater. Thislens is found 1.0 - 1. 5 métrés below

thé land surface and changes continu-

ously with thé tide. Water availabilitydépends upon thé rate of abstractionand recharge by rain. During thé dryseason, up to 25 % of household inail atolls report a shortage of water(MHAHE, 2002). Additionally, due tothé porous nature of thé soil and poorwaste disposai methods, thé water issusceptible to pollution and contami-nation. In total, in 162 of thé inhabited

islands, thé groundwater is not suitablefor drinking (MEC, 2004). Currently,thé main source offreshwater in Mâle,

and most of thé tourist resorts is from

desalination. This is a costly option

produces highly saline waste andenergy consumed in thé productioncontributes to increased greenhousegas (GHG) émissions. In view of thédeclining quality and supply of fresh

Figure 4. Sun Island tourist resort

water in thé country, high priority is

now given to mcreasing rainwater

harvesting by construction of stor-âge tanks at both thé community andindividual household levels (MHAHE,

2002). Bottled water production by

private companies is also on thé riseas demand for freshwater continues

to mcrease.

Waste management

Thé disposai of solid and hazardouswaste is a particularly critical prob-

lem. Changing consumption pattems,

rapid population growth and théuneven distribution of population aver

widely dispersed islands are some ofthé main factors that hinder properwaste management. Limitée landarea makes landfills unsustainable in

thé long term and other options, such

as incinération are economically and

technically challenging. Solid waste

is produced in a much larger volume

by tourist resorts than local inhabitedislands. Estimated waste productionis within thé range 40 to 204 tons

per year per resort, depending on thésize of thé resort, with up to 7.2 kgwaste per visiter per day (Brown etal., 1997). Comparée to other atolls,solid waste generated per capita inMâle is much higher, with an averageof 2.48 kg per capita per day in Mâle,as opposed to 0. 70-0. 79 kg of wasteper capita per day in thé atolls (MEC,2004). Domestic and constructionwaste from Mâle, Hulhulé Interna-

tionalAirport and many resort islandsis transported to thé 'garbage island' ofThilafushi to be disposed in a landfill.Thilafushi was originally a lagoonabout 7 km to thé west of Mâle. Thé

Govemment décidée to reclaim it in

1991 for landfilling purposes as part

of a strategy to address thé growingsolid waste problem of Mâle. With thégrowth in land area ofThilafiishi, andrecognising thé opportunity to gener-

ate incarne by leasing land to privateentrepreneurs, thé island now housesindustrial activities such as boat

manufacturing, cément packing, gasbottling and various large scale ware-housing. In général, there is very littleségrégation of waste at household ormimicipal levels. In other islands, aftersegregating thé organic waste for com-posting and buming thé combustiblesin open air, thé rest isjust dumped near

thé beach or buried in unlined pits.

Due to thé high permeability of thé

coral limestone bedrock, thé aquifer

is susceptible to pollution from suchactivities with thé risk of spread-ing diseases. Often, wetland areas,

swamps and mangroves are also usedas waste disposai areas, thus destroy-

ing thèse fragile habitats. Moreover,

a considérable amount of thé waste is

discarded at sea and in close vicinity

to thé reefs, particularly in thé case ofouter atolls and heavily used tourist

islands. Waste from fish processingfactories or major fishing islands aredumped directly in thé lagoon riskingboth human and reefhealth.

Thé only public sewerage System in

thé country was established m Mâle in1988 and more recently in thé islandof Villingili, where untreated sewage

is discharged directly into thé sea

on both thé lagoon and océan sides

of thé islands. Effluents fi-om septictanks and raw sewage are discharged

directly into thé sea from tourist islandsand on more isolated islands openbeaches are frequently used. Nutrientrich wastewater affects thé growth of

hard corals (crucial for reeffonnation)

negatively, favouring enhanced growthof seagrasses and algae which maysmother reefs.

