Isolation, identity and Taiwanese stamps as vehicles for regime legitimation

Isolation, Identity and Taiwanese Stamps as Vehicles for Regime

Legitimation Phil Deans

Postage stamps issued by the government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan provide a useful tool for considering changing elite aspirations and political objectives. Stamps issued on Taiwan while under authoritarian rule frequently sought to demonstrate or bolster the legitimacy of the ruling KMT, typically through demonstrating the ROC's status in international society or through portraying the economic and developmental success of the KMT regime. The on-going democratic transition on Taiwan has seen a move away from stamps as mechanisms for domestic regime legitimation. Since the election of Presi- dent Chen Shui-bian of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2000 stamps have increasingly become a medium for promoting the idea of a 'Taiwanese' identity distinct from that of 'China'.

KEYWORDS: Taiwan; postage stamps; legitimacy; identity

Society and politics on Taiwan have undergone remarkable changes since Chiang Kai-shek's Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) established itself on the island in 1945. Four decades of authoritarian rule gradually gave way to an increasingly democratic and plural system against a background of collapsing support from and status in international society. Along with democratisation the politics of identity and of Taiwanese nationalism asserted themselves in an increasingly polarised society. In this context postage stamps can be read as officially sanctioned texts that reflect the ruling elite's self-image, self-understanding and aspirations and desired outcomes at a particular point in history. The approach to understanding postage stamps adopted here is taken from Jacques E. C. Hymans work on currency iconography and collective identity. 1 Hymans presents an alternative view to the mainstream 'state as peda- gogue' perspective (associated with Ernest Gellner and Eric Hobsbawm) where the state elites consciously attempt to create particular identities among their populations. 2 Taking my lead from Hymans, the paper argues that postage stamp design in Taiwan, rather than solely or even primarily attempting to 'indoctrinate the public with a set of specifically national values', has in fact

EASTAS1A, Summer 2005, Vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 8-30.

Deans 9

been much more concerned with attempts by the state elite to enhance their public legitimacy. 3 A shift away from using postage stamps as a mechanisms to generate and bolster legitimacy toward a more explicit attempt at identity formation begins in the 1990s with the emergence of an increasingly democratic electoral system on Taiwan, but a change to stamps as vehicles for identity formation becomes increasingly prominent after the election of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in 2000.

Methodology: A Brief Note

Between 1949 and 2004 the ROC post office has issued 20 sets of unique 'Definitive' stamps (changyong youpiao), 269 sets of 'Commemorative' stamps (jinian youpiao), 464 sets of 'Special' stamps (tezhong youpiao) with a total of over 3,000 individual stamps. 4 The paper provides a quantitative survey and qualitative analysis of the topics and subjects that have appeared on Taiwanese stamps between October 1949 and December 2004. The paper argues that the data indicates that images taken from Taiwan are not new and date back to the 1950s and that the increase in the absolute number of Taiwan- ese images relative to broader 'Chinese' images is not statistically significant until 2000 and the election of President Chen Shui-bian of the DPE Not only do the number of images of Taiwan increase significantly after 2000, but so do the type of images. Before the late 1990s images of Taiwan typically carried symbols of 'natural' phenomena--scenery, flora, fauna etc.--whereas more recent stamps issues have increasingly carried symbolic images of social and cultural phenomena, such as folk art, 'local' architecture, and 'traditional Taiwanese' art. The paper examines the changing images presented on definitive stamps and then considers particular types of commemorative and special issues, namely the commemoration of key national anniversaries, the appearance of maps on stamps and the appearance of flags. The paper then considers how state elites have attempts to secure legitimacy through using stamps by promoting personality cults, nationalist and martial images, the idea of the ROC on Taiwan as a democracy, images of national construction and national achievements and finally attempts to secure legitimacy through representing international friendships and support.

A particular problem with regard to stamps is the on-going debate over 'What is Taiwan?' in terms of state sovereignty, and 'What is Taiwanese?' in the context of cultural icons and symbols. It is symptomatic of Taiwan's dif- ference that there is no simple vocabulary to describe the island--every possible usage is contested: country, state, island, province, political entity, and a range of other terms have been used, each term with its supporters and detrac- tors. For the student of international politics, this causes particular problems-- simply to name the object of your study (the Republic of China, the ROCT, Taiwan, Taiwan Province, the Customs Territory of Taiwau, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu) is to commit oneself to a--perhaps unwanted or unwitting--position in a deeply politicised debate. 5 Therefore any consideration of 'national' imagery must consider which 'nation' is being presented. Allen Chun has argued,

10 East Asia / Summer 2005

In post-war Nationalist Taiwan, the compelling need to redefine national identity in terms of race, language and history by rallying around the defence of 'traditional Chi- nese culture" has to be understood in the first instance in reference to its relationship to mainland China as a part of those larger global concerns. Although traditional in origin, the promotion of Chinese culture in this regard more importantly had to reflect modern designs by establishing definitions of collective identity and foundations of societal consciousness that could satisfy the totalizing vision of the state in ways that primordial notions of Chineseness, strictly speaking, could not. 6

Much of the contemporary literature on nationalism and identity argues that it can and perhaps should be seen primarily as a conscious effort by state elites, and the argument that traditions are to varying degrees 'invented' has become mainstream in most studies of nationalism. The evidence from very recent (post-2000) Taiwanese postage stamps supports this position to some extent, but stamps issued in authoritarian Taiwan (broadly before the 1990s) tend to be less concerned with issues of national identity than with regime legitimacy.

The time frame selected is from 1949, when the KMT was defeated and fled to Taiwan, until the end of 2004. Analysis is limited to sets of stamps rather than to each individual, stamp, i.e., in the data tables and graphs which follow any representation on an issue will only count as one appearance, even if the item (e.g., the ROC flag) occurs on all stamps in one issued set. Stamps have been categorised by the author. This has inevitably involve a degree of arbitrary selection of images- -no t least of which is the highly contentious heuristic assumption to disaggregate stamps portraying 'Taiwan' from stamps portraying 'China'. All images have been taken from the Postage Stamp Cata- logue of the Republic of China (hereinafter PSC) or from the websi te of ChungHwa Post. v In turn this has been cross-referenced (for stamps issued before 1990) against Xiong Yisheng's classified catalogue. 8 Whenever possible reasons for selection and categorisation are made explicit, and where appropriate the official statement of a stamp issues' 'meaning' in the PSC is provided.

The PSC is not read as a bible of true meaning for the symbols and signifiers on ROC stamps, but it does present a definitive view of the author's (i.e., the state or the Post Office) intentions. Symbols and signifiers on the stamps are read within the context of local, regional and international political develop- ments, and an appropriate balance is attempted between discussion of signifiers and discussion of what is being signified. Further to this, the paper pursues a semiotic analysis coupled with communicative validation based on discus- sions of images with groups of Taiwanese respondents. 9 The communicative validation exercises attempt to examine some of the culturally shared meanings that may exist on in the stamps--although the author is conscious that the readings presented here may be over-politicised, and that a specialist in art or Chinese history may read these images differently.

The selection and approval of stamps in Taiwan has frequently been a deeply politicised process. ChungHwa Post is responsible to the ROC President via the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications. Within ChungHwa Post stamp

Deans 11

design is the responsibility of the Department of Philately, which answers to the Vice President (Postal Services). The Department of Philately both receives and proposes topics for coverage in commemorative and special issues, as well as generating the designs that appear on stamps. The autonomy and dis- cretion of the Department of Philately has changed over time. Chiang Kai- shek is reported to have taken a keen personal interest in stamp design, and retained a veto over the images that appeared on Taiwanese stamps. He also suggested specific topics that should appear on stamps and was apparently very conscious of their political significance? ~

The highly politicised nature of stamps design under Chiang Kai-shek is important as it reinforces the argument that the stamps can be read as political texts, designed by their authors (in the this case Chiang and the senior KMT leadership) to convey specific political or social messages. Under Chiang Ching- kuo it was reported that the process of design and selection became less politicised and than the Post Office began to enjoy greater autonomy. 1~ This view would reflect the well-established understanding of declining authoritarianism on Taiwan. Although political influence and control over stamp design were reported to have become less overt in the 1990s evidence remains that the President continued to show a keen interest in the topics and images of Taiwanese postage stamps. Since 2000, it was suggested to the author that politicisation of the topics suggested to the Department of Philat- ely had increased, as had commercial pressures on ChungHwa Post which had led to seeking stamps issues which it hoped would generate profit through commercial sales to collectors.

