[James Boswell] an Account of Corsica, The Journal(BookFi.org)

An Account of Corsica,The Journal of a Tour to

That Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

JAMES BOSWELL

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

� james boswell �

An Account of Corsica,

The Journal of a Tour to That Island,

and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

This page intentionally left blank

� james boswell �

An Account of Corsica, The Journal of a Tour to That Island,

and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli.

Edited with Introduction and Notes by

James T. Boulton

and

T. O. McLoughlin

12006

3Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that furtherOxford University’s objective of excellencein research, scholarship, and education.

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication DataBoswell, James, 1740–1795.

An account of Corsica, the journal of a tour to that island; and memoirs of Pascal Paoli /James Boswell ; edited with introduction and notes by James T. Boulton and T. O. McLoughlin.

p. cm.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN-13 978-0-19-516583-8ISBN 0-19-516583-71. Corsica (France)—Description and travel—Early works to 1800. 2. Boswell, James,

1740–1795—Travel—France—Corsica. 3. Paoli, Pasquale, 1725–1807. 4. Authors, Scottish—18th century—Diaries. 5. Statesmen—France—Corsica—Biography. I. Boulton, James T.II. McLoughlin, T. O. III. Title.

DC611.C811B75 2005914.4'990434—dc22 2004054791

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in the United States of Americaon acid-free paper

www.oup.com

Your History is like other histories, but your Journal is in a very highdegree curious and delightful . . . Your History was copied frombooks; your Journal rose out of your own experience and observation.

Samuel Johnson wrote thus to Boswell on 9 September 1769 after the publi-cation of the third edition of An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tour tothat Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli. His verdict, echoed with approvalby virtually every writer on Boswell since it was first delivered, is tenden-tious, accurate about the ‘Journal’ but unjust to the ‘Account.’ It was notuniversally shared. The first edition of Corsica in February 1768 was sold outin six weeks and the second (also of 3,500 copies) in a year. Prominent re-viewers were generous in their praise. However, the Johnsonian view en-sured that the book was neglected for over two centuries despite its authorhaving become known as ‘Corsica Boswell’ across Europe (it was translatedinto Dutch, German, Italian, and French within a year of publication). Ne-glected, that is, as a whole work; the ‘Journal’ has been extracted and pub-lished by itself on several occasions; but, with a single exception, the bookhas not been published in extenso since 1769. The exception is the edition inFrench by Jean Viviès in 1992. The present is the first complete reprint ofCorsica in English and the first critical edition in any language. The text fol-lows that of the third edition of Corsica corrected where necessary by refer-ence to the first or second editions.

It has not been feasible to reproduce the minutely detailed, fold-out mapof the island drawn in Edinburgh by Thomas Phinn; this is replaced by a

� PREFACE �

preface

simpler version showing the principal places to which Boswell draws attention.The Corsican State Papers appear here in an English translation; Boswell pub-lished them in Italian only, despite a memorandum in his manuscript thatthey could be ‘given in English with the Italian on the opposite side.’

� ACKNOWLEDGMENTS �

THE editors thank the following persons for assistance of diverse kindsall freely offered: Patrick Baird, Andrew Boulton, John Bourne, Linda

Bree, Harry Buglass, John W. Cairns, Peter Cook, Adrian Dover, Geoff Dowling,Howard Erskine-Hill, Michel Fuchs, Vincent Giroud, Alan Hill, Helen Hills,Jean-Marie Maguin, Anne Marie Menta, Jaime Peart, Carol Pompa, ClaudeRawson, Taran Schlindler, Gerry Slowey, George Stanley, Gordon Turbull, E.Whitlock, Helen Wilcox, Pamela Williams, Alan Young, Timothy Young.

We are grateful to Kay Baldwin for translating into English the CorsicanState Papers, included by Boswell in their original Italian, and to DesmondCosta for assistance with Boswell’s quotations from classical literature.

Gratitude is also owed to the British Academy for the research grant thatmade sustained work on the edition possible; to Christine Penney, MartinKilleen, and their colleagues in the Heslop (Rare Book) Room, University ofBirmingham’s Library, for their unfailing help and advice; to the staff of theBibliothèque Méjanes, Aix en Provence, the Bibliothèque Municipale, Mont-pellier, and the National Library of Scotland for their generous assistance; andto Elissa Morris and her colleagues at Oxford University Press, New York, whomade negotiations about the book both pleasant and fruitful.

We acknowledge permission to reproduce the painting of Boswell as anarmed Corsican chief from the National Portrait Gallery, London. To repro-duce a page from Boswell’s manuscript of the ‘Account of Corsica’ in the Bei-necke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University Library, weacknowledge permission from Gordon Turnbull, general editor, and the Edi-torial Committee of the Yale Boswell Editions.


� CONTENTS �

Illustrations xi

Cue-titles xiii

Boswell: A Chronology, 1740–1795 xv

Introduction xvii

—‘MY LITTLE MONUMENT TO LIBERTY’—

An Account of Corsica 3

Appendix Containing Corsican State Papers 143

The Journal of a Tour to Corsica 159

Addenda

I: Extracts from the London Chronicle 1766–1767 221

II: Reception: Selected Comments and Reviews 227

Textual Apparatus 233

Boswell and Paoli Index 239

Index of Proper Names 243


� ILLUSTRATIONS �

Frontispiece and title-page of the third edition of Corsica 2

Map of Corsica showing the principal places mentioned by Boswell 20

Page 186 of Boswell’s manuscript for the ‘Account of Corsica’ 111

Statue of Pascal Paoli erected near his birthplace at Stretta di Morosaglia 160

Boswell in the dress of an armed Corsican chief 187

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� CUE-TITLES �

Here and throughout, the place of publication is London unless otherwisestated.‘Account’ James Boswell, ‘An Account of Corsica’ [being Part I of

Corsica].Beretti Beretti, Francis, Pascal Paoli et l’image de la Corse au

dix-huitième siècle: le témoignage des voyageurs britanniques(Voltaire Foundation), Oxford, 1988.

Burnaby Andrew Burnaby, Journal of a Tour to Corsica in the Year1766, 1804.

Corr. Temple i. The Correspondence of James Boswell and William JohnsonTemple, ed. Thomas Crawford, Vol. 1, 1756–1777,Edinburgh, 1997.

Corsica James Boswell, An Account of Corsica, the Journal of a Tourto that Island, and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli, 3rd edition,1769.

Earlier Years F. A. Pottle, James Boswell, the Earlier Years, 1740–1769,1966.

Gen. Corr. i; ii The General Correspondence of James Boswell, ed. RichardC. Cole, Vol. 1, 1766–1767; Vol. 2, 1768–1769, Edinburgh,1993; 1997.

Goury Goury de Champgrand, Jean-François, Histoire de l’Isle deCorse, Nancy, 1749.

Grand Tour Boswell on the Grand Tour: Italy, Corsica and France,1765–1766, ed. Frank Brady and F. A. Pottle, 1955.

Jaussin Jaussin, Louis Amand, Mémoires Historiques, Militaires etPolitiques, sur les principaux événemens arrivés dans l’isle etroyaume de Corse, Lausanne, 1758.

JB James Boswell.‘Journal’ James Boswell, ‘The Journal of a Tour to [Corsica], and

Memoirs of Pascal Paoli’ [being Part II of Corsica].Life Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. George Birkbeck Hill, rev. L.

F. Powell, Oxford, 1934.Literary Career F. A. Pottle, The Literary Career of James Boswell, Esq.,

Oxford, 1929.MS Boswell’s manuscript entitled ‘An Account of Corsica,’ in

the James Boswell Papers, Box 48, folders 1033–34, in theBeinecke Rare Books and Manuscript Library, YaleUniversity Library.

Private Papers The Private Papers of James Boswell from Malahide Castle,ed. Geoffrey Scott and F. A. Pottle, 18 vols., Oxford,1928–1934.

Summary ‘Summary of Materials for the “Journal of a Tour toCorsica,”’ in Private Papers, vii. 239–45.

Viviès James Boswell: Etat de la Corse, ed. Jean Viviès, Paris, 1992.

xiv

cue-titles

xv

� BOSWELL: A CHRONOLOGY, 1740–1795 �

29 October 1740 Born in EdinburghAutumn 1753 Admitted to University of EdinburghAutumn 1759 Admitted to University of Glasgow30 July 1762 Passed examination in Civil Law15 November 1762 Left Edinburgh for London12 April 1763 Published Letters between The Honourable Andrew

Erskine and James Boswell, Esq.16 May 1763 Introduced to Samuel JohnsonAugust 1763 Went to Utrecht to study law18 June 1764 Left Utrecht for tour of Germany, Switzerland, Italy,

Corsica, and France11 October 1765 Sailed from Leghorn for Cap Corse in Corsica22–28 October 1765 Meetings with Paoli at Sollacarò30 November 1765 Arrived in Genoa from Corsica12 February 1766 Returned to Londonc. March 1766 In Scotland; started to assemble material for Corsica26 July 1766 Began legal career as member of Faculty of Advocates30 March 1767 ‘I am now seriously engaged in my Account of Corsica’18 February 1768 Published An Account of CorsicaDecember 1768 Contributed to and published British Essays in favour

of the Brave Corsicans [1769]May 1769 An Account of Corsica, 3rd edition7 September 1769 Appeared as Corsican chief at Shakespeare Jubilee

celebrations in Stratford-on-Avon

25 November 1769 Married Margaret MontgomerieOctober 1777 First of 70 essays as ‘The Hypochondriak’ in the

London Magazine30 August 1782 On death of father, Lord Auchinleck, became laird of

family estate1 October 1785 Published Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides13 February 1786 Called to the English bar4 June 1789 Death of his wife16 May 1791 Published Life of Samuel Johnson19 May 1795 Died in London8 June 1795 Interred in family vault at Auchinleck

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boswell: a chronology, 1740–1795

xvii

1. Corr. Temple i. 227; 24 March 1768.

� INTRODUCTION �

My Book has amazing celebrity. Lord Lyttelton Mr Walpole MrsMacaulay Mr Garrick have all written me noble letters about it.There are two dutch translations going forward . . . Pray tell me howI can send you a copy of the second edition which is already printed.1

Boswell could hardly contain his excitement as he wrote to his friend WilliamJohnson Temple about the success of his book on Corsica. It launched himonto the literary scene to the acclaim of readers in Britain and on the conti-nent. Long before he was known for his writings on Dr. Johnson, he enjoyeda European-wide reputation for his work on Corsica. So striking and suddena triumph was everything the ambitious young Boswell had hoped for, andyet it is not easily explained. To better appreciate this conundrum, we needto look at what took him to Corsica and how he went about writing thebook.

� Corsica and Europe �

For the young James Boswell to go to Corsica at all is something of a surprise.Born in Edinburgh in 1740, eldest son of a Scottish judge, and educated in thelaw, he made a couple of youthful attempts to get away from Scotland and,more particularly, from his father. But Corsica was as remote and unknown to

introduction

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introduction

2. Preface, H. Kaltenbach, Historie van Corsica, translated into English (1733), cited by Beretti 11.3. JB to Jean Jacques Rousseau, 3 October 1765, Grand Tour 20.4. Annual Register vi (1763), 213. JB left London to start his European travels on 4 August 1763 and

could have heard about the proclamation only in 1764 when he was in Holland.5. For Anton Pietro Filippini, Historia di Corsica (1594), see Antoine-Marie Graziani, Pascal Paoli,

Père de la Patrie Corse (Paris, 2002), pp. 206–7. Also see below p. 61n.20.6. Fog’s Weekly Journal, no. 185, 20 May 1732. The letter is discussed by Beretti 16–18.7. Published anonymously, A General Account and Description of the Island of Corsica: including a gen-

uine relation of the late revolutions there . . . 1739.

most British travellers as it was to many Europeans. ‘Corsica is as unknownto us as Japan or California,’ wrote one historian.2 At age 25, Boswell had per-suaded his father to let him study for a year in Utrecht and then go on theGrand Tour. He spent the first nine months of 1765 in Italy, where he faceda difficult decision. His father expected him back in Scotland, but he was inno hurry. He wondered about prolonging the delights of an affair with ‘mycharming Signora’ in Siena, or abandoning her for his secret resolve ‘to makea tour of Corsica.’3 The choice of this last is even more surprising in thatCorsica was terra incognita to British travellers. Furthermore, Corsica was adestination that British nationals were expressly discouraged from visiting. Inthe long wrangle between the Genoese republic and the people of Corsica,the Genoese had asked George III to help them subdue the Corsican ‘rebels’by giving ‘express orders to all his subjects not to have or hold any corre-spondence with the said rebels.’ George III, on the advice of the Privy Coun-cil, issued a proclamation in 1763 warning that anyone who disobeyed wouldincur ‘not only his majesty’s high displeasure’ but would be punished.4 Thatwas the political climate in which Boswell landed at Centuri in the north ofthe island with the particular purpose of meeting the Corsican leader PascalPaoli.

If the visit has an air of bravado, it also reflects a side of Boswell’s well-known curiosity. He wanted to meet not just the famous Paoli but to see forhimself these island people who, since the rebellion of 1729, had found theirway into British and European newspapers for their indomitable spirit of resis-tance to the Genoese and the French. The first history of the island since 1594,Kaltenbach’s Historie van Corsica was published in 1732.5 In the same year theEnglish paper Fog’s Journal published ‘A letter from the people of Corsica totheir countrymen, where-ever dispers’d out of the said island.’6 In 1738 waspublished the anonymous Histoire des Révolutions de l’Islande Corse et de l’Ele-vation de Théodore I sur le Throne de cet Etat. The first book in English to de-scribe the island and its people, A General Account and Description of the Islandof Corsica was published in 1739.7 Interest grew as the island was drawn intoEuropean politics by the great powers during the war of Austrian Succession

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introduction

8. Encyclopédie, 1751; Compact edn. 6 vols. (New York, 1969), i. 784. Further on attitudes in Europeto Corsica, see Fernand Ettori, ‘La Corse et l’opinion publique’ in Jean-Jacques Rousseau, et la con-stitution de corse: la tentation du législateur, thèse d’Etat, Université de Provence, 1976, pp. 64–84.See also Graziani, Pascal Paoli, pp. 207–8.

9. Corsica 135.10. Corsica 83.11. Corsica 169.12. Corsica 161.13. Corsica 69.

in the 1740s. The entry for Corsica in the Encyclopédie in 1751, however, con-tained only a few lines, a reminder that many had a rather dismissive view ofCorsica.8 Boswell’s attitude was decidedly positive. The Corsicans had resistedall comers with a firm sense of independence and national identity. He putsthis rhetorical question to his readers:

When we thus view the Corsicans gloriously striving for the best rightsof humanity, and under the guidance of an illustrious commander andable statesman . . . Can we Britons forbear to admire their bravery,and their wisdom?9

But, as the question implies, not all Boswell’s readers agreed. The royal procla-mation of 1763 was but one more example of Britain’s indifference to Corsica’s‘bravery.’ The British had declined a Corsican request for protection in 1746,and ‘unhappy impressions’ of Corsica had long survived in England.10 Boswellwas abashed when a Corsican soldier told him, ‘The English; they were onceour friends; but they are so no more.’11 Boswell wanted to see for himself ‘a peo-ple actually fighting for liberty, and forming themselves from a poor inconsid-erable oppressed nation, into a flourishing and independent state.’12

The strategic location of the island of Corsica, not far from the Italianand French coasts, meant it was always vulnerable to occupation and counter-occupation by foreign interests. The Greeks, the Carthaginians, and the Ro-mans invaded in classical times, then the Vandals in the fifth century. Romebattled with the Byzantine presence in the sixth century until the island wasincorporated into Lombardy in the eighth century. The Saracens came andwent. In 1091 the Pope put Corsica under the authority of Pisa, but that deci-sion was contested by the Genoese, who had fought their way to control by1284. But not for long. The kings of Aragon moved to take control of the is-land, which then experienced two hundred years of strife and confusion. TheFrench invaded in 1553 and returned the island to Genoa in 1559. Their gov-ernment, suspicious of and inimical to the Corsican people, dominated untilthe Corsicans rebelled in 1729. As Boswell puts it, ‘Long despised, plunderedand oppressed, the Corsicans again revived.’13 They declared themselves inde-pendent and the Genoese retreated to the coastal towns. Despite a settlement,

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14. Joseph Foladare argues that as early as 1735 France ‘had developed a plan for the ultimate annexa-tion of Corsica, either by cession or purchase from Genoa’ (Boswell’s Paoli, 1979, p. 43).

15. Among Paoli’s officials who retreated over the mountains to Ajaccio was Carlo Bonaparte, alongwith his pregnant wife. Their son Napoleon was born shortly afterward.

16. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707–1837 (Pimlico, 2003), p. 85.17. Boswell’s London Journal, 1762–1763, ed. Frederick A. Pottle (1950; 1992), p. 39.18. Wilkes was co-editor with the poet Charles Churchill.19. North Briton 45, 23 April 1763.

rebellion broke out again. The Genoese called on the French to assist; theycame but then withdrew in 1741.14 During the war of Austrian succession theBritish and Sardinians intervened briefly in support of the Corsicans. By thetime they withdrew at the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, the island was a patch-work of authorities—Genoese and French in coastal towns and Corsican ‘rebels’in control of most of the hinterland. The latter elected Paoli as General of thenation in 1755 and declared Corte the capital. That was the situation at thetime of Boswell’s visit. In 1768 Genoa ceded Corsica to France. The Frencharmy then invaded in force and put down all Corsican resistance in May 1769.Paoli sought refuge in England.15 Since that defeat, apart from a brief periodunder British rule (1794–96), Corsica has been governed by France. But thespirit of independence is still evident. The last few decades of the twentiethcentury witnessed several attempts by Corsican separatists, either by force ornegotiation, finally to achieve the independence Boswell thought was immi-nent in 1765.

� ‘Liberty’ the Catch-Word of the 1760s �

As Linda Colley has noted, the two decades after the defeat of the Jacobites inScotland at Culloden in 1746 were ‘an intensely creative period in terms of pa-triotic initiatives and discussion of national identities both in Great Britainand in other parts of Europe.’16 ‘Liberty’ had become a major rallying cry inEngland during the early 1760s, and Boswell shared in the general enthusi-asm. His fascination with Paoli and his Corsican supporters fighting for lib-erty was more than one of ‘the whims that may seize me’ or ‘the sallies of myluxuriant imagination.’17 He was in London at the close of the Seven YearsWar when liberty had been a major talking point in coffeehouses and thepress, first over the Wilkes affair, then over the American colonies. JohnWilkes had openly attacked Lord Bute in his paper North Briton for his part inthe Treaty of Paris.18 Wilkes declared himself ‘a firm and intrepid assertor of therights of his fellow subjects, and of the liberties of Whigs and Englishmen.’19

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20. London Journal, 9 Feb. 1763, p. 187; 26 March 1763, p. 228; 16 May 1763, p. 261.21. London Journal, 24 May 1763, p. 266.22. Grand Tour 5.23. Cf. David Solkin, Painting for Money: The Visual Arts and the Public Sphere in Eighteenth-Century

England (New Haven, 1992), p. 263: ‘The historical importance of the entire Wilkes affair lay farless in the man himself than in the issues raised by his case.’

24. Franklin was among those to whom a health was drunk at JB’s Corsican Club, 6 April 1768 (Ear-lier Years 379).

25. JB had called on Pitt the night after the Commons vote in favour of repealing the Act.26. ‘The Present State of Liberty,’ Joseph Priestley: Political Writings, ed. Peter N. Miller (Cambridge,

1992), p. 142.27. Beretti 67.

Boswell so enjoyed the North Briton, which he read ‘with vast relish,’ that hetimed his lunch in the city on Saturdays ‘so as to have it fresh from thepress.’ Although Johnson would like to have seen Wilkes ‘well ducked’ andthought the idea of liberty no more than an amusement to the people ofEngland to ‘keep off the taedium vitae,’ Boswell admired Wilkes and hisstand.20 In his enthusiasm he tried to catch sight of him when Wilkes wastaken from the Tower to be formally indicted for libel on George III in theNorth Briton. Boswell met him shortly afterwards in May 1763.21 Two yearslater, before setting off to Corsica, Boswell looked him up in Italy: ‘I foundthe famous Mr. Wilkes in his exile, and despite his sharp attacks on the Scots,we got along very well together.’22 However objectionable Johnson and manyothers found Wilkes, Boswell regarded him as the living protagonist ofBritish liberty.23

Liberty was also a growing concern as regards the American colonies.Benjamin Franklin came to London in 1764 to argue that the British parlia-ment had no right to tax the colonies so long as they had no representationin Westminster.24 The subsequent furore in and out of Parliament over theintroduction of the Stamp Act in 1765 and then over its repeal in 1766demonstrates how heated and contentious an issue liberty had become inEngland.25 As Joseph Priestley wrote a few years later, if Britain insisted onits right to tax America, ‘one part of the empire will be the seat of despot-ism, and all the other subjects will be slaves.’26 The same principle underlaythe arguments about Wilkes and applied equally to Corsica’s relation withthe Genoese. Paoli was to become a toast for the American colonists.27

Against this background Boswell’s decision to visit Corsica is no surprise.Here was an opportunity to meet and talk with people actually fighting fortheir independence. The evocation of freedom in the quotation from theDeclaration of Arbroath on the title-page of Corsica sets the tone ofBoswell’s agenda.

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28. London Journal, 8 Feb. 1763, p. 187.29. ‘Sketch of the Early Life of James Boswell, Written by Himself for Jean Jacques Rousseau, De-

cember 1764,’ in Earlier Years 4, 6.30. Frederick A. Pottle, ‘Boswell’s University Education,’ Johnson, Boswell and their Circle (Oxford,

1965), p. 233.31. Earlier Years 36.32. Glasgow had a policy of appointing outstanding scholars to its Law School in order to attract stu-

dents away from the University of Edinburgh (John W. Cairns, ‘The Origins of the Glasgow LawSchool: The Professors of Civil Law, 1714–61,’ The Life of the Law: Proceedings of the Tenth BritishLegal History Conference, Oxford 1991, ed. Peter Birks, 1993, p. 193).

� The Young Boswell �

Boswell’s youthful fascination with liberty has its personal side. When hisbrother left London to return home to Scotland, Boswell’s response was, ‘Heis as fond of being at home as I am of ranging freely at a distance.’28 He aimedto be ‘a man of consequence,’ and that meant being in the public eye. He hadthe self-drive and confidence to make his mark in the world. Writing a sketchof his life for Rousseau, he records with pride that at thirteen his universityprofessors predicted he would be ‘a very great man’ and asks, ‘Tell me if I canbe a worthy Scots laird.’29 That was what his strong-willed and fearsome fa-ther Alexander Boswell expected of him. In 1754 his father had been made aScottish judge and Lord of Session, which meant he became known as LordAuchinleck. As the eldest son, James was heir to the considerable estate ofAuchinleck, and his father was determined to have him educated in the law toprepare him for his responsibilities. He followed an arts curriculum at theUniversity of Edinburgh that included Latin, Greek, logic, and natural phi-losophy. By October 1758, in his final year, he had started civil law. Not manystudents bothered to graduate in the modern sense, and no such formal quali-fication was necessary in Scotland for those wanting to be admitted to the Fac-ulty of Advocates.30 Once away from home and on his own at university inEdinburgh, Boswell began to follow his own inclinations. Friends like JohnJohnson and older, successful men like Sir David Dalrymple and LordSomerville prompted him to think of himself as ‘a young man fondly ambi-tious of being distinguished for his literary talents.’ Respect for his father, ‘oneof the ablest and worthiest men in the world,’ now contended with the moreliberal desires and ambitions stimulated by the intellectual and social milieuof Edinburgh.31 Serious tensions developed between father and son. LordAuchinleck strongly disapproved of his son’s fresh projects—to become awriter, to seek a career in the military, to become a Catholic. In his disquietthe father moved Boswell to the University of Glasgow, which had a burgeon-ing reputation for its staff, notably Adam Smith, and its School of Civil Law.32

In 1760, halfway through his first year, he absconded to London, hoping to

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33. London Journal, 24 Feb. 1763, p. 201.34. Earlier Years 109.35. London Journal, 15 June 1763, p. 279 n.36. London Journal, 25 June 1763, p. 284.37. JB passed ‘the private examination in Civil Law’ in Scotland on 30 July 1762. It was on the advice

of Lord Hailes, a family friend, who had also studied there, that JB went to Utrecht; Hailes sug-gested courses JB might follow (John W. Cairns, ‘Legal Study in Utrecht in the Late 1740s: the Ed-ucation of Sir David Dalrymple, Lord Hailes,’ Summa Eloquentia, Essays in Honour of MargaretHewett, ed. Rena van den Bergh, Pretoria, 2002, pp. 40, 56, 57, 61).

38. Earlier Years 234.

get a commission in the Guards. It was clear that he was too much of an indi-vidualist to fall easily into the conventional expectations of his father, muchless the institutional mould of the legal profession. He thought he would benoticed, as a writer perhaps or a public figure, whether his father approved ornot. The problem was how.

Boswell was also a moody young man and prone to act on a whim. Hisgreat swings of emotion between melancholy and elation, between guilt andresolution, between complying with his father’s wishes and taking his owncourse are well-known. His desire to go to Europe provided just such an in-stance. At times in London, the idea of a trip to Europe appealed, but thenhe let it slip. In February 1763 he thought of going to Europe ‘for a year ortwo’ to study good conduct.33 He had, however, to reckon with his father.The breach between them had reached such a state that on 30 May 1763 hisfather wrote, after a three-month silence, to say he had so despaired of hisson’s reformation that he had thought of selling off the estate, ‘from theprinciple that it is better to snuff a candle out than leave it to stink in asocket.’34 Boswell relented and agreed to return to his law studies. On 3 Junehe wrote, ‘I shall perhaps go abroad a year or two,’ and he told John Johnsonon 15 June, he had ‘begged’ his father to let him go abroad.35 His new friendSamuel Johnson, informed of the plan, responded, ‘I would go where thereare courts and learned men.’36

The disagreement between father and son concluded with a nominalagreement that Boswell would resume his law studies. The payoff was that hewould spend a year studying Civil Law in Holland and then tour the Germancourts.37 Boswell’s request to include Paris was refused, as was his plea to tourItaly. Lord Auchinleck saw no point in ‘strolling through the world to seesights before unseen.’38 After further negotiation, Boswell was allowed fourmonths in Italy. Corsica was not mentioned.

On 4 August 1763, Samuel Johnson insisted on accompanying him toHarwich to see him off to Holland, ‘with a manly resolution to improve.’ Thewinter was to be spent at Utrecht, where he would study Civil Law. SinceScots law is much closer to Roman law than is English law, it was not unusual

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39. Cairns notes that after the 1740s there had been ‘a dramatic decline’ in the number of foreign stu-dents attending Dutch universities (‘Legal Study in Utrecht,’ p. 38).

40. Earlier Years 383.41. Earlier Years 126; Dr. Johnson advised him to spend an hour a day reading Greek (London Journal,

2 Aug. 1763, p. 332).42. Cairns, ‘Origins of the Glasgow Law School,’ pp. 156, 178.43. For his study of French at Edinburgh, see Pottle, ‘Boswell’s University Education,’ pp. 237–38.44. Corsica 185.45. Corsica 98.

to spend time at a Dutch university, as Lord Auchinleck himself had done atLeyden.39 Boswell’s time in Utrecht is often recalled not for what Boswelllearned there but for his turbulent relationship with and near marriage to theeligible young Belle de Zuylen. Boswell fell in and out of love with her, de-cided to marry and then not to marry her. When Corsica was published,Boswell sent her a copy. She was struck by ‘the heroism of that people, thegreat qualities of their chief, the genius of the author’ and started, but nevercompleted, a translation of it into French.40 Important as that relationship wasto Boswell, the year at Utrecht was crucial in another, quite different way.

During this year Boswell took unusual pains to keep his resolution to ‘im-prove.’ The schedule of study he set himself included three hours a day for legalstudies, four hours for French, and regular lessons in classical Greek and Latin.41

The classical languages and history, together with the study of Greek and Ro-man antiquities, were considered essential to the study of civil law.42 Thus, heconsolidated knowledge and skills that would serve him well when he came tovisit and write about Corsica. His fluency in French, a subject he had studied inEdinburgh, put him at ease with high society in Germany and on his visits toRousseau and Voltaire.43 He had also learned some Dutch and enough Germanto converse later with Signor Suzzoni in Corsica.44 His familiarity with classicalauthors gave him access to those who had written on Corsica, such as DiodorusSiculus and Polybius. His law studies prepared him to think about issues of civilsociety, the constitution, and government, which he deals with in chapter threeof the ‘Account.’ The occasional political comparisons he makes between Cor-sica and Holland, such as that Paoli’s position ‘much resembles that of theStadtholder of Holland,’ show him thinking about constitutional developmentsin Corsica in a wider European context.45 His studies in Utrecht unwittinglyprovided him with skills that would be invaluable when he got to Corsica.

� Boswell and the Grand Tour �

Boswell spent a year and more between leaving Utrecht and landing in Cor-sica. As for so many young gentlemen before him, the Grand Tour entailed a

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46. Beretti 34, n. 78.47. For the range of British visitors to Rousseau and Voltaire, see Beretti 36: Voltaire received over 300

such visitors during his 14 years at Ferney.48. London Journal, 18 Jan. 1763, p. 151.49. 20 July 1764, Earlier Years 148.

leisurely progress through various European countries toward Italy, which, forits wealth of classical culture and Renaissance art, was regarded as theterminus ad quem of this educational journey. With the end of the Seven YearsWar in 1763, the way was open again for Britons to travel in Europe. Some40,000 are said to have crossed the channel in 1765.46 Boswell’s itinerary wasnot unusual, though the people he met were. Few travellers encountered sosplendid a range of noteworthy people. His host in Berlin, a city he greatly en-joyed, was president of the city Council. He visited the courts of Brunswickand of Saxony, danced with George III’s sister and with Elizabeth, the futurequeen of Prussia. It was de rigueur for the serious tourist to call on Rousseauand Voltaire, something Boswell resolved on while still in Utrecht.47 Armedwith letters of introduction, he visited both of them. He had five interviewswith Rousseau at Moitiers, having read his Nouvelle Héloise and Émile to pre-pare himself. Boswell wrote four months later to Rousseau asking for a letterof introduction to the Corsicans. Shortly afterward, at Christmas 1764, he vis-ited Voltaire at Ferney near Geneva. In January 1765 he crossed into Italy bythe Mount Cenis pass, heading for Turin. The pleasures of the tour forBoswell were not so much the places and their cultural treasures but visits toprominent Europeans. Boswell wanted to be accepted in the highest circles, tomeet and be recognised by Europe’s famous personages. Later in the year hewould go to Corsica not to see the country but to meet Paoli.

This ambition not just to mingle but to converse with the great is part ofthat curious mixture of social ambition and a desire for self-improvement sosingular to Boswell’s character. His journals give ample evidence of his preoc-cupation with himself, his ongoing self-assessment. A remark like the follow-ing from his London Journal in 1763 is typical: ‘I really have still a great degreeof imbecility of mind: I am easily persuaded by what other people say, andcannot have a firm enough judgment.’48 His mood shifts from exhilaration atwhat a fine fellow he is to abject depression that he has failed himself. Shortlyafter leaving Utrecht he reflected, ‘I am in reality an original character. Let memoderate and cultivate my originality. . . . Let me then be Boswell and renderhim as fine a fellow as possible.’49 The Grand Tour was to be a journey of self-discovery. The nine months in Italy continued that mission and confirmedearlier signs of a charming, flamboyant, young gallant of enormous energyconstantly assessing his performance. He told Rousseau in May 1765 of histour of Italy, ‘I have viewed with enthusiasm classical sites, and the remains of

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50. JB to Rousseau, 11 May 1765, Grand Tour 85.51. ‘Memoirs of James Boswell, Esq.’ The European Magazine, June 1791, reprinted Literary Career

xxxvii.52. Grand Tour 118.53. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 14; Earlier Years 211, 239.54. Corsica 176–77.55. London Journal, 23 Jan. 1763, p. 173.56. JB tells Johnson in 1770, ‘I had learnt little Greek, as is so generally the case in Scotland’ (Life of

Johnson, ed. R. W. Chapman, intro. Pat Rogers, Oxford, 1980, p. 1036).

the grandeur of the ancient Romans. I have made a thorough study of archi-tecture, statues, and paintings.’ This is followed almost immediately with thereflection, ‘Dare I admit to you that my conduct has not been as virtuous as Iexpected.’50 What he called his ‘love of the fair-sex’ often had the better of hisgood resolutions.51

He visited an Irish Augustinian friar in Parma whose ‘awkward coarsemanner’ drew him to reflect on his own sensibility. This, he says, ‘is so delicatethat I must fairly own it to be weak and unmanly. It prevents me from havinga decent and even conduct in the course of ordinary life. I would hope to bemore firm as I grow older.’52 Although there is little of this kind of introspec-tive reflection in Corsica, this characteristic is worth noting as indicative notjust of Boswell’s sensitivity but of the way he digests his day-to-day experi-ences, how he slips easily and without notice between outer events and innerreflection.