An area of growing concem is thé

disposai ofhazardous waste; thé mainsources are: power stations, oil/fuel

supply storage areas, fertilizer and pes-ticide storage areas, farming areas. At

présent, efforts to handle and dispose ofhazardous waste properly are minimaland not consistent with environmen-

tal and public health requirements,moreover thé country lacks a secure

hazardous waste storage, treatment or

disposai facility.

EnergyNot possessing any fossil fuels, woodis thé main indigenous source ofenergyin Maldives. It is primarily used forcooking and a small percentage infîsh processing, palm sugar making(from thé local coconut palm) andlime making. To a lesser extent, otherbiomass sources such as dried coconut

husks, shells and leaves, various typesof dried grasses and waste paper arealso used. Thé use ofwood for energyis a major cause of deforestation and

at thé same time présents serioushealth implications, particularly towomen and children. However, in thé

last décade, liquefied petroleum gasand kérosène hâve become thé majorsource ofhousehold energy.

Petroleum products, mainly diesel,are imported for commercial energyneeds. Thé major part of this is usedto produce electricity and in sea-basedtransport. Resorts consume approxi-

nnteïy 56 % ©flflio cmnniiiry's fcri

nsmammç 15 % s CTMifiiuimd ®n thé

Each island bas to hâve its own

power génération System and infra-structure. Thé capital island. Mâle,has thé highest power génération andconsumption (estimated at 82 %). Thépercentage of population with accessto electricity has grown aver thé pastdécades. Now, more than 60 of thé

inhabited islands hâve electricity 24hours a day, accounting for 55 % ofthé population. However, 21 % of thépopulation hâve less than six hours orno access to electricity (MPND/UNDP1999).

On a very limited scale, solar energy

is utilised to power navigational lights,communication transceivers on fish-

iag boats and for power supply at théremote installations in thé national

télécommunications network as well

as to heat water in many tourist resorts.

There is a need to tap into and pro-liferate such reaewable, sustainable

forms of energy throughout thé coun-

try. Given thé equatorial location of

Maldives, solar energy would providean idéal source. Access to energy is

important, as it plays a major rôle in

raisingthe living standards and qualityoflife ofcommunities.

.SiQsEsstSfis

Thé flora and fauna are highly endémie,and there is a need to fully documentthé biological diversity. Terrestrialbiodiversity m Maldives is limitée. Thénatural végétation on islands follows a

common pattem ofsalt-tolerant bushesat thé periphery and larger trees andcoconut palms inland. Besides coco-

nut, common trees include banyans,

bamboo, pandanus, banana, mango,and breadfhiit trees. Out of thé 583

species of plants recorded, 55 % arecultivated species.

Often in thé northem islands, man-

graves may be found fringing théocéan sides of thé islands associated

with inland brackish water bodies.

Terrestrial animal species are ratherlimited, however, about 165 speciesof seabirds, shorebirds and landbirds

hâve been recorded (Zuhair, 1997).

Majorthreats to terrestrial biodiversity

include: clearing ofland for agricultureandhousing, desfa-uction of mangrovesby dumping waste and cutting forfirewood, and thé introduction of plantpathogens, insect pests and diseasesdue to inadéquate quarantine mecha-nisms (MEC, 2004).

>.Q

Figure 5. Clown fish in anémone (Photo by: Vincent Tomeno)

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 0F ISLAND AFFAIRS 17

Table 1. Marine Biodiversity

Organism Number of speciesStony corals 187Fish 1090Blue green algae 163Red algae 83Brown algae 18Molluscs 400Crustaceans 350

Echinoderms 80Sponges 36Source: MEC 2004.

In contrast, thé marine biodiversityis amongst thé richest in thé région.Thé coral reefarea of Maldives is 8920

km2 comprising 5 % of thé world's reef

area. It supports thé greatest diversityof corals and associated organisms,

along with thé Chagos Archipelago(Spalding et al., 2002; Rajasuriya etal., 2000). Maldivian atolls form partof thé so-called 'Chagos stricture'

representing a stepping stone betweenthé reefs of thé Eastem Indian Océan

and those of thé EastemAiïican région;

and as such thé fauna combines ele-

ments of both eastern and western

assemblages (Spalding et al., 2001).Table l indicates thé extent of marine

biodiversity.