The images of the 'nation' on postage stamps therefore do not provide a simple divide between authoritarian Taiwan and democratic Taiwan. The use of 'local' imagery is ever present in postage stamps issued by the ROC after 1949, with key iconic images such as the Presidential Palace and the outline map of the island appearing regularly in the 1950s, and images from Tai- wan--whether natural scenery, flora and fauna, national achievements or ar- chi tecture-being commonplace. This perhaps suggests a confidence in the idea of the Chinese nation in the 1950s and 1960s that only wanes in the 1970s. After the election of Chen Shui-bian images of Taiwan increase in number and are more overtly promoting a particular image. A study of the images and topics covered by postage stamps since 2000 shows that there has been a marked increase in the number of issues that directly address 'Taiwanese' topics, while the number of issues concerned with the broader 'Chinese' cultural milieu has re- mained static. Also, there has been a shift in the content of the Taiwanese images in the stamps. Whereas under the KNIT images of Taiwan tended to stress 'natural' aspects of Taiwan, such flora and fauna or landscape, along with architectural icons, after 2000 the portrayals of Taiwan focus increasingly on cultural issues, such as Taiwanese opera or Taiwanese folk art.

Definitives

Definitives are the closest stamps ever come to being currency and are typically the most routine, functional and mainstream of all stamps issues.


They are often visually conservative and tend to present an established ortho- doxy of the state's image of itself. ROC definitives since 1949 demonstrate a trend toward depictions of 'Taiwan' as opposed to the wider context of China. Not including reissues or reprints, the ROC on Taiwan has issued 20 different sets of definitive stamps since 1949 and the changing portrayal on these stamps offers a important insight into the changing objectives of the ROC leadership. The first issue of definitives following the KMT's retreat to Taiwan are made in June 1950 and consist of a portrait Cheng Cheng-kung (Koxinga). 12 Cheng was a rebel/pirate/patriot who fled to Taiwan after the overthrow of the Ming Dynasty by the Qing in the 1660s. He contributed to the collapse of Dutch control over Taiwan and attempted to turn Taiwan into a base from which he would restore Ming rule over China. Cheng became an important element in Chiang Kai-shek's attempts to build his legitimacy and Chiang clearly used Cheng as a model. The next set of definitives, issued on Chiang's birthday in 1953, provides a portrait of Chiang in a similar style to those of Cheng. 13 This is a conservative set of definitives, consisting of a simple portrait of the head of state. The 1954 Definitives link environmentalism with the legacy of the ROC's founder Sun Yat-sen, 1~ and the $0.50 is particularly important because it carries an outline map of Taiwan and no cartographic representation of the Chinese mainland.

In 1957 the ROC issued a new set of definitives, consisting of a map of China bearing the inscription 'Reclaim the Mainland'. 15 The map is interesting for two reasons. Firstly, the map does n o t include Mongolia as a part of the territory of the ROC, even though Chiang Kai-shek had overturned the decision to recognise Mongolia's independence after 1953. Secondly, the stamp is an early example of the 'radiant Taiwan' motif--rays of light a spreading from the island--part of the KMT's propaganda drive to demonstrate that the ROC on Taiwan was a bastion of freedom and democracy in the face of a communist insurgency, In 1958 a set of high value definitives was issued, portraying the Presidential Mansion in Taipei. ~ The building had been constructed by the Japanese between 1912 and 1919 as the Headquarters of the Taiwan Gov- ernment-General and was the tallest building in Taiwan. Kuo suggests, 'The KMT government's continued use of the Japanese-built structure since 1945 is an instructive example of the use of the space of power ' . 17 The building was highly symbolic of power (and opponents of the KMT until the late 1990s also argued it was symbolic of KMT colonialism) and had appeared on an earlier series of stamps, the t953 Third Anniversary of Chiang Kai-shek's Resumption of Office. The Presidential Mansion therefore offers a symbolic equivalent of the White House in the United States or the Houses of Parlia- ment in the United Kingdom. In the context of the definitive series however it is interesting that this is the first example of an image from Taiwan being used as a definitive, albeit of a 'Taiwanese' landmark whose key symbolic value was a demonstration of power rather than as a focus of social or cultural value.

The on-going conflict with the People 's Republic of China explains the 1959 Definitive issue, the Kinmen Chu Kwang Tower. t~ In 1958 a significant military clash between the ROC and the PRC took place over control of two small ROC occupied islands (Kinmen and Matsu) that lie just off the coast of

Deans 13

the Chinese mainland. 19 The KMT managed to retain control over the two islands and the episode quickly entered KMT mythology as a great victory over the communists. In 1952 Chiang had visited Kinmen and authorised the construction of the Chu Kwang tower along with the inscription 'Forget Not the City of Chu'. The PSC states 'In early Chinese history the City of Chu in Shantung province was held by an ancient state against the enemy, resulting in the recovery of lost territory and the inspiring of national revival.' .2o

A new set of high-value definitives was issued in 1965, and on this occa- sion the imagery was much more conservative. The seven stamps carried a representation of two carp, a traditional Chinese symbol of luck and prosper- ity? 1 In 1966 a similar series of medium value stamps, the 'Flying Geese in Line' w e r e i s s u e d . 22 These represent the beginning of a trend of portraying traditional Chinese art and culture, a trend that accelerates after 1966 with the launch of the 'Chinese Cultural Renaissance M o v e m e n t ' . This trend in definitives culminates in 1972 with the 'Chinese Culture Heroes' series featuring luminaries from the Chinese past such as Confucius ($8) and King Wen ($5.50). 23 However this series of classical images is interrupted by the 1968 Chungshan Series, which portray a memorial to Sun Yat-sen constructed in northern Taipei. 24 While Sun is clearly an ROC figure, the images are entirely of the monument built in his memory on Taiwan, and mark the way that dis- tinguishing between ROC icons and the Taiwanese context becomes increasingly diff icul t as the t ime the ROC exists solely on Taiwan lengthens. Communicat ive validation exercises suggested many Taiwanese would regard the symbols on the stamps signified 'mainland' Chinese concerns rather than something 'Taiwanese' .

In 1971 the ROC lost its seat in the United Nations and the KMT's legitimacy was challenged as a consequence. The KMT responded by launching the 'Dignity with Self-Reliance' campaign, which was commemorated with the issue of a set of new low value definitives, z5 It is important to note that as low value stamps, these definitives were designed for use within Taiwan, not for overseas post, and were therefore clearly aimed at bolstering domestic support.

A significant shift in definitive depiction occurs with the 1974 'Nine Major Construction Projects' issue' .26 These stamps address the success of economic construction on Taiwan, all images are clearly drawn from Taiwan and an outline map of the island appears on two stamps. As well as a clear shift toward 'localisation' the stamps also signify new claims for legitimacy by the K M T ~ t h e improvement in living standards and level of economic development on Taiwan that had been achieved since 1945. The issue came at a time of considerable uncertainty on Taiwan, following the ROC's expulsion from the UN in 1971 and the growing loss of diplomatic partners following Nixon's visit to the PRC in 1972. While the 1974 definitives have a clear 'Taiwanese' dimension, the next two issues are much more explicitly stamps related to the Republic of China. 1978 sees the issue of the 'National Flag' definitive, 27 a simple, straightforward design that was produced at a time of considerable uncertainty over the ROC's status, coming at the time of the United States' establishment of diplomatic relations with the PRC.