As a prelude to the visit to Corsica, the time in Italy was significant in sev-eral respects, some more important than others. Unlike many British trav-ellers, Boswell learned Italian. Soon after arriving, he hired a personal tutor,Abate Dosi, and later in Siena applied himself to the language with evengreater determination with the help of Abate Crochi. He spoke only Italian,did written exercises, and spent two hours every morning reading ‘the divineAriosto.’53 This newly acquired fluency meant that in Corsica he was able notjust to converse in Italian but to read and translate the many official docu-ments that provide primary materials for the ‘Account.’ Paoli addressed himat their first meeting in French, then Italian. Only later did Boswell ask him ifhe understood English.54

Italy also consolidated an aspect of Boswell that emerges more clearly inCorsica than in his other works: his sense of history. He had greatly enjoyedreading Hume’s History before he left on his Tour: ‘it excites noble feelings ofevery kind.’55 Boswell, like any young educated person in the eighteenth cen-tury, came to history through the classics. Although he regretted not havinglearned much Greek, he could both write and converse proficiently in Latin.56

By the time he left university, he had an acquaintance with most of the majorclassical authors from Herodotus to Tacitus, which meant a solid grounding

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57. Grand Tour 87, ed. note.58. Grand Tour 65.59. Edward Gibbon, Memoirs of My Life, ed. Georges A. Bonnard (1966), p. 134.60. Grand Tour 65.61. Cited by Ian McIntyre, Joshua Reynolds, the Life and Times of the First President of the Royal Acad-

emy (2003), p. 45.

in the literature as well as the history of classical times. Hence, the range ofclassical references in Corsica. Italy excited Boswell because he could see thearchaeological vestiges of that civilisation. His father’s encouragement to learnodes of Horace by heart came to fruition when, ‘on seeing the famous FonsBandusiae he spouted Horace’s ode on the spot.’57 His journal entry for Thurs-day, 28 March 1765, reads:

We climbed to the Palace again [on the Palatine hill], where the cy-presses seem to mourn for the ruin of the grandeur of the Romanemperors. The view from here is magnificent . . . We went to theCapitoline hill. We saw a fragment of the temple of Jupiter Tonans,which was architecturally very handsome. We saw in a church the fa-mous Tullia prison, of which Sallust gives so hideous a picture andwhere Paul and Silas were imprisoned.58

The excitement is reminiscent of Edward Gibbon’s response to Rome just fivemonths earlier:

After a sleepless night I trod with a lofty step the ruins of the Forum;each memorable spot where Romulus stood, or Tully spoke, or Caesarfell . . . and several days of intoxication were lost or enjoyed before Icould descend to a cool and minute investigation.59

Both young travellers are overwhelmed by the almost tangible presence ofclassical history. Such was Boswell’s elation that he and his friend Morisonspoke to one another in Latin as they walked among the monuments: ‘Wehave persisted, and every day we speak with greater facility, so that we haveharangued on Roman antiquities in the language of the Romans them-selves.’60

Not all English travellers showed such enthusiasm. The French man ofletters Charles de Brosses remarked that he knew more than one Englishman‘who left Rome without meeting anybody but their own countrymen andwithout knowing where the Colosseum was.’61 Unlike the more casual visitor,Boswell took a delight in visiting the ancient sites, the art galleries, and churches.He had the curiosity to turn the Grand Tour from an excuse to travel into aseriously enjoyable exposure to what remained of the Roman world. His studyof antiquities during his law studies at Edinburgh had inculcated an unusually

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62. Pottle argues that these contents probably changed little, although specifically taken from the courseof Professor Charles Mackie, who preceded JB’s professor, William Wallace (‘Boswell’s UniversityEducation,’ p. 244).

63. Adam Smith, Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, ed. J. C. Bryce (London, 1983); lectures 17–20deal with historical writing. The Scottish universities, as well as Utrecht, made a point of linkingthe study of law with that of history (J. W. Cairns, ‘Three unnoticed Scottish editions of PieterBurman’s Antiquitatum Romanarum brevis descriptio,’ The Bibliotheck: A Journal of Scottish Bibliog-raphy, vol. 22, 1997, pp. 22–3).

64. Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, lecture 17, p. 90 and lecture 18, p. 101.65. Lectures on Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, lecture 17, p. 96.66. Grand Tour 53–54.

broad understanding of classical culture. The focus was not so much on theartefacts themselves as on their more general significance, on ‘the Manners,Customs, Religion, Civil Government, and Military Affairs of the Romans.’62

That approach underlies his analysis of the Corsicans.It comes as no surprise that the ‘Account’ in Corsica includes a chapter on

the history of the island and its people. That study can be traced back to his ex-citement at Adam Smith’s lectures on rhetoric and belles lettres at the Univer-sity of Glasgow. The newly appointed professor of moral philosophy, who sogreatly impressed Boswell, discussed at length the varying techniques and qual-ities of Greek and Roman historians. In chapter two of the ‘Account’ we findBoswell echoing many of the dicta of Smith on historical writing.63 Its purposeis to entertain and instruct. It should enquire into the causes of events, high-light the actions of men ‘such as have contributed to great revolutions andchanges in States and Governments,’ and present individual characters ‘by thenarration of the facts and setting them in as interesting a view as he possiblycan.’64 Nowhere else in Boswell’s work does he attempt historical writing.

What he finds particularly interesting in Italy are places he can associatewith individuals in history, like Cicero or Horace. The same is true of his his-torical chapter in the ‘Account.’ The climax of that is not an event, but theperson Paoli. Not that Boswell shows a developed theory of historiography, ei-ther in Italy or Corsica. But he has a sense of history as development, evenprogress, as the result of the commitment of particular individuals, and thisview is fundamental to his understanding of Paoli and Corsica. As in so muchof Boswell’s writing, his attention turns to the people who made history ratherthan to events, which, as Smith had warned, could be ‘so dull and so lifeless’in the telling.65

But it was not just historical or important people who appealed toBoswell’s gregarious nature. His journal in Rome shows with disarming hon-esty that in a given day he might visit a painter, a prostitute, and a cardinal.66

On his travels he always made a point of contacting people—often Scots—whowould be useful to him, be it to show him the local antiquities, or to teach him

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67. Corsica 196, 207.68. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 13.69. Earlier Years 238, 258 and Corsica 188.70. London Journal, 1 July 1763, p. 288.71. JB to Erskine, 17 Dec. 1761, The Letters between the Honourable Andrew Erskine and James Boswell

Esq. (1763), p. 57.72. Peter Martin, A Life of James Boswell (1999), p. 200.73. JB to Rousseau, 11 May 1765, Grand Tour 86. Rousseau’s reply is dated 30 May 1765, Grand Tour

121–22.74. JB to John Johnston, 19 July 1765, Grand Tour 110.75. Earlier Years 303.

Italian, or just to keep him company. People were what kept Boswell going. Dr.Johnson was never far from his thoughts. He notes in the ‘Journal’ that he dis-cussed many of Johnson’s sayings with Paoli, and later, ‘I walked from the con-vent to Corte, purposely to write a letter to Mr. Samuel Johnson.’67 He wasrepeatedly depressed by what he called ‘my old state of solitude.’68 Clearly,Boswell needed company, and others found him companionable and an enter-taining conversationalist. He liked tennis, played the violin, enjoyed a song,and learned to play the flute on which he was later to entertain the Corsicans.69

Such relaxation, however, does not alter the fact that Boswell was also veryconscious of the figure he cut, his image. ‘If I excel in anything,’ he wrote, ‘it isin address and making myself easily agreeable.’70 In Rome he engaged theyoung Scot George Willison to paint his portrait, a painting that highlightssensuous full lips, eyes askance suggesting self-confidence, even supercilious-ness, rich dark hair, and a figure, as Boswell admits of himself earlier, ‘ratherfat than lean, rather short than tall.’71 He stood about 5’6” and had a somewhatdark complexion. For the portrait, he dresses in the scarlet-laced suit and thegreen cloak bordered with fox fur he had worn to visit Rousseau. The sombresetting, with Boswell sitting cross-legged on a rock beneath a tree in the cleft ofthe rock, conveys a spirit of thoughtful composure surrounded by wildness.That was the mood he would like to project on his trip through Corsica.

Boswell so enjoyed Italy that he wanted more time there than the fourmonths his father had allowed. He pressed his friend John, ViscountMountstuart, Lord Bute’s son, to write to Lord Auchinleck to let him staylonger. The extension was given.72 The idea of going to Corsica surfaced, thendisappeared, then resurfaced. In May he had asked Rousseau for a letter ofrecommendation to the Corsicans.73 By July he was thinking of travellingback to France on a route that would take him through Verona, Parma, Flo-rence, and Leghorn, from where he would sail to France.74 In Florence he metJohn Dick, the British consul at Leghorn, who was to become a friend and as-sist in collecting materials for Corsica.75 Dick may well have been the decisiveprompt for Boswell to go to Corsica.

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76. Lord Auchinleck to JB 1 October 1765, Grand Tour 228.77. JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 16.78. Corsica 165.79. 10 December 1765, Grand Tour 238. JB was disappointed to find Corsican women unattractive, an

observation he deleted from his text (see note to ‘countenances,’ Corsica 136).

As usual, Boswell had much else on his mind. His father thought he wasalready on his way home, whereas he was clearly loitering. In addition, hefound himself troubled yet again by venereal disease. Undeterred, he remindedhimself in Florence to get a supply of condoms for Siena. Boswell spent overa month there before going to Leghorn in early October. He wrote to his fa-ther to explain the delay. Lord Auchinleck was incensed. He thought Boswellwas writing from London, but the letter showed otherwise: ‘When I came toopen it, I found it was from Siena; and you tell me you were to stay there threeweeks or a month, and this in order, as you write, to learn the Italian lan-guage.’76 He did have Italian lessons and read Ariosto every day, but he didmuch else. He told Rousseau that in Siena,

I found that people lived there in a completely natural fashion, mak-ing love as their inclinations suggested . . . I allowed myself to be-come all sensation and immediate feeling . . . I did not wish to bemore profound than the others. To enjoy was the thing. Intoxicatedby that sweet delirium, I gave myself up, without self-reproach andin complete serenity, to the charms of irregular love.77

He became involved with two women, both older than himself, married, andwith a family. He left the first, Porzia, as she was slow to succumb to his ad-vances, for the sake of the second, Girolama Picolomini (‘Moma’), who felldeeply in love with him. His departure for Leghorn and Corscia was a neces-sary escape from an affair that was becoming uncomfortably demanding. Histime in Siena sits ironically not only with his dutiful letter to his father butwith the warning given him as he sailed from Leghorn to Corsica: ‘If I at-tempted to debauch any of their women, I might expect instant death.’78

Boswell seems to have taken the threat seriously. At no point in his ‘Journal’does Boswell admit to so much as a sensual look or a lewd thought aboutwomen in Corsica. His abstinence was but temporary. Within a couple ofweeks of arriving back on the continent he wrote, ‘saw beautiful lady of firstfamily (nineteen) richly dressed,’ then, ‘deshabilled and hair cut . . . neat oneand young.’79

It says much for Boswell’s independence of spirit that he could so deci-sively turn his back on the importunities of a woman he had grown very fondof and of a father who he knew wanted him home. Corsica was a break fromall that. It was also something quite new. The island was not part of the Grand

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80. Corsica 161.81. Introduction, The Journal of a Tour to Corsica, ed. S. C. Roberts (Cambridge, 1929), p. ix.82. Cited by Martin, Life of Boswell, p. 185.83. See JB to Rousseau, Grand Tour 86.84. Corsica 95.85. Pope, The Dunciad, iv. 315–16.

Tour; it had been totally ignored by English travellers, yet it was beginning toattract attention for its struggle against the Genoese. In the opening of his‘Journal’ he writes,

I wished for something more than just the common course of what iscalled the tour of Europe; and Corsica occurred to me as a placewhich no body else had seen, and where I should find what was to beseen no where else.80

Corsica promised an unusual experience, but that is not to say that Boswell’sGrand Tour had been ‘just the common course.’ He had met, for example, theDuke of Brunswick, the sister of Frederick the Great, Rousseau, Voltaire, andthe pope. The tour had been, as Roberts says, ‘a grand tour of famous men.’81

He records with obvious satisfaction that Rousseau ‘kissed me several times,and held me in his arms.’82 Here he was at 25 with a letter of introduction toyet another celebrated personality, Paoli. The difference was that Paoli wasmore than just another social scalp. He symbolised the fighting spirit of a na-tion on the brink, as Boswell thought, of achieving its independence. WhatBoswell did not realise was that his visit would bring him the public and liter-ary fame he had so longed for.

� The Attraction of Corsica �

One of the compelling reasons for Boswell to visit Corsica was that he wanted tosee for himself the native islanders who were fighting for their freedom.Rousseau was perhaps the first to bring him to focus on this singular example inEurope of a people striving for nationhood.83 The energy with which he devel-ops his main theme, ‘these vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty,’ illus-trates a sustained intellectual curiosity that belies the image of Boswell as socialadventurer.84 There are aspects of Boswell on the Grand Tour that bring himclose to Pope’s caricature, ‘The Stews and Palace equally explor’d/Intrigu’d withglory, and with spirit whor’d.’85 But the seriousness of his curiosity about Cor-sica more than makes up for this. Chapter two, for example, is not so much ahistory of Corsica as a history of its struggle for liberty. It starts with the earliestaccounts of Corsica in classical literature and ends with an encomium on Paoli.

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86. Corsica 51–52.87. Corsica 66–69 and 74–78.88. Corsica 59.89. Viviès gives the background to this genre in English Travel Narratives in the Eighteenth Century:

Exploring Genres, trans. Claire Davison (Ashgate, 2002), pp. 33–34.90. Introduction, Laurence Sterne, A Sentimental Journey, ed. Herbert Read (1929), p. xxi.

Boswell moves from the ‘dark and fabulous periods’ to the present, and the rea-son for this vast span is ‘we love to be led on in a gradual progress, to beholdtruth emerging from obscurity, like the sun breaking through the clouds.’86 Whathe calls ‘the fundamental truth’ is that Corsicans have shown themselves consis-tently determined to fight for their liberty. The narrative is loose and discursive,not infrequently interrupted by inordinate attention to topics that clearly fasci-nate Boswell, for example, the arrival of the Greek settlers in the seventeenthcentury, or the flamboyant Theodore who had himself crowned king of Corsicafor a short while.87 But the discursiveness keeps returning to the ‘plain and fun-damental principle, that the Corsicans are men, and have a right to liberty.’88

This authorial reminder interjects in the story of hostility, centuries old, betweenthe arrogant Genoese and the brave Corsicans, with France interposing itselffrom time to time. The final pages on Paoli, an authoritative and sagacious fig-ure, able to galvanise the Corsicans to their immanent independence, read likethe wished for culmination of a long historical process. Liberty is assured, theidea finds expression in the man. A rough people have reached the point of theirtransformation into a nation. That is what Boswell wanted to see for himself.His meeting with Paoli would be the culmination of those desires.

� Corsica and Travel Literature �

Corsica holds an unusual place, both in the corpus of eighteenth-century liter-ature and among Boswell’s own works. The book comprises two texts, the de-scriptive and objective ‘Account’ and the more personal ‘Journal.’ The ‘Account’includes the kind of empirical observation expected in an eighteenth-centurytravel book—an outline of Corsica’s landscapes, history, agriculture, economy,and customs.89 The ‘Journal’ then records Boswell’s journey and experiences onthe island, especially his visit to the ‘rebel’ leader Paoli. The first part, a more ob-jective and well-researched overview of the country, lays the ground for the sec-ond. The significance of his days spent with Paoli is all the more comprehensiblewhen read in the light of the materials provided in the ‘Account.’ The contentsof Corsica give it the look of a travel book, though Boswell avoids what Sternecalled that ‘self-consciously solemn and otiosely informative’ tone found insome fashionable travel writers of the day.90

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91. Boswell, Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, ed. L. F. Powell (1958), p. 6.92. Viviès, English Travel Narratives, p. 48.

By the time Boswell was writing, travel literature had come to occupy amajor place in the book trade. Writers like Dampier, Defoe, Swift, Lady MaryWortley Montagu, Smollett, and others had tapped a public curiosity that hadturned travel writing into a profitable business. Travel accounts were generallyof two kinds. Some were a personal record describing the traveller’s encounterwith peoples, manners, and customs in foreign countries, usually France or Italy.The traveller’s reflections might well include comments on the weather or cul-ture or manners, but these were not the prime concern. Sterne’s SentimentalJourney (1768) is a gentle parody of this fashionable mode. Later in the centurya traveller like Arthur Young uses the journey to analyse the cultural, eco-nomic, and social characteristics of peoples and places. In his Tour in Ireland(1780) and later in his Travels in France (1792), by emphasising certain featuresof the people’s conditions of life, Young conveyed a clear and persuasive po-litical message. Boswell exploited this political potential of the genre in his at-tempt to boost Corsica and its people to his English readers.

In his chosen format, Boswell was attempting something new, to com-bine the historical, cultural overview with the personal journal. Boswell mayhave hit on the idea from magazines or annuals like Burke’s Annual Register,which included in one volume both kinds of material but made no links be-tween them. To find the two, separate but informing one another, was unlikeanything else in the genre.

Corsica was not Boswell’s only attempt at travel writing. Comparisonswith his later book, Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides (1785), help clarify the fo-cus and limits of what he achieved in Corsica. The point of that journey wasto show Johnson Scotland and cure him of his prejudice against the Scots.They travelled from Edinburgh to the Hebrides and back via Boswell’s homeat Auchinleck. Whereas Boswell had come to understand Corsica through andin Paoli, Johnson was ‘the capital object’91 of the Tour to the Hebrides, whichthereby gained a homogeneity not found in Corsica; there the two parts arecomplementary, fused together by Paoli. That difference illustrates anotherstage in Boswell’s progress toward his great Life of Johnson (1791). In CorsicaPaoli is the stimulus and embodiment of his comprehension of Corsica. In theTour to the Hebrides, Boswell’s interaction with Johnson, ‘that Wonderful Man,whom I venerated and loved while in the world,’ develops and spreads so thatJohnson becomes, as it were, ‘a country, or rather an immense, grandiose con-tinent to be discovered . . . and committed to paper.’92

Not surprisingly, the Tour to the Hebrides adds finesse to other characteris-tics seen in Corsica. This is especially noteworthy in Boswell’s ability to direct

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93. Tour to the Hebrides, pp. 189–90.94. Earlier Years 362.95. 2 June 1768, Earlier Years 384.96. Corsica 25.97. Corsica 174.

and record a conversation. Inevitably he had honed his skill in opening up issueswith Johnson in Scotland to a finer degree than that shown in Corsica with Paoli.He claims in the Tour to the Hebrides, ‘I was . . . fortunate enough frequently todraw him forth to talk, when he would otherwise have been silent. The fountainwas at times locked up, till I opened the spring.’93 This role, so famously devel-oped in his Life of Johnson, was rooted in the experience of writing Corsica.

� Interplay between the Corsican Texts �

Boswell’s meeting with Paoli, so celebrated by the ‘Journal,’ has long dis-tracted readers from thinking about Corsica as comprising two interrelatedtexts. Pottle summed up the trend when he wrote, ‘The eighteenth-centuryprintings of the Account will probably furnish as many copies of that work aswill ever be needed, but the Tour should always be kept in print.’94 The juxta-position of such different kinds of texts may be one reason why the volumehas not been reprinted in its entirety since the third edition in 1769. Anothermay be that once France had taken control of the island in 1769, British inter-est in the place and its people subsided. Also, as Belle de Zuylen noted whentranslating the book into French, parts of the ‘Account,’ ‘which French impa-tience would have found unmercifully long-winded,’ needed abridging.95 The‘Journal,’ however, has enjoyed many reprintings, partly because of its morepersonal and familiar flavour and partly because its portrait of Paoli gives ataste of the biographical skills Boswell was to show in his Life of Dr Johnson.

But there was no doubt in Boswell’s mind that the two parts of the bookformed an integral whole. He never conceived of publishing the ‘Journal’ sepa-rately, and one can see why. The two complement one another: the ‘Journal’rests on the ‘Account’ in ways that consolidate Boswell’s main themes. This al-lows him to revisit them, expand on certain aspects, and inject a personal pres-ence in the ‘Journal.’ In addition, the sequence of the texts establishes thepresumption that the reader accompanies Boswell on his journey with the sameknowledge of Corsica as Boswell had at the time of his visit. For example,Boswell’s opening assertion that these people are ‘so heroick a race of patriots’is steadily demonstrated in his history of their struggles against the Genoese,the French, the Turks, and others.96 When in the ‘Journal’ he recounts hismeeting with the downhearted people of Bastelica, he says he ‘harangued’ them

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98. The Encyclopédie described them as stirring, vindictive, and bellicose (Encyclopédie, 1751; Compactedn. i. 784).

99. Corsica 89 and 196–97.100. Corsica 131 and 165.101. Corsica 130.102. Corsica 86–87.103. Corsica 110.104. Corsica 120–21.105. Preface, Corsica 12. For a full discussion of this unifying theme see Thomas M. Curley’s essay in

New Light on Boswell, ed. Greg Clingham (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 89–103.106. Corsica 95.107. Corsica 161.

and ‘expatiated on the bravery of the Corsicans.’97 He and, by this stage, thereader seem to know more of their bravery than they do. The irony is thatBoswell came to his extensive knowledge only after he had worked on the bookback in Scotland. But the false pretence serves the purpose of enhancing Boswell’sauthority as guide, and that is an important part of his intention in the two parts.

The same point applies to all three of Boswell’s principal themes in bothparts: the character of the Corsicans, their fight for liberty, and their leaderPaoli. They are a brave people, but renowned for their vindictiveness.98 He at-tributes this characteristic in the ‘Account’ to the long absence of legal justice,a problem he praises Paoli for addressing. So when Paoli raises the point inconversation in the ‘Journal,’ the reader is already aware of the issue.99 Boswellpraises their morals and respect for women in the ‘Account,’ a point he is cau-tioned to respect while still sailing to the island.100 His argument in the ‘Ac-count’ that the Corsicans are ‘a people of strong passions, as well as of livelyand vigorous minds’ with ‘abilities for any thing,’ lays the ground not just forthe rugged open characters we meet in the ‘Journal’ but also for the man whopersonifies these qualities, Paoli.101

We hear enough in the ‘Account’ about Paoli, his family background,and his leadership qualities to make him a formidable figure before we meethim in person in the ‘Journal.’102 Occasional remarks like ‘Paoli’s care andattention to the good of his country’ consolidate him as the guiding pres-ence.103 Having read in the ‘Account’ how he established the university atCorte and recruited Corsican scholars to staff it,104 we are not surprised tomeet in the ‘Journal’ a widely read and philosophical man fluent in severallanguages.

The strongest thread between the two parts of the book is the language ofliberty. Boswell calls the book ‘my little monument to liberty.’105 The historyof the island reflects ‘vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty.’106 UnderPaoli, the Corsicans have reached this final moment in their progress fromservitude to freedom. Hence, Boswell’s excitement to see people ‘actuallyfighting for liberty.’107 Liberty is the underlying theme of the book.

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108. Corsica 169.109. Corsica 84.110. Corsica 189.111. Corsica 208–11.112. Corsica 92.113. Corsica 130.114. For de Marboeuf, see Corsica 43, 93, 207, 214–15; for Rivarola, 72, 169; for Barbaggi, 105, 169.

The relatively frequent publication of the ‘Journal’ without the ‘Account’has meant that Boswell’s argument that Corsica was in the final stage of achiev-ing its liberty has been lost. To have both texts available redresses this loss. Severalother points also come into clearer focus. For instance, in the ‘Journal’ Boswellplays with the rumour that he was a secret ambassador for the British. But withinthat text little is said to explain the underlying feelings of Corsicans when, for ex-ample, the captain of the guard at Patrimonio tells Boswell, ‘The English; theywere once our friends; but they are so no more.’108 Boswell presumes his readersunderstand this from the ‘Account,’ where he had described Britain’s rejection ofCorsica’s plea for protection in 1746.109 When Boswell broaches the subject withPaoli in the ‘Journal,’ he means us to admire Paoli’s ability to rise above this kindof resentment and express his ‘great respect for the British nation.’110

The same interplay of the texts is evident in Boswell’s references toRousseau. Toward the end of the ‘Journal,’ Boswell tries to clarify the dis-puted issue of whether Rousseau had been invited to Corsica to help formu-late a constitution. Boswell makes it clear that Signor Buttafoco did invitehim, but Rousseau complained of difficulties and never came.111 However, thisinformation acts as a frame to an extended description of Rousseau’s strongadmiration for the Corsicans. Those remarks complement Boswell’s mentionin the ‘Account’ of Rousseau’s condemnation of France’s treatment of Cor-sica112 and of his praise for the islanders’ strong character.113 The ongoing ref-erences to Rousseau reflect Boswell’s indebtedness to him as a major source ofhis enthusiasm for the Corsicans.

The ‘Account’ is a necessary forerunner in many other respects. For ex-ample, Boswell mentions certain people who appear again later in the ‘Jour-nal.’ Some are introduced in the ‘Account’ as important figures, such as theFrench commander in Corsica, M. de Marboeuf, or prominent patriots likeNicholas Rivarola and Signor Barbaggi.114 When Boswell then meets them inthe ‘Journal,’ the reader is all the more impressed at his familiarity with thecentral figures both among the Corsicans and the French. Places too are de-scribed in the ‘Account’ and then revisited in the ‘Journal,’ notably the Corsi-cans’ capital Corte. Although Boswell says he stopped there on his way to Paoli‘to see every thing about the capital of Corsica,’ he gives no description of theplace. Instead, he dwells on the people he met and an issue that fascinated him,

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115. Corsica 171–72.116. Corsica 37–39.117. Corsica 174.118. Corsica 110.119. Cited in Earlier Years 395. See Otto Trevelyan’s response to the book in Addenda II below.120. Corsica 195.121. Martin, Life of Boswell, p. 204.122. Corsica 166.

the appointment of a hangman.115 The point is that in the ‘Account’ he had al-ready included several pages describing the physical place, the rocky incline,the ‘almost impassable mountains,’ and the castle.116

Minor details too, like the Corsican muskets mentioned in the ‘Journal,’make better sense when read in conjunction with Boswell’s earlier remarks in the‘Account.’ The reader of the ‘Journal’ may be surprised to hear of soldiers restingon their muskets conversing with Boswell in the convent at Bastelica.117 ButBoswell had made it clear in the ‘Account’ that guns were part of the culture:the Corsicans were excellent marksmen and ‘every Corsican has a musket putinto his hand, as soon as he is able to carry it.’118 That point needs no secondremark.

� Idealising the Corsicans �

This interplay of texts is a reminder of Boswell’s overall intention, which was toencourage sympathy for the Corsican people. Ignorance and prejudice had longworked against them and, if Lord Holland’s remarks in 1768 are any indication,continued to do so. He called the Corsicans ‘the vilest inhabitants of one of thevilest islands in the world.’119 Boswell admits in the ‘Journal’ that he too had ajaundiced view. He expected to meet a rude and wild people. Ironically for thereader, such prejudice has already been put to rest in the ‘Account.’ Instead, hemet a people who, like Paoli, lived ‘in the times of antiquity.’120

One of the most telling of his techniques in the ‘Journal’ is to suggestCorsica was the opposite of what he expected. From the early pages Boswelltraces within himself the unfolding contrast between ignorant suspicion aboutthe Corsicans and his surprise and delight at finding the opposite. WhatMartin calls ‘a dream made up largely of clichés’ gradually ‘solidified into acause.’121 He had been told they were people of extremes, armed and danger-ous. When he suddenly encountered country peasants, he immediately sawthem as ‘so many assassins.’122 Boswell does more than assure his readers thatthe image is not correct. These initial anxieties in the ‘Journal’ are graduallybrought into line with what the reader knows from the ‘Account.’ Boswellmetamorphoses the Corsicans and at the same time makes the revelation of

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123. Corsica 174.124. See also Corsica 189, 210. Corsicans were frequently referred to as ‘brave’ in the General Account

and Description of the Island of Corsica (Beretti 24 and n. 52).125. Corsica 185.126. Corsica 185.127. Corsica 173.128. Corsica 209.129. Scots Magazine, Feb. 1768, p. 90.130. Plutarch, Plutarch’s Lives, from the Original Greek with Notes, Critical, Historical, and Chronological

and a New Life of Plutarch, trans. John Langhorne and William Langhorne, 6 vols. (1770), cited byStanley Brodwin, ‘ “Old Plutarch at Auchinleck”, Boswell’s Muse of Corsica,’ Philological Quar-terly, 62.1 (1983), 74; see also Beretti 206.

131. Tour to the Hebrides, p. xi.

their character look as if the transformation is happening within his innocentadmiring self. The initial image is displaced by its opposite. At Bastelica, onhis way over the mountains to Paoli, he met ‘a stately spirited race of peo-ple . . . I liked to see their natural frankness and ease.’123 Dangerous brigandsturn into ‘brave islanders,’ fighters for liberty. Boswell’s adjectives pile on thepraise. ‘Brave’ becomes the key word, ‘the brave Corsicans,’ ‘the brave is-landers.’124 ‘Brave’ implies courage in the righteous cause against unequal odds,as explained in the ‘Account.’ And that is the new-found character of these‘plain’ and ‘honest’ people.125 They are people of ‘solid, good sense’; Paoli issurrounded by men of ‘sense and abilities.’126 Even if their dancing is ‘trulysavage,’ they live an idyllic pastoral existence, reminiscent of Horace, eatingchestnuts off the trees and quenching their thirst in mountain brooks.127

There is hardly a villain among them.This idealisation has a touch of Romantic primitivism about it. Rousseau,

as Boswell notes, had written, ‘The valour and the constancy with which thatbrave people hath recovered and defended its liberty, would well deserve thatsome wise man should teach them how to preserve it.’128 Boswell is to be en-vied, said the Scots Magazine with some irony, that he saw liberty ‘to greater ad-vantage than any British subject, perhaps, ever can view the same in futuro.’129

Recent critics have argued that Corsica was a ‘Plutarchan revelation’ to Boswell,implying a conscious attempt to present Paoli and Corsica in the spirit ofPlutarch. Plutarch argues that the genesis of his Lives is the principle that ‘thebeauty of goodness has an attractive power . . . it forms our manners, and influ-ences our desires.’130 That aesthetic informs Boswell’s idealisation. He hopedCorsica would generate just such a moral response by Britain toward Corsica, inparticular the rescinding of the Proclamation of 1763.

Not that Boswell thought he was overstating the virtues of the Corsicans.He tells Edmond Malone at the start of his Tour to the Hebrides, ‘In every nar-rative, whether historical or biographical, authenticity is of the utmost conse-quence.’131 In Corsica this ‘authenticity’ concerns Boswell’s moral admiration

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132. Preface, Corsica 10.133. Preface, Corsica 10.134. Preface, Corsica 13.135. Corsica 213.136. Jean-Francois Goury de Champgrand, Histoire de l’Isle de Corse, Nancy, 1749, and Louis-Amand

Jaussin, Mémoires historiques, militaires et politiques, Lausanne, 1758.137. Corsica 81–82.

for the people of Corsica. The aesthetic of ‘goodness’ implies telling the truth.The encomiums may give colour to or even cloud historical reality, but theyserve the higher purpose of acclaiming the people’s struggle for independence.

� Sources and Their Use �

Boswell’s enthusiasm is evident also in the thoroughness with which he re-searched the book. He wrote with some pride, ‘in comparison of the very lit-tle that has been hitherto known concerning that island, this book may be saidto contain a great deal.’132 The preface is a vignette of the young scholar sittingdown in his father’s substantial library at Auchinleck, organising his resources,books to hand, notes taken on the journey, his journal, and the documents hehad collected on the way. He immediately wrote to friends for further materi-als and ‘in the mean time directed my studies to such books as might furnishme with any thing relative to the subject.’133

While preparing to write Corsica, Boswell began to develop the researchskills that would serve him so well in the Life of Johnson. He solicited materi-als from well-placed correspondents like John Dick, Richard Edwards, andRev. Andrew Burnaby, all serving at the consulate in Leghorn. The publisherEdward Dilly and the bookseller Thomas Davies acquired printed material forhim in London. Later he would give his text to friends that it might be ‘im-proved by their corrections.’134 Within the young, sometimes affected, andboisterous Boswell was a serious and meticulous researcher.

Boswell’s sources are remarkably varied and comprehensive for his day.He had started collecting materials while still on the island. Signor Morelli, alawyer he dined with in Bastia, ‘made me presents of books and antiques, andof every other curiosity relating to Corsica.’135 Boswell collected anything thatmight be relevant, whatever its political sympathies. Important sources weretwo histories of Corsica, written by men who had served in the French armyin Corsica between 1738 and 1742, Goury de Champgrand and Jaussin.136 Al-though Boswell criticises Jaussin as a Genoese sympathiser who ‘does not seemto have felt one spark of true liberty,’ he made frequent use of his text, as wellas of the documents and letters included in his book.137 On earlier times he

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138. Corsica 125.139. Corsica 57. An example of a possible source that goes unmentioned is the anonymous Histoire des

Révolutions de l’Islande Corse et de l’Elevation de Théodore I sur le Throne de cet Etat, La Haie, 1738.It covers many of the events mentioned by JB and in much greater detail.

140. Corsica 66–69.

used Petrus Cyrnaeus, a priest of the fifteenth century. Cyrnaeus’ pro-Corsican sentiments, like ‘All Corsicans are free, and live by their own laws,’matched Boswell’s sentiments.138 But what he usually wanted from his sourceswas basic information rather than interpretation of events. Some he does notmention by name, and he clearly scanned more than he admits. A remark like‘historians are not agreed’ points to conflicting accounts from a variety ofauthors.139 He prefers to register the dispute and pass on, rather than get in-volved. He knew what he wanted to write about: Corsica’s progress towardsovereignty.

Although Boswell sometimes works very closely with a source, he deftlyassimilates the material into his own design. Burnaby, whom he copies ratherthan adapts, is the exception. A major source like Goury is the norm; he maywell have given Boswell the idea of the first part of the book, the ‘Account.’Goury’s Histoire was the most recent and comprehensive work on Corsica andits people. Jaussin dwelt more on military history and the events during hisstay on the island from 1738 to 1741. Goury provided French readers with thekind of overview Boswell wanted to give his English readers. AlthoughBoswell includes many of the same topics covered by Goury, his use of theHistoire is selective and varied from neat summaries to direct translations ofparticular sentences. He follows the general ordering of material in Goury,but selectively and without the same extended detail. The same is true of hisuse of Jaussin. If Goury’s Histoire is the genesis of the ‘Account,’ Boswell re-mains his own master. He resorts to the particulars of a paragraph or a sen-tence from time to time yet is happy within a single paragraph to break awayinto his own perceptions or to blend Goury with other sources. Goury, for ex-ample, deals at some length with issues like vengeance among Corsicans, therole of women, the Corsicans’ reputation for indolence, their funeral rituals,and the Greek community in Corsica. Boswell addresses these same topics,but as the notes to this edition indicate, he is selective and a master of sum-mary. He can turn two or three pages of Goury into a lucid short paragraphthat encapsulates the essentials.