Coral reefs provide vast numbers ofpeople ail aver thé world with food,recreational possibilities, coastalprotection, as well as aesthetic andcultural benefits and hâve tremendous

value as life-support Systems to soci-

ety. One estimate suggests that reefhabitats provide living resources (e.g.seafood) and services (e. g. tounsm,coastal protection) worth US $ 375billion annually (Bryant et al., 1998).It is estimated that outside of thé West-

em Pacifie, Maldives is thé nation that

is most dépendent on coral reefs forthé maintenance of land area, food,

expert eamings and foreign currencyfrom tourism revenues (Spalding et

al., 2001).Though, on thé whole, Maldives

coral reefs are in gbod condition, local-ised dégradation has been experiencedaround those islands with high level

of population and development. Lackof environmental awareness and poor

management compounds thé stress.Anthropogenic causes ofreefdegrada-tion include coral mining, dredging,land réclamation activities, pollution,

badly engineered coastal constmctions,chaimel clearance, aver fishing ofreef

species (e.g. groupers, conchs, giantclams, etc) and tourist activities. About11 % ofreefs are estimated to be at

risk (Spalding et al., 2001) and 2 to 5% were in-eparably damaged prior tothé 1998 bleaching event (Rajasunyaet al., 2000). While some conservationmeasures hâve been put in place averthé last décade, such as thé 1992 law

controlling coral mining; thé ban oncollection and export of certain marinefauna, andthe désignation of25 marine

protected areas, effective enforcement,management and monitoring are hin-dered by a lack ofsystematic data andtrained personnel.

Climate andsea-Ievel rise

One of thé greatest environmentalthreats to Maldives is climate change

and sea level rise. Ironically, Maldivescontribution to global greenhouse gasémissions is only 0.01 % (MEC, 2004).In thé Maldives, for thé period 1950

to 2000, a significant increasing trendin mean air température of0. 16°C perdécade was observed (Edwards et al.,

2001). Globally, thé 1990s was théwannest décade and 1998 thé warm-

est year in instmmental record since1861 (IPCC, 2001). Globally, average

températures are predicted to rise by1.4 to 5. 8 °C and sea level by 0.09 to0.88 mètres between 1990 and 2100

(IPCC, 2001).Warm épisodes of thé El Nino-

Southern Oscillation (ENSO) hâve

been more fréquent, persistent andintense since thé mid 1970s, compared

with thé previous 100 years (IPCC2001). Thoughthe ElNino has its coreactivity in thé tropical Pacifie, associ-ated changes can hâve far reachingconséquences in other régions. Forinstance, thé central Indian Océan reefsexperienced extensive coral bleaching

during thé most récent and strongestENSO épisode in 1998.

Maldives is no stranger to extrême

weather events. InApril 1987, sévèreswell waves caused widespread damageto Mâle. thé Hulhule international air-

port, other inhabited islands and resorts.On Mâle thé swells either washed away

or inundated a large part of thé 600,000m2 ofland reclaimed from thé shallow

lagoons along thé southem and westerncoasts. Thé area had been reclaimedbetween 1979-1986 at a cost of Rf

50 million (US $ 4. 2m). Thé cost ofbreakwater repairs and rebuilding wasestimated at US $ 5 million (MPND1999). Intense storms swept over théarchipelago in May 1991 and morerecently in May 2004, both épisodescausing large scale flooding, damageto property and végétation.

Thé IPCC predicts mean rainfallintensity to increase by about 20-30 %as well as a rise in thé frequency of

extrême températures during thé dryseason. with increased likelihood ofthermal stress conditions by 2050.

In addition to thé low élévation,

thé fact that thé island ecosystem is

based on coral reefs renders thé Mal-

dives extremely vulnérable to climatechange. Coral reefs are very sensitiveto changes in their environment, andtherefore would be one of thé first

ecosystems to be affected by globalclimate change.