The 1979 higher value definitives are more subtle, but also strongly 'Na- tionalist', portraying Plumb Blossom, the national flower. The PSC states,

It is generally recognized that a national flower is the symbol of the character and spirit of a nation. The plum blossom is as an example. On the one hand, its resistance to severe cold, frost and snow reflects the noble character and the unwavering spirit of our Chi- nese nation. On the other hand, its form of three buds and five petals symbolizes the Three principles of the People, the five ethnic groups which comprise the Chinese nation, and the Five Branches of Power Constitution of the Republic of China. z8

The symbolism here may appear rather strained, but it must be borne in mind that the national curriculum on Taiwan would have ensured that these meanings were not unfamiliar, and communicative validation exercises have suggested that this symbolism was very familiar to most Taiwanese. The 1981 Definitives see a blending of ROC symbolism with architectural motifs present in Taiwan--the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. 29

From the 1970s onwards it becomes increasingly difficult to decide what may be symbolic of "Taiwan" as distinct from the ROC in architectural terms. The Memorial Hall dominates central Taipei and is at the heart of the government district. Its construction following Chiang's death in 1975 completely transformed central Taipei and destroyed one of the few reaming areas of original Qing Dynasty and Japanese architecture. The 1984 definitives carry images of the pine, the plum and bamboo, and designed to represent images of classical Chinese beauty and fortitude. 3~ The PSC states,

Chinese literati have always used the pine, bamboo and plum to stand for fortitude. The pine is evergreen even in the severest cold of winter, The bamboo stands upright in bitter, wintry winds. The plum blossom, the national flower of the Republic of China, only turns pure and fragrant and appears lofty and noble in the very depths of winter. The subjects shown on this set of stamps symbolize our beloved traditional values. 3~

The 1984 images are uncontroversial and attractive after the industrial and austere issues that marked the previous issues. They clearly make a reference to the wider Chinese cultural milieu, but are not overtly political. The images of the 1989 Definitive of Lighthouses are perhaps the hardest to explain or categorise. 32 All are of Taiwanese lighthouses and there is no political objective presented in the PSC. Perhaps the lighthouse series offers a resonance to the 'radiant Taiwan' image that abounded on ROC stamps in the 1950s and 1960s although there is no evidence that this was an objective of the design- ers of the issuing authorities. Another reading could suggest that the lighthouse represents the boundaries or limits of Taiwan as its political and territorial limits are re-imagined in the early 1990s. 33 The next two definitive issues, the 1993 'Lucky Animals' and the 1995 'Ancient Chinese Engravings' both carry images of traditional Chinese culture or traditional Chinese art. 34

In 2001 the first new set of definitives were issued by the DPP administration, carrying images of Taiwanese fruit. 35 Although the fruit images appear

Deans 15

uncontroversial, the PSC is at pains to stress that the fruit is all Taiwanese, and states "Fruit is one of the pillars of Taiwan's rural economy and helps bring our country a lot of foreign exchange. ''36 While the authors are very conscious of the 'Taiwanese' symbolism carried by the stamps, recipients outside Taiwan may not readily rccognise this or understand what is being signified. This is of course politically and diplomatically useful, especially for definitives, given the on-going diplomatic and political competition Taiwan in international society.

C h i n a o r T a i w a n ?

The trend toward the Taiwanisation of that can be identified on definitives is even more apparent when all stamps issues are considered (Figure 1). Por- trayals of China are taken here to include: portrayals of the scenery of the Chinese mainland, historical Chinese figures (e.g., Confucius), Chinese art and literature and any images of pre-1949 China. Images of Taiwan are categorised in the same way, and the PSC has been used as the source of arbitration over images that are difficult to categorise, albeit with the understanding that the PSC view is the officially sanctioned (author's) view and not necessarily representative of the received impact of the symbols carried by the stamps.

The first important point about these figures is that they show that portrayals of Taiwan are not a recent phenomena. From its earliest issues, the ROC has included images of Taiwan on its s tamps--and in the 1949-1953 period did so while not issuing stamps covering anything directly 'Chinese '-- that is depictions of pre- or post-1949 China, or traditional Chinese culture or heri-

Figure 1 Portrayals of China and Taiwan on ROC Postage Stamps, 1949-2004.

2000-2004

990-1 994

980-1 984

970-1974

960-; 964

949-1954

.......... I ........... i ..... i; ............................ I I .

; I

i __ !I

I

, I T : I

I I,

J

0 10 20 30 40 50 60

IIOhlna II Talwan ]

All data taken from the PSC, various years.


tage. The only period where there were significantly more portrayals of 'China' as opposed to Taiwan was in the 1970s. In part this can be explained by the launch of the 'Chinese Cultural Renaissance Movement '--an attempt to celebrate and promote traditional Chinese culture in direct response to the Cultural Revolu- tion launched by Mao Zedong in 1966. Many of the portrayals of China are taken from the enormous collection of Chinese art in the National Palace Museum that Chiang Kai-shek took to Taiwan when he fled China in 1949.

For most of the 1980s and 1990s there is a broad parity in portrayal of Chinese and Taiwanese, but a major change comes following the election of Chen Shui-bian in 2000. Images of China decline slightly, while depictions of Taiwan increase significantly. Furthermore the Taiwanese images point increasingly to a separate, if not actually distinct Taiwanese culture and tradi- tion. Examples include a series of stamps addressing Taiwanese puppetry, 37 and stamps celebrating Taiwan's Aboriginal Culture. 38 These issues are ex- plored in more details below through a consideration of the representation of anniversaries, the national flag, and maps of China and Taiwan.

Anniversaries

Anniversaries are important sites of national self-reflection. What the state chooses to commemorate and the symbols it uses in commemorating can tell us a great deal of how the state elite views itself, and its values, and an analysis of changes over time can indicate changes in state perceptions and objectives. The changes on Taiwan in the 1990s have brought into question many of the ROC national anniversaries, and introduced new issues for commemoration or celebration, and the changing depiction of these events indicates the changing objectives of the island's ruling politicians. Since 2000 postage stamps have almost entirely restricting themselves to commemorating 'Tai- wanese' anniversaries, with anniversaries of events related to the history of the 'Republic of China' being 'localised' or receiving much less attention.

The ROC has issued a national day commemorat ive issue every decade since the 50 'h anniversary in 1961. 39 The 1961 Commemorat ive Issue con- sisted of two stamps, the first carrying portraits of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek, the second shows the national flag flying over a map of China from which rays radiate from Taiwan? ~ The imagery can be regarded as the classical statement of traditional KMT values of national reunification. The 60 ~u Anniversary in 1971 saw four stamps produced, portraying the double-ten symbol, a map of China accompanied by the music for the national anthem, a portrait of Chiang Kai-shek with the ROC Constitution and a portrait of Sun Yat-sen with 'The Three Principles of the People'.41 All stamps carried the national flag and as in 1961 the imagery is a very clearly referring to the national mission or reunification. In 1981 eight stamps were issued, two portraying Sun Yat-sen ($14) and Chiang Kai-shek ($8) and five more commemorating KMT military victories such as the Northern Campaign and the War against Japan. 42 The final stamps carried a generic picture of symbols of economic growth along with a copy of Sun's 'Three Principles' and may be regarded as a representation of the ROC's achievements on Taiwan.