Boswell’s strategy is to support his argument with as much primary mate-rial as he can find. He includes primary source materials gleaned from friendsand people of influence, as well as from printed sources like Jaussin. His historyof the colony of Greeks in Corsica, for example, is built on documents sentby John Dick and Paoli, as well as what he read in Goury.140 He prints primary

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141. Corsica 110, 112–13, 126–28, 129.142. Preface, Corsica 10.143. Corsica 101.144. Preface, Corsica 14.145. Corsica 55.146. Corsica 131–32.147. Corsica 135–36.148. Corsica 22.149. Corsica 132.

source material, as with Paoli’s statements, proclamations, letters, and the sixofficial documents at the end of the ‘Account.’ These allow readers, asit were, to listen to Corsicans for themselves. For all his enthusiasm, Boswelltries to bring the reader as close as he can to the minds and feelings of theCorsican people. He includes ‘popular harangues,’ tracts, manifestos, poems,letters.141 These are supplemented by his own ‘pretty large collection of re-marks, which I had committed to writing, while I was in the island.’142 Theseincluded conversations such as that with ‘a very sensible Corsican’ who tellshim that the Corsican signors had so tyrannised the peasants that if the Ge-noese had withdrawn, the peasants would nevertheless have arisen againsttheir feudal lords. Such was their hatred of slavery.143 Where he can, Boswellkeeps close to the voice of the people. In the ‘Journal’ this becomes the voiceof Paoli.

The wide ranging classical references add another dimension to the ar-gument. These, he hopes, are not ‘an ostentatious display of learning’ butwill add ‘dignity to Corsica.’144 By citing Strabo on Corsica’s geography andDiodorus on the character of the people, Boswell makes the point that the is-land has been a matter of discussion since earliest times, and, as Livy shows,‘they were continually attempting to get free.’145 By comparing Corsicans withthe Germans as described by Tacitus, Boswell places their character in thewider European framework. Like Tacitus’ Germans, they do not ‘laugh atvice,’ are upstanding, if indolent, but the Corsicans are not as given to heavydrinking.146 The ploy serves to rescue them from being regarded as beyond theEuropean pale.

His manner of quoting from authorities is sometimes puzzling. As he indi-cates, he had some sources in front of him as he wrote. He will quote accuratelybut make silent adjustments. For example, with ‘Pride: a Poem’ he presents thepassage as a seamless whole, but in fact omits 42 lines without indicating wherethe breaks occur.147 On another occasion he seems to have Molesworth in frontof him, but the quotation shows surprising deviations from the original.148 Hegives an inaccurate quotation from Montesquieu, yet his translation follows theoriginal closely.149 Such variations suggest Boswell worked at speed. By andlarge an accurate scholar, he was occasionally impatient to move on.

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150. Corsica 49–50.151. Corsica 45.152. Corsica 173.153. Corsica 180–81.154. Introduction, Corsica 24.155. Preface, Corsica 11; Burnaby published his Journal of a Tour to Corsica in 1801.

His ongoing desire to add ‘dignity’ to Corsica is particularly evidentin the references to classical poets like Homer, Horace, and Virgil. JosephAddison had set a trend in his Remarks on Several Parts of Italy by provid-ing quotations from the Roman poets for places the traveller might visit.Boswell does something different. He draws on the great classical poets, sorespected and familiar to his readers, to impart a new level of significance tothe unknown Corsica. Corsica’s landscape, he says, brings to mind Homer’sdescription of the beauty and abundance of Ithaca, which ‘in general maybe well applied to Corsica.’150 When he likens the Corsican mountains cov-ered with arbutus trees to ‘the country which Virgil describes as the seat ofrural felicity,’ he again presents Corsica as a fitting subject for the greatest ofclassical writers.151 A quotation from Horace, to capture his sense of pleasureas he and his guides drank from a mountain stream, places the experience inthe context of antiquity.152 The interplay between past and present, local anduniversal is no less evident in passages on Paoli. Their discussion on Epi-cureans and Stoics prompted Boswell to think of Paoli in the light of Catoand a passage from Lucan. He then gives Rowe’s translation, ending withthe lines,

To think he was not for himself design’d,But born to be of use to all mankind.153

Paoli thus acquires universal standing, linked with Roman history and litera-ture and England’s translation of that. Paoli and this ‘brave and resolute na-tion,’ far from being ‘rebels,’ or a people and country remote and dangerous,are integral to the best of Europe’s historical and imaginative traditions.154

Boswell is at times a punctilious scholar, correcting previous authors likeSir James Steuart and Smollett, and, as we shall see, critical of how he presentshis material. He is also curiously generous in his use of sources he admires.Burnaby is a case in point. Burnaby, who had visited the island in 1766, sentBoswell the manuscript of his journal, allowing Boswell ‘to make what use Ipleased’ of it. Boswell remarks, ‘I have freely interwoven it into my work.’155

What this means often is that, as the notes to this edition show, he simplycopied out extracts from Burnaby. This occurs for the most part in chapterone and chapter three, where Burnaby provides details Boswell had missed,for example, the description of the gulf of San Fiorenzo, or an historical

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156. Corsica 31, 33, 35, 115.157. Corsica 89; Preface, Corsica 11.158. See pp. 210–11 n. below; further on this affair, see Ettori, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, thèse d’Etat, Uni-

versité de Provence, 1976.159. Corsica 211.160. Preface, Corsica 9.161. Introduction, Corsica 25.

anecdote about the village Tomino, or comments on the white wines of CapoCorso.156 In chapter two he repeats comments by Burnaby about Paoli and hisreforms because ‘I found [them] set in a clearer light.’157

The only substantial use of Burnaby in the ‘Journal’ also concerns Paoli,but this time Boswell does not simply copy. He reworks a long passage inBurnaby dealing with the contentious issue of Paoli’s relation with Rousseau.Although the substance of Burnaby’s argument is unchallenged, Boswell con-trives to shift its focus. Burnaby had argued that Paoli thought the Corsicanswere not ready for radical legal reforms, much less to have a stranger legislatefor them. It was not so much ideas on reform that Paoli sought from Rousseauas the support of his pen in recording the brave history of the Corsican peo-ple.158 In Boswell’s reformulation, Paoli’s ‘wisdom’ is given increased promi-nence, thus providing a counterweight to Boswell’s undoubted admiration forRousseau’s ‘shining talents.’ Boswell adds the telling comment that if ‘the ge-nius of Rousseau’ had been applied to the history, ‘it would have been one ofthe noblest monuments of modern times.’159 What Boswell takes from Burn-aby here is the perception that the relation between the two men he so ad-mired was over. Perhaps Boswell is hinting that his Corsica plays the part thatPaoli had first thought belonged to Rousseau. The letter from Paoli, thankingBoswell for his work, corroborates Boswell’s hopes for his own reputation: theCorsican people, says Paoli, ‘with an enthusiasm of gratitude, will unite theirapplause with that of undeceived Europe.’160

� Boswell’s Paoli—Construction and Self-construction �

Given that the highlight and in many ways the point of Boswell’s tour was hisvisit to Paoli in Sollacarò, it is not surprising that he took care to create an im-age of Paoli that justified the journey. He achieves much of this in the pagesof the ‘Journal’ covering his week with Paoli, but there is much else in Corsicato indicate that those passages are but the climax of a larger narrative process.The first mention of Paoli is in the preface, ‘the illustrious General of theCorsicans,’ and the tone of the remark resonates throughout the book.161

Although further references are sparsely scattered until the ‘Journal,’ they

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162. Corsica 87.163. Corsica 85.164. Corsica 86.165. Council’s manifesto, Corsica 87.166. Corsica 101.167. Corsica 174.168. Corsica 174. JB first met Johnson on 16 May 1763.

gradually establish Paoli as a major point of reference. Boswell gradually in-sinuates him into the text by what people say about him, by reports of hisopinions, by similes to classical heroes, by the official view of the council ap-pointing him general of Corsica, ‘a man, whose virtues and abilities, render himevery way worthy thereof.’162 Such references are supplemented by Boswell’sown observations. These construct Paoli while at the same time establishingBoswell as the filter through which the reader sees Paoli.

This narrative strategy in the ‘Account’ prepares the way for the climacticmoment of Boswell’s meeting with Paoli in the ‘Journal.’ The importance ofthe strategy is implicit in the care Boswell took with the writing. For example,the paragraphs leading up to Paoli’s election by the council as general are pref-aced by the remark that this event dates the start of Corsica’s ‘happiness andglory.’163 The ensuing description of his education is laced with the languageof adulation—‘noble,’ ‘great powers,’ ‘grand designs,’ ‘so great,’ ‘glorious en-terprise,’ concluded by his father’s comment, ‘Your design is a great, and a no-ble one.’164 Thus, Boswell constructs this champion of liberty as a man ofdestiny. He arrives at a moment in history, and in the text, when ‘discords anddivisions . . . have begun to infect the publick.’165 Paoli’s management of Cor-sica’s problems ‘succeeded wonderfully.’166 He becomes the driving force forreform of the laws and improvement of culture.

No wonder then that Boswell, who had argued with Voltaire, mixed withEurope’s nobility, and kissed the pope’s slipper, found himself suddenly anx-ious and in awe as he rode up to the house in Sollacarò where Paoli was stay-ing.167 Just as Boswell had sought to meet the famous Dr. Johnson in Londonand then found himself unusually agitated when the moment came, so it waswith meeting Paoli: ‘I almost wished yet to go back without seeing him.’168

This moment of self-doubt is the opening of Boswell’s tactic to dramatise themeeting that the ‘Account’ has been leading up to. Boswell organises his de-scription of what follows to demonstrate that this is but the start of a relation-ship that will evolve into familiarity, then into friendship, and close in a finalphase when he becomes Paoli’s confidant. We read less about what Boswelldoes in Sollacarò than what Paoli has to say. His ‘remarkable sayings’ displaya well-educated, patriotic champion of liberty. Boswell gives several anecdotes

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169. Corsica 183.170. Corsica 200.171. ‘Summary of Materials for the ‘Journal of a Tour to Corsica,’ Private Papers vii. 242.172. Corsica 219.173. Corsica 189.174. Corsica 198.

to reinforce the image of Paoli as the enlightened leader of a brave people. AsPaoli tells him, ‘You will find honour, and sense and abilities among thesepoor men.’169 Boswell is struck by the man’s vivacity of mind, his extraordi-nary memory, his learning, his conversational ability, an impression that leadseasily into the claim that he was ‘similar to the heroes of antiquity.’170 Theportrait tallies with the larger project of puffing the Corsicans. We know fromthe MS that Boswell omitted less attractive details about Paoli in his notes.171

The artistic whole is so constructed as to close with a final sentence of praisecoming not from Boswell the traveller but from that respected British states-man William Pitt. Here is the voice of British approval of all that Boswell hasargued. Pitt says of Paoli, ‘He is one of those men who are no longer to befound but in the lives of Plutarch.’172

The fashioning of so admirable a picture of Paoli goes hand in handwith another process, notably in the ‘Journal’: Boswell’s projection of himself.Boswell plays a key role while seeming marginal and self-effacing. The princi-pal feature of this is his role in conversation. From his student days, the bois-terous young Boswell had enjoyed conversation with the great and famous:conversation, be it with Voltaire or Rousseau, was a meeting of minds onequal terms. On the journey to Sollacarò, he comes across as adventuresome,witty, prepared to argue with and harangue the locals of Bastelica, amused tobe mistaken for an English ambassador. This is not the Boswell we find oncehe reaches Sollacarò. His independent spirit gave way to something moremuted in Paoli’s presence. His role was now to observe, to listen, to record,then as they became familiar to prompt Paoli, to draw him out, to provokehim to speak his mind. He makes no secret of the ruse when he says, ‘I threwout many flattering ideas’ and ‘I insensibly got the better of his reserve.’173 Hetook the liberty of asking ‘a thousand questions with regard to the mostminute and private circumstances of his life.’174 By this stage he had estab-lished himself as Paoli’s intimate, an equal but not an equal. While seeming toplay down his role as but the recorder of the great man’s conversations, hesubtly centres himself as the voice narrating Paoli, leading him on, readinghim, projecting him as a leader in the classical heroic mould. While Paoli isthe worthy champion of the Corsican struggle for liberty, Boswell, like themidwife, brings him to life for the English-speaking world.

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175. Preface, Corsica 10.176. Corr. Temple i. 150, 17 May 1766.177. Literary Career 60.178. Corr. Temple i. 182, 30 March 1767.179. Earlier Years 337–39. There is mention of ‘the copy of the proofs [of Corsica] at Yale’ in Corr. Tem-

ple i. 207 n. 12. This copy has not been traced.180. Literary Career 54, 62.181. Corsica 44 n.182. Corsica 89–90 and n.

� Strategies of Writing and Rewriting �

Boswell’s use of his sources provides an insight into but one aspect of how hewent about writing Corsica. The book evolved in a quite different way fromany other of his works. His intention at first was to write ‘only a view of thepresent state of Corsica, together with Memoirs of its illustrious General.’175

But he realised, perhaps while still on the island recovering from malaria, thatPaoli and his cause required something more extensive, more public, morepolemical. Once back in Auchinleck in March 1766, he began work on the‘Account.’ He wondered what shape it should take and asked his friend Tem-ple in May whether Thomas Gray would advise on the form he should adopt:‘Shall I make it a continued Narration? Or Memoirs? Or Letters?’176 He toldSir Alexander Dick in October, ‘I hope to make it a tolerable book.’177 ByMarch 1767, he could tell Temple he was ‘seriously engaged’ in writing: ‘Ishall have it finished by June.’178 Charles Dilly agreed in August to publish andgave Boswell 100 guineas for the copyright. Not until November 1767, whenhe gave the last pages of the manuscript to the printer, could the printer finishthe proofs.179 The book was published in February 1768 and sold at sixshillings a bound copy.180

The gestation of Corsica was unusually complicated. The manuscriptfor the ‘Account’ and five folio pages of notes from his journal give an in-sight on how he proceeded. The MS of the ‘Account’ contains much morethan the text. Each of the 229 pages of manuscript has a wide margin clut-tered frequently with notes and reminders of what to add. Some pages arecrossed through as rejected. Single words and phrases are written over. Here isBoswell at work. His reworking of the manuscript of the ‘Account’ indicatesthat much of the revision involved deleting passages that amplified a pointwithout adding anything significant to the argument. He has a discriminatingeye for superfluous detail. For example, he removed an extended discussion onthe tarantula.181 He deleted a long passage on Paoli’s thoughts on the relationbetween the Corsicans’ temper and their diet. That was but an extension of apoint already made that Paoli had ‘a masterly knowledge of human nature.’182

Anything demeaning of the Corsicans is removed, such as likening Corsican

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183. Corsica 113 n., 136 n.184. Corsica 116 n.185. Corsica 31 n., 23 n.186. Corsica 142 n.187. Corsica 92 n.188. Corsica 63 n.189. Corr. Temple i. 206; 9 September 1767.190. Corr. Temple i. 206; 9 September 1767.191. MS pp. 132, 136–37; Corsica 85–86 and nn.

guerrilla tactics to those of American Indians, ‘sculking in woods and behindrocks,’ and his unflattering description of Corsican women.183 Prudence dic-tates that he leave out his own experience of drinking Tokay in Holland, es-pecially since the original texts suggests he participated in heavy drinkingsessions.184

The guiding principle to revision was to remove unnecessary or personaldetail and, where appropriate, prefer the general to the particular. ‘A FrenchGentleman’ is preferred to Marbouef, ‘the best authority’ to General Paoli.Revision of phrasing is captured in his substitution by one word, ‘prison-house,’ of a long sentence in the MS about ‘wretches in perpetual fetters.’185

Boswell is ever sensitive to excess. Of the Corsican harangue that ends the ‘Ac-count,’ he asks himself, ‘Is it not too diffuse and tedious?’186 His self-questioningreflects his sound literary judgement.

A feature of the manuscript and a sign perhaps of the speed at whichBoswell worked are the reminders in the margin of material to be included later.Notes like ‘Here the Feudal Signors’ or ‘N.B. Get from De Leyre Rousseau’s Ex-pression and insert it here’ show Boswell alert and determined not to permit anylapse of memory or material to cause disruption or thematic disjunction.187 Therequired passages are added later. The most substantial is a panegyric on Corsi-can bravery.188 Corrections and improvements went on to the last moment, evenat the stage of the printer’s proofs. He told Temple he greatly enjoyed readingthese over breakfast.189 But he also sent some to Temple and asked him to writehis observations not on the proofs but on a separate sheet of paper.190

The relatively few instances when he shifted a passage from one place toanother in the manuscript suggest he had a remarkably clear idea of how hemeant to proceed. Certain moments in the ‘Account’ gave him difficulty, suchas the first substantial mention of Paoli, along with his comments on religiouscommunities on the island. The section of the manuscript following what hecalls ‘a remarkable event in the annals of Corsica,’ the election of Paoli as gen-eral, causes him to reorganise and rewrite. Clearly he was anxious to get theflow and order of ideas right.191 He again had difficulty when he came to ex-plain why there were no convents in Corsica. He argues that what looked like areligious problem was in fact a political issue. He had difficulties with phrasing,

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192. MS p. 186; Corsica 109 and n.193. Burnaby 22; Corsica 133.194. Boswell’s London Journal, 1762–1763, ed. Frederick A. Pottle (1950; 1992), p. 39.195. Boswell’s London Journal, p. 39.196. Corsica 168.197. Corsica 168, 169, 188.198. He leaves out of the ‘Journal,’ for example, his discussion with Paoli on the feudal signors as too

sensitive an issue (Private Papers viii. 244, n. 1).

thought he should curtail his remarks, and then scraped out what he had writtenso vigorously as to make it illegible.192 The final text belies this strong emotion,evidence again that self-restraint, economy of words, and clarity of argumentwere paramount.

Occasionally this watchfulness on excess failed him, as when he rewrites apassage from Burnaby about the custom of mourning a dead man. In both ac-counts the widow is the central figure, but Boswell adds almost bestial violenceto the scene: ‘the women fall upon the widow, and beat and tear her in a mostmiserable manner.’193 He seems more impressed by the ‘undoubted authority’he cites, perhaps Paoli, than by Burnaby’s less dramatic version.

Rewriting the ‘Journal’ presented different problems. Boswell now had torecast the day-to-day record he had kept on the island into a form that com-bined the insights of a personal observer with the thematic concerns raised inthe ‘Account.’ This required a major adaptation from his accustomed use ofhis journals. Reflecting on why he liked to keep a journal, he told Erskine:

It will give me a habit of application and improve me in expression;and knowing that I am to record my transactions will make me morecareful to do well. Or if I should go wrong, it will assist me in reso-lutions of doing better.194

That was the practised routine Boswell took to Corsica. He was ever the acuteobserver of manners and men, as his notes and verbatim records of conversa-tions show. The desire to ‘mark the anecdotes and the stories that I hear, theinstructive or amusing conversations that I am present at’ is maintained.195 Butnow the purposes are different. His remark early on that he will not tire hisreaders with details of what happened every day signals the shift in focus: ‘Itwill be much more agreeable to them, to have a free and continued account ofwhat I saw or heard, most worthy of observation.’196 He wanted, for instance,to convey the sense that he spent much longer than the bare week he had withPaoli. So dates and precise times are suppressed for phrases like ‘for sometime,’ ‘when I came to,’ ‘One day.’197 The change gives him the freedom to re-organise material in the original journal and highlight points from his notes.The reworking meant contracting parts, enlarging others, suppressing conver-sations, or introducing new material to suit his larger purpose.198 Besides, he

introduction

xlix

199. ‘Materials for the Tour,’ p. 243, and Corsica 196 and n.200. ‘Materials for the Tour,’ p. 244, and Corsica 102.

had a different reader in mind. Instead of thinking of individual readers likeErskine or Dr. Johnson, he was now writing for the British public. Althoughhe remains the guiding voice, he is there not as the focus of analysis but as themedium through which the reader is introduced to Corsica and Paoli. Hence,certain features of his previous journals are much less prominent, the self-scrutiny, attention to his own manners and appearance, the record of his moodswings. There is no sign of the Boswell of London who visited the hairdressernearly every day and liked to use shoe wipes. Rather, we have Boswell as Cor-sican explorer and guide.

Boswell’s notes were crucial to this rewriting. We have only five foliopages of these covering but a section of the final, published version. He usedkey sentences to prompt his memory and creativity. The note ‘His talking ofart of war and Elephants’ is the trigger to remind him of a conversation withPaoli on 27 October. This generated over a page of detailed discussion in thefinal version. A couple of words in a note were enough to bring Dr. Johnson’sremarks vividly to mind: ‘Tell the milk bull & count spoons in english.’199 Theseveral instances of this process point up Boswell’s striking ability to revivifyand comment on a conversation held several months earlier. But not everyconversation is enlarged upon. The notes suggest that the tyrannical behav-iour of the feudal signors came up in conversation with Paoli but was trans-ferred back to the ‘Account’ to be included ‘where Signor Casa Biancaexplains Government.’200 Bianca becomes ‘a very sensible Corsican,’ and wehear nothing of Paoli’s views on a topic harmful to Boswell’s image of theCorsicans.

This last point is a further instance of the complementary relation betweenthe ‘Journal’ and the ‘Account.’ In the rewriting of the ‘Journal,’ Boswell pre-sents his tour of the island as a personal witness to the Corsican people, and par-ticularly Paoli, as faithful to the long and admirable struggle for freedomdescribed in the ‘Account.’

� Advice on the Final Version �

Boswell’s discriminating eye for the particulars of writing, the choice of words,and the arrangement of his material is clearly evident in his preparation of thefinal copy for Corsica. The finished version was the result of considerable andcareful scrutiny by others whom he made a point of thanking in the preface.The old family friend Lord Hailes read the whole book and responded with

introduction

l

201. Corr. Temple i. 189; 22 June 1767. See, for example, Corsica 84; Earlier Years, 339, and ‘Materials forthe Tour,’ p. 245, n. 2.

202. Corr. Temple i. 121, 123.203. Preface, Corsica 13.204. Cited by Beretti, p. 66.205. London Chronicle, 9 January 1766 in Grand Tour 340; samples of JB’s pieces on Corsica for the

London Chronicle are to be found in Addenda I below. JB’s papers include his notes on what pas-sages were ‘fact’ and what ‘inventions’ (James Boswell, Etat de la Corse, ed. Jean Viviès, Paris, 1992,p. 28).

206. Preface, Corsica 18.

seven folio pages of comments and suggestions.201 Boswell passed the MS orparts of it to several others, like Temple, Dick, and Christopher Wyvill, thelast of whom ‘was so good as to come and sit a whole afternoon with me.’202

Temple read the ‘Journal’ six pages at a time, marked his suggestions, and for-warded the pages to Wyvill. But as always there is another side to Boswell.While admitting that an author should welcome criticism, ‘I look upon a manas unworthy to write, who has not force of mind to determine for himself.’203

The trait is evident in much of what he did, from his writing of Corsica to hisrelationship with his father. Generous to his helpers, tactful and courteous toall who had contributed, Boswell remained his own man.

� Publicity and Reception �

Some months before Boswell sat down to write Corsica, he began a campaign inthe press to puff Corsica and his visit there. What is breathtaking is the sheer in-ventive nerve he shows in going about this task. While still making his way backto England, he started compiling a number of short anonymous pieces, whichhe sent to the editor of the London Chronicle. These were published separatelyand started to appear on 7 January 1766. The reports are headed, quite erro-neously, as coming from a range of places—Rome, Florence, Genoa, Leghorn,and Turin—to give the impression that Boswell’s trip to Corsica was the talkingpoint of authorities and readers alike on the Continent: ‘I used to keep thenewspapers constantly warm with paragraphs about the brave islanders.’204 Thethrust of these passages is that Boswell had been where Englishmen have onlytalked of going. One passage ends, ‘People in this part of the world are curiousto know what will really be the consequence of Mr. Boswell’s tour ofCorsica.’205 The answer was the book and the acclaim Boswell so enjoyed.

Corsica sold 3,500 copies in the first few months. A second edition washurried off the press only six weeks after the first edition. Boswell says that‘the success of this book has exceeded my warmest hopes.’206 Unauthorisededitions were printed in Dublin. Boswell visited Ireland with his bride-to-be

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li

207. See Richard C. Cole, ‘James Boswell and the Irish Press, 1767–1795,’ Bulletin of the New York Pub-lic Library (1969), 73; 581–88.

208. Dorothy Carrington, Granite Island: A Portrait of Corsica (1984), p. 274. See also Graziani, whonotes that a ship, a tavern, and six places in the United States were named after Paoli (Pascal Paoli,p. 216).

209. Further on this, see Beretti 129 and Graziani, Pascal Paoli, p. 216. For Franklin, see Public Adver-tiser 17 Jan. 1769, and Benjamin Franklin’s Letters to the Press 1758–1775, ed. Verner W. Crane(Chapel Hill, 1950), p. 160.

210. William Guthrie in The Critical Review 25: 172–81 (March 1768); Ralph Griffiths in The MonthlyReview, 39: 43–52, 142–51 (July–August 1768); see Addenda II below: ‘Reception: selected com-ments and reviews.’ Further on JB’s Scottish sensibility, see Viviès, ‘James Boswell and Scotland inAn Account of Corsica,’ Transactions of the 8th International Congress of the Enlightenment (Oxford,1992), 1651–53.

211. The Critical Review 25: 172–81 (March 1768).212. Cited in Beretti 118.213. ‘J’ai cru que je devais omettre ce que M. BOSWELL en dit dans une relation où I’on ne cherchera

que ce qui intéresse Paoli et la Corse. J’en ai usé de meme dans quelques autres endroits de ce Jour-nal qui m’ont paru ne contenir que des choses étrangères au sujet,’ cited in Beretti 127.

Margaret Montgomerie in the summer of 1769 and took every opportunity topromote the cause of the Corsicans and his book.207 Corsica found a sympa-thetic market in America and Paoli ‘became the hero of the American patri-ots.’208 Translations followed in Dutch, French, German, and Italian. Thebook was admired by a range of political and literary figures such as the Dukeof Bedford, David Hume, and John Wesley. Benjamin Franklin did not find itdifficult to draw political analogies between the Corsicans and the Americancolonists on the subject of liberty.209

What is striking about the reception is the universal praise for Boswell’sPaoli. If there is some criticism of Boswell the writer—the unnecessary ‘com-pliments to his friends,’ his ‘inaccuracies in language,’ his antiquated spelling,and his ‘Scottish peculiarties’—there is only admiration for his portrait ofPaoli.210 The reviewer in The Critical Review remarks,

Upon the whole, our author has, in the person of Paoli, realized allthe ideas which the most vigorous imagination could form of a chief,a patriot, and a legislator, embellished with the ornaments of an un-derstanding cultivated by polite literature.211

Readers would buy the book to learn about Paoli and Corsica. Lord Haileshad told Boswell as much while he was writing, ‘Remember that he [Paoli] isthe chief figure, he must come forward; the others, even yourself, must keepback.’212 One French translator made the point more crudely by simply omit-ting passages that did not concern Paoli or Corsica. Boswell was furious.213

One lesser consequence of the book was that Boswell sparked a train ofvisitors to the island and to Paoli. Virtually unknown to Britons in 1765, Paolihad become by 1769 a person to be included on the Grand Tour. Travellers to

introduction

lii

214. For these and other visitors to Paoli, see Beretti 76–116; Graziani, Pascal Paoli, p. 214. JB had en-couraged John Symonds to visit the island and then asked Symonds to lend him the manuscriptof his impressions, ‘Remarks on the Present State of the Island of Corsica written upon the Spot,1767.’ They came too late to be useful for his Corsica.

215. Midi Libre, 5 June 2003, p. 22: ‘Ce n’était pas Claude Erignac qui était visé, c’était le symbole deI’Etat.’

Corsica included Boswell’s personal friends like Burnaby; John Symonds, whowas to succeed Thomas Gray as professor of history at Cambridge; John Stew-art, a secret agent for the British government; Henry Benbridge, the Americanportrait painter; and Lord Pembroke, accompanied by Boswell’s friend, Vis-count Mounstuart.214

Boswell thought Corsica would achieve independence within a few yearsof his visit. In that, he was wrong. But Corsica continues to be pertinent in thearguments it raises about national sovereignty. The events of 1769 marked thebeginning of the almost unbroken control of the island by France that contin-ues into the twenty-first century. Boswell’s arguments still prompt questionsabout the legitimacy of the French presence. Corsica was an attempt to restorepride and respect to the image of the Corsican people as a nation. In that re-spect, Boswell was an early campaigner for the nation state. The debates andconflict that marked events like the American war of independence, the dis-mantling of the British and French empires, and the independence of Algeriahad at their heart a similar argument. Not surprisingly, the case of Corsica re-mains problematic for successive French governments. France’s governor onthe island, M. Claude Erignac, was shot dead in the street in Ajaccio in 1998.Corsican nationalists, charged with the murder, argued at their trial that theyhad nothing against him as an individual but shot him as the symbol ofFrance.215

� ‘ M y l i t t l e �m o n u m e n t

t o l i b e r t y ’

an account of corsica

4

The following symbols are used in annotation:

MS JB’s manuscript entitled ‘An Account of Corsica’ in the James Boswell Papers, Box 48, fold-ers 1033–34, Beinecke Library, Yale

< > Deletion in MSP New paragraphl Line break

JB’s original footnotes are shown in italics, editors’ in roman; editorial additions to his notes are in-dicated by asterisks.

Frontispiece: the portrait Henry Benbridge (1743–1812), American, was in Italy 1764–69; fromthere, between June and August 1768, he went to Corsica to paint Paoli; he came to London in De-cember 1769 and returned permanently to America in 1770 (Gen. Corr. ii. 73–74 nn. 3, 4). Sir JohnDick, then at Leghorn (see p. 11 n. 11) was the link-man; it was he who, c. 30 June 1768, forwardedJB’s letter to Paoli (presumably requesting that the portrait be undertaken) and had the portrait inhis possession in August 1768 (Ibid, ii. 73, 97). The painting was exhibited in London, c. 12–24May 1769 (Ibid, ii. 139 n. 6); the engraving was added to Corsica in the 3rd edn.

title-page Non enim . . . A. D. 1320 ‘Truly it is not on account of glory, or wealth or honour thatwe are fighting, but solely for that freedom which a virtuous man will sacrifice only with his life,’Litera Comitum et Baronum Scotiae ad Papam (1320). Often referred to as the ‘Declaration of Ar-broath,’ this letter from the Scottish nobility to the Pope asserted the independence of Scotlandand rejected the domination of England.

title-page Edward and Charles Dilly Edward (1732–79) and Charles (1739–1807), London book-sellers and publishers. On 28 July 1767, Edward Dilly accepted JB’s proposal that Corsica should bepublished; he agreed to pay JB 100 guineas for the copyright; and, as his letters show, he took akeen, personal interest in the book. He contributed to British Essays in Favour of the Brave Corsicans(1769), a collection published by the two brothers. The first edition of Corsica was printed in Glas-gow by the renowned Robert (1707–76) and Andrew (1712–75) Foulis (Gen. Corr. i. 187).

5

1. Lyttleton George Lyttleton (1709–73), 1st Baron Lyttleton, was elevated to the peerage in 1756 af-ter service in the Commons for over 20 years. A miscellaneous writer, he published poetry, politi-cal and religious tracts, history, and letters. His interest in Corsica was clearly known to JB, who,with an eye to the main chance, sent him a copy of the 1st edn of his book in mid-February 1768;Lyttleton assured JB that as soon as he had read ‘the work he will Write to you his Opinion of it’(Gen. Corr. ii. 23); he conveyed the ‘Opinion’ in his letter of 21 February and permitted JB to addit to the 3rd edn of Corsica (May 1769). The source of the ‘letters of another English gentleman’that had stimulated Lyttleton’s interest is not known: ‘possibly John Symonds’s Osservazioni d’unviaggiatore inglese, 1768, or perhaps unreported correspondence with John Dick or Andrew Burn-aby’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 30 n. 3).

2. Pascal Paoli Pasquale Paoli (1725–1807), born at Stretta di Morosaglia; ‘General of the Nation.’His father, Hyancinthe (Giacinto) (1690–1764), was prominent in the Corsicans’ rebellion of 1735

a

letter

from

the right honourable

george lord lyttelton1

to

james boswell, esq.

� �

London, Feb. 21, 1768.S I R ,

ITHINK myself greatly obliged to you, and desire you to accept mymost grateful thanks, for the valuable present you have done me the hon-

our to make me, of your Account of Corsica, which has given me the plea-sure of being more perfectly acquainted with the greatest character of thisage. I had gained some knowledge of it, before I saw your book, from theletters of another English gentleman on that subject; but you have addedmany curious and interesting particulars, which I have read with much de-light and admiration. If I were a few years younger, I would go in pilgrim-age to Corsica (as you have done) to visit this living image of ancient virtue,and to venerate in the mind of pascal paoli2 the spirit of timoleon and


6

against Genoese rule; three years later, defeated by the intervention of French forces, he went intoexile with his son, in Naples. In 1741 Pascal joined the Corsican regiment. Following renewed Cor-sican rebellion in 1752 against Genoese oppression, he was invited by the island’s supreme councilin 1755 to become their generalissimo. He achieved considerable military success against the Ge-noese (as well as introducing constitutional, judicial, and educational reforms); he established apartly independent Corsica, with Genoa continuing to hold the large coastal cities; but, eventually,Genoa with French aid defeated Paoli at Ponte Nuovo, 8 May 1769. He went into exile in England,arriving in London in September, a few months after the publication of the 3rd edn of Corsica. SeeAntoine-Marie Graziani, Pascal Paoli: Père de la patrie Corse (Paris, 2002).