Abnormal increases of sea surface

températures (SSTs) are believed tobe thé major cause of mass bleach-ing' events over thé past two décades(Strong et al., 1998; Hoegh-Guldberg1999: Wilkinson et al., 1999; Edwards

et al, 2001). In 1998, an estimated 90% of thé reefs of thé Maldives were

bleached either partially or totally(Edwards et al., 2001). Fortunately,

' When physiologically stressed, corals may lose muchof their symbiotic algae (zooxanthellae), which supplynutrients and colour - a process known as bleaching.Bleaching can be both natural and human-induced:prolonged high or low températures, visible light andUV radiation, low tides (long periods ofexposure to air),low or high salinity, pollution and diseases are common

InreBWioiaai Jmwiu. OF îswss AFams

F^eé. ExposedrootsofvegetationandfaUenpalmtreeduetoeros. on

recovery was recorded in many areas.However, if thé increasing toend in SSTs

small proportion of total fishing activity,however, its importance is increasing.however, its 11

^=lzl=Sï r:^:b:ffi^^^îïÏSt ^^riy ^'^^S3ï;rsr is^- ?E::EEïï"lated to thé économie mainstays of thénation: ûshery and most importantly,reef-based tourism, which is thé driv-

cably Unked. Though some changea mthé diversity and abundance in reeffishhâve been noted foUowing thé masscoral bleaching event, no major changes

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Climate change will hâve significantimplications to tourism. Around 50 %of ail tourists visiting Maldives aredivers or snorkellers (MHAHE, 2001).Thé financial losses to tourism in Mal-dives due totheApril-May 1998 masscoral bleaching event was estimatedat US $ 3 million with global welfareloss estimated at US $ 19 million(Westmacott. et al., 2000). Similarly,it is estimated that overall, close to70 % oftourists also visit Maldives forits white sandy beaches (MoT 2000).Hence, loss ofbeach area, as a resultofstorm érosion, reef dégradation andsea level rise would negatively impacttourism.

Another area of major concem is théimpactto valuable infrastructure. Morethan 73 % of inhabited islands hâvehousing and other buildings at less than30 métrés away from thé shoreline. Anaverage investment for a resort with200 beds is estimated to be aver US$ 9 million and for a modem 700 bedresort US $ 43,750,000 (MoT, 2000).Notwithstanding thé fact that islandsare so small that thé entire island basto be considered a coastal entity, tour-

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ist demand encourages building roomsas close to thé beach as possible andeven aver thé lagoon itself on stiltsAn estimate from one resort indicates

that US $ 60, 000 per year is neededto maintain coastal protection of théisland (MHAHE, 2001). Impact to

other important investments such asthé airport on thé island of Hulhuléis also of major concem. Hulhulé isbetween 1. 0-1. 7 m above sea level.

Damage caused to Hulhulé due to thé

1987 destructive waves épisode wasconsidérable and cost of repairs wasestimated at US $ 4. 5 million (Edwards1989).

Thé coral reefs provide naturalprotection to thé islands from waves,stonn surges and flooding. At thé sametime, thé shapes and size of thé smallislands are determined by thé tidalandcun-ent pattems. Thé beach Systemson them are highly dynamic andexhibit significant seasonal changes.(MHAHE, 2001). Thèse features makethem extremely vulnérable to érosion.It is estimated that 50 % of ail inhabited

islands and 45 % of ail tourist resort

islands suffer from varying degreesofcoastal érosion (MHAHE, 2001).There are multiple causes, includ-mg wind related changes in currentsand waves, reef dégradation, badlyengineered coastal structures such as

groynesjetties, and causeways whichalter currents and sédimentation pat-tems, coral and sand mining, dredging,and land réclamation.