Deans 17

The 1980s saw important changes in the political system of Taiwan, marked by the end of martial law in 1987 and the Death of President Chiang Ching- kuo in 1988 and the emergence of the Democratic Progressive Party. The 1980s also saw a rapid increase in the 'Taiwanisation' of both the KMT and ROC state as the political influence of 'mainlanders' declined relative to the growing power of 'native Taiwanese'. The 1991 issued marked a significant departure from previous anniversary i s s u e s . 43 The four stamps issued show no direct reference to 'China' or the historical experience of the ROC but instead carry abstract images referring to agriculture, industry, culture, and infrastructure. The images, especially the infrastructure issue are clearly referring to Taiwanese achievements, and the official catalogue makes specific reference to "the past four decades"--the Taiwanese experience of the ROC. 44 T h e 9 0 th Anniversary in 2001 saw this trend of 'localisation' continue. The four stamps addressed infrastructure, technology, culture and environmental protection with two of the stamps ($5 CKS International Airport and the $12 National Theatre) being explicit and familiar images of Taiwan. 45 The stamps issued on commemorate the national day anniversary have therefore seen the history of the ROC as a state in existence since 1911 disappear and be re- placed with symbolic imagery taken from the experience of the island of Tai- wan since 1949.

The 1990s also saw the commemoration of anniversaries which are local to Taiwan rather than related to the history of the Republic of China and its experience of rule over the Chinese mainland and an important symbolic transition occurs: the official (i.e., state-sanctioned) commemoration of anniversaries from a past that is not co-extensive with the history of the Republic of China, but which instead memorialises the experience of Taiwan. The critical transition occurs around 1995--that year was the fiftieth anniversary of the end of Japanese rule over Taiwan, and as such marked both the fiftieth anniversary of Taiwan's retrocession to China and the defeat of Japan. This was commemorated by a commemorative issue of two stamps in October, one of which portrayed a gritty and unglamorous image troops fighting against Ja- pan, while the other displayed three key symbols of the ROC flag, overlain by the Presidential Mansion over which is superimposed the map of Taiwan (Im- age 1.) 46

The year 1995 was an important one in this regard as can be seen in the commemorative of the '100th Anniversary of the Taiwan Agricultural Re- search Institute (TAR/)'. 47 The TARI was established by the Japanese at the start of the colonial period, and so predates the founding of the ROC and Taiwan's retrocession to China in 1945. President Lee Teng-hui trained as an agricultural economist, and grew up under Japanese rule and 1994 and 1995 Lee gave a number of high-profile interviews praising Japan and its impact on Taiwan, 48 and it has been suggested to the author that Lee took a personal interest in the decision to commission this stamp. The year 1995 also saw a commemorative issue marking the 'Centennial of the National Taiwan Uni- versity Hospital',49 which was also founded by the Japanese. Finally, the changing portrayal of the past can be readily identified in the changing images of stamps portraying veterans of war. While early issues stressed the martial con-


Image 1 '50 th Anniversary of Victory of the Sino Japanese War [sic]

and Taiwan Retrocession'

k ~ m

tribution of ROC troops in the war against Japan, the 25 th anniversary of the Veterans Day on Taiwan saw the issue of a set of stamps showing the military engaged in tasks of national construction, or relaxing in a leisurely retire- ment20

The Taiwanisation of postage stamps is marked in 1997 by the issue of a stamp commemorating the 1947 '2-28 Incident'. The 2-28 Incident is of central importance to identity construction on Taiwan and the emergence of a distinct Taiwanese identity and Taiwanese nationalism. It refers to an out- break of intercommunal violence on Taiwan between newly incoming mainland Chinese and local Taiwan residents in 1947 when up to 20,000 people were killed. 5~ Any discussion or memorialisation of the episode was forbid- den until the 1990s. The PSC 1997 states,

To help ease this historical wound, eradicate the misunderstanding, and further the assimilation of ethnic groups, this Directorate will issue a commemorative stamp on that day by using as the subject matter the monument to the 228 Incident provided by the 228 Incident Memorial Foundation The doves, standing for peace will also be high- lighted in the stamp design.

This stamps should be contrasted with the commemorative issue produced in October 1947 (shortly after the 2-28 incident) to mark the retrocession of Taiwan to the ROC which shows a map of Taiwan dominated by a vast flag- pole bearing the ROC national flag, clearly conveying ROC state power over the islandg-

Cartography and Taiwan: A Part of China?

Cartographic representations are significant on all stamps ~3 and are of great significance in ROC stamp issues. This is in large part because of the on-

D e a n s 1 9

I m a g e 2 50 th A n n i v e r s a r y o f t h e 2 - 2 8 I n c i d e n t 1 9 9 7

-- . - ' , i~- ' : , " - . ' i , , . , ' . , I : -,,,.r, .: '~:.,-.;.,,T~,'r '. " ~ ' I ' I "~ ' ' ' ' I ~ " " P~'.c.~i~g" . ' " . : , - ' " ' , ' , - . ' , ' ~ C . ' " F . ~ .

�9 ' ' '":: :' -i'~ i',~.i:~:,!-~: -;:~ --., ~ :.'....~_,:-- --: .,~

I m a g e 3 R e t r o c e s s i o n o f T a i w a n 1 9 4 7

, , . ! ~, . ~.-.%

[ - ~, :- :. :-i'...,~'.-, . . ~': I : : " . . . .

�9 ,,,i , , " ~ �9 . �9 . . .. ,%. .

~ : , . . .. : . _ ~ . , i

I . . " . . ~ " " �9 " ~ ," 5 " . , �9

~ 2 , - ,,r"

.--: :' .. ~- [ '

going debates over the sovereignty of the ROC and the area that the ROC has claimed, and continues to claim, to represent. In addition, the symbolism of the outline map of Taiwan became increasingly politicised when it was adopted as the party emblem by the Democratic Progressive Party in 1987. Maps showing an outline of the islands of Taiwan are not new, and were present on some of the earliest stamps issued by the KMT. As Figure 2 shows, maps of Taiwan have been a regular feature on ROC stamps, except during the 1970s, while maps of China have been relatively infrequent. Maps of the whole of China are rare on ROC stamps, but Mongolia is always excluded from the map of China p resen ted- -even though the ROC only gave up its formal claim to Mongolia in 2002. 54

The 1950s see full outlines of the island, often without any coverage of the Chinese mainland as well as maps of the whole of China including Taiwan with the familiar motif of the 'radiant Taiwan'--Taiwan as a beacon for hope,

20 East Asia ] Summer 2005

democracy and anti-Communism. As Figure 2 shows, the emergence of the DPP and its adoption of the Taiwanese map as a party symbol does not have any obvious impact on the appearance of the map on stamps. Also the mainland still appears, even after the election of Chen Shui -b ian~i f very faintly, as in the 2003 commemorative to mark Taiwan's entry into the World Trade Organisation (WTO). ~ The 2004 presidential inauguration issue shows an ever-larger Taiwan relative to the size of the PRC along with motifs of doves flying across the Straits and a friendly handshake. Interestingly, the slogan calls for 'Stability Across the Taiwan Straits', a long way away from the 'Re- claim the Mainland' slogans of the 1950s. ~6 There is also a call for a united Taiwan rather than a unified China. Importantly the map of Taiwan is coloured green, the party colour of the DPP, and the name (pan-green) by which the ruling coalition is typically referred. The green colouring symbolises DPP dominance over the island in a manner similar too, if more subtle than, Chiang's use of the Presidential Mansion in stamps issues of the 1950s.

Figure 2 Maps of China and Maps of Taiwan on ROC Postage Stamps, 1949-2004.

2000-2004

- I I - ... d ~ . . : < - : : . - ~ - . - ~ : . . . . . . . ! . . . . . . . . . . . ~ = 1 9 9 5 - 1 9 9 9

1 9 9 0 - 1 9 9 4 . . . . . . . . . .. :~._:-. . . . . . . . _ . . . . _ . . . . . . . . . .-.

1 9 8 5 - 1 9 8 9 ' - " "" : . . . .

. , : I ~ . . ~ s . . : , " . ' . " : , . - . " . ' " '

1980-1984 ~>:,~,.,+,..., ~ ~ ~ : : - : . . ~ . ~ . = ~ - : ; : ~ - - - : : ~ ! ~ - _ : : ~ : : - : - - . ~

I I . . , : ~=~ . .~ . . ~ . . . " :~'.' " .~ ' ; ' . , : . : 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 7 9 i ,

I E �9 , i . .