3. Timoleon and Epaminondas Timoleon (d., c. 336 bc), Greek general and statesman; his implaca-ble opposition to tyranny led him to vote for the death of his brother Timophanes who aimed atabsolute power in Corinth. Epaminondas (d. 362 bc), Theban general and statesman, defeated theSpartans at Leuctra (371 bc), thus destroying Spartan supremacy in Greece; a man of undisputedintegrity.

epaminondas.3 But I must now be content with seeing him in your descrip-tion, the vivacity of which shews, that your heart is inflamed with the samegenerous passion which glows so brightly in his. I wish with you that our gov-ernment had shewn more respect for Corsican liberty, and think it disgracesour nation that we do not live in good friendship with a brave people engagedin the noblest of all contests, a contest against tyranny, and who have nevergiven us any cause of complaint. Besides sympathy of sentiment, which is anatural bond of union, we ought in policy to shew as much regard for them,as the Genoese, their oppressors, have shewn for the French, in our late warswith that nation.

Believe me with sincere regard and esteem,Sir,

Your most obedientAnd obliged humble servant,

LYTTELTON.

7

dedication

to

pascal paoli

general of

the corsicans.

� �

S I R ,

DEDICATIONS are for most part the offerings of interested servility,or the effusions of partial zeal; enumerating the virtues of men in whom

no virtues can be found, or predicting greatness to those who afterwards passtheir days in unambitious indolence, and die leaving no memorial of their ex-istence, but a dedication, in which all their merit is confessedly future, andwhich time has turned into a silent reproach.

He who has any experience of mankind, will be cautious to whom hededicates. Publickly to bestow praise on merit of which the publick is not sen-sible, or to raise flattering expectations which are never fulfilled, must sink thecharacter of an authour, and make him appear a cringing parasite, or a fondenthusiast.

I am under no apprehensions of that nature, when I inscribe this book toPascal Paoli. Your virtues, Sir, are universally acknowledged; they dignify thepages which I venture to present to you; and it is my singular felicity, that mybook is the voucher of its dedication.

In thus addressing you, my intention is not to attempt your panegyrick.That may in some measure be collected from my imperfect labours. But I wishto express to the world, the admiration and gratitude with which you have in-spired me.

This, Sir, is all the return that I can make for the many favours which youhave deigned to confer upon me. I intreat you to receive it as a testimony ofmy disposition. I regret that I have neither power nor interest to enable me torender any essential service to you and to the brave Corsicans. I can only


8

assure you of the most fervent wishes of a private gentleman. I have the hon-our to be, with all respect and affection,

SIR,Your ever devoted,

Obliged humble servant,J A M E S B O S W E L L .

Auchinleck, Ayrshire,29 October, 1767.

9

preface.

� �

NO apology shall be made for presenting the world with an Account of Cor-sica. It has been for some time expected from me; and I own that the ardour

of publick curiosity has both encouraged and intimidated me. On my return fromvisiting Corsica, I found people wherever I went, desirous to hear what I could tellthem concerning that island and its inhabitants. Unwilling to repeat my tale toevery company, I thought it best to promise a book which should speak for me.

But I would not take upon me to do this, till I consulted with the Generalof the nation. I therefore informed him of my design. His answer is perhapstoo flattering for me to publish: but I must beg leave to give it as the licenceand sanction of this work.

Paoli was pleased to write to me thus: ‘Non può esser piu generoso il di leidisegno di pubblicar colle stampe le osservazioni che ha fatte sopra la Corsica.Ella ne ha veduto la fisica situazione, ha potuto esaminare i costumi degli abi-tanti, e veder dentro le massime del loro governo, di cui conosce la costituzione.Questi popoli con entusiasmo di gratitudine uniranno il loro applauso a quellodell’ Europa disingannata. Nothing can be more generous than your design topublish the observations which you have made upon Corsica. You have seen itsnatural situation, you have been able to study the manners of its inhabitants,and to see intimately the maxims of their government, of which you know theconstitution. This people with an enthusiasm of gratitude, will unite their ap-plause with that of undeceived Europe.’4

4. Paoli . . . Europe’ On 4 March 1767 JB told his friend William Johnson Temple: ‘I had sometime agoa letter of 16 pages from General Paoli’ (Corr. Temple i. 167). Paoli’s letter has not survived.


10

5. Histoire . . . 1758 Jean-François Goury de Champgrand, Histoire de l’Isle de Corse (Nancy, 1749),hereafter Goury . . . Louis-Amand Jaussin (d. 1767), Mémoires historiques, militaires et politiques,sur les principaux événemens arrivés dans l’Isle de Corse, (Laussane, 1758) hereafter Jaussin. Gouryand Jaussin were two of JB’s principal sources; both were officers in the French army in Corsicaunder de Maillebois 1739–41.

6. Giacinto Paoli See above n. 2.7. Smollett . . . fourscore In his Continuation of the Complete History of England (1760–65), xvi.

381–82, Tobias Smollett (1721–71) confused Pascal Paoli with his father. Writing of the siege ofBastia—not Furiani—in 1764 Smollett referred to ‘their aged chief, Paoli’ aged ‘eighty years’; Pas-cal Paoli was 39. Writing to Smollett, 14 March 1768, JB assured him that he had not the slightestintention of giving personal offence but merely wanted to illustrate ‘how very obscure the Corsi-cans have hitherto been’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 36). JB also remarked that the Corsican oath which Smol-lett had printed as if genuine (Continuation . . . England, xvi. 384–85 n.) was in fact spurious; thisis tactfully pointed out, p. 85 below.

My first intention was to give only a view of the present state of Corsica,together with Memoirs of its illustrious General. But by the advice of somelearned friends, whose judgement I respect, I enlarged my plan, and fixed onthat of the execution of which the publick is now to judge.

I had before me two French books expressly written on Corsica. The one‘Histoire de l’Isle de Corse, par M.G.D.C.’ printed at Nancy in 1749. Theother ‘Memoires Historiques &c. par M. Jaussin Ancien Apoticaire Major;’printed at Lausanne in 1758.5 From both of those books I derived many usefulmaterials. The last of them contains a full and scientifick detail of the naturalhistory of the island, as also many letters, manifestoes and other papers: andboth of them contain a variety of particulars with regard to the operations ofthe French in Corsica. I had also before me a pretty large collection of re-marks, which I had committed to writing, while I was in the island.

But I still found my materials deficient in many respects. I therefore appliedto my friends abroad; and in the mean time directed my studies to such booksas might furnish me with any thing relative to the subject. I am thus enabled tolay before the world such An Account of Corsica, as I flatter myself will givesome satisfaction; for, in comparison of the very little that has been hithertoknown concerning that island, this book may be said to contain a great deal.

It is indeed amazing that an island so considerable, and in which such no-ble things have been doing, should be so imperfectly known. Even the succes-sion of Chiefs has been unperceived; and because we have read of Paoli beingat the head of the Corsicans many years back, and Paoli still appears at theirhead, the command has been supposed all this time in the person of the sameman. Hence all our newspapers have confounded the gallant Pascal Paoli inthe vigour of manhood, with the venerable chief his deceased Father GiacintoPaoli.6 Nay the same errour has found its way into the page of the historian;for Dr. Smollet when mentioning Paoli at the siege of Furiani a few years ago,says he was then past fourscore.7

preface

11

8. Rivarola Though Corsican by birth, Count Antonio Rivarola (1719–95), was the Sardinian chargéd’affaires to the court of Tuscany; he lived in Leghorn; an ardent supporter of Paoli (see pp. 73,164).

9. Hervey . . . Cloyne Frederick Augustus Hervey (1730–1803), became Bishop of Cloyne on 2 Feb-ruary 1767; on 18 February 1768 he was translated to the bishopric of Derry. Eccentric, but activelyengaged in public works (fostering agriculture, searching for coal, etc.) and politics (supporting theact to relieve Catholics from the oath of supremacy, etc.). In 1779 became fourth Earl of Bristol.(See p. 38 n. 31).

10. Burnaby . . . the Journal . . . my work In 1804 Andrew Burnaby (1734?–1812) published his Jour-nal of a Tour to Corsica, in the Year 1766. His preface confirms JB’s statement: that he loaned JB acopy of his Journal (in manuscript) ‘with full permission to make whatever use of it he mightthink proper.’ He adds: ‘the Author is truly sensible of its inferiority in almost every respect, to theaccount given of the Island of Corsica by Mr. Boswell.’ John Dick sent the Journal to JB, 24 Oc-tober 1766 (Gen. Corr. i. 76).

11. Sir John Dick, Bart. In the 1st and 2nd edns JB refers to ‘John Dick Esquire’; he took pride inDick’s elevation since he had been actively involved in securing for his friend (in April 1768) thebaronetcy of Braid (see Gen. Corr. i. xxxvi–vii). They first met in Florence, August 1765; theirfriendship originated in a shared concern for Corsica and was lifelong. Dick (1720–1804) was theBritish consul in Leghorn, 1754–76; he keenly supported the Corsican struggle despite the politicalneutrality required by his appointment and the ban in 1763 forbidding British subjects from givingencouragement to the Corsican ‘rebels’ (see p. 116 n. 40). He told JB, 30 May 1766: ‘I own it wouldgive me a real pleasure to be of the least use to these brave people’ (Gen. Corr. i. 31).

I would in the first place return my most humble thanks to Pascal Paoli, forthe various communications with which he has been pleased to favour me; and asI have related his remarkable sayings, I declare upon honour, that I have neitheradded nor diminished; nay so scrupulous have I been, that I would not make thesmallest variation even when my friends thought it would be an improvement. Iknow with how much pleasure we read what is perfectly authentick.

Count Rivarola8 was so good as to return me full and distinct answers toa variety of queries which I sent him with regard to many particulars concern-ing Corsica. I am much indebted to him for this, and particularly so, from theobliging manner in which he did it.

The reverend Mr. Burnaby, chaplain to the British factory at Leghorn,made a tour to Corsica in 1766, at the same time with the honourable and rev-erend Mr. Hervey now bishop of Cloyne.9 Mr. Burnaby was absent fromLeghorn when I was there, so I had not the pleasure of being personally knownto him. But he with great politeness of his own accord, sent me a copy of theJournal which he made of what he observed in Corsica. I had the satisfactionto find that we agreed in every thing which both of us had considered. But Ifound in his Journal, observations on several things which I had omitted; andseveral things which I had remarked, I found set in a clearer light. As Mr. Burnabywas so obliging as to allow me to make what use I pleased of his Journal, I havefreely interwoven it into my work.10

I acknowledge my obligations to my esteemed friend Sir John Dick,Bart.11 his Britannick Majesty’s Consul at Leghorn, to Signor Gian Quilico


12

12. Gian Quilico Casa Bianca (1711–83) Member of the Corsican Supreme Council, 1762–63. See alsop. 185.

13. Stefanopoli A friend of Paoli; wrote one of the accounts of the Greek colony mentioned by JB(p. 66n. 32). Giovanni Stefanopoli, himself a Greek refugee living in Sartene, is credited by JBwith introducing inoculation into Corsica (see p. 69).

14. Colonel Buttafoco Matteo Buttafoco (fl. 1731–94), colonel of the French Royal-Corse Regiment,having read the encomium on the Corsicans in Le Contrat Social, invited Rousseau to visit the is-land ‘and be that wise man who should illuminate their minds’ (see p. 209). JB met Buttafoco dur-ing his tour of Corsica, held him in very high regard but, in the 3rd edn of Corsica, denounced histreachery in having made common cause with the French. See JB’s footnote, p. 163; for the text ofthe note deleted in the 3rd edn see Textual Apparatus for p. 208:22.

15. Rostini L’Abbé Carlo Rostini (1710–73), chaplain to the French Royal-Corse Regiment, 1742–62;he later transferred his allegiance and became Paoli’s treasurer. A noted Corsican antiquary; trans-lated Petrus Cyrnaeus (see p. 122) into Italian. Mémoires de Rostini (Bastia, 1882).

16. Thomas Day Thomas Day (1748–89), b. near Wargrave, Berkshire. At 16 entered Corpus ChristiCollege, Oxford, where he ‘lived sparingly, drank water, and studied philosophy, but left withouta degree’ (DNB). Published the novel-like discussion of Rousseauesque educational principles, TheHistory of Sandford and Merton (1783–89). For the background to his translation of Seneca’s Epi-grams (pp. 28–29) and JB’s campaign to achieve advance publicity for Corsica, see Addenda I below.

17. genteel i.e., polished, refined.18. Sir James . . . Oeconomy Sir James Steuart (1714–80)—he later assumed the surname Denham—

studied law at the University of Edinburgh; a member of the Faculty of Advocates, 1735; published hisEnquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy in 1767. JB told Temple, 22 September 1767: ‘I havereceived a most polite Letter from Sir James Steuart, in answer to one which I wrote to him with regardto a passage in his Political Oeconomy which is injurious to the Corsicans. I shall settle that matter in

Casa Bianca,12 to the learned Greek physician Signor Stefanopoli,13 to ColonelButtafoco,14 and to the Abbé Rostini.15 These gentlemen have all contributedtheir aid in erecting my little monument to liberty.

I am also to thank an ingenious gentleman who has favoured me with thetranslations of Seneca’s Epigrams. I made application for this favour, in theLondon Chronicle; and to the honour of literature, I found her votaries veryliberal. Several translations were sent, of which I took the liberty to preferthose which had the signature of Patricius, and which were improved by an-other ingenious correspondent under the signature of Plebeius. By a subse-quent application I begged that Patricius would let me know to whom I wasobliged for what I considered as a great ornament to my book. He has com-plied with my request; and I beg leave in this publick manner, to acknowledgethat I am indebted for those translations to Thomas Day Esquire,16 of Berk-shire, a gentleman whose situation in life is genteel,17 and his fortune affluent.I must add that although his verses have not only the fire of youth, but thematurity and correctness of age, Mr. Day is no more than nineteen.

Nor can I omit to express my sense of the candour and politeness withwhich Sir James Steuart received the remark which I have ventured to make inopposition to a passage concerning the Corsicans, in his Inquiry into the Prin-ciples of Political Oeconomy.18

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13

my Book in terms very respectful to Sir James’ (Corr. Temple i. 208). For the passage from Steuart that‘placed the Corsicans in rather an unfavourable light’ and JB’s response to it, see pp. 140–41.

19. Wyvill Rev. Christopher Wyvill (1740–1822), a fellow student with JB at the University of Edin-burgh in 1757; rector of Black Notley, 1766. He was one of the friends who helped JB with the re-vision of Corsica; JB described him as ‘an admirable Critic’ (Corr. Temple i. 200). Later he playeda notable part in the movement for parliamentary reform.

20. Temple Rev. William Johnson Temple (1739–96), intimate friend of JB (and Wyvill) at Edin-burgh University and a law student with JB in London (Temple figures prominently in JB’s Lon-don Journal ). Graduated LL.B., Cambridge, 1765; rector of Mamhead, September 1766. His‘character’ of Thomas Gray, written in a letter to JB (Corr. Temple i. 297), was inserted by Johnsoninto his ‘Life of Gray’, in the Lives of the Poets (1779–81).

* James Burnett (1714–99), Lord Monboddo; wrote Of the Origin and Progress of Language, 6 vols,Edinburgh, 1773–92. See 125 n. . . . Sir David Dalrymple (1726–92), styled Lord Hailes, a col-league of JB’s father and one of JB’s oldest friends. A trusted reader of Corsica; several of his notessurvive on JB’s manuscript of the ‘Account.’ His robust advice is seen in his answer to JB’s querywhether he should call Paoli ‘Signor’ or ‘General’: see JB’s note p. 86. He considered Hailes ‘as aCritick . . . one of the ablest and most severe’ that he knew (Gen. Corr. ii. 72).

I have submitted my book to the revisal of several gentlemen who hon-our me with their regard, and I am sensible how much it is improved by theircorrections. It is therefore my duty to return thanks to the reverend Mr. Wyvill19

rectour of Black Notely in Essex, and to my old and most intimate friend thereverend Mr. Temple20 rectour of Mamhead in Devonshire. I am also obligedto My Lord Monboddo for many judicious remarks, which his thorough ac-quaintance with ancient learning enabled him to make. But I am principallyindebted to the indulgence and friendly attention of My Lord Hailes, who un-der the name of Sir David Dalrymplea, has been long known to the world asan able Antiquarian, and an elegant and humourous Essayist; to whom the worldhas no fault but that he does not give them more of his own writings, whenthey value them so highly.

I would however have it understood, that although I received the correc-tions of my friends with deference, I have not always agreed with them. Anauthour should be glad to hear every candid remark. But I look upon a man asunworthy to write, who has not force of mind to determine for himself. Imention this, that the judgement of the friends I have named may not be con-sidered as connected with every passage in this book.

Writing a book I have found to be like building a house. A man forms aplan, and collects materials. He thinks he has enough to raise a large and statelyedifice; but after he has arranged, compacted and polished, his work turns outto be a very small performance. The authour however like the builder, knowshow much labour his work has cost him; and therefore estimates it at a muchhigher rate than other people think it deserves.

a It is the custom in Scotland to give the Judges of the Court of Session the title of Lords by the names oftheir estates. Thus Mr. Burnett is Lord Monboddo, and Sir David Dalrymple is Lord Hailes.*


14

21. Johnson . . . countries In the Preface to his Dictionary of the English Language (1755), Johnson(1709–84) contrasts his own case, labouring ‘in this gloom of solitude’, with the Italian academi-cians and their ‘aggregated knowledge and co-operating diligence’, and the French with the ‘fiftyyears . . . spent upon their work.’

I have endeavoured to avoid an ostentatious display of learning. By theidle and the frivolous indeed, any appearance of learning is called pedantry.But as I do not write for such readers, I pay no regard to their censures. Thoseby whom I wish to be judged, will I hope, approve of my adding dignity toCorsica, by shewing its consideration among the ancients, and will not be dis-pleased to find my page sometimes embellished with a seasonable quotationfrom the Classicks. The translations are ascribed to their proper authours.What are not so ascribed are my own.

It may be necessary to say something in defence of my orthography. Of lateit has become the fashion to render our language more neat and trim by leavingout k after c, and u in the last syllable of words which used to end in our. The il-lustrious Mr. Samuel Johnson, who has alone executed in England what was thetask of whole academies in other countries,21 has been careful in his Dictionary topreserve the k as a mark of Saxon original. He has for most part too, been care-ful to preserve the u, but he has also omitted it in several words. I have retainedthe k, and have taken upon me to follow a general rule with regard to words end-ing in our. Wherever a word originally Latin has been transmitted to us throughthe medium of the French, I have written it with the characteristical u. An atten-tion to this may appear trivial. But I own I am one of those who are curious in theformation of language in its various modes; and therefore wish that the affinityof English with other tongues may not be forgotten. If this work should at anyfuture period be reprinted, I hope that care will be taken of my orthography.

He who publishes a book, affecting not to be an authour, and professingan indifference for literary fame, may possibly impose upon many people suchan idea of his consequence as he wishes may be received. For my part, I shouldbe proud to be known as an authour; and I have an ardent ambition for literaryfame; for of all possessions I should imagine literary fame to be the most valu-able. A man who has been able to furnish a book which has been approved bythe world, has established himself as a respectable character in distant society,without any danger of having that character lessened by the observation of hisweaknesses. To preserve an uniform dignity among those who see us every day,is hardly possible; and to aim at it, must put us under the fetters of a perpetualrestraint. The authour of an approved book may allow his natural dispositionan easy play, and yet indulge the pride of superiour genius when he considersthat by those who know him only as an authour, he never ceases to be re-spected. Such an authour when in his hours of gloom and discontent, may have

preface

15

22. He who [14:23] . . . ages JB republished this paragraph in the London Chronicle, 9 September1769.

the consolation to think that his writings are at that very time giving pleasureto numbers; and such an authour may cherish the hope of being rememberedafter death, which has been a great object to the noblest minds in all ages.22

Whether I may merit any portion of literary fame, the publick will judge.Whatever my ambition may be, I trust that my confidence is not too great,nor my hopes too sanguine.


17

23. erroneous . . . 39 For the uncorrected translation see Textual Apparatus.

preface

� �

To the Third Edition.

INOW beg leave to present the world with a more correct edition of myAccount of Corsica. I return my sincere thanks to those who have taken

the trouble to point out several faults, with a spirit of candid criticism. I hopethey will not be offended that in one or two places I have preserved my ownreading, contrary to their opinion; as I never would own that I am wrong, tillI am convinced that it is so. My orthography I have sufficiently explained; andalthough some pleasantry has been shewn, I have not met with one argumentagainst it.

In justice to Mr. Burnaby, I must observe, that the erroneous translationof a passage in Livy, which is corrected in this edition, page 39,23 was mine; itbeing no part of his Journal, in which the original text only was quoted. Incomparing the former editions with this, it will appear that my first translationrenders the meaning of Livy, but does not convey the turn of expression, as Ihope I have now done.

While I have a proper sense of my obligations to those who have treatedme with candour, I do not forget that there have been others who have chosento treat me in an illiberal manner. The resentment of some has evidentlyarisen from the grateful admiration which I have expressed of Mr. SamuelJohnson. Over such, it is a triumph to me, to assure them, that I never cease


18

24. others [17:16] . . . illiberal . . . Christian One such was John Wilkes (1727–97), the radical politi-cian. He attacked JB in the Political Register, March–April 1768: ‘That primitive christian, that ad-mirer of every thing opposite and contradictory, of Pascal Paoli, the true hero of liberty in his owncountry, and of the pensioner Samuel Johnson, the old arch-enemy of it in our’s, whom he wishesto bring together, for the fun, I suppose, of seeing them quarrel’ (Corr. Temple. i. 239 n. 17). Seealso p. 131 n. 73.

25. “life . . . light” II Timothy i. 10: ‘our Saviour Jesus Christ, who . . . hath brought life and immor-tality to light through the gospel.’

26. ancestors . . . Ayrshire The Auchinleck estate was conferred by royal grant on JB’s ancestor,Thomas Boswell, in 1504; it was extensive: 600 people acknowledged JB as overlord when he be-came laird on the death of his father (C. B. Tinker, Young Boswell, 1922, pp. 7–8). His father,Alexander Boswell (1717–82), took the title of Lord Auchinleck when he was elevated to the judi-cial bench as a lord of session.

to think of Mr. Johnson, with the same warmth of affection, and the samedignity of veneration. The resentment of others it is more difficult to explain.For what should make men attack one who never offended them, who hasdone his best to entertain them, and who is engaged in the most generouscause? But I am told by those who have gone before me in literature, that theattacks of such should rather flatter me, than give me displeasure.

To those who have imagined themselves very witty in sneering at me forbeing a Christian,24 I would recommend the serious study of Theology, and Ihope they will attain to the same comfort that I have, in the belief of a Reve-lation by which a saviour is proclamed to the world, and “life and immortal-ity are clearly brought to light.”25

I am now to return thanks to My Lord Lyttelton, for being so good as toallow me to enrich my book with one of his Lordship’s letters to me. I was in-deed most anxious that it should be published; as it contains an eulogium onPascal Paoli, equal to any thing that I have found in the writings of antiquity.Nor can I deny that I was very desirous to shew the world that this worthy andrespectable Nobleman, to whom genius, learning and virtue owe so much, canamidst all his literary honours be pleased with what I have been able to write.

May I be permitted to say that the success of this book has exceeded mywarmest hopes. When I first ventured to send it into the world, I fairly owned anardent desire for literary fame. I have obtained my desire: and whatever cloudsmay overcast my days, I can now walk here among the rocks and woods of myancestors, with an agreeable consciousness that I have done something worthy.

Auchinleck, Ayrshire,26

29 October, 1768.

19

contents.

� �

A Letter from the Right Honourable George Lord Lyttelton to James Boswell, Esq; 5

Introduction. 21

c h a p. i .Of the Situation, Extent, Air, Soil, and Productions, of Corsica. 27

c h a p. i i .A concise View of the Revolutions which Corsica

has undergone from the earliest times. 51

c h a p. i i i .The present State of Corsica, with respect to Government, Religion, Arms,

Commerce, Learning, the Genius and Character of its Inhabitants. 95

Appendix, containing Corsican State Papers. 143

The Journal of a Tour to Corsica; and Memoirs of Pascal Paoli. 159

21

LIBERTY is so natural, and so dear to mankind, whether as individuals,or as members of society, that it is indispensibly necessary to our happi-

ness. Every thing great and worthy ariseth from it. Liberty gives health to themind, and enables us to enjoy the full exercise of our faculties. He who is inchains cannot move either easily or gracefully; nothing elegant or noble can beexpected from those, whose spirits are subdued by tyranny, and whose powersare cramped by restraint.

There are, indeed, who from the darkest prejudice, or most corrupt ve-nality, would endeavour to reason mankind out of their original and genuinefeelings, and persuade them to substitute artificial sentiment in place of thatwhich is implanted by god and Nature.1 They would maintain, that slaverywill from habit become easy, and, that mankind are truly better, when underconfinement and subjection to the arbitrary will of a few.

Such doctrine as this, could never have gained any ground, had it beenaddressed to calm reason alone. Its partisans therefore have found it neces-sary to address themselves to the imagination and passions; to call in the aidof enthusiasm2 and superstition; in some countries to instill a strange love andattachment to their sovereigns; and in others to propagate certain mystical no-tions, which the mind of man is wonderfully ready to receive, of a divine right

1. There are . . . Nature The same idea occurs in the anonymous A General account and description ofCorsica (2nd edn, 1739), p. 8. See Beretti 24 n. 50.

2. enthusiasm i.e. ‘a vain confidence of divine favour or communication’ ( Johnson’s Dictionary).

An Account of Corsica.

� �

INTRODUCTION.


22

3. Cara Deûm soboles Virgil, Eclogues, iv. 49.4. There is . . . good Cf. Locke, Two Treatises of Government (1690), II. vii. 94, viii. 95–97.5. Men . . . gradation JB here may reveal the influence of Edmund Burke’s Philosophical Enquiry

into . . . the Sublime and Beautiful (1757), especially part III, sections 15–17; there Burke dis-cusses the contributions to the creation of beauty made by ‘Gradual Variation’, ‘Delicacy,’ and‘Colour’.

* An Account of Denmark as it was in the year 1692 (1694), p. 75, by Robert, Viscount Molesworth(1656–1725): ‘Slavery, like a sickly Constitution, grows in time so habitual, that it seems no Burdennor Disease; it creates a kind of laziness, and idle despondency, which puts men beyond hopes andfears: it mortifies Ambition, Emulation, and other troublesome, as well as active qualities, whichLiberty and Freedom beget; and instead of them affords only . . . insensible’. In MS (p. 3), follow-ing the quotation from Molesworth, JB deleted the following: <‘This cannot be called life. Existencewithout liberty, is in a much stronger degree what the Poet [Virgil, Aeneid, ii. 369] calls existencewithout learning, mortis imago, an image of death.’>

to rule; as if their sovereigns had descended from heaven. This last idea hasbeen cherished for ages, from the ‘Cara Deûm soboles,3 The beloved offspringof the Gods,’ among the Romans, to those various elevated and endearingepithets, which modern nations have thought proper to bestow upon theirsovereigns.

But whatever sophisms may be devised in favour of slavery, patience underit, can never be any thing but ‘the effect of a sickly constitution, which creates alaziness and despondency, that puts men beyond hopes and fears: mortifyingambition, and other active qualities, which freedom begets; and instead ofthem, affording only a dull kind of pleasure, of being careless and insensible.b

There is no doubt, but by entering into society, mankind voluntarily giveup a part of their natural rights, and bind themselves to the obedience of laws,calculated for the general good.4 But, we must distinguish between authority,and oppression; between laws, and capricious dictates; and keeping the origi-nal intention of government ever in view, we should take care that no morerestraint be laid upon natural liberty, than what the necessities of societyrequire.

Perhaps the limits between the power of government, and the liberty ofthe people, should not be too strictly marked out. Men of taste reckon thatpicture hard, where the outlines are so strong, as to be clearly seen. They ad-mire a piece of painting, where the colours are delicately blended, and thetints, which point out every particular object, are softened into each other, byan insensible gradation.5 So in a virtuous state, there should be such a mutualconfidence between the government and the people, that the rights of eachshould not be expressly defined.

But flagrant injustice, on one side or other, is not to be concealed; and,without question, it is the privilege of the side that is injured, to vindicate itself.

b My lord Molesworth’s Account of Denmark, p. 69.*

introduction

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6. prison-house This single word in MS (p. 6) replaced the deleted passage: <‘Jail, and be entertainedwith the dastardly sentiments and puny amusements of a set of wretches in perpetual fetters.’>

7. rude i.e., uncultured, undeveloped.8. schoolmen . . . vary The terms ‘substance’ and ‘accidents’ were used by mediaeval scholastics, es-

pecially in the debate on transubstantiation, to distinguish between the essence, that which is un-changing, and the unessential material qualities or attributes.

I have been led into these reflections from a consideration of the argu-ments by which ingenious men in the refinement of politicks have endeav-oured to amuse mankind, and turn away their attention from the plain andsimple notions of liberty.

Liberty is indeed the parent of felicity, of every noble virtue, and even ofevery art and science. Whatever vain attempts have been made to raise thegenerous plants under an oppressive climate, have only shewn more evidentlythe value of freedom.

It is therefore no wonder that the world has at all times been roused at themention of liberty; and that we read with admiration and a virtuous enthusi-asm, the gallant achievements of those who have distinguished themselves inthe glorious cause, and the history of states who were animated with the prin-ciple of freedom, and made it the basis of their constitution.

Should any one transmit to posterity the annals of an enslaved nation, weshould sleep over whole ages of the humbling detail. Every thing would be sopoor, so tame, and so abject, that one might as well peruse the records of aprison-house.6

But we have a manly satisfaction in reading the history of the ancient Ro-mans; even abstracting from their connections and their broils with otherstates. Their internal progress alone affords ample matter of speculation to ajudicious and spirited observer of human nature. We love to trace the varioussprings of their conduct, and of their advancement in civilization. We contem-plate with pleasure the ferments between the patricians and plebeians, the strongexertions of rude7 genius, the vigorous exercises and hardy virtues of men un-controuled by timid subjection.

They who entertain an extravagant veneration for antiquity, would makeus believe, that the divine fire of liberty has been long ago exhausted, and thatany appearances of it which are to be found in modern times, are but fee-ble and dim. They would make us believe that the world is grown old, thatthe strength of human nature is decayed, and that we are no more to expectthose noble powers which dignified men in former ages.

But the truth is, that human nature is the same at all times, and appears indifferent lights merely from a difference of circumstances. In the language ofthe schoolmen, the substance is fixed, the accidents only vary.8 Rome hasyet the seven hills on which the conquerors of the world dwelt, and these are


24

9. frowardly i.e., perversely.10. Libertas . . . last Virgil Eclogues, i. 27, 29 [‘ . . . respexit inertem . . . ’; ‘Freedom, who, though late,

had regard for me . . . nevertheless she did look at me and came after a long time’]. According toJB’s preface, p. 14, in common with other unattributed translations, this was his own; in MS (p. 9)‘When many a year’ becomes in print ‘When a long age.’

11. ingenious i.e., talented, highly intelligent.* David Hume (1711–76) included it in his Essays Moral and Political (1741–42). He calculates thatRhodes had only 6,000 citizens able to bear arms, that the number in Thebes was no greater, andthat the total population of Thebes was not more than 36,000. See Selected Essays, ed. StephenCopley and Andrew Edgar (Oxford, 1996), pp. 259, 280.

inhabited by Romans. Athens still occupies the space from whence philosophyand genius diffused a radiance to all the nations around, and is possessed byAthenians. But neither of these people now retain any resemblance of their il-lustrious ancestors; this is entirely owing to the course of political events,which has produced a total change in their manners.

That the spirit of liberty has flourished in modern times, we may appealto the histories of the Swiss, and of the Dutch; and the boldest proofs of it areto be found in the annals of our own country.

But a most distinguished example of it actually exists in the island of Cor-sica. There, a brave and resolute nation, has now for upwards of six and thirtyyears, maintained a constant struggle against the oppression of the republickof Genoa. These valiant islanders were for a long time looked upon as an in-considerable band of malecontents, as a disorderly troop of rebels, who wouldspeedily be compelled to resume those chains which they had frowardly9

shaken off. They have however continued steady to their purpose. Providencehas favoured them; and Europe now turns her eyes upon them, and with as-tonishment sees them on the eve of emancipating themselves for ever from aforeign yoke, and becoming a free and independent people.

Libertas quae sera tamen respexit—Respexit tamen et longo post tempore venit.

Virg. Eclog. I.

When a long age of vent’rous toil was past,Celestial freedom blest their isle at last.10

The smallness of the Corsican state does not render it less an object of ad-miration. On the contrary, we ought to admire it the more. The ingenious11

Mr. Humec hath shewn us, that Rhodes, Thebes, and many of the famous an-cient states were not so numerous as the people of Corsica now are. If the tenthousand Greeks have gained immortal honour, because they were opposed to

c Essay on the populousness of ancient nations.*

introduction

25

the armies of the Persian monarch,12 Shall not the Corsicans be found deserv-ing of glory, who have set themselves against a republick, which has beenaided at different times by the power of France, and by that of the empire ofGermany?

The Corsicans have been obliged to shew particular force of spirit. TheSwiss and the Dutch were both assisted by powerful nations in the recovery oftheir liberties: but during the long and bloody war which Corsica has carriedon, the Powers of Europe, who might be supposed friendly to her, have stoodaloof, and she has single and unsupported, weathered the storm, and arrived atthe degree of consequence which she now holds.

To give an account of this island, is what I am now to attempt. The at-tempt is surely laudable; and I am persuaded that my readers will grant meevery indulgence, when they consider how favourable is the subject. They willconsider that I am the first Briton who has had the curiosity to visit Corsica,and to receive such information as to enable him to form a just idea of it; andthey will readily make allowance for the enthusiasm of one who has beenamong the brave islanders, when their patriotick virtue is at its height, andwho has felt as it were a communication of their spirit.