Already a 1. 5 km long breakwaterat a cost of US $ 14 million has been

constructed on thé southern side of

Mâle following thé 1987 flooding byhigh tides. Since early 1992, with théassistance of thé Japanese govern-ment, protective seawalls hâve been

constmcted on thé western, eastem and

southem perimeter of Mâle at a costofUS $ 100 million. Thé estimated

cost for thé seawall that is presentlyunder construction on thé northern

side is US $ 20 million, bringing thétotal cost of protection of Mâle alone

to US $ 134 million (MHAHE, 2001).

Thèse defence structures were built

oaly to protect Mâle from waves 2 mabove présent mean sea level (as expe-rienced in extrême weather épisodes);thepotential impacts ofclimate changewere not taken into considération.

Maldives bas limited options torespond to coastal érosion and inunda-

tion. Given thé natural features of thé

islands - thé small size and low eleva-

tion of entire islands, measures such

as moving inland or to higher groundare not feasible. Protective measures

such as beach nourishment are dif-

ficult to implement, as beach materialis limited in supply and sand extraction

from lagoons, as bas been practisedin thé past, would fùrther exacerbate

érosion problems. In thé light ofthèselimitations, hard engineered sea wallsremain thé principal alternative forthé highly developed islands. But asnoted previously, building sea wallsis extremely expensive and présents amajor financial drain to poor countriessuch as Maldives. Thé estimated cost of

protecting only fifty of thé 199 inhab-

ited islands of Maldives was projectedto be over US $ 1. 5 billion (MHAHE,2001). It is not difficult to imagine thatfor thé majority ofMaldivian islands,with a maximum height above meansea level of less than l m, a sea level

rise ofeven a few centimètres will hâve

tremendous impact.

Another critical concem to thé Mal-

dives would be thé impact ofsea level

rise on groundwater availability. Risingsea levels would decrease thé thickness

of thé freshwater lens and therefore

thé availability of freshwater. Moreo-ver, storm wash-over of thé islands

by increased frequency and intensityof storms will lead to increased inci-

dences of contamination offreshwater

by saltwater.

Coral reefs hâve survived majorglobal climatic changes in geologicalhistory showing that they are poten-tially résilient and robust. Research hasshown that corals and reef communi-

ties possess numerous mechanisms

for acclimatisation and adaptation

through diverse reproductive strate-gies, flexible symbiotic relationships,physiological acclimatisation, habitattolérance and community interactions(NOAA, 1998). Thé problem today isthat increased human activities hâve

already placed many reefs at risk andundermined their resilience. Addi-

tional, changing environmental factors

would place them in a most precariousstate. In thé past, it may be that théabsence of other stressors helpedthem to cope, for instance with risingsea levels of about 20 cm per décade(Bums, 2001). Therefore, ifenviron-

mental changes exceed thé adaptiveand acclimative capacities established

under previous rates and ranges ofdisturbance, modem coral reefs will

likely lose their resilience and robust-

ness (NOAA, 1998), threatening thévery existence of certain islands.

ImplEcations of thé 2004Indian Océan tsunamiThé massive earthquake off thé coastof Sumatra, Indonesia, which gener-ated thé gigantic tsunami ofDecember26th 2004 stmck many Indian Océancountries including thé Maldives. Itleft a wake of death and destmction

throughout thé Indian Océan. To date

an estimated 280, 000 people, areknown to hâve died. Towns, villages,infrastructure, livelihoods, naturalhabitats and ecosystems hâve beendevastated.

While thé death toll of 83 (and 26missing) in thé Maldives was consid-erably low, Maldives bas never before

experienced a natural disaster of this

scale in récent history. Fortunately,with its location outside tectonicallyactive basins and thé hurricane belt,Maldives is rarely subjected to dev-astating natural disasters. With thé

tsunami, waves ranging between l to

5 métrés high were reported in ail partsof thé country. Sixty-nine of thé coun-try's 199 low-lying inhabited islands

were damaged, 53 of them severely.Twenty were largely devastated, and

14 had to be evacuated (UNEP, 2005).