- " " : : - ~ _ ~ - - : ~ 2 " - : ! " - ' - ~ . - T . _ - _ - - _ _ : _:. .

1 9 7 0 - 1 9 7 4 ~.:,.,..,§ ' ' ~ - : ' ? . . - . _ : ~ : ~ - % ~ : - - ; : ~ : - f : f - ~ - - . : ~ : _ . -

_- . . . . . . - - _ - . - : - - - ' ~ - ~ : ~ - . - . ~ - ~ - - . .

1 9 6 0 - 1 9 6 4 . . . . ~ o ~ ~ \ : _ - - : - : - . ~ - - !

. . . . . . . - - . 4 q ' : , - ~ - , 2 % : ~ ; q ! : : : . : . : : - ~ . . . . . . . . . . . : . .

1955-1959 ~ * ~ . , , ~ " ~ i 1 . ~ . , . ~ . . : . . . . ~ _ - ~ _ . _ . ~..'.-_: - : _ ~ . . "

_ : = - - . . : .- . . . . . . . . . . ~ : . . - ~ = ~ - q ~ 4 ~ . ~ = ~ _ _. . . . . . . ;

1 9 4 9 - 1 9 5 4 g ; ~ ' [ . . ' , , - ~ , ~ e - , ~ * ~ . , : - ' - ~ , - . . . . . ~ : ? j : - ~ :. : : ~ : --: : - - < . . - :

F . . . . . . . i . . . . . . . . . . . ' * , = " . . . . . ,

0 1 2 3 4

J Map ot Taiwan �9 Map of C hlna I


Deans 21

The National Flag

Flags are arguably the most powerful and potent symbol of the nation, and it is unsurprising that a state such as the ROC, which has regarded itself as under siege, has frequently presented the national flag on its postage stamps. An analysis of the appearance of the national flag on postage stamps shows that it appears most frequently on postage stamps between 1970 and 1979. This is the period during which the ROC suffered its most serious international set backs - - expu l s ion f rom the United Nations (1971) as well as derecognition by its most important allies, Japan (1972) and the United States (1978). In the 1990s the appearance of the national flag declines significantly-- and following the election of the DPP in 2000 almost disappears entirely (see Figure 3). This may in part be related to the politically contested design of the flag--the national flag of the ROC contains embedded in the top left quadrant the emblem of the Kuomintang, an issue which generated some controversy in the Taiwanese media at the time of President Chen's inauguration in May 2000.

The national flag continues to cause philatelic uproar, particularly in the context of international competition between Taiwan and the People's Repub- lic of China. One incident in 2003 demonstrated this. A Taiwanese Junior High School student Yang Chih-yuan, submitted a stamp design via the Tai- wan branch of the Lions Club International to a design competition. The design was chosen to appear as a stamp to be released by the United Nations to commemorate the International Day of Peace. However, the design contained the image of the ROC flag and this led to objections from the PRC, which saw the design withdrawn. The official response from the ROC was to issue its own "2004 International Day of Peace" postage stamp, featuring Yang's painting, on the same day as the issue by the U N . 57 The official catalogue entry states,

Yang Chih-yuan is very confident of his own painting ability. Original and observant, he painted this award-winning work shortly after 9-11. Imbued with a strong sense of the importance of peace, the design is split into different sections: the sea of fire and the tank demonstrates the terror and cruelty of wars; a dove of peace symbolically carries the children away from war: and at the bottom children stand happily hand in hand while beautiful flags from different countries circle the globe, expressing the preciousness of freedom and peace and symbolizing the sublime goal of 'universal brotherhood'? 8

On other occasions, however, the DPP administration on Taiwan has been content to avoid the national flag--Taiwan competes in the Olympics as 'Chi- nese Taipei' and is not allowed to use the ROC national flag. Instead its athletes march under the Olympic flag (and stand to the Olympic anthem). The success of Taiwanese athletes in the 2004 Olympics was commemorated by a set of special stamps, one of which portrayed a stylised image of Taiwan's only Olympic gold medallist, Chen Shih-hsin, standing on a rostrum saluting the Olympic flag. 59 The f a g s of foreign countries have also appeared occasionally on Taiwanese postage stamps, usually to celebrate international friend-

22 East Asia ] Summer 2005

Figure 3 Portrayals of the National Flag on ROC Postage Stamps, 1949-2004.

2000-2004

1995-1999

1990-1994

1985-1989

1980-1984

1975-1979

1970-1974

1965-1969

1960-1964

1955-1959

1949-1954

0 2 4 6 8 10


ships. One example is the on the highest value commemorative issued to mark the 100 th birthday of Chiang Kai-shek in 1986. 6o The $10 stamp, designed for overseas use carried an array of flags including those of the United States, and Taiwan's main diplomatic partners, South Korea, South Africa, Saudi Arabia and Panama. The last four regimes were all highly authoritarian at the time of the issue, and the stamps bears an un-ironic banner claiming that Taiwan will 'remain in the democratic camp'.

Enhancing Public Legitimacy through Postage Stamps

Legitimacy was a constant issue for the KMT on Taiwan during the martial law era and the KMT sought legitimacy from a range of sources. The increasingly democratic system that developed on Taiwan in the 1990s has seen emphasis of legitimacy change from celebrations of personality and great ac- complishments towards acceptance and propagation of certain democratic norms and greater identification with Taiwan. However the search for legitimacy through celebrating international friendships (in various forms) remain significant. Postage stamps issues offer one avenue for explaining and understanding the changes bases of political legitimacy sought by successive gen- erations of political authority on Taiwan.

The paper now identifies and considers six different legitimating techniques apparent on Taiwan and how these can be identified through the images and topics on stamps. These are legitimacy through personality cults; legitimacy through (Chinese) nationalism; legitimacy through combat (especially the

Deans 23

defeat of Japan and civil war "victories"); legitimacy through national construction and national achievements; legitimacy through international relationships; and finally legitimacy through democracy. These categories should be regarded as heuristic rather than definitive.

Legitimacy through Personality Cults

As shown above, Chiang's first attempts at enhancing legitimacy came from appeals to Chinese nationalism, in particular through the resurrection of the Cheng Cheng-kung (Koxinga) myth. Chiang also quickly captured the symbols of Japanese power and authority from the colonial period, and this was clearly seen in the 1953 commemorative marking the third anniversary of Chiang's resumption of office. In these stamps the Presidential Mansion is cIearly displayed along with Chiang's portrait. Although it never reached the proportions seen in Mao's China or Kim II-sung's North Korea, Chiang Kai- shek did pursue a limited personality cult ~o bolster his legitimacy. Typically themes can be identified in the 1986 100 th Birthday Commemorative, which highlights the themes of implementing the 'Three Principles of the People' ($2), recovering the mainland ($5), rejuvenating national culture ($8) and remaining in the democratic camp ($10). 6~

Chiang appears on 29 different issues of stamps (and his wife and her paint- ings occur on four issues). He makes only one appearance after the death of his son and successor Chiang Ching-kuo in 1987, and that is ' indirect '--the 1999 issue commemorating the new currency which still carries Chiang's portrait, albeit alongside more overtly Taiwanese images. Images of politicians almost completely disappear from postage stamps after the death of Chiang Kai-shek, part of a process of moving away from personality cults instigated by Chiang's successor, Chiang Ching-kuo. 62 The exceptions are an issue in January 1989 to commemorate the first anniversary of the death of Chiang Ching-kuo (his only appearance on a stamp), 63 and the presidential elections commemoratives issued every four years, which portray the newly elected president and vice president.