The plan which I have prescribed to myself is, to give a Geographical andPhysical description of the island, that my readers may be made acquaintedwith the country which in these latter days has produced so heroick a race ofpatriots. To exhibit a concise view of the Revolutions it has undergone fromthe earliest times, which will prepare the mind, and throw light on the sequel.To shew the Present State of Corsica; and to subjoin my Journal of a Tour tothat island, in which I relate a variety of anecdotes, and treasure up manymemoirs of the illustrious General of the Corsicans—Memorabilia Paoli.

I do most sincerely declare, that I feel myself inferiour to the task. But Ihope the sketch which I give, will be of some immediate service, and will in-duce others to execute a more perfect plan. I shall be happy if I contribute ina certain degree to give the world a just idea of Corsica, and to interest thegenerous in its favour; and I would adopt for this work a simple and beautifulinscription on the front of the Palazzo Tolomei at Siena,

Quod potui feci; faciant meliora potentes.I’ve done my best; let abler men do more.

12. ten thousand . . . monarch JB alludes to the Greek mercenary force (including Xenophon, whorecorded the expedition in his Anabasis) under Cyrus II who aspired unsuccessfully to the Persianthrone (401–399 bc).


27

1. 150 miles . . . circumference JB adopts Pliny’s measurements and disregards Burnaby (24), who givesthe length as 140 miles, the breadth as 70 (the actual dimensions are 108 miles by 50 miles approx.).

* Pliny, Historia Naturalis, III. vi. (‘. . . sed Tusco propior . . . CL milia . . . ex parte quinquaginta, cir-cuitu CCCXXV m . . . habet XXXII . . . dictatore Sulla).’ The same quotation occurs in Goury 2.

CHAPTER I .

� �

Of the Situation, Extent, Air, Soil,

and Productions, of Corsica .

CORSICA is an island of the Mediterranean sea, situated between the41 and 43 degree of north latitude, and between the 8 and 10 degree of

east longitude, reckoning from London. It hath on the north the Ligurian sea,and gulf of Genoa. On the east, the Tuscan sea; on the south, a strait of tenmiles which separates it from Sardinia; and on the west the Mediterranean. It isabout 100 miles south of Genoa, and 80 south-west of Leghorn, from whenceit can plainly be seen when the weather is clear. It is 150 miles in length, andfrom 40 to 50 in breadth, being broadest about the middle. It is reckoned 322miles in circumference;1 but an exact measurement round it would extend to500 miles, as it is edged with many promontories, and with a variety of bays.

Pliny the elder hath given us a short, but very accurate account of the ge-ography of Corsica; ‘In Ligustico mari est Corsica quam Graeci Cyrnon ap-pellavere, sed Thusco proprior, a septentrione in meridiem projecta, longapassuum CL millia, lata majore ex parte L, circuitu CCCXXII, civitates habetXXXIII et colonias Marianam a Mario deductam, Aleriam a dictatore Sylla.d

‘In the Ligurian sea, but nearer to Tuscany than to Liguria, is Corsica, whichthe Greeks called Cyrnus. It extendeth from north to south, and is about 150

d Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. ii. cap. 6.*


28

2. Of these . . . ruins Translated from Goury 3–4.3. Seneca . . . works Banished to Corsica by emperor Claudius in 41, Seneca returned to Rome in 49.

During his banishment he wrote Ad Helviam and Ad Polybium; no other works were certainly writ-ten in that period. Ad Helviam contains a particularly disparaging picture of Corsica: see 6:5 (whichJB quotes below, pp. 167–68), 7:8. The tower to which JB refers is of mediaeval origin.

4. epigrams MS (p. 14) reads: ‘Here the Epigrams with the English Translation to be inserted.’ (Seealso Addenda I.) (Scholars now doubt Seneca’s authorship of the epigrams.)

5. Corsica . . . levis See Anthologia Latina (Amsterdam, 1964), 236, 1–8.* Pomponius Mela, De Chorographia, II. 122–23.

** Ptolemy, Cosmographia, III. ii.

miles in length, for the most part 50 in breadth, and 322 in circumference. Ithath 33 states and two colonies, Mariana founded by Marius, and Aleriafounded by the dictator Sylla.’ Of these 33 states, not above five or six can nowbe traced; and the colonies are only to be marked by their ruins.2 But the usualfidelity of Pliny is to be credited in this account. Pomponius Melae describesthe situation of Corsica, as does Ptolemy.f

Seneca the philosopher hath left us two most horrid pictures of Corsica,very false indeed, but executed with uncommon strength of fancy and expres-sion. Stoick as he was, of a grave and severe demeanour, he did not escape theEmperour’s jealousy, but being accused as one of the many gallants withwhom the profligate Julia had been guilty of adultery, he was banished toCorsica, where he remained for seven years; and where in the province ofCapo Corso they still shew an old ruin called ‘Il torre di Seneca, Seneca’sTower.’ Here he composed his books De Consolatione to Polybius, and to hismother Helvia, with several other works;3 and here he indulged his frettedimagination in the following epigrams.4

I.Corsica Phocaeo tellus habitata colono,

Corsica quae Graio nomine Cyrnus eras:Corsica Sardinia brevior, porrectior Ilva:

Corsica piscosis pervia fluminibus:Corsica terribilis quum primum incanduit aestas;

Saevior, ostendit quum ferus ora canis:Parce relegatis, hoc est, jam parce sepultis,

Vivorum cineri sit tua terra levis.5

O sea-girt Corsica! whose rude domains,First own’d, the culture of Phocaean swains;Cyrnus, since thus the Greeks thy isle express,Greater than Ilva, than Sardinia less;

e Pomp. Mel. lib. ii. cap. 7.* f Ptol. Geog. lib. iii. cap. 2.**

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6. Barbara . . . exsilium Anthologia Latina, 237, 1–8 [‘ . . . caret;/Imbriferum nullo . . . Hic sola . . .’].7. O sea-girt . . . woes See p. 12 n. 16.

O Corsica! whose winding rivers feed,Unnumber’d as their sands, the finny breed:O Corsica! whose raging heats dismay,When first returning summer pours her ray;Yet fiercer plagues thy scorching shores dispense,When Sirius sheds his baneful influence:Spare, spare the banish’d! spare, since such his doom,A wretch, who living, seeks in thee a tomb!Light lay thy earth, in pity to his pains,Light lay thy earth upon his sad remains.

Day

II.Barbara praeruptis inclusa est Corsica saxis;

Horrida, desertis undique vasta locis.Non poma autumnus, segetes non educat aestas;

Canaque Palladio munere bruma caret;Umbrarum nullo ver est laetabile foetu,

Nullaque in infausto nascitur herba solo:Non panis, non haustus aquae, non ultimus ignis,

Hic solo haec duo sunt, exsul, et exsilium.6

O! Corsica, whom rocks terrific bound,Where nature spreads her wildest desarts round,In vain revolving seasons cheer thy soil,Nor rip’ning fruits, nor waving harvests smile:Nor blooms the olive mid the winter drear;The votive olive to Minerva dear.See, spring returning, spreads her milder reign!Yet shoots no herb, no verdure clothes the plain.No cooling springs to quench the traveller’s thirstFrom thy parch’d hills in grateful murmurs burst;Nor, hapless isle! thy barren shores around,Is wholesome food, fair Ceres’ bounty, found.Nor ev’n the last sad gift, the wretched claim,The pile funereal, and the sacred flame.Nought here, alas! surrounding seas enclose,Nought but an exile, and an exile’s woes.7

Day


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8. name ‘Hymn to Delos,’ II. 19–20. In JB’s translation (MS p. 14) ‘In order next’ is deleted and re-placed by ‘Next in the rank.’

9. good air For similar comments see Goury 10–11.10. Centuri Where JB landed on his visit to Corsica.

* Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitomae de Tito Livio Bellorum Omnium Annorum DCC, I. xi.

He hath also vented his spleen against the place of his exile, in the sameextravagant manner, in his books De Consolatione. But we must consider, thatnotwithstanding all the boasted firmness of Seneca, his mind was then cloudedwith melancholy, and every object around him appeared in rueful colours.

Corsica is, in reality, a most agreeable island. It had from the ancientGreeks the name of K·ÏÏÈ˜Ë, Callista, on account of its beauty; and we maybelieve it was held in considerable estimation, since Callimachus places it nextto his favourite Delus,

� δ� ��πιθεν Φ�ι�νισσα µετ� ��νια Kυ� rν�ς �πηδει��υ� κ �ν�τ�

—Callim. Hymn. in Del. 1. 19.

Next in the rank, Phoenician Cyrnus came,A fruitful isle, of no ignoble name.8

It is charmingly situated in the Mediterranean, from whence continualbreezes fan and cool it in summer, and the surrounding body of water keeps itwarm in winter, so that it is one of the most temperate countries in that quar-ter of Europe. Its air is fresh and healthful, except in one or two places, whichare moist, and where the air, especially in summer, is suffocating and sickly; butin general, the Corsicans breathe a pure atmosphere, which is also keen enoughto brace their fibres more than one would expect under so warm a sun.

Corsica has indeed been pretty generally represented as unwholesome, which,I suppose, has been owing to the bad report given of it by the Romans, who es-tablished their colonies at Aleria and Mariana, which from their damp situation,occasioned a great death among the inhabitants, and accordingly these coloniessoon went to ruin. But all the interiour parts of the Island have very good air.9

Corsica is remarkably well furnished with good harbours, so that we may ap-ply to it what Florus says of the Campania, ‘Nihil hospitalius mari.g Nothing morehospitable to the sea.’ It has on the north Centuri. On the west San Fiorenzo,Isola Rossa, Calvi, Ajaccio. On the South it has Bonifaccio. And on the eastPorto Vecchio, Bastia, and Macinajo. Of each of these I shall give some account.

Centuri,10 though at present but a small harbour, may be greatly enlarged,as its situation is very convenient.

g Flor. Lib. i. Cap. 16.*

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11. San Firenzo . . . secure Cf. Burnaby 30: ‘the gulf of San Firenzo. It runs about 15 miles up into thecountry, and is about five miles across. The water is many fathom deep. The gulf itself is exposedto the westerly winds; but there are several little bays, particularly on the southern side of it, quitesecure.’

12. a bay . . . stationed Cf. Burnaby 29. (‘vessels . . . burden’: i.e., large merchant-ships.)13. Isola . . . Corsicans Cf. Burnaby 28–29.14. a French Gentleman In MS (p. 14a) JB identified this ‘Gentleman’ as the Comte de Marboeuf

(Louis Charles René, comte de Marboeuf [1712–86], commander of French forces in Corsica). Seepp. 93, 211–15.

15. year 1764 After the second Treaty of Compiègne, August 1764, when France assured Genoa shewould occupy Calvi and other ports for 4 years.

16. the best authority In MS (p. 14b) these words in the margin replace the deleted name of ‘GeneralPaoli.’

* Malachy Postlethwayt, The Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce (2nd edn, 1757), i. 573.** Philippi Cluverii, Introductionibus Geographiam, tam Veterem quam Novam (Amsterdam, 1661), III.

xlii. 188.

San Fiorenzo is an extensive gulf. It runs about fifteen miles up into thecountry, and is about five miles across, and many fathom deep. The gulf itselfhath often a violent surge, being exposed to the westerly winds; but there areseveral creeks and bays, particularly on the south side of it, which are quite se-cure.11 There is a bay under the tower of Fornali, about two miles from SanFiorenzo, which is highly esteemed, and where vessels of considerable burdenmay be safely stationed.12

Isola Rossa is but a little harbour; but has a considerable depth of water,and is defended by a small island against the westerly winds. They talk oferecting a mole to lock it in on every quarter. It is at present one of the princi-pal ports for Commerce in the possession of the Corsicans.13

Calvih is a large and excellent harbour. Cluverius calls it ‘Celeberrimus in-sulae portusi, The most famous port of this island.’ The only objection I everheard made to it, was by a French Gentleman,14 who told me, that the bottomof it was full of sharp rocks, which were apt to cut the cables of ships whichentered it: and he instanced one of the transports, which had landed some ofthe French troops in the year 1764.15 He however was under a mistake; for Ihave been at pains to enquire very particularly concerning this, and am in-formed from the best authority,16 that there is nothing to fear from rocks atCalvi, and that the French transport which suffered a little there, happenedto be run foul of, by some of the rest, which was the occasion of any damageit sustained.

h Postlethwayt, in his translation of Savary’s Dictionary of Trade and Commerce, has a most absurdobservation concerning Calvi: ‘Its inhabitants,’ says he, ‘are called Calves.’ Who told him this? Whatconnection is there between the English word Calves and the Italian word Calvi? Perhaps he intended itas wit. If so, how clumsy are the jests of this Lexicographer! *

i Cluver. Corsic. Antiq.**


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17. as will . . . seen See p. 139–140.* The Library of History of Diodorus of Sicily, V. xiii. 3.

Ajaccio is a wide and commodious harbour, with a good mole, and per-fectly safe. It wants only to have a small rock in front of the mole removed,which might be done at no great charge.

Corsica hath also in this quarter several smaller havens, which are usefulfor the reception of little vessels.

Bonifaccio is an useful harbour, much frequented since the oldest times,and very fit for trade.

Bastia is not a port of the first consideration, as ships of war cannot enterit. But it hath a mole for the convenience of small vessels, for which it is verywell fitted. The islands of Gorgona, Capraja, and Ilva, or the Elbe, are placedat no great distance in the sea which rolls between the east coast of Corsicaand Tuscany, with the Pope’s dominions; so that small vessels can never be at aloss for protection, should any sudden storm come upon them, as they canrun into any of these islands.

Macinajo is not one of the principal harbours in Corsica, though it is verysafe and commodious for vessels of a light construction. I mention Macinajo,because it was from thence that the expedition set sail against Capraja, as willbe afterwards seen.17

Diodorus Siculus celebrates Corsica for the excellency of its harbours:αυ� τη δ� � νη�σ�ς ε�πr�σ�rµιστ�ς �υ� σα k�λλιστ�ν ��ει λιµ�να τ!ν �ν�µ-α"�µεν�ν Συrαk�σι�νj, ‘The island being of very easy access, has a mostbeautiful port, called the Syracusian.’ This, which was anciently called theSyracusian, has now the name of Porto Vecchio; of which it is proper to takeparticular notice.

Porto Vecchio is a spacious haven, capable of containing a very large fleet.It is five miles long, above a mile and a half broad, has a great depth of water,and a good bottom, and being landlocked on every side, is well sheltered fromstorms. I may add, that nature has placed a high and rocky mountain like astately column to point it out at a great distance. In short, Porto Vecchio mayvie with the most distinguished harbours in Europe.

The only objection to it, is the badness of its air, occasioned by themarshy grounds which lie in its neighbourhood. But this disadvantage may beremedied, as has been done at Leghorn. ‘The country about Leghorn was for-merly a vile morass or rather quagmire, the noxious steams of which renderedthe air unwholesome; but by the skill and pains of an Englishman, Sir RobertDudley, son to Queen Elizabeth’s potent favourite the Earl of Leicester, the

j Diodor. Sicul. lib. v.*

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18. From . . . time Virtually the whole of this paragraph is written in the margin of MS, p. 17. JB wasprobably responding to a conversation he had with William Pitt on 22 February 1766, duringwhich Pitt said: ‘Mr. Boswell, I own it appears strange that an Island of so great consequence to thenavigation in the Mediterranean should be neglected. How are their harbours?’ (Private Papers, vii.81). Having devoted several pages to the harbours of Corsica, JB here observes on their strategicimportance to a maritime power (and summarises his general point at the end of the chapter: ‘Ithath a number of good harbours,’ p. 49.

19. The northern . . . olives Cf. Burnaby 2: ‘This part of the island, which for about 30 miles is calledCape Corse, is high and mountainous, but produces considerable quantities of oil and wine.’

20. little village . . . worship Cf. Burnaby 1–2: ‘a village called Tomino . . . is advantageously situated,and was repeatedly attacked by the Genoese, during the late troubles, without success. The inhabi-tants show with particular triumph a shell, which the enemy threw into it, in order to force them tosurrender. They have placed it in a niche on the outside of their church, to serve as a memorial of theirdeliverance, and to inspire them with greater devotion when they enter that place of divine worship.’

* The Present State of Europe, 5th edn, 1757, p. 411 (‘. . . Leicester, and himself created Duke ofNorthumberland by the Emperor, the Soil . . .’). Sir Robert Dudley (1574–1649) settled in Florence;employed by Ferdinand II, Duke of Tuscany, he drained the morass between Pisa and the sea, thusestablishing the prosperity of Leghorn.

** Philippi Cluverii, Introductionibus in Universam Geographiam, VI. ix. 312.

soil was rendered habitable, the air much less unwholesome, and the port im-proved, so as to become the best in Italy.’k

From this account of the harbours of Corsica, it will appear of how greatconsequence an alliance with this island might be to any of the maritime pow-ers of Europe. For, a fleet stationed there might command the navigation ofGenoa, Tuscany, and the ecclesiastical state, that between Spain and Naples,and a good share of that to the Levant; not to mention its influence over thatof Sardinia. And it may be material to observe, that vessels stationed in theports of Corsica might be formidable to France, as the western side of the is-land is directly opposite to the extensive coast of Provence, on which a descentmight be made with cruisers in a very short time.18

The northern point of Corsica, called Capo Corso,l is about 30 mileslong, very mountainous and rocky, but covered with vines and olives.19

There are, in several parts of the island, but particularly in Capo Corso, agreat many ancient towers, built about three or four hundred years ago, to de-fend the inhabitants against the incursions of the Turks and other pirates.There is there a little village called Tomino, strong by situation. The Genoesehave made several attacks upon it during the late troubles, but were never ableto carry it. The inhabitants are very deservedly proud of this. They shew, withparticular triumph, a shell which the enemy threw into their village, to obligethem to surrender. They have placed it in a niche on the outside of theirchurch, to serve as a memorial of their deliverance, and to inspire them withgreater zeal and devotion when they go to divine worship.20

k Present State of Europe, p. 411.*l There is a place in Guinea,which has also the name of Capo Corso: I know not from what.Cluver.Geog. p. 537.**


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21. Bastia . . . Corsica True for the Genoese and French; for Paoli ‘Corte is properly its capital’ (p. 37).22. front In his description JB keeps close to details in Jaussin i. 31.

From Tomino east to Bastia, is about 26 miles of a country much diversi-fied with hills, and abounding in springs. On the coast are a number of poorfishing towns, and a little up the country, there are several villages or hamletsprettily situated.

Bastia has of a long time been reckoned the capital of Corsica.21 It washere that the Genoese held the seat of their sovereign power: and indeed Bas-tia is still the largest town in the island. It has a stately appearance from thesea, being built on the declivity of a hill; though upon entering the town,one is a good deal disappointed; for the houses are in general ill built, and thestreets narrow, and from the situation of the town, are necessarily very steep.There are however several pretty good buildings here. It hath a castle, whichcommands the town and harbour, which, though but a sorry fortification atpresent, is capable of being made a place of considerable strength, as it hath arange of hills behind it, on which little redoubts might be erected; and withthese, and a few substantial outworks towards the sea, it might stand a prettylong siege. The castle is properly on a separate territory, called terra nuova,the New Land, as is also the cathedral of Bastia, which has nothing very re-markable. It belongs to the bishoprick of Mariana.

The church of St. John in this city, by no means an inelegant building,belongs to the Jesuits, who have here a college. Their garden is finely situated,large, and well laid out. This they owe in a great measure to the French, whohave been stationed in Corsica at different times. From them the inhabitantshave learned much of what they know of the arts and conveniences of life.There is here a convent of Lazarists or missionaries, a vast and magnificenthouse, almost overhanging the sea. The convent of the Franciscans, and that ofthe Capuchins, are situated on the rising grounds behind Bastia. The last standsin a beautiful exposure, and has really a very pretty front.22

From Bastia south to beyond Aleria, is one continued plain, between 50 and60 miles in length, proper for raising all sorts of grain, as well as for pasturage.

I say nothing of the ruins of Mariana and Aleria, the two Roman colonieswhich stood on this plain; for as Corsica was much disregarded by the Ro-mans, they did not think it worthy of having any of their taste and magnifi-cence employed in it: so there are no vestiges of ancient grandeur. As however,even the dregs of the Romans could not be without some skill in the arts, sev-eral antiques, such as rings, and seals with engravings on precious stones havebeen found here, and sometimes pretty good ones. The ruins of an old towncalled Nicea, said to be built by the Etruscans, are still to be seen on this plain,but without any thing remarkable.

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23. Beyond . . . Ajaccio Cf. Burnaby 19: ‘Beyond Aleria, the country rises into small hills, . . . [it] pro-duces wine, oil, grain, and mulberry trees . . . it is intersected by some ridges of mountains, uponsome of which, not far from Porto Vecchio, are great quantities of fine oaks, the best being to befound here and at Campo Loro; the same rich broken country, with some few interruptions,reaches along the southern and western coasts to Bonifacio . . . and from thence to the plain ofAjaccio.’ At the end of his paragraph, JB’s MS (p. 20) carries an instruction: ‘N. B. Describe Ajac-cio more particularly.’

24. San Firenzo . . . month Cf. Burnaby 29: ‘San Firenzo . . . seems an inconsiderable town, and ofno great strength. To the southward of the town, about a quarter of a mile from it, are some lowmarshy grounds, which render the place extremely sickly. The French have a garrison here, whichthey are obliged to relieve on this account every month.’

Beyond Aleria the country rises into small hills, proper for vines, olives,mulberry trees, and many of them for corn. It is traversed by some ridges ofmountains, upon which, not far from Porto Vecchio, are great numbers ofvery fine oaks, the best being to be found here, and at Campoloro. A richwaved country with some few interruptions, reaches along the east andsouth coasts to Bonifaccio, which is a pretty considerable town, well inhab-ited, and strongly fortified; and from thence is continued to the plain ofAjaccio.23

Ajaccio is the prettiest town in Corsica. It hath many very handsomestreets, and beautiful walks; a citadel, and a palace for the Genoese governour.The inhabitants of this town are the genteelest people in the island, havinghad a good deal of intercourse with the French. In Ajaccio are the remains ofa colony of Greeks settled in Corsica, of which colony a particular accountshall be given in the next chapter.

From the plain of Ajaccio, after passing some more ridges, you advancealong the west shore to the provinces of Balagna and Nebbio, which are veryrich, and afford an agreeable prospect, particularly Balagna, which may becalled the garden of Corsica, being highly favoured by nature, and having alsohad in a superiour degree the advantages of cultivation.

You next arrive at San Fiorenzo, which is but an inconsiderable place, andof no great strength. About a quarter of a mile to the southward of the town,are some low marshy grounds, which make San Fiorenzo so sickly, that fewpeople choose to inhabit it, and the garrison there must be changed everymonth.24

On the northern shore of the gulf, are two or three villages, of whichthe principal is Nonza. This is properly the key of Capo Corso; because fromthe cape into the interiour parts of the island on the western side, there is onlyone pass, and that leads through this place. Nonza is a little village, on a highrock, on the extreme pinnacle of which, some hundred fathoms above the gulf,and directly perpendicular, stands a tower or small fortress, which commands theavenue to it. Nonza is literally what Cicero calls Ithaca, ‘In asperrimis faxulis


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25. Homer . . . Pope Homer, Odyssey, ix. 27 [‘a rugged island, but a good nurse of young men’].Alexander Pope, Odyssey of Homer, ix. 28. The two quotations are written in the margin of MS (p.43) with the instruction: ‘N. B. This to be inserted in p. 21.’ The instruction was obeyed.

* De Oratore, I. xliv. 199.** The Library of History, V. xiii. 5.

tanquam nidulum affixam,m Stuck on the rudest cliffs like a little nest.’ Afterthis, the cape begins, which finishes at Ersa.

I have thus reviewed the Corsican harbours, and travelled round the skirtsof the country, along its shores.

Diodorus Siculus describes Corsica as an extensive island, very mountainous,abounding in large forests, and watered with many rivulets: � δ� $λη νη� σ�ςευ� µεÁ�θης �υ� σα π�λλ�ν τη� ς �%rας �rειν�ν ��ει, πεπυkασµ�νην δrυµ�ι�ςσυνε��σι kα& π�ταµ�ι�ς διαrrε�µ�νην µιkr�ι�ς.n

Indeed the interiour parts of the island are in general mountainous,though interspersed with fruitful valleys; but have a peculiar grand ap-pearance, and inspire one with the genius of the place; with that undauntedand inflexible spirit, which will not bow to oppression. As Homer says ofIthaca:

τrη�ει� �, 'λλ� 'γαθ� k�υr�τr�φ�ςOdyss. lib. ix. 1. 27.

Strong are her sons, tho’ rocky are her shores.Pope.25

The great division of Corsica, is into the di qua, and the di la deimonti, The country on this side, and the country on the other side of themountains; reckoning from Bastia. By the mountains is understood, thatgreat range of them which rises beyond Aleria, and stretches across the island,intersecting it however by no means equally; for, the country di qua is a thirdmore than that di la. Another old division of this island was, to suppose aline drawn from Porto Vecchio, to the gulf of San Fiorenzo; and the divisionupon the east, was called banda di dentro, The side within; and that on thewest, was called banda di euori, The side without. I never could learn themeaning of this division farther, than that, I suppose, those who inhabitedBastia and the plain of Aleria, looked upon themselves as the most civilized;and so were for calling those on the opposite side of the island to them ‘for-restieri, foreigners.’

The next division is into provinces, of which there are nine; for althougha great part of this country long went under the denomination of ‘feudos,

m Cic. De Orat. lib. i. cap. 44.* n Diodor. Sicul. lib. v.**

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26. at night . . . appearance Cf. Burnaby 8.27. university Opened in January 1765 (see Appendix VI); JB visited it in October 1765.

feus,’ and is still called so in the maps, the jurisdiction of the signors is nowgradually wearing out, and will soon be sunk into the general power of thestate.

Another division of Corsica is into pieves. A Pieve is properly an ecclesi-astical appointment, containing a certain number of parishes, over which isplaced a pievano, who superintends the priests, and draws a certain part ofthe tithes. But this division is as much used for civil affairs, as for those of thechurch.

There are large tracts of uninhabited land in Corsica, mostly covered withwoods; to some parts of which the peasants resort in summer to feed their cat-tle, and to gather chestnuts, making little sheds for themselves to lie under.There is hardly such a thing as a detached farm-house to be seen in the island,like what are scattered every where over Great Britain; for, the Corsicansgather together in little villages, which they call by corruption ‘paeses, coun-tries.’ I remember when I was first told in Corsica, that I should travel a greatmany miles ‘Senza veder un paese, Without seeing a country,’ I could not con-ceive what they meant. The Corsicans are in greater safety, and have more so-ciety with each other by thus living in villages; which is much the custom inthe cantons of Switzerland, and some parts of Germany; as it was ancientlyamong all nations.

The Corsican villages are frequently built upon the very summits of theirmountains, on craggy cliffs of so stupendous a height, that the houses canhardly be distinguished during the day; but at night, when the shepherds kin-dle their fires, the reflection of such a variety of lights, makes these aerial vil-lages have a most picturesque and pleasing appearance.26

In the center of the island stands Corte, which is properly its capital, andwill undoubtedly be one day a city of eminence. Here is the General’s palace;and here is the supreme seat of justice, where the executive power constantlyresides, and where the legislature is annually assembled; and here also is theuniversity,27 which in time may become a distinguished seat of learning,though I must not allow my enthusiasm to indulge itself in too eager hopes ofseeing Corsica an Athens, as well as a Thebes.

Corte is situated part at the foot, and part on the declivity of a rock, in aplain surrounded with prodigious high mountains, and at the conflux of tworivers, the Tavignano and Restonica. It hath a great deal of rich country aboutit, and a wonderful natural strength, being hemmed in by almost impassablemountains and narrow defiles, which may be defended with a handful of men,against very large armies.


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28. 1554 . . . French After Henri II’s conquest of almost the entire island.29. Thermes Paul de la Barthe de Thermes (1482–1562).30. Franciscans JB’s good relations with the religious communities in Corsica (see pp. 170, 206–7) re-

call his conversion to Roman Catholicism in 1760; he had since lapsed (Earlier Years, pp. 46–48).31. Hervey and Burnaby In MS (p. 27) these names are followed by a deleted passage: <‘who together

with the honourable and Reverend Mr. Hervey Brother to the Earl & now Bishop for Cloynemade a Tour of Corsica in the year 1766.’ > JB had decided that this information was better placedin his preface: see p. 11

32. Livy . . . cap. 22 Ab Urbe Condita, XXXVI. xxii. 5 [‘ . . . radicibus Oetae . . . ’].* Jacobus Auguste de Thou, Historia sui Temporis (1733) I. xv. 507.

** The treacherous captain was Junio Cambra.

Upon a point of the rock, prominent above the rest, and on every sideperpendicular, stands the castle or citadel. It is at the back of the town, and isalmost impregnable; there being only one winding passage to climb up to it,and that not capable of admitting more than two persons abreast. Thuanusthus describes it: ‘Curiae arx faxo fere undique praerupto impositao, The castleof Corte placed upon a rock, broken and ragged almost on every side.’ In theyear 1554, it was in possession of the French.28,p A Capitaine la Chambre be-trayed it, for which he was afterwards hanged at Marseilles. The same histo-rian informs us, that after the Corsicans had thus recovered the citadel ofCorte, it stood a siege by the French general de Thermes,29 from Augustto October, and that it was a scarcity of water, which at last occasioned itssurrender.

In the plain, on the north of Corte, there is a convent of Capuchins, andon the side of the hill, to the south of the City, there is a convent of Francis-cans.30 Here the General lived while his palace was repairing; and here allstrangers of respect are lodged. From this convent, one has the best view of thecity of Corte.

The learned and ingenious Messieurs Hervey and Burnaby,31 when theywere at this convent, were greatly struck with the romantick appearance ofCorte.

‘We could scarce help fancying ourselves at Lacedemon, or some otherancient Grecian City. Livy speaking of Heraclea, has given a descriptionof it very like Corte: “Sita est Heraclea in radicibus Aetae montis, ipsa inCampo, arcem imminentem loco alto et undique praecipiti habet. Lib. lxxxvi.cap. 22.32 Heraclea is situated at the foot of mount Aeta; itself on a plain,but hanging over it, is a citadel, on a cliff very high and steep on everyside.” One would think he was speaking of the very place. At Lacedemonindeed, as appears from Pausanias, there was no Acropolis or citadel, andthey only called the highest point or eminence in the city by that name; from

o Thuan. Hist. Tom. I. p. 507.* p Ibid.**

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33. Pausanias . . . Minerva Pausanias, Description of Greece, III (Laconia), xvii. 1–2.34. Livy . . . cap. 38 Ab Urbe Condita, XXXIV. xxxviii. 2 [‘ . . . et difficilia . . .’] [‘The higher ground . . .

was defended . . . a fortification.’] See above p. 17, see also Textual Apparatus for JB’s faulty transla-tion in 1st and 2nd edns, corrected in 3rd.

35. Locis . . . Livy Ab Urbe Condita, XXXIV. xxxviii. 2 [‘patentibus planisque obiecerant’].36. Monte Rotondo . . . Alps Mt. Rotondo, 2622m, southwest Corte, exceeds the highest summits of

central France but not of the Alps (Mt. Blanc, 4800 m).* Burnaby 9–10. (JB provided translations of Pausanias and Livy; Burnaby did not.)

its answering probably the same purpose to them, as the Acropolis did to theother cities of Greece, it being more difficult of access to an enemy, and ad-mitting of an easier defence. §αkεδαιµ�ν*�ις δ+ /kr�π�λις µ+ν 0ς 1ψ�ςπεrιφαν+ς 03*σ��υσα ��k �στι, kαθ/ δ� £η4α*�ις τε � Kαδµε*α kα& �§�rισα �Arγε*�ις. 5ντων δ+ 0ν τη� π�λει λ�φων kα& 7λλων, τ! µ�λιστα0ς µετ�ωr�ν 'νη�k�ν �ν�µ�"�υσιν 'kr�π�λιν, 0νταυ� θα �Aθηνα� ς 8εr!νπεπ�*ηται. Pausan. lib. iii. cap. 17. The Lacedemonians have no citadel builtupon a high place, like Cadmaea of the Thebans, or Larissa of the Argives.But as there are in the city many hills, they give the most elevated of themthe name of the citadel. Upon this hill is a temple to Minerva.’33 And Livy,speaking of its being besieged by Flaminius, observes nearly the same thing:‘Altiora loca et difficiliora aditu stationibus armatorum, pro munimentoobject-is tutabantur. lib. xxxiv. cap. 38.34 The higher places, and those moredifficult of access, were defended by detachments of soldiers which served in-stead of fortifications.’

‘According to the institution of Lycurgus, the Spartans were not allowedto have any fortifications; but were to rely for their defence upon their ownvalour. Towards the decline of the Grecian liberty however, they erected wallsin the plainer and more open avenues; Locis patentibus plerisque objeceruntmurum, says Livy.35 The remainder was still confided to the valour of its citi-zens. However, notwithstanding this, there was sufficient likeness to form acomparison between Corte and Lacedemon; especially as the Acropolis wasbuilt upon; the temple of Minerva being placed there. We could not helpimagining, that yonder was the Taygetus, here the Eurotas; and what madethe comparison more striking, was the resemblance, we fancied, between Ly-curgus and Paoli.’q

Corsica is extremely well watered. Its principal lakes, are those of Inoand Crena, about two miles from each other; both situated on the highestmountain in the island, called by the ancients Mons Aureus, and nowGradaccio or Monte Rotondo. It is of an amazing height, and may equal anyof the Alps.36 From the top of it there is a most extensive view of all Corsica,

qMr. Burnaby’s Journal.*


40

37. haustus aquae See Seneca’s epigram, l. 7 (p. 29).38. It hath . . . chalk Taken from Goury 196.39. a run i.e., a channel or overflow.

of the seas and of Sardinia, with distant prospects of Italy and France; whilethe Mediterranean and many of its little isles are also under the eye. But peo-ple seldom go to take this view; for the upper part of the mountain is almosta perpendicular rock, so that a man must climb two miles with the help ofhis hands and knees; and for the greatest part of the year, this immensemountain is covered with snow. These two lakes of Ino and Crena, are bothof considerable extent.