Figure 8. Aerial view oftsunami impacted island (Photo by Ibrahim Fairooz)

Approximately 29,577 résidents weredisplaced and 12,000 remain homelesstoday, living in temporaiy shelters orwiA fiiends and relatives on Iheir own

or other islands (UNEP, 2005). In ail,nearly a fhird of thé comrtry's wholepopulation is rqwrted to hâve sufFeredftom loss or damage of homes, liveli-hoods and local infrastmcture (WorldBank, et al. 2004). Thé teunami bas had

an enormous impact on thé nationaleconomy, which dqiends laigely ondive tourism, fishing and agriculture.Total damages were estimated at US$ 472 nuUion, 62 % of thé counhy'sGDP (World Bank et al. 2005). Thisis excluding thé cost ofenvironmentaldamage. Thé Govemment of Maldivesestimâtes that thé tsunami has set back

development in thé country by twodécades.

In ternis ofcontributing to increasmgvulnerability, thé tsunami brought intoprommence many of thé exiriing and

chronic problems, as well as creatingnew problems, such as loss of liveli-hoods and homes.

Impact on thé tourism sector wassignificanfc Three tourists died, and 19resorts sustained substantial damage.Approximately, ̂ 0 % of hôtel beds arecurrentlynotavailable. (WoddBanketal. 2005). In thé two months followingtfae tsunami, tourist arrivais declmedmaikedly, reducing occupanqy rate to40 % (UNEP 2005) and still rcmain

relarively low. To eut costs, number offlights were reduced and many resortsrcduced Iheir staff sizes. It is estimated

that rebuilding thé resorts will cost$100 million and that business losses

for tfae sector may total US $250 mil-lion (UNEP 2005).

Impact to fishedes includes damageand loss of 120 fishing vessels andprocessing equipment worth US $25 miUion CWorld Bank et aL 2004).Beyond this monetary value, théimpact on rural people's livelihoodsis enormous.

Thé exact extent of thé damage to

coral reefs of thé Maldives is yet to be

determined, but it is known that when

a tsunami passes, reef structures expe-rience extensive damage. In addition,increased volumes of silt, sand and

organic matter can smother marine lifeincluding young coral recmits. Even alight coating ofsand or sédiments mayinhibit their settlement on parent reefs(UNEP 2005).

Flooding by seawater bas led tosalinization of ground water and con-

tamination by organic and inorganicpollutants such as oil and herbicides.Thé saliaization of ground water hasalso affected végétation including agri-cultural crops, destooymg an important

livelihood of rural populations.

Thé flushing of thé sait from thé

underground aquifers will take manyyears. A large number of rainwater

storage tanks and catehmait aoas waedamaged on thé most heavily impactedislands. As explained in thé previoussection, Maldives faced chronic water

stress before thé tsunami, so now thé

problem bas intensified.Thé tsunami also created a gréât

quantity ofwaste comprising hazard-ous waste (oil, asbestos, batteries, etc.),végétation, soil, sédiment, munici^Iwaste from dump sites, healthcarewaste, démolition waste (concrète,

brick, timber, etc., approximately290,000 mî) fi-om destroyed buUd-mgs, leakage; fi-om septic tanks andwastes generated by relief q»erarions(UNEP 2005). Dumpsit^ on severalislands were washed into thé sea or fte

waste redistributed wiliiin thé islands.

Further, ùnproperly managed cleanup woric bas woisened environmentriconditions on die impacted islands: forinstance, approximately one-third oftsunanii-related démolition waste bas

been dumped direcdy into die sea, andAe process is ongoing (UNEP 2005).

future?Thé vulnerability of thé natural eavi-ronment, economy and social stmcture

ofSIDS is now well established. Even

though similar problems are présent in

most or ail developing countries, due

to their inhérent characteristics they

are felt more acutely in SIDS. Thisis because, given thé relatively smallsize of thé island environment and

thé population, a shock, be it natural

or human-induced, tends to producea proportionately large impact. Inaddition, small states tend to hâve thé

narrowest margins of safety and théleast ability to mitigate or overcome

catastrophes.