Nationalist and Martial Legitimacy

hnages of war and combat are common on postage stamps issued in the 1950s and 1960s but disappear almost entirely in the 1990s. The anniversary of Japan's defeat in 1945 (and along with it Taiwan's retrocession to China) was typically commemorated with images of victorious KMT forces. Another example is the 1981 issue commemorating the 70 'h anniversary of the founding of the ROC mentioned above which highlight the anti-Japanese war as well as Chiang's 'success' in the war against the communists. The on-going civil war with China was a common theme before the 1990s, especially following the 'Offshore Islands Crisis' of 1958, and the issues covering the Off- shore Islands occur nine times between 1949 and 2004--ahhough recent issues (since 1996) refer to the islands' natural beauty rather than their role as a battlefield. While the 30 th (1975) and 40 th (1985) anniversaries of the end of


the World War Two stress the importance of the victory over Japan, by 1995 the focus had shifted to the retrocession of Taiwan and the images were much more ' local ' (i.e., a map of Taiwan, albeit superimposed on an ROC flag, Image 1) as opposed to referring to the war on the Chinese mainland. The 2005 issue has not yet been made public.

The quest for reunification and the policy of associating the ROC with the territorial space of the Chinese mainland remains a constant thread through- out the 1980s--two issues from the mid-1980s illustrate this, the 1983 'Scen- ery of Tibet and Mongolia '64 and the 1984 'Reunification of China under the Three Principles of the People ' . 65 Notable also is the 1993 'Yangtze River Series' as these were produced at a time when the Chinese Communist Party was debating the construction of the Three Gorges DalTI. 66 It is possible, therefore, that this was an attempt by the ROC to comment on issues taking place in China. While images of 'China' remain on stamps, they decline relative to the number of issues addressing specifically 'Taiwanese' concerns. Also it is significant though that even during the 1950s and 1960s when Chiang Kai-shek's power was at its strongest and that goal of reclaiming the mainland at its most prominent postage stamps carried regular images of Taiwan and Taiwanese achievements. As Figure 2 shows, only in the 1970s did images of 'China' equal or exceed images of Taiwan.

Legitimacy through Democracy

Although Taiwan was under martial law until 1987 and was at times bru- tally authoritarian, Chiang always claimed to be a democrat and the idea that Taiwan represented 'Free China' was a central legitimatising myth. Indeed the first set of commemorative stamps issued by the ROC after retreating to the island carried an image of a ballot box with a vote being cast, along with an outline map of Taiwan. 67 Local elections took place regularly, although it was not until the late 1980s that opposition parties were allowed to fo rm. 68 Chiang used the democratic heritage and pretensions of the KMT as a source of legiti~ macy, and this is commemorated in a range of stamps. One interesting example comes in 1959, where an issue on 'Leaders of Democracy' shows Sun Yat-sen and Abraham Lincoln and their respective national flags. 69 The KMT always sought to portray Taiwan as a centre for freedom, and this was seen in the 1963 issue depicting 'Chinese refugees fleeing mainland for freedom. 7~ These grim and austere images should be linked to another 1963 issue, the 'Freedom from Hunger' commemorative issued to mark the ROC's participation in a campaign by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation. The PSC states, "In the upper left part of the design are airplanes from Taiwan circling over the mainland air-dropping food supplies to hungry mainland people". 71

The first island-wide competitive national elections were held in 1996, and the stamps that formally commemorated Chiang's inauguration now become commemorations of the inauguration of elected presidents. These electoral issues are also the only time that the President appears on postage stamps. The three issues produced to date (1996, 2000 and 2004) all are strongly Taiwan-

Deans 25

ese in content, and only the 2004 issue makes any reference to China, and this in the context of promoting peace. While legitimacy seeking has become less significant with the increased democratisation of Taiwan, it still remains important, as can be seen in the gestures toward cultural inclusiveness found in the 2001 'Children's Folk Rhymes issue. This issue carried images referring to nursery rhymes from four key linguistic groups on Taiwan, Mandarin, Tai- wanese, Ami and Hakka. 72 Legitimation has become increasingly localised rather than viewed in the context of Cross-Straits competition although competition for international recognition remains significant.

National Construction and National Achievements Legitimacy

A common theme on postage stamps in many countries, both developing and developed, democratic and authoritarian, is the celebration of great national achievements. Sporting triumphs, construction projects and the anniversaries of great military victories are classic images. These images serve to promote both a particular vision of the past and the future with a view to shaping identity as well as celebrating the success and virtue of the leadership, thereby promoting its legitimacy. The KMT on Taiwan faced significant legitimacy problems because of the absence of mechanisms for popular political participation, its defeat in the Chinese Civil War and the increasingly tenuous status of the ROC in international society. To meet this challenge the KMT relied extensively on promoting economic growth and development and improving the livelihood of the people on Taiwan. This policy was a great success, and the various achievements were routinely celebrated in postage stamps images.

The 1974 definitives of the Nine Major Construction Projects are a classic example of this, 73 and they celebrate the economic planning policies of the KMT government in austere modernist pictures. The completion of the projects in 1980 was also commemorated with a special stamp issue, issued on Na- tional Day in 1980. 74 Occasionally the construction issue is also linked to Taiwan's international standing, as in the 1978 issue commemorating the 'Sino- Saudi Bridge' on the North-South Freeway. 75 Images of economics construction and in particular of developing infrastructure are consistent and regular over the last 55 years, ad topics covered include the building of road and rail links, industry, and building nuclear power stations. The impression carried is clearly one celebrating the ROC's modernity and technological sophistica- tion. Also commemorated have been certain social issues, such as the intro- duction of health insurance. 76 Taiwan's sporting achievements are modest, but victory in the Little League world championships in the 1970s received attention in postage stamps, 77 as did Taiwan's hosting of the 34 'h World Base- ball Cup in 200178 and the 2002 Paralympics World Table Tennis Champion- ships. 79 The International Olympic Committee has received regular attention, s~ in part because it is an international organisation to which the ROC belongs, albeit under the name of 'Chinese Taipei'. The success of Taiwanese competi- tors at the 2004 Olympic Games it Athens was also marked with the issue of a special set of commemoratives, s~


International Legitimacy

The ROC has sought to bolster its legitimacy by claiming membership of international organisations. Postage stamps are significant because they are vehicles which are used both to demonstrate legitimacy within the state-- through portraying Taiwan's successful international relationships and membership of international organisations to the local populace- and outside of Taiwan by portraying the ROC's achievements and successes to the wider world. International legitimacy is typically sought through membership of international organisations and international regimes and through successful bilateral state-to-state relationships.

The competition for international recognition between the ROC on Taiwan and the PRC has been a constant concern of the ROC leadership. Since the ROC's withdrawal from the UN in 1971 there has been a steady decline in its formal international standing, and Taiwan currently has around 30 formal diplomatic partners and is excluded from the world's main international organisations, such as the UN and all its agencies, the World Bank and the IMF. While the ROC enjoyed a seat in the United Nations it was a common motif on Taiwanese stamps, with UN and UN organisations anniversaries receiving regular attention, and commemorative were issued to mark its 10 th

and 25 th anniversaries. 82 Following expulsion and with the collapse of the ROC's international standing, Chiang launched the 'Dignity with Self-Reli- ance' campaign, including a very austere special issue in 197283 and a special overprint following the ROC success in the Baseball Little League World Cham- pionships. 84

The ROC's dwindling number of diplomatic partners make occasional ap- pearances on stamps. The 1986 Commemorative of Chiang Kai-shek's 100 th

birthday carrying the flags of South Korea, South Africa, Saudi Arabia and Panama is a case in point. 85 The ROC's relations with the Vatican were commemorated in 2002, and was one of only three occasions that the national flag has appeared on ROC stamps since Chen Shui-bian was elected in 2000. 86

Hymans considers the importance of embracing values that are fashionable in wider international society. Taiwanese postage stamps have done this frequently. For example, since the 1990s environmental issues have been a common topic on Taiwanese stamps. Interestingly there have also been issues commemorating the Protection of Intellectual Property Rights. These appear to be gestures to the international community and were issued at times when Taiwan was under considerable pressure from the United States over intellectual property rights issues. 87 Some of the stamps issues of the ROC appear a little desperate in terms of boosting Taiwan's international recognition. For example the 1993 Commemorative issued to mark the 20 'h Anniversary of the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Centre--not a body which competes with the United Nations for international prestige, but one to which the ROC not only belongs, but also hosts. 88

Deans 27

Image 4 25 th 'Anniversary of the UN', 1971

. . . .