In the plain of Aleria, near to Mariana, is a lake called Chiurlina orBiguglia, which is pretty large, and communicates with the sea; and near toAleria, is a lake called Il Stagno di Diana, which also communicates with thesea; and it is remarkable, that in summer, when the heat of the sun has ex-haled part of the water, and the rest of it is absorbed by the sandy bottom,there remains a kind of natural salt, which the Corsicans find very good, andconstantly make use of.

The rivers of Corsica are, the Golo, a large and beautiful river, whichtakes its rise from the lake of Ino, traverses several provinces, and after acourse of above seventy miles, empties itself into the sea, just by the ancientcity of Mariana. The Tavignano, also a considerable river, which takes its risefrom the lake of Crena, and after traversing a long tract of rude country, emp-ties itself into the sea, just by the ancient city of Aleria. The Restonica, which,though but a small river, is famous in Corsica, on account of its particularqualities. Its water is clear as chrystal, and most agreeable to drink; so thatSeneca certainly never saw the Restonica, otherwise he would never have said,that Corsica had not ‘haustus aquae,37 a draught of water.’ The Restonica issaid to be of a mineral nature, and very wholesome. It hath a virtue of whiten-ing every thing. The stones in its channel are like as many pieces of chalk.38 Iremember on the road between Rome and Naples, a run39 from a sulphureousspring, which had something of the same quality, only it did not give so verywhite a tincture as that of the Restonica, which will make iron look almostlike silver, and never rust. The Corsicans frequently dip the barrels and locksof their guns in it.

There are several other rivers, of which I shall not give a particular de-scription; the Prunella, Fiumorbo, Gravonne, Valinco, Talavo, Liamone; finepoetical names. There are also a great many rivulets, which serve to enrichthe country, and keep it constantly fresh.

It hath been said, that with proper care and expence, some of the Corsi-can rivers might be rendered navigable; but this, I think, would be a very idle

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40. It . . . encounter This paragraph closely follows Goury 198.41. distempers i.e., illnesses or diseases.42. ton i.e., tunny.

* Procopius of Caesarea, History of the Wars, VIII. xxix. 39.

project; for their courses are exceedingly rapid, and when there has been agreat deal of rain, the torrents which tumble from the mountains often bringdown large fragments of rock, which would dash in pieces any vessels thatthey should encounter.40

There are many mineral springs, both of the hot and cold kind, in differ-ent parts of the island, which the inhabitants of the country find to be very ef-ficacious for the cure of most distempers;41 and people of skill, particularlysome French physicians have examined them by a chymical analysis, and ap-proved of them.

Corsica is extremely well supplied with fish. I never indeed could hear ofany other fish in their rivers or fresh water lakes, except trout and eel. Thesehowever are found in great plenty, very fat, and of an uncommon size.

But the rich treasure of fish for Corsica, is in its sea; for on all its coasts,there is the greatest variety of all the best kinds, and in particular a sortof ton42 or sturgeon, and the small fish called Sardinas, which is of an exqui-site taste. And in several places, the Corsicans have beds of oysters, remarkablylarge; of which they have not only a sufficiency for their own consumption,but export a great many to Italy.

From the earliest times, Corsica has been famous for its excellent fish. Ju-venal, when satyrising the excessive luxury of the Romans in his time, whobrought every delicacy from the greatest distance, says,

Mullus erit domini quem misit Corsica.Juv. Sat. v. 1. 92.

A precious mullet from the Corsick seas,Nor less the master’s pamper’d taste can please.

And since I am talking of the productions of the Corsican sea, I may ob-serve, that they here fish great quantities of coral, of all the three kinds, white,red and black. But I shall say more of this, when I come to the commerce ofCorsica.

Corsica hath as great a variety of animals as most countries. The horseshere, are in general of a very small breed. Procopius in his wars of the Goths,says, they run about in herds, and were little bigger than sheep.r They are,however, remarkably lively, and very hardy; somewhat of the nature of Welch

r Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.*


42

43. shelties . . . size i.e., Shetland ponies. In MS (p. 33) JB added about the larger horses: ‘in particularone which General Paoli himself rode.’

44. Sir Alexander Dick Distinguished physician, among the founders of the Royal Society of Edin-burgh, Dick (1703–85) was one of JB’s closest friends. He gave JB strong encouragement to publish‘your account of Corsica and your history of the Hero’ [Paoli], (Gen. Corr. i. 59).

45. attones Obsolete form of ‘atones.’

ponies, or of the little horses called shelties, which are found in the highlandsand islands of Scotland; though I have seen Corsican horses of a very goodsize.43 The asses and mules here, are also small, but very strong and wonder-fully agile in scrambling along the steep rocky mountains; for there are hardlyany made roads in the island. My worthy friend Sir Alexander Dick,44 whosepublick spirit in promoting good roads in an approved age, is well known toall his countrymen, observed that this has been no loss to the Corsicans dur-ing the time that they have been employed only in defending themselves in astate of natural freedom. Had their country been open and accessible, theyhad been easily subdued by regular troops. It was in a good measure owing toher rugged hills, that ancient Scotland preserved her independency.

The black cattle are larger in proportion than the horses; but the greatestpart of the island is not very proper pasture for them; so in general, they do notgive much milk, and their beef is lean and tough. There is not so great occasionfor milk in Corsica, as they make no butter, oil supplying its place, as in Italy, andmost warm countries. They however make a good deal of cheese in some pieves.

There are here a vast number of goats, which browse upon the wild hills, andput one in mind of Virgil’s Bucolicks, where mention is so often made of this an-imal. Sheep are also very plentiful, and have fine feeding; so that their mutton isas sweet and juicy as one could desire, and attones45 for the badness of the beef.

The Corsican sheep are generally black, or of a dusky colour; a whitesheep being here and there to be met with in a flock, as black ones are amongstour sheep. The wool is coarse and hairy, which the people of the country im-pute to their sheep being of a mongrel race. They have had thoughts of help-ing this, by importing a good breed from England or Spain. But I have beentold by the breeders of sheep, that the quality of wool is not so much owing tothe kind of sheep, as to the nature of their pasture; for those sheep, who bearvery rough fleeces when upon one farm, will, when put upon another of a dif-ferent soil, bear fleeces exceedingly fine. It is very common here, for sheep tohave more horns than two: many of them have six.

The forests of this island abound in deer. And there is here a curious ani-mal, called a Muffoli. It resembles a stag, but has horns like a ram, and a skinuncommonly hard. It is very wild, and lives on the highest mountains, where itcan hardly be approached, it is so nimble. It will jump from rock to rock, at thedistance of many feet, and if hard chaced to the extremity of a cliff, from

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46. Shugborough . . . Anson Thomas Anson (c. 1695–1773), Shugborough Hall, Staffordshire, M.P.for Lichfield, 1747–70; a highly cultivated man and a founder member of the Society of Dilletanti.He kept two Corsican ‘muffoli’ (wild sheep) as part of his ferme ornée. (In a deleted passage in MS(p. 35), JB wrote that Anson kept one muffoli ‘as a Pet and was very fond of, for it was very divert-ing.’) There is a dispute as to whether the animals were sheep or goats: goats were recorded as hav-ing been seen at Shugborough by the distinguished scientist, Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820) in 1768;and they figure in two late paintings, Corsican Goat’s Head by Thomas Weaver (1774–1848). It ispossible that the muffoli with large and elaborate horns had been mistaken for goats. Sir JohnDick, who advised Anson on his art collection, was probably the source of JB’s information aboutShugborough; he had stayed there in mid-1767, whereas JB and Anson did not meet until 14 April1772, when they, and Paoli, dined in London with Mrs. Elizabeth Montagu (1720–1800).

47. dogs, particulary excellent See also p. 186 (‘particulary’ is an obsolete Scottish form of ‘particu-larly,’ which JB used in the 1st and 2nd edns.)

* The Histories of Polybius, XII. iv. 1–2.** History of the Wars, VIII. xxiv. 39.

whence it can reach no other, it will throw itself over, and with surprising agilitypitch upon its horns, without receiving any hurt. Yet when these créatures aretaken young, they are very easily tamed. M. de Marboeuf, the French com-mander at the time I was in Corsica, had then one of them; and there are nowtwo of them at Shugborough in Staffordshire, the seat of Mr. Anson,46 who hasa rich assemblage of what is curious in nature, as well as of what is elegant in art.

The Corsican animals in general, appeared wild to strangers. Polybiusgives us a reason for it: δ�kει� γε µ�ν π�ντ � ει�ναι τ/ "ω� α kατ/ τ�ν νη�σ�ν7γrια δι/ τ�ια9την α:τ*αν. �� δ9νανται kατ/ τ/ς ν�µ/ς συναk�λ�υθει�ν�8 π�ιµα*ν�ντες τ�ι�ς θr�µµασι, δι/ τ! σ9νδενδr�ν kα& krηµν%δη kα&τrα�ει�αν ει� ναι τ�ν νη�σ�ν.s ‘All the animals in the island appear to be wild,on this account, that it is so rude and steep, and so thick set with trees, thatthe shepherds are not able to follow their flocks.’ The wild boar is foundhere in great plenty. Indeed their swine, which are very numerous, have all amixture of the wild breed, and being fed on chestnuts, they are agreeablefood.

The Corsicans are very fond of the diversion of hunting the wild boar, forwhich there is here a race of dogs, particulary excellent.47 They have smoothhair, and are something between a mastiff, and a strong shepherd’s dog. Theyare large, and exceedingly fierce; but when once they have taken an attach-ment, they are very faithful to their master, watch him night and day, and aremost undaunted in his defence.

Procopiust tells us, that there were in Corsica, apes wonderfully resem-bling men; and indeed, this island, and all that quarter of Europe before it waswell inhabited, must on account of its vicinity to Africa, have swarmed withapes. Of these, however, there are at present no remains; which is a proof, that

s Polyb. hist. lib. xii.* t Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.**


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48. Polybius . . . taste Histories, XII. iii. 10.49. Naples A passage about the tarantula followed at this point in MS p. 38, but was deleted. It read:

<<‘ . . . Tarantula of the Kingdom of Naples of which Naturalists tell us that the venom is mostinveterate and can be expelled in no other way but by violent dancing for which the Patient who isseised with a kind of madness is well disposed the moment he hears any music. But the CorsicanSpider is not the same Animal if there be really such for <of> I have heard it denied by very intel-ligent men. Take it as an Allegory it would not be a bad Joke upon dancing. <Cicero> The old Ro-man said Nemo saltat sobrius [Cicero, Pro Murena, xiii. 8–9] Nobody who is sober will dance & if<look upon> we consider dancing philosophicaly no doubt a rational Being would require aTarantula to <make> put him in a proper frame for it. <But of this enough,>’>>

different species of animals migrate from one country to another, and whentheir race wears out in a particular part of the globe, it may be very numeroussomewhere else. Certain it is, that in many countries, the race of several ani-mals, well known there in ancient times, is totally extinguished. But I am notinclined to believe that our Creatour allows any of the various creatures whichhis almighty hand hath formed, to be absolutely annihilated.

There are hares enough in Corsica, but no rabbits; though Polybius, whentalking of the animals of this island, says there are rabbits, and is very minuteas to their form and qualities; saying, that at a distance, one would take themto be little hares, but when they are caught, a great difference is perceived,both in their appearance and taste.48 There are here no wolves, nor any of thelarger wild beasts, unless foxes can be reckoned so, which are here indeed ex-tremely large and ravenous. It is said, they not only destroy sheep, but havebeen known to devour even foals.

There is also a variety of birds in Corsica; the eagle, the vulture, wood-pidgeon, turtle, thrush, blackbird, and many of the smaller species; and plentyof game, as partridges, woodcocks, snipes, and water-fowl in the lakes. Thepoor thrushes and blackbirds too, must be reckoned as part of the game, forthey are very numerous; and from there being a great quantity of the arbutusfruit in the island, they are exceedingly fat, and are esteemed a particular deli-cacy. It is barbarous to destroy, for the mere luxury of the table, birds whichmake such fine musick; surely their melody affords more enjoyment, thanwhat can be had from eating them. They are, however, a very common dish inthe southern countries, particularly in France.

In general, it may be observed that this island is so privileged by nature,that there is no poisonous animal in it. For although there are some scorpi-ons, their bite carries no venom. The creature in Corsica, which approaches near-est to a poisonous animal is a spider, of an extraordinary size. Its bite will irritate,and inflame to a great degree, and the swelling which it occasions, is very alarm-ing to one unacquainted with it; but it soon goes away, and no bad consequencesfollow, more than from the stinging of our bees. This spider, has by somebeen mistaken for the famous tarantula of the kingdom of Naples.49

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50. Sardinia Following at this point in MS (p. 39) is a passage which, though not explicitly deleted,was not printed: ‘So <great> copious a command of timber is another reason why Corsica cannotfail to obtain a high degree of consequence in the Mediteranean & in order to preserve such an ad-vantage, till a proper opportunity shall offer to make it fully advantageous to the Nation, an ordi-nance was published on the arrival of troops from france in the Island in the year 1762 by whichordinance it was prohibited to cut timber above a certain size.’

51. Glande . . . rays Virgil, Georgics, ii. 520–22. The translation was inserted later than MS.

Trees grow remarkably well in Corsica. There is here almost every sortof forest trees, but it is principally adorned with pines of different kinds,oaks, and chestnut trees. All of these are to be found of a great size; some ofthe pines in particular, are exceedingly lofty, and the chestnut tree grows to aprodigious bigness.

There are extensive forests in different places. That of Vico is most re-markable. There is in Corsica, timber sufficient to maintain a very large fleet,and the timber here, is much harder than one would expect in so southern alatitude, owing to the rocky soil of the country, to the perpetual currents offresh air through its valleys, and to the temperature that proceeds from someof its mountains being half of the year in snow; and this is also one great causeof the salubrity of the climate, in which Corsica has much the advantage ofSardinia.50

The Ilex, or ever-green oak, is very common here, and gives the country acheerful look even in the depth of winter. The lemon, the orange, the fig andthe almond trees, are also frequent. There are, however, few walnut trees, andthe apple, pear, plumb and cherry are not remarkably good, which is probablyowing to no care being taken of them. Corsica has the pomegranate in great per-fection, also the Indian fig and the aloe; which last is said to flower here, as wellas in the East.

The Corsican mountains are covered with the arbutus or strawberry tree,which gives a rich glowing appearance as far as the eye can reach. Indeed the is-land is very like the country which Virgil describes as the seat of rural felicity:

Glande sues laeti redeunt, dant arbuta sylvae:Et varios ponit foetus autumnus et alteMitis in apricis coquitur vindemia saxis.

Virg. Georg. lib. ii. 1. 520.

On fatning mast, the swine well pleas’d, are fed;And every wood with arbutus is red.Benignant autumn smiling on the fields,All various fruits in rich abundance yields;While ev’ry rocky mountain vines displays,Whose grapes are mellow’d by the sun’s warm rays.51


46

52. savage i.e., wild, uncultivated.* Samuel Bochart, Geographia Sacra (Frankfurt, 1674), III. v. 180. Cf. Ezekiel xxvii. 6: the ‘isles ofChittim’ refer to the eastern Mediterranean islands and coastlands, particularly Cyprus.

** Theophrastus, Enquiry into Plants (Amsterdam, 1644), V. viii. 2.*** The ‘interpretation’ by Julius Caesar Scaliger appears in Theophrastus, Enquiry, pp. 538–39.

The mulberry grows well here, and is not so much in danger from blightsand thunderstorms as in Italy, and the south of France; so that wheneverCorsica enjoys tranquillity, it may have abundance of silk. We must not omitthe laurel, to which Corsica has surely a very good claim. The box tree is avery common plant here. In most countries it is dwarfish, and generally usedonly for hedges; but it grows to a good size in Corsica, and may be reckoned atimber tree. Bochartu has very ingeniously shewn, that the benches of the Tyr-ian ships, which according to the common translation of Ezekiel, chap. xxvii.ver. 6. are said to have been made of ivory brought out of the isles of Chittim,were most probably made of Corsican box wood.

Theophrastus in his history of plants expatiates on the wonderful size ofthe Corsican trees: to which, he says, the pines of Latium were nothing at all.He also says, the trees were immensely thick here; his expression is very strong:Kα& ��λως δ+ πα� σαν τ�ν νη� σ�ν δασει�αν kα& ω� σπεr ;γrιωµ�νην τ<η� =λ<η� .v

‘The whole island seemed crouded and savage52 with woods.’ He relates a strangetradition, that the Romans, who were struck with the vastness of these woods,built here a prodigious large ship, which carried no less than fifty sails, but waslost in the ocean.w This authour gives another ancient testimony to the good-ness of the climate, soil, and air of the island: K9rν�ς µ+ν �υ� ν ε�τε δι/ τ�ν7νεσιν, ε�τε kα& τ! �δαφ�ς kα& τ!ν '�rα π�λ> διαφ�rει τω� ν 7λλων.x ‘Cor-sica therefore, whether in respect of its temperate climate,y or in respect of itssoil, or of its air, greatly excelleth other countries.’

The different kinds of grain in Corsica, are wheat, barley, rye, and millet;all of which grow extremely well in several parts of the country. There are nooats here, as indeed hardly ever in any of the southern countries. They givetheir horses and mules barley. The millet is excellent in Corsica, and whenmixed with rye, makes a wholesome bread, of which the peasants are veryfond. Chestnuts may be reckoned a sort of grain in Corsica; for they answerall the purposes of it. The Corsicans eat them when roasted by way of bread.They even have them ground into flour, and of that they make very goodcakes.

There is a vast quantity of honey produced in Corsica; for the islandhas from the earliest times been remarkable for its swarms of bees. When it was

u Bochart Geog. Sac. pars i. lib. i. cap. 5.* v Theophrast. Hist. lib. v. cap. 9.** w Ib. x Ib.y I follow Scaliger’s interpretation of νεσις. He translates it Temperies.***

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53. Sic . . . Warton Virgil, Eclogues, ix. 30 [‘So you would have your swarms avoid the yews of Cor-sica’]. The Works of Virgil: Eclogues and Georgics, trans. Joseph Warton (1718), i. 148–49. (In thispassage about honey, JB was heavily indebted to Burnaby 18.)

54. Near . . . ore. Cf. Burnaby 19.* Epigrams, ix. 26.

** Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, XLII. vii. 2. Though the demand for 200,000 pounds of wax is recorded byLivy, as the price for peace, no mention is made of its being an annual tribute.

*** The Library of History, V. xiv. 3.**** Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xvi. 28.

***** Pliny, Historia Naturalis, xxi. 49.

subject to the Romans, a tribute was imposed upon it of no less than two hun-dred thousand pounds of wax yearly.z Indeed the laurel, the almond tree, and themyrtle, in the flowers of which, the bees find so much sweetness, are very com-mon here; and the hills are all covered with wild thyme, and other fragrant herbs.Yet its honey hath always been accounted bitter, by reason of the boxwood andyew, as Diodorusaa and Plinybb observe; which make Virgil’s Lycidas wish

Sic tua Cyrnaeas fugiant examina taxos.Virg. Eclog. ix. 30.

———So may thy bees refuseThe baneful juices of Cyrnaean yews.

Warton.53

and Martial write

Audet facundo qui carmina mittere Nervae,Hyblaeis apibus Corsica mella dabit.

Martial. lib. ix. Epig. 27.*

To tuneful Nerva, who would verses send,May Corsick honey give to Hybla’s bees.

Many people think the bitterness which is in the Corsican honey very agree-able. The reason which Pliny assigns for the bitterness of the honey, he also as-signs for the excellence of the wax. Having mentioned the Punick, the Pontick,and the Cretan, he says, ‘Post has Corsica (cera) quoniam ex buxo fit haberequandam vim medicaminis putatur.cc After these, the Corsican wax, because it ismade from the box tree, is reckoned to have a certain medicinal virtue.’

There are in Corsica, a great many mines of lead, copper, iron, and silver.Near to San Fiorenzo is a very rich silver mine, yielding above the value of 5l.Sterling out of every 100 lib. weight of ore.54 The Corsican iron is remarkably

z Liv. lib. xlii. cap. 7.** aa Diodor. Sicul. lib. v. cap. 295.*** bb Plin. lib. xvi. cap. 16.****

cc Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xvi. cap. 16.*****


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55. The Marquis . . . soldats . . . race Jean Baptiste de Boyer, Marquis d’Argens (1704–71). LettresJuives, translated into English as The Jewish Spy, includes the French couplet cited by JB, in Letter55, which is largely devoted to the activities of Theodore, so-called king of Corsica (3rd edn 1766,ii. 105). The source of the lines is identified in a note: ‘Crebillon in Rhadamistus and Zenobia’; atranslation follows: ‘Step-Dame Nature in these hideous Climates, / Instead of Gold, Soldiers pro-duc’d and Iron.’ (Crébillon’s original text ran: ‘La Nature . . . Ne produit, au lieu d’or, que dufer . . . ,’ Oeuvres Complètes, 1785, II. ii. 49–50.)

56. And virtue . . . Home John Home, The Siege of Aquileia (1760), Prologue l.12.* Joannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italie (1704).

good, having a toughness nearly equal to that of the prepared iron of Spain,famous over all the world. It is said that the true Spanish barrels are made ofiron which has been worn and beaten for a long time in heads of nails in theshoes of the mules, who travel with a slow and incessant pace along the hardroads. But a very small proportion of the great quantity of Spanish barrels,which are sold in all parts of Europe, can have this advantage. The metal ofthe Corsican barrels is little inferiour to that of the generality of Spanish ones,and they begin to make them very well.

An allusion has been drawn from the iron mines, and the name of Cor-sica, to the character of its inhabitants. Hieronymus de Marinis, a Genoese,who writes on the dominion and government of the republick, says of this is-land: ‘Terrae viscera ferri fodinis affluunt, naturae cum ipso Corsicae nominein uno conspirantis praejudicio, Corsi enim corde sunt ferreo, adeoque adsicam armaque prono.dd The bowels of the earth abound in mines of iron; na-ture conspiring, by a sort of prejudice, to form a similarity between the nameee

of Corsica and the temper of the people; for the Corsicans have hearts of iron,and are therefore prone to arms and the sword.’ The Marquis D’Argensff ap-plies to Corsica these lines of Crebillon:

La nature maratre en ces afreux climats,Produisoit au lieu d’or du fer et des soldats.

In that rude isle, instead of golden ore,Nature, to aid the genius of the place,On her high hills the massy iron bore,And bade her sons still rise a hardy race.55

I may add

And virtue springing from the iron soil.John Home.56

dd Graev. Thesaur. Antiq. vol. I. p. 1410.* ee Corsica, Cor-sica. Cor, the heart; Sica, a stiletto, heart ofsteel.ff Lettres Juives. let. 55.

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57. granite . . . Egypt Such granite columns were quarried by the Romans in 2nd and 3rd centuriesat Cavallo off the southern tip of the island, then shipped to Rome rather than being used inCorsica.

58. magnificent . . . appearance JB spent a fortnight in Florence in August 1765; a visit to the chapelmay be assumed among his ‘vigorous and systematic sight-seeing’ (Earlier Years, 237).

59. On the . . . praise In these two paragraphs JB follows Goury 250–51.60. Templeman’s Tables Thomas Templeman (d. 1729), A New Survey of the Globe, or an accurate

Mensuration of all the Empires, kingdoms . . . and islands in the world, 1729.

There are also mines of allum, and of saltpetre, in several parts of Corsica.There is here a kind of granite, extremely hard, some of it approaching in

quality to the oriental granite, which was so famous at Rome, and of which suchnoble columns are still remaining, said to have been brought from Egypt.57 I fearit would be extravagant to conjecture, that some of these columns may havebeen the produce of Corsica; for, besides the perfection of the hieroglyphicks,which prove them to have been in Egypt, I question if such large pieces of gran-ite could be raised in Corsica. There is here likewise porphyry, and a great vari-ety of jasper. The magnificent chapel of the grand duke of Tuscany, at Florence,is finished with Corsican jasper, with which its inside is elegantly incrusted, andhas a most beautiful appearance.58

On the borders of the lake of Ino, they find pieces of rock crystal, veryclear, and with five sides, as if they had been cut by a lapidary. They find someof it too in the mountains of Istria. It is so hard, that it strikes fire; and theCorsicans frequently use it for flint to their fusils.

Near to Bastia, there is found a sort of mineral, called by the country peo-ple, petra quadrata, because it is always found in little square bits. It has muchabout the hardness of marble, has a colour like iron-ore, and weighs like lead.The Corsicans ascribe certain mystical virtues to this stone, as appears from anold monkish distich made in its praise:59

Petrae quadratae duro de marmore natae,Innumeras dotes quis numerare potest!

Of the square stone of marble grown,The virtues fell, what man can tell!

From the description of Corsica, which I have now given, it will appear tobe a country of considerable importance. According to Mr. Templeman’s Ta-bles,60 in his New Survey of the Globe, the island contains 2520 square miles.It hath a number of good harbours. Its air is excellent, and its productions richand various.

I shall conclude this chapter with Homer’s description of Ithaca, which,in general, may be well applied to Corsica:


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61. Homer’s [84:1] . . . Pope Homer, Odyssey, xiii. 238–49 [‘Surely it is not at all so nameless, but verymany know of it, both all those who live toward the dawn and the sun, and all those who are be-hind the murky darkness. It is a rugged isle, unfit for driving horses, yet it is not utterly poor,though it is only narrow. Corn grows there beyond measure, and the wine-grape too, and the rainnever fails it, nor the rich dew. It is a good land for pasturing goats and cows; there are trees ofevery sort, and there are pools for watering that do not fail throughout the year. Therefore,stranger, the name of Ithaca has reached even to the land of Troy which, they say, is far from thisland of Achaea.]’ Pope, Odyssey of Homer, xiii. 285–300.

ε: δ� τ?νδε τε γαι�αν 'νε*rεαι. ��δ� τι λ*ην�1τω ν%νυµ�ς 0στιν@ �σασι δ� µιν µ�λα π�λλ�*,;µ+ν $σ�ι να*�υσι πr!ς ;ω� τ� ;�λι�ν τε,;δ� 5σσ�ι µετ�πισθε π�τ& "�φ�ν ;εr�εντα.;� τ�ι µ+ν τrη�ει�α kα& �� 8ππ?λατ�ς 0στιν,��δ+ λ*ην λυπr?, 'τ/r ��δ� ε�rει�α τ0τυk ται.0ν µ+ν γ�r �8 σι�τ�ς 'θ�σφατ�ς, 0ν δ� τε ��ιν�ςγ*γνεται@ α:ε& δ� 5µ4r�ς ��ει τεθαλυι�� τ� 0�rση@α:γ*4�τ�ς δ� 'γαθ� kα& 4�94�τ�ς@ �στι µ+ν 1ληπαντ�*η, 0ν δ� 'rδµ�& 0πηεταν�& παr�ασι.

T <ω� τ�ι, 3ει�ν�, �Iθ�kης γε kα& 0ς Tr�*ην 5ν�µ� 8�kει,τ η� ν πεr τηλ� �υ φασ&ν �A�αιAδ�ς �µµεναι α�ης.”

Odyss. lib. xiii. I. 238.

Thou seest an island, not to those unknown,Whose hills are brighten’d by the rising sun,Nor those that plac’d beneath his utmost reign,Behold him sinking in the western main.The rugged soil allows no level space,For flying chariots, or the rapid race;Yet, not ungrateful to the peasant’s pain,Suffices fulness to the swelling grain.The loaded trees their various fruits produce,And clustring grapes afford a generous juice:Woods crown our mountains, and in every groveThe bounding goats and frisking heifers rove:Soft rains and kindly dews refresh the field,And rising springs eternal verdure yield.Ev’n to those shores is Ithaca renown’d,Where Troy’s majestick ruins strow the ground.

Pope.61

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1. Revolutions i.e., profound changes in national fortunes.* Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, preface I. 6.

CHAPTER II .

� �

A concise View of the Revolutions 1

which Corsica has undergone from the earliest times.

ALTHOUGH many distinguished authours have, in conformity withthe taste of the age, rejected every inquiry into the origin of nations,

and presented their readers with nothing but what can be clearly attested; Iconfess, I am not for humouring an inordinate avidity for positive evidence.By being accustomed to demonstration, or what approaches near to it, andat no time giving any credit to what we do not fully comprehend, we are aptto form a pride and insolence of understanding; the mind acquires a hard-ness and obstinacy, inconsistent with the true intention of our faculties inthis imperfect state, and is rendered unfit for the reception of many impor-tant truths.

But not to deviate into metaphysical speculation, I have always thought,that even the dark and fabulous periods are worthy of some attention. Thesoundest heads among the ancients thought so; and their works are thereforemore agreeable, than if they had confined themselves to strict authenticity.The origin of every nation is, as Livy says, ‘Poeticis decora fabulis,a Adornedwith poetical fables.’ These are always amusing to the imagination, whenneither tedious, nor too extravagant. We love to be led on in a gradual

a Liv. Prooem.*

* ‘There were in the island now called Thera, but then Calliste, descendants of Membliarus the sonof Poeciles, a Phoenician; for Cadmus son of Agenor, in his search for Europa, had put in at theplace now called Thera; and having put in, either because the land pleased him, or because forsome other reason he desired so to do, he left in this island, among other Phoenicians, his ownkinsman Membliarus.’ Herodotus iv. 147.

progress, and to behold truth emerging from obscurity, like the sun break-ing through the clouds. Such a progress makes a part of our own nature,which advances from the dawnings of being in our infancy, to greater andgreater intelligence.

They, whose genius is directed to the study of antiquities, besides theimmediate delight which such traditions afford them, are often able, fromhints seemingly detached and unimportant, to trace the fundamental truth,and extend the bounds of reality. Few indeed have that peculiar turn for in-quiry, to deserve the name of antiquarians. But there is an universal princi-ple of curiosity, with respect to times past, which makes even conjectures bereceived with a kind of pleasing veneration; and although the great end ofhistory is instruction, I think it is also valuable, when it serves to gratify thiscuriosity.

I shall therefore, in treating of the revolutions of Corsca, go as far back asbooks will serve me; though at the same time, I intend to give no more than aconcise recital, and am rather to shew my readers what is to be seen, than todetain them till I exhibit a full view of it.

The earliest accounts that we have of Corsica, are to be found inHerodotus. He tells us, that its first inhabitants were Phenicians; for, thatCadmus, the son of Agenor, when wandering in quest of Europa, fell uponthis island, which was named Callista, and left there some of his countrymen,with his own cousin Membleareus.b He tells us, that eight generations afterthis, Theras brought a colony to the island, from Lacedaemon. This Therasc

was originally of the race of Cadmus, but, being uncle by the motherside to


52

b ;� σαν δ+ 0ν τ �η< ν �υν £?r �η< kαλε�µ�νη< ν?σω< , πr�τεr�ν δ+ Kαλλ*στ<η< τ �η< α�τ�η< τα9τη< , 'π�-γ�ν�ι Mεµ4λι�r�υ τ� �υ ¶�ιk*λεω 'νδr!ς º�*νιk�ς. K�δµ�ς γ/r B ’Aγ?ν�r�ς E�rω� πηνδι"?µεν�ς πr�σ�σ�ε 0ς τ�ν ν �υν £?rην kαλε�µ�νην@ πr�σσ¯�ντι δ+ ε�τε δ? �8 � �ω� rηCrεσε, ε�τε kα& 7λλως ;θ�λησε π�ι �ησαι τ� �υτ�@ kαταλε*πει γ/r 0ν τ�η< ν?σ <ω τα9τη< 7λλ�υςτε τ �ων º�ιν*kων kα& δ Dη kα& τ �ων Eωυτ��υ συγγεν�ων Mεµ4λ*αr�ν.

Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 147.*c ;� ν δ+ B £?rας �� τ�ς, γ�ν�ς 0 Dων Kαδµε�ι�ς, τ �ης µητr!ς 'δελφε!ς τ��ισι’Arιστ�δ?µ�υ παισ& E�rυσθ�νεϊ kα& ¶r�kλ�ι. 0�ντων δ+ �τι τ �ων πα*δων τ�9των νηπ*ων0πιτr�πα*ην ε�ι�ε B £?rας τ�ν 0ν ™π�rτη< 4ασιλη*ην. α�3ηθ�ντων δ+ τ �ων 'δελφιδ+ωνkα& παrαλα4�ντων τ�ν 'r�?ν, ��υτω δ� B £?rας δειν!ν π�ιε9µεν�ς 7r�εσθαι Gπ’

7λλων 0πε*τε 0γε9σατ� 'r�η� ς, ��k �φη µ�νειν 0ν τ �η< §αkεδα*µ�νι 'λλ� 'π�πλε9σεσθαι0ς τ�>ς συγ-γεν�ας.

Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 147.*d �Gτ�ι 0ν�µ�ντ� τ�ν Kαλλ*στην kαλε�µ�νην 0π& γενε�ς, πr&ν H £?rαν 0λθει�ν 0k §αkε-δα*µ�ν�ς, �kτI 'νδrω� ν. ’Eπ& τ�9τ�υς δ� J�ν B £?rας λεIν ��ων 'π� τω� ν φυλ�ων�στελλε, συν�ιk?σων τ�9τ�ισι kα& ��δαµω� ς 03ελω� ν α�τ�>ς 'λλ/ k�rτα �:kηιε9µεν�ς.0πε*τε δ+ kα& �8 Mιν9αι 0kδr�ντες 0k τη� ς εLrkτη� ς ι�"�ντ� 0ς τ! TηMγετ�ν, τω� ν §αkεδ-αιµ�ν*ων 4�υλευ�µ�νων σφ�ας 'π�λλ9ναι παrαιτ�εται B £?rας, $kως µ?τε φ�ν�ςγ�νηται, α�τ�ς τε Gπεδ�kετ� σφ�ας 03�3ειν 0k τη�ς �%rης. συγ�ωrησ�ντων δ+ τ �η< γν%µ<ητω� ν §αkεδαιµ�ν*ων, τrισ& τrιηk�ντ�r�ισι 0ς τ�>ς Mεµ4λι�r�υ 'π�γ�ν�υς �πλωσε.*******τη� δ+ ν?σ <ω 0π& τ�υ� �:k ιστ�ω £?rα � 0πωνυµ*η �γ�νετ�.