While SIDS face many environ-

mental and developmental challengesalready, climate change will greatlyexacerbate them and put tremendousburdens on thé SIDS governmentsand communities to address them. In

thé case of thé Maldives, thé Indian

Océan tsunami, provided a wake up

call, which instantaneously demon-

^

ceisa

l

INTERWATIONAI JOURNAL 0F ISUND AFF«IRS

2004 from US $ 2.3 billion to US $ 1.7

billion in 2002 (Chowdhury, 2004). Itwould not be an error to say that in

reality thé 'paper' path from Rio andBarbados to Johannesberg and Mau-ritius has made significant progress,while, in practical ternis, much remains

to be done (Ghina, 2003).

For centuries, faced with multiplechallenges, small islands and theircommunities hâve survived through

innovation, their adaptability, resil-

ience and community spirit. Their

remoteness and insularity has led todevelopment of écologies and culturesthat are often unique to their locations.

While their spécial characteristicsprovide constraints, they also pres-ent opportunities for developmentstratégies. However, thé multitudeof unprecedented challenges of thémodem, globalized world means thatSIDS require significant support fromthé international community. Whilethé primary responsibility to pursuesustainable development lies with thé

SIDS themselves, thé international

community needs to urgently providetechnical and financial assistance to

help them formulate and implementpolicies on sound environmental and

économie management. Good gover-nance, social cohésion and solidarity

are equally important. Above ail,

capacity building at ail levels and sec-

tors are cmcial, as a prerequisite forself-reliance and lasting sustainabilityofanystate.

Figure 9. Tsunami destroyed housing, végétation and generated waste (Photo by Ibrahim Fairooz)

strated thé sheer vulnerability of thécountry to large scale natural and

environmental disasters. In a similar

vein, we can cite thé dévastation to

Grenada caused by Hurricane Ivanin September 2004 and thé impact ofparticularly active hurricane seasonsin thé Caribbean and Pacifie in récent

years. While thèse examples illustratethé magnitude of thé challenges andobstacles SIDS face in progressingtowards sustainable development,they also demonstrate thé resilience

of thé islands and their people - howthey pick up thé pièces each time andkeep moving on. For instance, until thétsunami struck, Maldives had been one

of thé fastest progressing SIDS in termsof économie and human development.So much so that thé UN Committee

for Development Policy had recom-mended its graduation from thé LeastDeveloped Country group since 2000,with it coming into effectjust six daysbefore thé tsunami struck. However,this bas now been postponed to bereconsidered in thé light of thé after-

math of thé tsunami and its impacts.At thé international level. since

thé United Nations Conférence on

Environment and Development (EarthSummit) in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, théspécial circumstances of SIDS hâve

increasingly gained global attention.Thé 1994 United Nations Conférence

on thé Sustainable Development ofSmall Island Developing States heldin Barbados led to thé formulation of

a Programme of Action addressingpriority areas for sustainable develop-ment. It sets out basic principles as wellas spécifie actions that are requiredat thé national, régional and intema-tional levels that take into account thé

économie, social and environmental

aspects that are thé pillars of théholistic and integrated approach to sus-tainable development. Thé 2000 Mil-lennium Summit and thé 2002 World

Summit on Sustainable Developmentfiirther affirmed thé spécial situationof SIDS. Most recently, in Mauritius(January 2005), thé United Nations

International Meeting to Review thé

Programme of Action for thé Sustain-

able Development ofSIDS reaffinnedthé validity of thé 1994 Barbados

Programme of Action (BPOA) as théblueprint for sustainable developmentin small islands. Furthermore. thé

Mauritius Déclaration and Strategyspecifically addressed new prioritiesand emerging issues related to tradeand graduation from LDC status, rôleof culture, HIV/AIDS, knowledge fordécision making and need for capacitydevelopment and éducation for sustain-able development.

Ten years after thé adoption of théBPOA, national and régional assess-ments, indicate that while some SIDS

hâve managed to effectively addresssome aspects of their vulnerabilityand work towards sustainable devel-

opment, others hâve gone backwards.One major reason for thé lack ofimplementation of thé BPO