Image 5 'Dignity with Self-Reliance', 1972

m~ ;', . . . . . . : ...

" ' r ' '

~. '~ " , ,

." ' " - " ,, i

Conclusions

This paper has suggested that postage stamps can be read as political texts, and that a consideration of postage stamps produced by the Republic of China since 1949 offer a mechanism for understanding changing elite aspirations and political objectives. 89 Two important findings emerge. Firstly, stamps were used by the KMT under martial law as a mechanism for establishing and promoting the legitimacy of the KMT. Secondly, the images on Taiwanese stamps were designed to show the 'virtuous' leadership of Chiang Kai-shek, the importance of the ROC in international affairs and the success of the KMT in del ivering economic growth and development . The authoritarian, quasi- Leninist political structures on Taiwan from 1949 to the early 1990s required it demonstrate virtuous leadership in order to secure popular support. This was particularly important given the collapse of the KMT's claims for legiti- m a c y - e l e c t i o n s held on the Chinese mainland before 1949 and the ROC's profile in international society. However the politics of identity have become increasingly significant on Taiwanese postage stamps since 2000 and the inauguration of the Chen Shui-bian as President.


Desp i t e the d e m o c r a t i c t r ans i t ions tha t o c c u r r e d in T a i w a n in the 1990s, pos t age s tamps remain h igh ly pol i t ic ised, albeit in m o r e subtle, less b la tant ly p r o p a g a n d i s t w a y s . T h e m e s s a g e s s ince 2 0 0 0 h a v e b e e n p r e d o m i n a t e l y rela ted to p r o m o t i n g a ' T a i w a n e s e ' cu l tu re and iden t i ty d i s t inc t f r o m that o f China , and as such are p l a y i ng a role in the c o m p e t i n g internal and externa l pol i t ical agendas that sur round Taiwan. Whi le s tamps are not a predic t ive tool in any scient if ic sense, they m a y be usefu l as a d iagnos t i c o n e - - t h e w a y s in which the Chen adminis t ra t ion chooses to c o m m e m o r a t e historical events such as the 60 ~ anniversary o f Ta iwan ' s re t rocess ion to Ch ina in 2005 will send an i m p o r t a n t m e s s a g e o f the D P P ' s c u r r e n t and fu tu re ob j ec t i ve s . C h e n Shui - b i a n ' s p r e s i d e n c y wil l expi re in 2008, and the s y m b o l s and s ignif iers on the s tamps o f his successor will of fer g l impses into the el i tes ' vis ion o f the is land 's fu ture .

N o t e s

1. Jacques E. C Hymans "'The Changing Color of Money: European Currency Iconography and Collective Identity" European Journal oflnternationatRetations VoI. 10 No. 4: 5-31.

2. While I am broadly sympathetic with the arguments over identity construction and creation, I do have lingering concerns that they tend to deny or underrate the agency of the populace as a whole-- at times they appear rather like Mao Zedong's "blank sheet of paper" on which the 'freshest and most beautiful pictures can be painted' by state or the Party, Mao Zedong 'Introducing a Coopera- tive" (15 April t 958) in The Collected Works ofMao Zedong (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1958).

3. Hymans op. ctt. p. 7. 4. Not mchiding repnnts and overprints. All data is taken from Postage Stamps Catalogue of the

Republic of China, 1878-1996 (Taipei, Directorate General of Posts, 1996) and various years 1997- 2004.

5. For a discussion see Phil Deans "'Cross Straits Relations since 1949: from radicalism to conservatism and back again" China Aktuel 3/2005: 25-35.

6. Allen J. Chun "The Culture Industry as National Enterprise, The Politics of Heritage in Contempo- rary Taiwan" m Virginia R. Dominguez and David Y. H. Wu From Beijing to Port Moresby: The Politics of National ldenti O' in Cultural Policies (Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach, 1998): 77-113.

7. Postage Stamps Catalogue of the Repubhc of China, 1878-1996 and various years 1997 2004. On-line at: http://www.post.gov.tw/post/lnternet/u_english/index.htm All references to the catalogue include page numbers and a reference to the official designation of the stamp issue.

8. Xiong Yisheng Zhongguo Youpiao Fenlei Mulu [A Classified Chinese Postage Stamp Catalogue] (Taipel, Zhonghua Shuju, 1990).

9. Earher versions of this paper along with extensive images were presented and discussed at a conference in Sheffield (August 2004), at the Taiwan Studies Seminar at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London (February 2005) and at the European Association of Taiwan Studies m Bochum, Germany in April 2005. In addition selected samples of images were discussed with a cross-section of some 20 Taiwanese residents in London between August 2004 and April 2005.

10 Interviews with former members of ChungHwa Post. 11. Unatmbutable interviews with former ChungHwa Post staff. 12. Definitive 75 'Cheng Cheng-kung Issue' 1950 PSC 1996 p. 188. 13. Defimtive 80 'President Chiang Kai-shek Issue' 1953 PSC 1996 pp. 197-198. 14. Definiuve 81 'Reforestation Movement' 1954 PSC 1996 p. 200. 15. Definitwe 83 'Map of China (Lithography)' 1957 PSC 1996 p. 211. 16. Definitive 85 'Presidential Mansion' 1958 PSC 1996 pp. 216-217. 17. Jason C. Kuo Art and Cultural Politics in Postwar Taiwan (Seattle and London, University of

Washington Press, 2000) p. 24. 18. Defimtive 86 'Kinmen Chu Kwang Tower' 1959 PSC 1996 pp. 221-2.

Deans 29

19. T.E. Stopler China, Taiwan and the Offshore lslat~s (Allnonk and London, M. E. Sharpe: 1985) and Phil Deans "'Cross Straits Relations since 1949: from radicalism to conservatism and back again", Perspectu'es on Cross-Strait Relations Gunter Schucher and Margot Schueller (eds.) Hamburg, Instatute of Asian Affairs.

20. PSC 1996, p. 222. 21. Definitwe 89 'Double Carp Stamps' 1965 PSC 1996 pp. 264-5. 22. Definitive 90 'Flying Geese in Line' 1966 PSC 1996 pp. 273-4. 23. Defintive 96 ,Chinese Culture Heroes' 1972 PSC 1996 pp. 324-5. All references to dollars in the

text are to New Taiwan Dollars (NT$) unless specifically stated otherwise. 24. Definitwe 91 'Chungshan Building" 1968 PSC 1996 pp. 280-1. 25. Definitive 95 'Dignity with Self-Reliance' 1972 PSC 1996pp. 319-320. 26. DefiniUve 97 'Nine Major Construction ProJects' 1974 PSC 1996 pp. 347-8. 27. Definitwe 101 'National Flag' 1978 PSC 1996 pp. 384-6. 28. Definitive 102 'National Flower' 1979 PSC 1996 p. 391-2. 29. Definitive 105 'Ctuang Km-shek Memorial Hall" 1981 PSC 1996 pp. 409-10. 30. DefiniUve 107 'Pine Bamboo and Plumb' 1984 PSC 1996 pp. 445-7. 31 PSC 1996pp. 446-7. 32. Definitive 108 'Lighthouse' 1989 PSC 1996 pp. 489-490. 33. I would like to thank Jean-Pierre Cabestan for this reading. 34. Definitive 11l "Lucky Animals' 1995 PSC 1996 pp. 530-531; Definitive 112 'Ancient Chinese

Engraving Art' PSC 1996 pp. 552-3. 35. Definitive 118 'Tmwanese Fruit' 2001 PSC 2001 pp. 9-13. 36. lbid. p. 9. 37. Special 446 'Regional Opera Series: Taiwanese Puppetry" 2003 PSC 2003 pp. 19-20. 38. Special 400 'Taiwan's Aboriginal Culture' 1999 PSC 1999 pp. 25-27. 39. The 1940 Dr Sun Yat-sen (Hong Kong Print) and 1940 Martyrs Issue (HK Print) defintitives were

overpnnted 'To Commemorate the 30th Anmversary of the Founding of the Republic of China'. Referring to 1941, the PSC 1996 states, "the critical situation of War with Japan did not permit the issue of commemorative stamps." p. 77.