Ibid. et cap. 148.**

Eurysthenes and Procles, the two sons of Aristodemus, and, on that account,having governed the kingdom as their tutor; when they grew up, and becamekings of Sparta, Theras scorning to live a private life, and to be under thegovernment of his pupils, determined not to remain at Lacedaemon, but to goand join his kindred in the island of Corsica, then called Callista. Accord-ingly,d he went thither with some chosen companions, not with any intentionto drive out the former inhabitants, but, on the contrary, with most friendlydispositions towards them.

Sometime after this, the Minyae, a wandering tribe, who had taken refugeamong the Lacedaemonians, having become obnoxious, on account of their as-piring views, were thrown into prison, and condemned to die; but Theras per-suaded the Spartans to spare them, promising, that he would carry them out ofthe country; and accordingly, he carried them to the island of Callista, to jointhe new colony which he had settled there; and from him, the island was calledThera.

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* ‘This Theras was of the lineage of Cadmus and an uncle on the mother’s side of Aristodemus’ sonsEurysthenes and Procles; and while these boys were yet children he held the royal power of Spartaas regent; but when his nephews grew up and became kings, then Theras could not endure being asubject when he had had a taste of supreme power, and said he would remain no longer inLacedaemon but sail away to his kinsfolk.’ Herodotus, iv. 147.

** they dwelt in the island Calliste for eight generations before Theras came from Lacedaemon. It wasthese whom Theras was preparing to join, taking with him a company from the tribes; it was hisintention to settle among the people of Calliste, and not to drive them out but to claim them astruly his own people. So when the Minyae escaped from prison and camped on Taÿgetum, and theLacedaemonians were taking counsel to put them to death, Theras pleaded for their lives, thatthere might be no killing, promising himself to lead them out of the country. The Lacedaemoni-ans having agreed, Theras sailed with three ships each with thirty oars to join the descendants ofMembliarus, taking with him not all the Minyae but only a few . . . As for the island Calliste, itwas called Thera after its colonist.’ Herodotus iv. 147–48.


54

e τω� ν 0k τη�ς �Arγ�υ� ς 0πι4ατ�ων πα*δων παι�δες 03ελασθ�ντες Gπ! ¶ελασγω� ν τω� ν 0kBrαυrω� ν�ς ληισαµ�νων τ/ς �Aθηνα*ων γυναι�kας, Gπ! τ�9των 03ελασθ�ντες 0k §?µ-ν�υ ��ντ� πλ��ντες 0ς §αkεδα*µ�να, 8"�µεν�ι δ+ 0ν τω�< TηϋÁ�τωO πυ�r 'ν�kαι�ν.§αkεδαιµ�νι�ι δ+ :δ�ντες 7γγελ�ν �πεµπ�ν πευσ�µεν�ι τ*νες τε kα& Bk�θεν ε:σ* . �P δ+ τω�O'γγ�λωO ε:rωτω� ντι �λεγ�ν Qς ε�ησαν µ+ν Mιν9αι, παι�δες δ+ ε:�εν τω� ν 0ν τη�< �Arγ�ι�πλε�ντων �r%ων, πr�σσ��ντας δ+ τ�9τ�υς 0ς §η� µν�ν φυτευ� σαι σφ�ας. �8 δ+§αkεδαιµ�νι�ι 'kηk��τες τ!ν λ�γ�ν τη� ς γενεη� ς τω� ν Mινυ�ων, π�µψαντες τ! δε9τεr�νε:r%των τ* θ�λ�ντες Ck�ι�ν τε 0ς τ�ν �%rην kα& πυ�r α�θ�ιεν. �P δ+ �φασαν Gπ!¶ελασγω� ν 0k4ληθ�ντες Rkειν 0ς τ�>ς πατ�rας. διkαι�τατ�ν γ/r ει�ναι �=τω τ�υ� τ�γ*νεσθαι. δ�εσθαι δ+ �:k�ειν Sµα τ�9τ�ισι µ�ι�r�ν τε τιµ�ων µετ��ντες kα& τη�ς γη�ς'π�λα��ντες. §αkεδαιµ�ν*�ισι δ+ Uαδε δ�kεσθαι τ�>ς Mιν9ας 0π � �8�σι θ�λ�υσι α�τ�*.

Herodot. lib. iv. cap. 145.*f Isidor. Origin. lib. xiii. cap. 6.**

These Minyae, though but a wandering tribe among the Lacedaemonians,were, in reality, of illustrious descent, being the posterity of the heroick Arg-onauts.e

This account of the first peopling of Corsica, is a very curious piece ofancient history. It is indeed very probable, that the Phenicians, or the Pho-ceans, were its original inhabitants; seeing they were the first great naviga-tours in the western part of the world, and sent out colonies to many distantcountries.

It afterwards got the name of K9rν�ς, Cyrnus, from the number of itspromontories; and Isidorusf relates the manner in which it got the name ofCorsica. According to him, Corsa, a Ligurian woman, having often observeda bull swim over to the island, and return much fatter, she had the curiosityto follow him in a little vessel; and so discovered the island, with all its beautyand fertility. Upon which the Ligurians sent thither a colony; and fromCorsa, who had made the discovery, they called the island Corsica. This is lu-dicrous enough; but we may trace what has given rise to so extraordinary afiction, when we consider, that very probably, a people from the opposite

* ‘The descendants of the crew of the Argo had been driven out by those Pelasgians who ab-ducted the Athenian women from Brauron; being driven out of Lemnos by these, they sailedto Lacedaemon and there encamped on Taÿgetum and lit a fire. Seeing this, the Lacedaemoni-ans sent a messenger to enquire who they were and where they came from. They told the mes-senger that they were Minyae, descendants of the heroes who sailed in the Argo, and had putin at Lemnos and there begotten their race. Hearing the account of the lineage of the Minyae,the Lacedaemonians sent a second messenger and asked their purpose in coming into Laconiaand lighting a fire. They replied that, being expelled by the Pelasgians, they had come to theland of their fathers as was most just; and as for their purpose, it was that they might live withthe people of their fathers, sharing their rights and receiving appropriate land. The Lacedae-monians were pleased to accept the Minyae on the terms they had requested.’ Herodotus iv.145.

** Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi, Etymologiarum Sive Originum, XIV. vi. 41.

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2. Corsica Immediately following in MS (p. 52) is the marginal note: ‘Query if Petrus Cyrnaeus &what is taken from Strabo & Diodorus would not be more properly introduced into Part thirdwhere I treat of the genius & character of the Corsicans?’ JB transferred MS pp. 52–60 to occupypp. 122–26 of the printed text.

3. Aristotle . . . life The absence of a reference to the whereabouts of this ‘relation’ is explained by anote in MS (p. 60): ‘N. B. I cannot find the passage in Aristotle. Yet it must be there for it is men-tioned in two french Authors. I wish any of my friends could point it out.’ Apparently none could.The story occurs in pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilibus Auscultationibus, chap. 100, but it refers toSardinia, not to Corsica. It appears in Goury 16.

* Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, Summary of Bk. XVII; Lucius Annaeus Florus, Epitomae de Tito Livio Bel-lorum Omnium Annorum DCC Libri II, I. xviii. 15–16.] ‘Punick’ = Carthaginian.

** Livy, Op. cit. XL. xxxiv. 12–13.*** Livy, Op. cit. XLII. vii. 2.

coast of Italy, either the Ligurians, or the Etruscans, have taken possession ofCorsica.2

Whatever may be in this conjecture, it is certain, that its next masterswere the Carthaginians, who extended their conquests over all the islands ofthe Mediterranean. Aristotle relates a most extraordinary piece of Punickpolicy, with respect to Corsica. Finding that it was difficult to keep the in-habitants in subjection, they ordered the whole of the vines and olives in theisland to be pulled up, and forbad the Corsicans, under the pain of death, tosow their fields with any kind of grain, so that they might be kept in the mostabsolute dependance; and, though possessed of a very fertile territory, beobliged to resort to Africa, to seek the bare necessaries of life.3 So early wasthe cowardly and barbarous policy of a trading republick exercised againstthis people.

Corsica next passed under the dominion of Rome. In the first Punickwar, and about the year 493 from the building of the city, Lucius CorneliusScipio conquered the island,g being opposed by an army of Sardinians andCorsicans, headed by Hanno, a Carthaginian general.

It appears however, that the Corsicans could not bear subjection with pa-tience, for they were continually attempting to get free. Of this, we have aninstance in the epitome of the twentieth book of Livy. We next find them en-gaged against M. Pinarius the praetor, who slew 2000 of them, obliged themto give hostages, and took them bound to pay a tribute of 100,000 lib. of wax,every year.h Afterwards C. Cicereius the praetor, was obliged to give thembattle, when 1700 of them were killed, and upwards of 1070 taken prisoners,and upon this occasion, their annual tribute was increased to 200,000 lib.weight of wax.i From these instances, we may see that Corsica was formerlymuch more populous than it is now, and that it hath been able to furnish

g Liv. Epit. lib. xvii. Flor. lib. ii. cap. 2.* h Liv. lib. xl. cap. 34.** i Ib. lib. xlii. cap. 7.***


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j Plin. lib. v. cap. 29.* k Procop. de Bell. Goth. lib. iii. cap. 24.**

amazing quantities of honey. We are told by Pliny, that Papyrius Maso firsttriumphed over the Corsicans, on the Alban mount.j

It has already been said, that the Romans founded two colonies in Cor-sica. The island was, like their other provinces, governed by a praetor. It wasalso made to serve for a place of exile; and was very proper for what theycalled ‘Relegatio in insulam,4 banishment to an island.’ But the Romans neverhad a firm hold of this country, where that spirit of liberty, which tyrants callrebellion, was ever breaking forth.

On the irruption of the barbarous nations, Corsica shared the samefate with the other dominions of the ruined empire. It fell a prey to the Goths,who established there the feudal system, as they did in every other country towhich their arms penetrated. Some authours say, that Corsica was conqueredby Alarick, the first king of the Goths; but according to Procopius, it was con-quered by a detachment sent out by Totilas.k

From this period, the history of Corsica is for many ages a continued se-ries of wars, ravage and destruction, by a variety of contending powers. We arehere very much in the dark, without any sufficient clew to guide us. We findin many authours detached remarks concerning the island; but it is difficult toarrange them in tolerable order, since the dates are almost always uncertain.

I shall however give a short view of what seems to have been the progressof events.

When the power of the Saracens rose to that height, of which we readwith amazement, they drove the Goths from Corsica, and maintained the do-minion there for a considerable time.5

It is believed, that they first gave the title of kingdom to Corsica; and,to this day, the coat armorial of the island bears a Moor’s head on itsshield.6

There are Moorish coins frequently dug up in Corsica; and near to Ajac-cio, are Saracen tombs, which appear to have had some magnificence. They

4. Relegatio in insulam Cf. Tacitus, Agricola, XV. v.: ‘relegatum in alia insulam.’5. considerable time From the ninth to early eleventh centuries.6. Moor’s . . . shield Before 1762 the Moor was blindfolded in the armorial crest, signifying slavery;

Paoli had the headband transferred from the eyes to the forehead to symbolise the island’s libera-tion (see the coat-of-arms on the title-page of Corsica). He is reported as saying: ‘The Corsicanswant to see well, liberty shall follow the torch of philosophy and we are not scared by the light.’

* Pliny, Naturalis Historiae, XV. xxxviii. 126. Papyrius Maso held his triumph on the Alban Mountin 71 bc. (The misspelling ‘Naso’ reported in the Textual Apparatus, and corrected in this edn,originated in JB’s MS p. 62.)

** History of the Wars, VIII. xxiv. 31–33.

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are subterraneous vaults, supported by stone pillars; and in them are foundsepulchral urns of an earthen composition, similar to brick.7

It would appear, that the Pope has always had a view towards the annexa-tion of Corsica to his territories; and, that he at different times instigated thekings of Arragon, as well as the sovereigns of France, to make against it, whatin the stile of those times was called a holy war; which kind of wars were al-ways calculated to serve the political views of the holy father.8

At last, Corsica was actually conquered by one of the kings of France;some say, by Pepin, and others, by Charles Martel. The Corsicans shew to thisday, a fountain, called by the name of Charles, in the pieve of Alesani, and, asthey say, on the spot where this gallant prince vanquished the Moors.9

By the kings of France, Corsica was resigned, in a perpetual gift, to theholy see. The Saracens however, from time to time returned; so that the popehad but a very feeble and uncertain sway.

The Genoese availing themselves of the distracted state of the island, hadvery early contrived to settle a colony at Bonifaccio; and emboldened by de-grees, they landed troops on other parts of the country, and began to bear aformidable appearance.

This could not fail to incense the court of Rome, and to draw down uponthem the thunders of the Vatican, from whence the holy father used, in thoseages, to fulminate with serious effect against the greatest powers in Europe.Accordingly, the Genoese were excommunicated by pope Gregory the sev-enth, which made them at that time desist from their project.10

In this fluctuating situation Corsica continued, till one of the popes, butwhich of them historians are not agreed, sent thither Hugo Colonna, a noble-man of Rome, accompanied by several others of the Roman nobility, with agood force under his command, in order to expel the infidels from the island.When Colonna landed, he was joined by many of the inhabitants, who, dur-ing the struggle which had been subsisting so long, and with such violence,had again and again endeavoured to maintain themselves in a state of free-dom, and had elected a certain number of chiefs, to whom they gave the titleof caporali.11

These caporali gave all the aid in their power to Colonna; and, by theirinfluence over the people, they soon brought together such a body of men,

7. sepulchral . . . brick JB translated Goury’s phrasing here but Goury (252–53) was uncertainwhether the tombs were Moorish or Christian.

8. holy father From the time of Charlemagne in the eighth century, the Pope was the titular sover-eign of Corsica.

9. Pepin . . . Martel . . . Moors Charles Martel (c. 688–741), son of Pepin of Herstal (d. 714), de-feated the Moors at Poitiers in 732.

10. Accordingly . . . project Cf. Jaussin i. 52.11. caporali Glens, singly or grouped, called ‘piaves’ (see above, p. 37), were ruled by elected Caporali.


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12. Colonna . . . ever For a long, sceptical account of the part played by Colonna, see Goury 23–27.13. Hugo . . . grants Cf. Jaussin i. 48–49.14. present . . . family Pier Andrea Colonna d’Istria.15. Pascal Paoli In his MS (p. 68 and on p. 93) JB used the more formal ‘General Paoli.’16. Pope . . . power In 1077 Pope Gregory VII handed over the administration of Corsica to Landulf,

Bishop-elect of Pisa.17. Essays . . . Cortona ‘Dissertazione XI: del dominio antico Pisano sulla Corsica, composta da un

Professore dell’ Università Pisana Accademico Etrusco, ‘Saggi di Dissertazioni Accademiche publi-camente lette nella Nobile Accademia Etrusca dell’ antichissima città di Cortona (Rome, 1758),vii. 173–98 (see Viviès 114 n. 21).

that Colonna was enabled totally to rout the Saracens, and to dispossess themfor ever.12

The Moors being rendered desperate by this unexpected blow, were forcedto quit the island; but before they went, they burnt all that they possibly could;and to this we must greatly impute the desolation which is yet to be seen inCorsica, and the destruction of their ancient monuments and publick archives.

Hugo Colonna settled in Corsica, having obtained from the Pope distin-guished honours and extensive grants.13 The family of Colonna is one of themost illustrious, and most ancient in the world. So early as An 1200, mentionis made of Pietro Colonna, the eighth of the name. The branch which settledin Corsica, continued long in great splendour, enjoying the noble fief of Is-tria; but, by the confusions and troubles which the island has been throwninto, by the bloody contests between the Genoese and the patriotick Corsi-cans, that family hath suffered prodigiously, and its possessions are reduced toa very narrow compass. The present head of the family,14 is a worthy, sensibleman, and very zealous in the great cause. I was lodged in his house at Sol-lacaro, where I found Pascal Paoli.15

It is probable, that the Corsican counts, marquisses and barons, derive theirorigin from this period; for I can see no time so proper for their first takingplace here.

The island remained for some time in tolerable quiet. But partly from thedissensions of different parties among themselves, ever impatient of contradic-tion, and partly from the repeated attacks of the Genoese, whose hankeringafter this little kingdom still continued, there were such disorders, and such adefect of good government, that the Pope thought proper to make it over tothe Pisans, who were then in great power.16

This grant was upon advantageous terms for the holy father, like themany grants of fiefs which he used to give to various princes, to be held of thesee of Rome. A learned Professour of the university of Pisa, has composed avery curious dissertation concerning the ancient dominion of his countrymenover Corsica. It is to be found in the 7th volume of the Essays of the Academyof Cortona.17

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18. Malora The crushing victory of the Genoese at the battle of Meloria in 1284 put an end to thenaval power of Pisa.

19. Ademar JB gives Jaussin’s view on Ademar (governor of Genoa): see Jaussin i. 53–54.

The Pisans, while their republick flourished, and their force was consid-erable, maintained their authority over Corsica to very good purpose; and,as far as we can gather from different authours, the island enjoyed morerepose and tranquillity during this period, than it has ever been known toenjoy.

But this calm was of short endurance; for the Genoese, irritated to findthemselves now effectually excluded from an island on which they had longset their hearts; and being, over and above, the determined rivals of Pisa, akeen and obstinate war was carried on between these states; at last, the Ge-noese prevailed, in the famous sea-fight at Malora,18 near the mouth of theArno; after which, they got entirely the mastery of Pisa, and so were at lengthenabled to seize upon Corsica, about the beginning of the fourteenth century.

Thus were the Corsicans, for the first time, brought under the power ofthe Genoese; with whom they have since had such struggles for that freedom,which they appear to have at all times attempted to recover.

If I have erred in any part of this recital, I am sure it is without any inten-tion. I know some Genoese writers have maintained, that a signor Ademar,19 oftheir nation, was employed in the first conquest of the island by the kings ofFrance. I confess I do not see sufficient authority for this. But supposing it hadbeen so, Ademar could only be an officer under the French king. We are cer-tain, that the French king made the conquest, because he afterwards made agift of the island to the pope.

But I would not dwell long upon such disquisitions. There are manypieces lately published, both by the Corsicans and the Genoese; in which theauthours, with great labour, endeavour to refute each others hypotheses withregard to many ancient facts in the history of Corsica. Here indeed, there isfull scope for all parties; since those periods are so obscure, that every writermay fill them up according to the turn of his imagination; just as people whoare abroad in a dark night, may with equal keenness, and equal appearance ofreason affirm, that they see objects totally different.

Let Corsica have been the property of the Phenicians, the Etruscans, theCarthaginians, the Romans, the Goths, the Saracens: let it have been a con-quest of France; a gift from that kingdom to the pope; a gift again from thepope to the Pisans, and at length a conquest of Genoa; still we must have re-course to the plain and fundamental principle, that the Corsicans are men,and have a right to liberty; which, if usurped by any power whatever, theyhave at all times a just title to vindicate.


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* Dialogorum Liber XI, Ad Polybium De Consolatione, I. 2.

In reviewing these strange and rapid revolutions, which this island hasundergone, we may join with Senecal in reflecting on the mutability of humanaffairs, and be silent on the changes which happen to individuals, when wecontemplate the vicissitudes of a whole nation.

The Genoese having obtained the undoubted possession of Corsica, theywere eager to enjoy their power, and thought they could not fully enjoy it, butby exercising the most severe dominion. What we have long anxiously desired,acquires in our minds an imaginary and extravagant value; and when we ac-tually become possessed of it, a moderate and reasonable fruition, seems in-sipid and unsatisfactory to our heightened expectations. We are even, as it were,uncertain if we really have it. And generally, we never rest, till by abusing ourpowers, we destroy what we esteemed so highly.

An individual, who acquires a large fortune, and a state, which acquiresan increase of dominion, may be very properly compared. He who gets a largefortune, thinks he cannot shew his command of riches, but by such acts ofprofusion, as must quickly dissipate them. And a state, which has acquired anincrease of dominion, thinks its sovereignty is not sufficiently manifested, butby such acts of arbitrary oppression, as must tend to force its subjects to throwoff their allegiance. For however a people may, from indolence, from timidity,or from other motives, submit for a season to a certain degree of tyranny; if itis long continued, and pushed to an exorbitant length, nature will revolt, andthe original rights of men will call for redress.

The Genoese were the worst nation to whom Corsica could have fallen.The Corsicans were a people, impetuous, violent and brave; who had weath-ered many a storm; and who could not have been governed, but by a state ofwhich they stood somewhat in awe, and which, by humanity and proper en-couragement, might have conciliated their affections. Whereas, the Genoesewere a nation of republicans just in the neighbourhood of the islanders; whohad long been their enemies; who had made so many cunning, and impotentattempts to seize upon the island, that although, by the unexpected course ofevents, they were now masters of it, the Corsicans could not look upon themwith any respect. And as it has been always remarked that the foreign subjectsof a little republick, are much worse used, than those of a great kingdom; theyhad reason to expect nothing but avowed tyranny from Genoa.

Accordingly the Genoese, who were themselves in an unstable, and per-ilous condition, seeking the protection sometimes of one powerful state, andsometimes of another, did not treat the Corsicans with that gentleness and

l Seneca de consolatione.*

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20. Filippini Antonio Pietro Filippini (1529–c. 1600), author of La Historia di Corsica (1594); Jaussin i.63 was the source of JB’s knowledge.

21. Sampiero di Bastelica Celebrated Corsican—later known as Sampiero di Corso—Sampiero(1498–1567) fought for the Franco-Turkish alliance against the Genoese; he staged his own rebel-lion against Genoa in 1564 and controlled the island until his assassination in 1567.

confidence, which alone could have secured their attachment and obedience,by insensibly leading them to a participation of the culture and felicity of civillife, and accustoming them to consider the Genoese as their fellow subjects,and friends.

They took a direct contrary course; and, although they did not use so des-perate a measure, as that of the Carthaginians, their oppression was heavy;their system was not to render the Corsicans happier and better, but by keep-ing them in ignorance, and under the most abject submission, to prevent theirendeavouring to get free; while Genoa drained the island of all she could pos-sibly get, choosing rather even to have less advantage by tyranny, than to havea much greater advantage, and risk the consequences of permitting to the in-habitants the blessings of freedom.

In this unhappy situation was Corsica. Often did the natives rise in arms;but having no head to direct them, they were immediately quelled. So appre-hensive however were the Genoese, that, according to their own historian Fil-ippini20 they burnt 120 of the best villages in Corsica, while 4000 people leftthe island.

What shewed the Genoese policy in the worst light, and could not but bevery galling to the Corsicans who remained at home, was, that many of theseislanders, who had gone over to the continent, made a distinguished figure inmost of the European states, both in learning, and in arms.

About An. 1550, Corsica revived under the conduct of a great hero, whoarose for the deliverance of his country. This was Sampiero di Bastelica.21 Heearly discovered extraordinary parts and spirit; and had the advantage of beingeducated in the house of cardinal Hypolitus de Medicis, the nephew of popeClement the seventh. He was created colonel of the Corsicans in France, anddistinguished himself in almost every one of the great actions of that nationin his time.

After the death of Francis the first, he went home to his native country;where he married Vannina, heiress of the house of Ornano, of the most an-cient and rich of the Corsican nobility; and from this time, he was generallycalled Sampiero di Ornano.

Being moved with the miserable state of his countrymen, he resolved toprocure them relief; and for this, a very favourable opportunity then presenteditself.


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22. Pavia On 24 February 1525 at Pavia, the Hapsburg emperor Charles V virtually annihilated theFrench army under Francis I.

23. and might . . . require Added later than MS.24. Genoese . . . George See L’Abbé Jerome Richard, Description Historique et Critique de l’Italie (Di-

jon, 1766), i. 136–37. See also Jaussin i. 59.25. Andrew Doria Andrea Doria (c. 1466–1560), Genoese admiral and mercenary; he commanded the

French fleet that defeated the emperor Charles V; he then supported Charles and established theoligarchy in Genoa, which lasted to the end of the republic in 1797. There was considerable rewrit-ing here, later than MS. MS (p. 79) simply states: ‘Doria came with a considerable force, and thewar was carried on with vigour . . . ’*Thou, Historia sui Temporis, I. xii. 424–47.

** Richard Knolles (1550?–1610), The Generall Historie of the Turkes (1603), pp. 756–57. ‘Henrie theFrench king . . . so wrought the matter with Solyman, that the more to trouble the emperour, he senta great fleet in to the Tyrrhenum or Tuscane sea, which in the yeare 1553 and the yeare following, didgreat harme upon the coasts of CALABRIA, SICILIA, SARDINIA, as also in the islands of ELBA,CORSICA, GERBE, and MAIORCA . . . notably againe repulsed by the people of those countries.’

Here history begins again to open upon us. The clouds of antiquity, andbarbarism are dispersed, and we proceed clearly, under the guidance of the il-lustrious Thuanus.m

France had of a long time claimed a right over Genoa; but after the battleof Pavia,22 when the French were forced entirely to abandon Italy, that claimhad become of no effect. Henry the second however, having commenced a newwar in Italy, against the emperour Charles the fifth, resolved to assert his powerin Corsica; Sampiero di Ornano encouraged this disposition, that he mightavail himself of it, to free the island from a yoke which galled it so much.

He represented to Henry, that as the Genoese had taken part with theemperour, his majesty was debarred from all entrance to Italy by sea; whereas,by putting himself in possession of Corsica, he might have a free passagethrough the Mediterranean, and might, at the same time, employ that islandas a commodious garrison, where troops and warlike stores might be lodged,to be from thence thrown in upon Naples or Tuscany, as the situation of af-fairs should require.23

An expedition was therefore ordered to Corsica, in the year 1553, underthe command of general Paul de Thermes, accompanied by Sampiero di Or-nano, Jourdain des Ursins, and several other able commanders. Henry hadalso the Turks joined with him in this expedition, having prevailed with theirfourth Emperour, Solyman, styled the magnificent, to send out a large fleet tothe Tuscan sea.n

This expedition was powerfully opposed by the Genoese; who hadgiven Corsica in charge to their celebrated bank of St. George.24 The greatAndrew Doria,25 though then in his eighty seventh year, bid defiance to age

mThuan. Hist. lib. xii. cap. 2.* n Knowles’s history of the Turks, p. 757.**

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26. Clarendon Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon (1609–74). JB would have in mind his True Histori-cal Narrative of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England (1702–4). The panegyric, ‘In the course . . .deserves,’ was added later than MS.

27. a treaty . . . Corsica The Truce of Vaucelles was published in February 1556, guaranteed by HenryII of France (see Frederic J. Baumgartner, Henry II, King of France 1547–1559, Duke UniversityPress, 1988, pp. 175–85). It was followed by the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis on 3 April and byHenry’s death on 10 July (Baumgartner, pp. 221–30, 252).

and infirmities, and, since Corsica was an object of importance to his coun-try, the gallant veteran embarked with all the spirit of his glorious youth,having a formidable armament under his command.

The war was carried on with vigour on both sides. At first however, sev-eral of the best towns were taken by the French and Turks, particularly Ajac-cio, where were a number of merchants, whose riches afforded good pillage tothe enemy, and helped to make the enterprise go on with more spirit. TheCorsicans joined in the common cause; and the greatest part of the island wasonce fairly delivered from the tyrant.

But the Genoese were so well commanded by the intrepid Doria, andhad besides such assistance from Charles the fifth, who sent strong reinforce-ments both of Spanish and German troops, that the expedition was not en-tirely effectual.

In the course of this war, so many valourous actions were performed,that, fired with the contemplation of them, I am almost tempted to forgetthe limited bounds of my plan, and of my abilities, and to assume theprovince of an historian; I hope a Livy, or a Clarendon,26 shall one day arise,and display to succeeding ages, the Corsican bravery, with the lusture whichit deserves.

The Corsicans were now so violent against the Genoese, that they re-solved with one accord, that rather than return under the dominion of the re-publick, they would throw themselves into the arms of the great Turk. Atlength however, a treaty was concluded between the Corsicans and Genoese,advantageous and honourable for the former, having for guarantee, his mostChristian Majesty.

But, as there was an inveterate, and implacable hatred between those twonations, this treaty did not long subsist; and upon Henry’s death, the sameoppression as formerly, became flagrant in Corsica.27

Sampiero di Ornano, who had been again for sometime in France, havinglost his royal master, went himself to the Ottoman Porte, and earnestly so-licited fresh assistance to his unhappy nation. But the face of affairs waschanged. The same political views no longer existed; and it must be a miracleindeed, when states are moved by virtuous principles of generosity. This braveman, being unsuccessful at Constantinople, returned to Corsica, where his


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28. Sampiero . . . revolt The paragraph follows Goury 34.29. The shades . . . virtues Added later than MS.30. Alphonso . . . Baptist Alphonso di Ornano (1548–1610) and Giovanni Battista di Ornano

(1583–1626). Cf. Jaussin i. 93.* ‘Metello’ was an error for Michele Merello, author of Della Guerra fata da’Francesci’ e de’tumultisuscitatipoi da Sampiero dalla Bastelica nella Corsica (Geneva, 1609). JB’s view was shared byGoury, who says that Sampiero was assassinated by one of his domestics (Goury 37).

** Historia sui Temporis, II. xli. 579.

presence inspired the islanders with fortitude, and occasioned a very generalrevolt.28

He carried on his glorious enterprise with considerable effect; and themore so, that, as he had now no foreign assistance, he was not looked upon asvery formidable, and the republick made little preparation against him. But hewas stopped in his career by the treachery of the Genoese, who had himbasely assassinated, by a wretch of the name of Vitolli,o in the year 1567.

Thus fell Sampiero di Bastelica di Ornano, a Corsican worthy of beingranked with the most distinguished heroes. He displayed great bravery and fi-delity in foreign service; and with unremitting constancy endeavoured to re-store the liberties of his country. Thuanus calls him ‘Vir bello impiger etanimo invictus,p A man active in war, and of a spirit invincible.’ The shadeswhich were in his private conduct, are to be forgotten in the admiration of hispublick virtues.29 His son Alphonso, and his grandson John Baptist,30 both ar-rived at the dignity of mareschal of France, after which his posterity failed.

Alphonso di Ornano, who had been brought up in the court of Henrythe second, kept alive the patriotick struggle for a short while; but unable tomake head against the republick, he retired from the island and settled inFrance.

The Genoese were thus again put in possession of Corsica. Enraged at whatthey had suffered from a daring rebellion, as they termed it; and still dreading anew insurrection, they thought only of avenging themselves on the Corsicans;and plunging that people still lower than ever, in ignorance and slavery.

Their oppression became now, if possible, worse than before. They were in-flamed with hotter resentment, and their tyranny formed itself into somethingof a regular system. Forgetful of every equitable convention that France had es-tablished, they exercised, without controul, the utmost rigours of arbitrary

o Michael Metello, who writes a particular history of the Corsican revolt under Sampiero, gives a differentaccount of his death. He will have him to have been killed from motives of private revenge, by his brotherin law, Michael Angelo di Ornano. But, besides the improbability that Vannina, the spouse of Sampiero,had a brother, when it is certain she inherited the family domains; I own, that the assassination, as relatedby several other authours, appears to me so much of a piece with the oppressions of Genoa, both before andsince, that I give it the preference.*pThuani Hist. lib. xli. cap. 31.**

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31. in Corsica. The A passage in MS (p. 83) between these paragraphs was entirely omitted: ‘The Re-public contrived it so as to give loans of pretty large sums to people of substance in the Island, &by the artfull manner in which they conducted <matters> these transactions they never failed tobring in both the original Debtors & their Suretys < . . . > for heavy losses & so by degrees gothold of their possessions.’

* Charles Louis de Montesquieu (1689–1755); his De l’Esprit des Lois, 1748. The amnesty, 18 October1738, declared: ‘We forbid our Governor-general in this said Island [Corsica] to condemn to griev-ous punishment any person based solely on his own privy information (ex informata conscientia)(X. 8). ‘peines afflictives’ = imprisonment or death.

power. They permitted nothing to be exported from the island, but toGenoa, where, of necessity, the Corsicans were obliged to sell their merchan-dise at a very low rate; and in years of scarcity, the island was drained of pro-visions by a sort of legal plunder. For the inhabitants were forced to bringthem to Genoa, so that actual famine was often occasioned in Corsica.31

The Genoese did every thing in their power to foment internal dissen-sions in Corsica, to which the people were naturally too much inclined.These dissensions occasioned the most horrid bloodshed. They reckon thatno less than 1700 Corsicans were assassinated in the space of two years. As-sassinations were, in the first place, a certain cause of hatred among the Cor-sicans, and often between the best families, so that they would not unite inany scheme for the general liberty. And in the second place, they could beturned to very good account, either by confiscating the estates of the assas-sins, or by making the criminals pay heavy compensations to the judge. Thejudge could wave the pursuit of justice by saying, ‘Non procedatur, Letthere be no process;’ which could easily be cloaked under the pretence ofsome defect in point of form; or could even acquit the deepest offendersfrom his own will alone, by what was called ‘Ex informata conscientia, Theinformation of his own conscience;’ of which he was not obliged to give anyaccount.

It was not till the year 1738, that Genoa made an edict against this mostdreadful abuse.

M. De Montesquieu thus writes concerning it, with that calm dignitywhich becomes so great a master: ‘Une république d’Italie tenoit des insulairessous son obéissance; mais son droit politique et civil a leur égard étoit vicieux.On se souvient de cet acte d’amnistie, qui porte qu’on ne les condamneroitplus à des peines afflictives sur la conscience informée du gouverneur. On a vusouvent des peuples demander des privileges; ici le souverain accorde le droitde toutes les nations.q A republick in Italy held a nation of islanders under herobedience. But her political, and civil constitution among them, was bad.

q Esprit des Loix, edit. Edin. liv. x. cap. 8.*


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32. account JB may have been prompted to include his account by Goury’s final chapter (274–96) onthe Greeks in Corsica. JB used three sources for information: a document sent him by John Dick,‘Nottizia intorno Allo Stabilimento di una Collonia Grecca nel Regno di Corsica,’ and two sent byPaoli, one of them by Dr. Stefanopoli (see Gen. Corr. i. 70 n. 6, 76 n. 2). Jaussin i. 436-39 providesanother discussion of the Greeks.