40. Commemorative 72 '50th National Day of the ROC' 1961 PSC 1996 p. 241. 41. Commemorative 138 "60th National Day' 1971 PSC 1996 p. 314. The 'Double Ten" symbol

derives from the date of the founding of the ROC (10 October 1911) and consists of the two characters for the number ten written side by side.

42. Commemorative 183 "70th Anhiversary of the Founding of the ROC" 1981 PSC 1996 pp. 414-5. 43. Commemorative 235 '80th Anniversary of the Founding of the ROC' 1991 PSC 1996 p. 508. 44. Ibid. Unusually the stamps were issued in March 1991, rather than on the date of actual anniversary

in October. 45. Commemorative 282 '90th Anniversary of the Founding of the ROC' 2001 PSC 2001 pp. 64-66. 46. Commemorative 255 '50th Anniversary of VictoQr of the Smo Japanese War [sic] and Talwan

Retrocession' 1995 PSC 1996 pp. 559-60. 47 Commemorative 256 "100th Anniversary of Taiwan Agricultural Research Institute' 1995 PSC

1996 p. 561. 48. Phil Deans 'Nationalism(s) on Taiwan and the issue of Japan' paper presented to the Japan Asso-

ciation of Taiwan Studies, University of Tokyo 10 April 2004. 49. Commemorative 252 "Centenmat of National Taiwan University Hospital" 1995 PSC 1996 p. 557. 50. Commemorative 292 '25th Veterans Day' 2003 PSC 2003 pp. 57-58. 51. There is a large literature on the 2-28 Incident, especially in Chinese. Two important English

language works are A Tragic Beginning : the Taiwan Uprising of February 28. 1947 Lai Tse-han, Ramon H. Myers and Wei Wou (Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press, 1991) and George Kerr Formosa Betrayed (London: Houghton Mifflin, 1965).

52. Commemorative 26 'Retrocession of Taiwan' 1947 PSC 1996 p. 138. 53. Dennis Altman Paper Ambassadors: the politics of stamps North Ryde: Collins, 1991). 54. Although the ROC recognised the independence of Mongolia in 1946, this recognition was with-

drawn in 1953 when Chiang Kai-shek revoked the Sino[ROC]-Soviet Friendship Treaty. See 'Onward to Mongolia' Taipei Review January 2003.


55. Commemoratwe 291' Anniversary of Accession to the World Trade Organisation ' 2003 PSC 2003 p. 2. Taiwan entered the WTO as 'The Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Matsu and Kinmen'.

56. Commemorative 296 ' 1 lth Presidential Inauguration Issue' 2004 PSC 2004. 57. Special 469 'International Day of Peace" PSC 2004 p. 6. 58. Ibid. 59. Commemorative 297 '2004 Athens Olympic Medal Winners' 2004 PSC 2004 n.p.r. 60. Commemorative 217 ' 100th Birthday of President Chiang Kal-shek' PSC 1996 p. 467. 61. Commemorative 217 ' 100th Birthday of President Chiang Kai-shek' PSC 1996 p. 467. 62. For a discussion see Strphane Corcuff "The Symbolic Dimension of Democratization and the

Transition of National Identity under Lee Teng-hui" in Strphane Corcuff (ed.) Memories of the Future: National Identity Issues m the Search for a New Taiwan (Arrnonk and London: M. E. Sharpe, 2002) pp. 73-101.

63. Commemorative 229 'Anniversary of the Death of Chiang Ching-kuo' 1989 PSC 1996 p. 448. 64. Special 198 'Scenery of Mongolia and Tibet' 1984 PSC 1996 p. 432. 65. Special 212 'China's Reumfication under the Three Principles of the People' 1984 PSC 1996 p.

445. 66. Special 320 'Yangtze River' 1993 PSC 1996 pp. 534-5. 67. Commemorative 32 'Self-Government in Taiwan province' 1951 PSC 1996 pp. 189-190. 68. For an overview see Shelly Rigger, Pohtics in Tatwan: Voting for Democracy (London and New

York: Routledge, 1999). 69. Special 12 'Leaders of Democracy' 1959 PSC 1996 p. 226-7. 70. Commemorative 86 'Chinese Refugees Feeling Mainland for Freedom' 1963 PSC 1996 p. 252. 71. Commemorative 83 'Freedom From Hunger Campaign" 1963 PSC 1996 p. 250. 72. Special 422 'Children's Folk Rhymes' 2001 PSC 2001 p. 17. 73. Definitive 97 'Nine Major Construction Projects' 1974 PSC 1996 pp. 347-8. 74. Special 165 'Completion ofTen Major Construction Projects' 1980 PSC 1996 pp. 403-4. 75. Commemorative 171 'Sino-Saudi Bridge' 1978 PSC 1996 pp. 383-4. 76. Commemorative 251 'Inauguration of National Health Insurance' 1995 PSC 1996 pp. 553-4. 77. Commemorative 143 'Stamps Marking the Winning of Twin Championships of the 1972 Little

League World Series by the ROC Teams. 78. Commemorative 284 'XXXIV Baseball World Cup Taipei 2001' 2001PSC 2001 pp. 69-70. 79. Commemorative 288 '2002IPC World Table Tennis Championships' 2002 PSC 2002 p. 45. 80. See, for example, Commemorative 245 ' 100th Anniversary of the IntemaUonal Olympic Commit-

tee' 1994 PSC 1996 p. 546. 81. Commemorative 297 '2004 Athens Olympic Medal Winners' 2004 PSC 2004 n.p.r. 82. Commemorative 44 '10th Anniversary of the United Nations' 1955 PSC 1996 pp. 204-5; Com-

memoratwe 135 '25th Anniversary of the United Nations' 1971 PSC 1996 p. 305 83. Definitive 95 'Dignity with Self-Reliance' 1972 PSC 1996 pp. 319-320. 84. Commemoratwe 143 'Stamps Marking the Winning of Twin Championships of the 1972 Little

League World Series by the ROC Teams. 85. Commemorative 217 ' l OOth Birthday of President Chiang Kai-shek' PSC1996 p. 467. 86. Commemorative 289 'The ROC and the Holy See Relations' 2002 PSC 2002 pp. 50-51 87. Special 336 'Protection of Intellectual Property Rights' 1994 PSC 1994 p. 545. 88. Commemorative 242 '20th Anniversary of the AVRDC' 1993 PSC 1994 p. 540. 89. Note that commercial concerns are increasingly important in stamps issues on Taiwan, as was seen

in 2004 with the issue of stamps portraying 'Hello Kitty' (Special 468 'Cartoon Figure Hello Kitty' PSC 2004 2004) and Harry Potter (Special 462 'Cinema Postage Stamps: Harry Potter' PSC 2004 2004). These stamps were designed with the primary purpose of generating revenue through sales to collectors--a phenomena most marked in North Korea stamps issues. Nonetheless, the 'Hello Kitty' series also contains images of Taiwan.

Date post:	25-Aug-2016
Category:	Documents
Upload:	phil
View:	214 times
Download:	0 times

Isolation, identity and Taiwanese stamps as vehicles for regime legitimation

Documents