33. Scanderbeg Georges Kastrioti, named Scandenberg (1403–67).

We remember that act of amnesty, which bears, that they should no more becondemned to afflictive pains, upon the informed consciencè of the gov-ernour. We have often seen people asking privileges. Here, the sovereign ispleased to grant the common right of all nations.’

During this oppression, it was common to condemn multitudes to thegalleys, for frivolous offences, that they might purchase their liberty at a highprice; and it is hardly possible to conceive greater barbarity, than what these is-landers now endured.

The Genoese sent to Corsica a commissary general, or governour over thewhole island; whose office continued for two years. He was generally a noble-man of desperate fortune, who by shameful extortions, returned home in op-ulence; and by his interest in the senate, prevented any inquiry being madeinto his conduct. For although the unhappy Corsicans offered many com-plaints to the republick, they were instantly stifled; which was not difficult todo, as the Corsicans were considered to be so turbulent and mutinous, that noadministration could please them; and as every senatour who was to give hisvote, did not know, but by extravagance, he himself might one day be obligedto have recourse to the same expedient.

The commissary general had his residence at Bastia. There were also othercommissaries at Calvi, Ajaccio and Bonifaccio; and Lieutenants, and inferiourofficers, dispersed over the island; who all in their several stations, contributedto rob, and to ruin the country; while they triumphed in a mean security, thatas Corsica was overlooked, and, as it were, hid in a corner of Europe, their in-jurious proceedings were not known to the world.

During this period of secret, and cruel oppression, there happened a verycurious event, the establishment of a colony of Greeks in Corsica; of which Ishall now give an account.32

After Mahomet and his successours had subdued almost the whole of an-cient Greece, and Scanderbeg,33 who so gloriously defended his country, wasdead; there still remained a few brave souls who inhabited a part of Pelopon-nesus of old, now the kingdom of Morea. This part was, what is called abranch of the Maina, the very spot where Lacedemon stood.

Here, covered by impassable mountains, with only a small entrance, theyresisted the Ottoman empire, as Leonidas formerly resisted the millions ofXerxes.

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34. But when . . . Koran This paragraph follows Goury 277–78.35. Tristes reliquiae Danaûm Virgil, Aeneid, i. 30, 598, iii. 87 etc. [‘reliquiae Danaum’]. Goury (274)

used the same quotation.

But when the Turks got possession of the isle of Candia, in 1669, theycame by sea, and made a descent upon Maina, penetrated into the heart ofthe territory, and soon became masters of it; and then, the unfortunate pos-terity of the Spartans, were reduced to a state, little better than slavery. Exor-bitant taxes were imposed upon them; their finest women were forced away tothe seraglios; and towers were built in different parts of the country, wheretroops were garrisoned, to keep them in awe; so that they had no hope of de-liverance. Their spirits gradually sunk, and many of them embraced the faithof the Koran.34

Still, however, a spark of the ancient fire was preserved amongst those,who dwelt at Porto Vitilo; who, despairing to see any change in their dejectedcountry, came to the resolution of abandoning it altogether, and of seeking anestablishment somewhere else.

With this view, they sent to Italy, deputies who had some acquaintancewith the different states, and who were intrusted by the community to lookout for a convenient settlement, and to conclude the terms of a convention.

The Genoese sent them over to Corsica, where they were shewn a tractof ground, belonging to the chamber of the state, on the western side of theisland, about three miles from the sea. The deputies were very well pleasedwith it; and, on their return to Genoa, they entered into an agreement withthe republick.

They then went home to Greece, and having made a report to their coun-trymen, the plan was approved of; and, in the month of October, 1676, these‘Tristes reliquiae Danaûm,35 Sad remains of the Greeks,’ embarked, in allabout 1000 souls. The family of Stefanopoli was the most distinguishedamong them, and conducted the whole enterprise.

They arrived at Genoa, in the month of January, 1677, where they re-mained, till the month of March. The republick paid all the expence of theirfreight, and afforded them lodging and subsistence, till they were safely landedin Corsica.

The conventions entered into, were, that the Genoese granted to theGreeks, the territories of Paomia, Ruvida and Salogna, in perpetual fief. Theyfurnished them with houses, with grain, and with cattle; and engaged tomaintain a body of Genoese soldiers to defend them against all insults, for thefirst years of their residence. They also appointed a Genoese gentleman, withthe title of Directour, as judge over them, whose office was to be biennial, sothat it should go by rotation, among the Genoese nobility; and they agreed to


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support, at the expence of the republick, a vicar, skilled in the Greek language,who should instruct their children in different studies; and, at the same time,celebrate mass, and preach in the chapel of the directour.

On the other hand, the Greeks obliged themselves to cultivate the lands,and with all expedition, to discharge the debts they should incur to the repub-lick, for supplying them with every necessary, in the infancy of their colony.They also obliged themselves, to pay to the republick, a tax of five livres, forevery family, besides a tenth of all their productions, and to be ready to servethe republick, either by sea, or land, whenever their service should be required.

Thus, was this colony settled. They enjoyed the free exercise of their ownrites of religion, according to the Greek church, having brought with themthe bishop of Porto Vitilo.

They had also brought with them, some religious, of the order of St.Basil, the only order in their church; who established a convent in a wild andromantick valley. But the Genoese did not approve of these fathers; and, in ashort time, their convent was shut up.

The Greeks found themselves very easy and happy, for a good manyyears. By their industry and activity, they beautified and enriched their posses-sions, and built very good houses, doing every thing with a taste, altogethernew in Corsica.

But their neighbours, the natives of the island, did not live in great har-mony with them. Perhaps, in this, envy may have had some share; for theirvines and their olives, their herds and their flocks, were, by care and skill,much superiour to those of the Corsicans. But besides, the islanders lookedupon the Greeks as auxiliaries of the Genoese, to whom they, from time totime, swore fidelity; and were ever ready to give their assistance. They alsoknew, that the Greeks were well supplied with arms; and therefore, therewere frequent skirmishes between them and the peasants of the province ofVico, of which their territories had formerly made a part; and in the year1729, when the nation rose against the Genoese, the Greeks were seriously at-tacked; and many a desperate battle they fought with great bravery. The Ge-noese formed three regular companies of them, to whom they gave pay; andthey were always employed in the most difficult enterprises. In particular,they were detached to attempt taking the castle of Corte from the patriots;on which occasion, they were sorely defeated, and a great number of themwere killed.

After various struggles, which the plan of this work does not allow me torelate, the Greeks were forced to leave their possessions, and retire to Ajaccio,where they now support themselves tolerably by their labour: and being con-vinced of the tyranny of the Genoese, wait with impatience for their total ex-pulsion from the island; and hope from the generosity of Paoli and theCorsicans, that protection and encouragement which they deserve.

This colony has been sober, virtuous and industrious; and if they haveacted in a hostile manner against the nation, it was from a good principle;from the fidelity which they owed to the republick that had granted them anasylum; which fidelity they would ever have preserved, had not the republickincluded them in the general oppression. I must observe of this colony, that ithath had the honour of producing an excellent physician, Signor GiovanniStefanopoli, the first who hath had the wisdom and the spirit to bring inocu-lation into practice in Corsica, by which he preserves multitudes of lives; andmay therefore be justly reckoned a distinguished benefactor to the state.36

Long despised, plundered and oppressed, the Corsicans again revived in1729, when the war commenced, which, with some intervals, has continuedtill now; and after so many changes, misfortunes and struggles, will probablyfix on a solid basis the Corsican liberty.

It is wonderful to see how great events are produced by little causes. A lateauthourr hath given us an entertaining selection of such instances, from thehistories of different nations. The rise of the Corsicans in 1729, was occa-sioned by a single paolo, a piece worth about five pence English. A Genoesecollector, went to the house of a poor old woman, and demanded this triflingsum, as the money for which she was assessed. Being in extreme penury, shehad not wherewithal to satisfy the demand. Upon which, the collector beganto abuse her, and to seize some of her furniture. She begged him to have pa-tience, and said, she hoped in a few days to be able to pay him. He persisted inhis severity, and the poor woman made a great lamentation. Two or three peo-ple hearing the noise, entered the house, took the part of the woman, and ex-claimed against the barbarity of the collector. He threatened them withpunishment, for having hindered him in the execution of his office. This pro-voked the villagers, and they drove him away with stones. The Genoese senttroops to support their collector, and the Corsicans assembled in large bod-ies to defend themselves. The tumult encreased. A spark was sufficient to kindlethe generous flame, in a people, who had so often glowed with the enthusiasmof liberty; and in a very short time, the whole island was in motion.

The Corsicans immediately rushed upon the capital, which they took al-most without resistance; and they would have been masters of the castle ofCorte, had they been a little better regulated.

They saw it was necessary to put themselves under the direction of cer-tain chiefs. They therefore chose Signor Andrea Ceccaldi, one of the highest

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36. Stefanopoli . . . state See p. 12 n. 13. Paoli was probably JB’s source of information.* Adrian Richer, Great Events from Little Causes, 1767.

r Monsicur Richer.*

nobility in the kingdom, and Signor Luiggi Giafferi, not indeed of the firstrank, but who had a number of relations, a spirit,37 warm to a degree of fanat-icism, against the republick, and the most steady and undaunted resolution.To these was joined, Signor Domenico Raffalli, a worthy and learned ecclesi-astick, as a sort of president of justice, whose wisdom might preserve order intheir administration, and whose religion might temper the violence of theirmeasures, by principles of conscience.

The Genoese at first endeavoured to overcome the Corsicans by the soleforce of the republick; but finding themselves altogether unable for it, whilethe Corsicans were every day growing stronger, cutting to pieces the poorreinforcements of Genoese troops, and thereby supplying themselves withmore arms; the republick was under the necessity of seeking foreign assistance.

They applied to the emperour, Charles the sixth, who sent to Corsica, abody of auxiliaries, under the command of general Wachtendonck. Theseharrassed the island, without being powerful enough to overawe it.38 They hadcontinual rencounters with the Corsicans, who, in one action, killed 1200 ofthem. The emperour then sent a strong army of Germans, with the prince ofWirtemberg39 at their head. The Corsicans were not in condition to resist sucha force. They laid down their arms, upon condition that a treaty should bemade between them and the Genoese, having for guarantee the emperour.

To this the republick having acceded, the Corsicans consented that theirthree chiefs, together with Signor Aitelli, a pievano of great influence, shouldgo to Genoa as hostages.

These were accordingly conducted thither, dreading no violation of thepromise of safety which had been made to them. The Ligurians however, in-clined to put them to death; and their minister at Vienna, had almost obtainedthe emperour’s consent; but the prince of Wirtemberg, who was afterwardskilled at the battle of Guastalla, a prince of a brave and gallant spirit, sent anexpress to the emperour, with a very strong letter, representing how much thehonour of Cæsar would suffer, should he consent to the death of those whohad surrendered themselves upon the faith of his sacred protection. This wasseconded by the generous interposition of the great prince Eugene of Savoy;40

and instructions were sent to Genoa, that the hostages should be released.


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37. chose Signor . . . spirit MS (p. 96) shows how JB was prepared to temper some judgments; hewrote: ‘chose Signor Andrea Ceccaldi, one of the <first> highest nobility in the Kingdom <thoughof no great ability> and Signor Lewis Giafferi, not indeed of the first <highest> rank <nor thedeepest understanding> but who had a numerous parentage <and whose> & a spirit’. (Giafferi ismentioned again, pp. 71, 79, in the company of Paoli’s father. ‘parentage’ = ‘relations,’ a term in-troduced in the 3rd edn.)

38. Charles . . . it JB follows Goury 47, not Jaussin i. 158–59 and 220.39. Wirtemberg Eberhard-Ludwig, Duke of Wurtemberg (1676–1733).40. Eugene of Savoy Franz Eugene, Prince of Savoy (1663–1736).

Giafferi and Aitelli went home to Corsica. Ceccaldi went to Spain, wherehe died with the rank of colonel; and Raffalli went to Rome, where he re-mained till he became very old. He then returned to end his days in his nativecountry, where he still lives, regarded with veneration.

The treaty which had been formally concluded between the Corsicansand the Genoese, having been broken by the latter, there was a very short sus-pension of hostilities; and in 1734, the Corsicans rose anew.

Giafferi was again elected a general, and got for his collegue Signor Giac-into Paoli, father of the present General.

Giacinto Paoli, was a Corsican gentleman of a good family. But his meritdistinguished him more than his rank. He was a man of learning, religion andbravery; well qualified to serve his country, either in politicks, or in war.These chiefs were assisted by a variety of presidents of justice, elected one af-ter another.

The Genoese had paid very dear for their victory, in their struggles. It wascomputed, that it had cost them above thirty millions of livres, besides costlypresents to the prince of Wirtemberg, and to the other general officers.41

The Marquis d’ Argens very pleasantly applies to the Genoese, the Frenchfable of a gardener, who complained to a gentleman in the neighbourhood,that a hare came every day into his garden, and eat his cabbages; and beggedthe gentleman would be so good, as drive her out for him. The Gentlemancomes with a pack of hounds, and half-a-dozen huntsmen, and does moremischief in five minutes, than the hare could have done in seven years. After aprodigious chace, the hare made her escape through a hole in the wall. Uponwhich the gentleman congratulated the gardener on getting rid of his enemy,and advised him to stop up the hole.s So the Genoese, after having expendeda great deal more upon foreign auxiliaries, than any advantage they can everderive from Corsica; upon the departure of these auxiliaries, have the mortifi-cation to find themselves just as they were.

Genoa again tried her force against Corsica; but she only shewed herweakness, and bad politicks. So much fallen was she from that adventurousstate, which had formerly extended her influence so far. Genoa indeed, wasunhappily administered. They relate, that the city of Savona having rebelled

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41. besides . . . officers JB’s MS (p. 100) was originally more specific: ‘besides <a Sword & Cane setwith Diamonds as a Present to the Prince of Wirtemberg and proportional presents to> the otherGeneral Officers.’

* The Jewish Spy, i. 253–54 (Letter 34) (see above p. 48 n. 55). The fable was from La Fontaine, FablesIV, iv: ‘The Jardinier et son Seigneur.’

s Lettres Juiv. lett. 34.*

several times, it was deliberated in the senate, whether they ought not to de-stroy it altogether. When a witty senator of the Doria family, rose, and said,‘If that be your intention, gentlemen, you need only send them such anothergovernour, as the two last were; you cannot fall on a better expedient.’42

The Corsicans on this occasion, displayed their resolution afresh, in thecause of liberty. They were well conducted, and had many successful engage-ments with the Genoese.

Their noble enthusiasm always continued, and, notwithstanding many un-lucky divisions among themselves, there were still, in different parts of the is-land, intrepid bands, animated by the example of distinguished leaders.

I must here take notice of count Domenico Rivarola.43 His family was abranch of the house of Rossi, at Parma, one of the most ancient and conspicu-ous of the Italian nobility. His ancestor had left his fief of Rivarola, in the ter-ritory of Mantua, on account of the wars between the emperour, and thecountess Matilda, and had settled in the Genoese state, where he quitted thename of Rossi, and took that of Rivarola. This family of Rivarola greatly in-creased. In the fifteenth century, Francis Rivarola was, on account of long ser-vices, raised to the dignity of a count Palatine, by the emperour Maximilian;from which period, the title has since been in the family. Several descendantsof Rivarola were established in Spain, Sicily, and the dominions of Sardinia,and three were established in Corsica, one in Calvi, one in Ajaccio, and one inBastia; of which last, count Domenico Rivarola was the representative.

This gentleman had the lands of Chiaveri, on the river of Genoa; wasconsidered as a friend of the republick, and was intrusted by her, with the of-fice of commissary in Balagna; a singular honour for a Corsican.

He endeavoured, at this time, to make a reasonable accommodation be-tween the Corsicans and Genoese, which having proved ineffectual, he wasconvinced, that the republick was determined to persevere in tyranny; hetherefore embraced the patriotick party, and was ever after, most firm andzealous, in the great cause of liberty. He quitted the island, and went over toLeghorn, that he might be at full liberty to negotiate upon the continent, inbehalf of his country.

The Genoese immediately confiscated his lands of Chiaveri. He had stillthe lands of Oletta, in Corsica; to which, he made his family remove fromBastia. But, he had soon a very severe trial of his constancy. For, the same year,his son Antonio, who was studying at the academy of Siena, went home, to


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42. expedient In MS (p. 102), following at this point is an incomplete and deleted paragraph aboutCount de Boisseux and his stratagem of dressing his soldiers in Corsican garb, the substance ofwhich reappears on MS p. 119 (in print on p. 80).

43. Domenico Rivarola Formerly Rossi, Rivarola (1687–1748) was the father of JB’s ‘very good friend’(p. 73) Antonio Rivarola (see p. 11 n. 8).

bring with him his brother Nicholas; and, as they were crossing over to Leghorn,in a little Tuscan vessel, with a British passport, they were taken by the repub-lick, and carried to Genoa, where they were thrown into prison.

The republick thought this would certainly prevent count Domenico, thefather, from continuing with the patriots. They offered to restore him his pos-sessions, to release his sons, and to make him general of the Corsican troops intheir service, if he would return to their side. But he answered with resolutionand magnanimity: ‘I miei figliuoli me li daranno a lor dispetto; e tutte le altreofferte le stimo un nulla a paragone del giusto impegno che ho preso e che se-guiterò fin che ho vita. My sons they shall be obliged to give me, whether theywill or no; and all their other offers I consider as nothing, in comparison ofthe just enterprise in which I am engaged, and in which I will persevere whileI have life.’ Such instances of patriotick spirit deserve to be recorded. The an-nals of Corsica will furnish many of them.

When the Austrian troops entered Genoa, the young counts Rivarolawere set at liberty. Count Antonio, the eldest, my very good friend, is a major,in the service of the king of Sardinia, and consul general for that sovereign inTuscany. Count Nicholas, the other, lives at Oletta in Corsica, but is of so del-icate a constitution, that he cannot serve his country as he would wish to do.44

Both the brothers have the spirit of their father.Count Domenico Rivarola45 obtained a regiment in the Sardinian service,

and by his influence at Turin, procured such assistance, that he would havebeen able to free his country, had it not been for the house of Matra in Cor-sica,46 which stood by the republick, and had interest enough to make a strongparty in the island.

In the mean time, the Corsican war went on with spirit. Sometimes it wasexpected, that the king of Spain47 would strike in on one side or other. Butthat prince did not choose to interfere. Probably he foresaw, that it would in-volve him in a quarrel with France.

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44. delicate . . . to do Another example of JB’s recognising the need to moderate his language. Thebrother of his ‘very good friend,’ Antonio Rivarola, is described in MS (p. 106) as ‘of so <tender>delicate a constitution that he can be of little service to his Country.’

45. Domenico Rivarola In MS (p. 106) his name is followed by this largely deleted passage: ‘<expecteda Regiment in the service of the Emperor and was called to Florence by General Breituily (?) bywhom He was desired to wait on Sir Horace Mann the British Envoy. Sir Horace asked him if Hewould not be satisfied to have> obtained a Regiment in the Sardinian Service, <He agreed to thisProposal with pleasure> and by his influence . . .’

46. Matra in Corsica The powerful Matra clan (then led by Emanuele Matra) was a significant forcein opposition to Paoli. Antonio ‘Antonuccio’ Matra (brother to Emanuele) led the Genoese troopsattacking Aleria in May 1762; he was also prominent in the unsuccessful attempt by the Genoeseto re-take Capraja in 1767 (see pp. 139–40).

47. king of Spain Philip V (1683–1746).

While the Genoese and the Corsicans were thus keenly engaged, and thepoliticians of Europe were forming various conjectures, a most extraordinarycircumstance occurred, to the amazement of every body. This was the appear-ance of Theodore,48 whose singular story has made so much noise.

As many inconsistent reports have been circulated, with regard to thisman, I have been at great pains to obtain authentick accounts concerning him,which, I am persuaded, will be very acceptable to my readers.49

Theodore Baron Newhoff, in the county of La Marc in Westphalia, was thepersonage who aspired to the sovereignty of Corsica. He had his education in theFrench service. He afterwards went to Spain, where he received some marks ofregard from the duke of Riperda and cardinal Alberoni.50 But being of a strangeunsettled projecting51 disposition, he quitted Spain, and went and travelled intoItaly, England and Holland; ever in search of some new adventure. He at lastfixed his attention on Corsica, and formed a scheme of making himself a king.

He was a man of abilities and address; and, after having fully informedhimself of every thing relating to the island, he went to Tunis, where he fellupon means to procure some money and arms; and then came to Leghorn, fromwhence he wrote a letter to the Corsican chiefs, Giafferi and Paoli, offering con-siderable assistance to the nation, if they would elect him as their sovereign.

This letter was consigned to count Domenico Rivarola, who acted as Cor-sican plenipotentiary, in Tuscany; and he gave for answer, that if Theodorebrought the assistance he promised to the Corsicans, they would very willinglymake him king.

Upon this he, without loss of time, set sail and landed at Tavagna inspring, 1736. He was a man of a very stately appearance; and the Turkish dresswhich he wore, added to the dignity of his mien. He had a few attendantswith him. His manners were so engaging, and his offers so plausible, thathe was proclaimed king of Corsica, before count Rivarola’s dispatches arrivedto inform the chiefs of the terms upon which he had agreed. He brought withhim about a thousand zechins52 of Tunis, besides some arms and ammunition,and made magnificent promises of foreign assistance; so that the Corsicans,


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48. Theodore Baron Théodore von Neuhoff (?1686–1756), the adventurer who persuaded Corsicans tomake him their king in 1736. His monarchy lasted only a few months. He died in England soon af-ter being released from a debtors’ prison. Privately JB regarded him as ‘a rogue, and not a man ofcourage’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 63). He is alluded to in Smollett’s Adventures of Ferdinand Count Fathom(1753), chap. 39 (Smollett may have visited him in prison) and in Voltaire’s Candide (1759), chap. 26.

49. As many . . . readers Goury (58) expresses similar sentiments at the opening of his chapter onTheodore. In the paragraph that follows JB summarises points in Goury 58–60.

50. duke of Riperda . . . Alberoni Johan Wilhelm Ripperda (1682–1737), Duke of Ripperda, Dutchadventurer and Spanish minister . . . Giulio Alberoni (1664–1752), Spanish first minister 1716–19,made cardinal in 1717.

51. projecting i.e., scheming or inventive.52. zechins Originally gold coins from Venice.

who were glad of any support, willingly gave into his schemes; and it must beconsidered, that there could be no great harm in allowing a man the name ofking, since they had always the power of restraining his authority.

Theodore assumed every mark of royal dignity. He had his guards, andhis officers of state. He conferred titles of honour, and he struck money, bothof silver and copper. The silver pieces were few in number, and can nowhardly be met with. I have one of his copper coins, on one side of it is ‘T. R.(Theodorus Rex) King Theodore,’ with a double branch crossed, and round itthis inscription, ‘Pro bono publico Re. Co. (Regni Corsicae) For the publicgood of the kingdom of Corsica.’53 On the other side, is the value of the piece,‘cinque soldi, five sous.’ There was such a curiosity over all Europe to haveking Theodore’s coins, that his silver pieces were sold at four zechins each; andwhen the genuine ones were exhausted, imitations of them were made atNaples, and, like the imitations of antiques, were bought up at a high price,and carefully preserved in the cabinets of the virtuosi.54

Theodore immediately blocked up the Genoese fortified towns; and heused to be sometimes at one siege, sometimes at another, standing with a tel-escope in his hand, as if he spied the assistance which he said he expected. Heused also the artifice of making large packets be continually brought to himfrom the continent, which he gave out to be from the different sovereigns ofEurope, acknowledging his authority, and promising to befriend him.

The Genoese were not a little confounded with this unexpected adven-turer. They published a violent manifesto against Theodore, treating him withgreat contempt, but at the same time shewing, that they were alarmed at hisappearance. Theodore replied, in a manifesto, with all the calmness and dig-nity of a monarch, expressed his indifference as to the injurious treatment ofthe republick, and appeared firm in the hopes of victory.

The Genoese minister at London, made strong interest against the Corsi-cans; and on the 24 of June, 1736, her majesty, the queen regent of GreatBritain,55 issued out her royal proclamation, prohibiting any of his majesty’ssubjects from furnishing provisions or assistance to the malecontents of Corsica.

After having been about eight months in Corsica, Theodore perceived,that the people began to cool in their affections towards him, and did not actwith the same resolution as before. He therefore wisely determined, to leave

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53. Theodore . . . Corsica’ JB made extensive use of information about Theodore’s silver coins in An-tonio Rivarola’s letter, 2 May 1767 (Gen. Corr. i. 152–54). The description of the coin came fromGoury 70–71.

54. imitations . . . virtuosi JB’s irony was aimed at voguish collectors of supposed rarities ostenta-tiously displayed in specially designed cabinets.

55. queen . . . Britain Queen Caroline (1683–1737), wife of George II; she acted as regent during severalabsences of the king. In MS (p. 110) the date of her proclamation is 24 June 1736 but in print 24July; JB’s MS reading is preferred though the actual date was 16 June (London Gazette, 19 June 1736).

them for a little, and try his fortune again upon the continent. So, after havinglaid down a plan of administration, to be observed in his absence, he quittedthe island, in the month of November.

He went to Holland, and there he was successful enough to get credit toa great extent, from several rich merchants, particularly Jews, who trusted himwith cannon, and other warlike stores, to a great value, under the charge of asupercargo.56 With these, he returned to Corsica, in 1739; and, on his arrival,he put to death his supercargo, that he might not have any trouble from de-mands being made upon him.

By this time, as shall be afterwards shewn, the French had become sopowerful in the island, that, although Theodore threw in his supply of warlikestores, he did not incline to venture his person, the Genoese having set a highprice upon his head.

He therefore chose to relinquish his throne, and give up his views of am-bition for safety, having furnished a remarkable example, how far a daring anddesperate spirit may go. Had Theodore had a little more prudence, and somebetter fortune, he, and his posterity, might have worn the crown of Corsica,upon the generous title of having delivered the island from oppression.

It has often been said,57 that Theodore was secretly supported by some ofthe European powers. But, from all that I can learn, there is no foundationwhatever, for this conjecture. It is, indeed, a rare thing, to find a private gentle-man embarking on his own bottom,58 in an enterprise of such a nature. But thetruth is, Theodore was a most singular man, and had been so beaten about, bychange of fortune, that he had lost the common sentiments of mankind, andviewed things as one who is mad, or drunk, or in a fever. He had nothing tolose, and a great deal to win. His scheme was, to amuse59 the Corsicans withhopes of foreign aid; and, by the force of hope, to carry them foreward. Thismight have succeeded, in which case, he could very easily have said, that theforeign aid would have come, had there been occasion for it; but they had be-haved with such spirit, as to require no help. And, had he been fortunate, it isprobable, some of the powers of Europe might have, in reality, stood by him.

The Corsicans now, talk differently of king Theodore.60 Some of them,who had most faith in his fine speeches, still extoll him to the skies, to supporttheir own judgment; others, who looked upon him as an impostour, and never


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56. He went . . . supercargo Theodore describes the arrangements in a letter to the ‘Rebel Chiefs’(Jaussin ii. 42). (A supercargo was an agent who superintended a merchant’s business in a foreigncountry.)

57. often been said See Goury 82.58. on . . . bottom i.e., independently.59. amuse i.e., beguile, delude.60. The Corsicans . . . Theodore Whereas Goury ends his chapter (79–80) on Theodore with reflec-

tions on how Corsica changed after Theodore left, JB discusses subsequent opinions about him.

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61. Wat Tyler Leader of the Peasants’ Revolt; executed in 1381.62. Robert Dodsley Dodsley (1703–64), poet and dramatist as well as one of the most respected pub-

lishers of the day.63. Horace Walpole . . . World . . . mouth Horace Walpole (1717–97) published his paper in World,

no. viii, on 22 February 1753 and later his ‘Anecdotes of the Life of Théodore, King of Corsica’ inFugitive Pieces (Strawberry Hill, 1758). JB’s notes for 22 Jan. 1766 (Private Papers, vii. 60–61) recordhis meeting with Walpole and were the basis for his account of Walpole’s knowledge of and regardfor Théodore. JB sent Walpole a copy of Corsica on 23 February 1768, and told him that he had pro-vided the ‘first incitement to undertake the work which has now made its appearance’ (Gen. Corr.ii. 30). Walpole is acerbic about JB and Corsica in his letter to Gray, 18 February 1768: JB ‘forcedhimself upon me at Paris in spite of my teeth and my doors, and I see has given a foolish accountof all he could pick up from me about King Theodore’ (Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis,xiv. 170). (See Gen. Corr. ii. 31 nn. 1–3.)

joined heartily in his measures, represent him as a kind of Wat Tyler,61 a kingof a rabble; but the most knowing and judicious, and the General himself,consider him in the moderate light in which he has now been represented, andown, that he was of great service in reviving the spirit of the nation, which, af-ter a good many years of constant war, was beginning to droop, but which,Theodore restored, while he rekindled the sacred fire of liberty.

They, indeed, are sensible, that his wretched fate has thrown a sort ofridicule on the nation, since their king was confined in a jail at London, whichwas actually the case of poor Theodore; who, after experiencing the most ex-traordinary vicissitudes of fortune, chose to end his days in our island of lib-erty; but was reduced to the wretched state of a prisoner, for debt.

Mr. Horace Walpole generously exerted himself for Theodore. He wrotea paper in the World, with great elegance and humour, soliciting a contribu-tion for the monarch in distress, to be paid to Mr. Robert Dodsley,62 book-seller, as lord high treasurer. This brought him a very handsome sum. He wasallowed to get out of prison. Mr. Walpole has the original deed, by whichTheodore made over the kingdom of Corsica, in security to his creditors. Hehas also the great seal of the kingdom.

Mr. Walpole has told me, that he had the curiosity to see king Theodore,and was accordingly in company with him, at a lady’s of his acquaintance. Butwhether from dulness, or from pride, he did not open his mouth.63

I suppose he has been so much dejected, and so much hurt by his misfor-tunes, that he was become sullen and indifferent. He died very soon after hegot out of prison, and was buried in St. Anne’s church-yard, Westminster;where a simple, unadorned monument is erected to him, with the followinginscription:

Near this place, is interredTheodore, king of Corsica;

Who died in this parish, Dec. II,1756,

Immediately after leavingThe king’s bench prison,

By the benefit of the act of insolvency:In consequence of which,

He registered his kingdom of CorsicaFor the use of his creditors.

The grave, great teacher, to a level brings,Heroes, and beggars, galley-slaves, and kings;But Theodore, this moral learn’d, e’er dead;Fate pour’d its lesson on his living head,Bestow’d a kingdom, and deny’d him bread.64 }

To return to the affairs of the island. The Genoese, eager to repress therise in 1734, hired some Swiss and Grisons,65 who from being accustomed tosuch a country at home, might scour the mountains of Corsica. But these sol-diers found it no easy matter to scour mountains, where the natives were con-tinually firing upon them, and had numberless ways of escaping. They soonsaw that they had made a bad bargain, and that they gave the Genoese toomuch blood for their money.

Genoa had also recourse to the desperate expedient of Marius and Sylla.66

She published an indemnity to all her assassins, and outlaws of every sort, oncondition that they should fight for the republìck, in Corsica.67 The robbersand assassins of Genoa, are no inconsiderable proportion of her people. Thesewretches flocked together, from all quarters, and were formed into twelvecompanies, who were joined with the Swiss and Grisons.

It may well be believed, that venal stipendiaries, and abandoned crimi-nals, could not oppose an army of brave men, who were fighting in the greatcause of liberty, and had every thing that was dear to them, at stake.

But France, who has ever had an eye to this island, now began to be ap-prehensive that the Corsicans might entirely throw off the yoke of Genoa,in which case, they would either become a free state, which the powers of


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64. inscription: . . . bread Walpole was responsible both for the monument and the inscription. Hetold Sir Horace Mann, 29 September 1757: ‘I am putting up a stone in St. Ann’s churchyard[Soho] for your old friend King Theodore’; the inscription quoted by JB follows [‘. . . Theodorethis lesson learned . . .’]. See Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, xxi. 139–40.

65. Grisons The largest Swiss canton.66. expedient . . . Sylla Gaius Marius (c. 157–86 bc) granted enfranchisement to the proletarii as a re-

ward for military service; Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138–78 bc) emancipated the slaves of his mur-dered enemies to serve as his personal bodyguard.

67. indemnity . . . in Corsica The substance of this passage in MS p. 115 was transferred from MS p.101, where it was virtually obliterated.

Europe would, from a mutual jealousy, protect, or perhaps, would putthemselves under the sovereignty of some great nation.68 She resolved thento force them back under the dominion of Genoa; for, by constant negoti-ations with that republick, France has such an ascendancy, that she maycommand, when she pleases, whatever belongs to it.

A treaty was therefore made at Versailles,69 by which, his most ChristianMajesty engaged to reduce the Corsicans to obedience; and it was contrivedwith such address, as to appear done at the earnest desire of Genoa; though inreality, the republick had too recently experienced the danger of calling in theaid of a great state, to wish for a repetition of the same expedient.

In the month of March, 1738, the count de Boisseux70 was sent with a de-tachment of French troops to Corsica. This general was a good officer, but ofno great enterprise. He was attended on this expedition, by M. de Contades,71

since, mareschal of France, who commanded the French army, at the battle ofMinden. After several conferences with the chiefs of the Corsicans, Giafferiand Paoli, with whom we may also mention Luca di Ornano, a collateralbranch of the great family, which Sampiero di Bastelica formerly represented,M. de Boisseux finding that the Corsicans would not submit to their old op-pressours, began his hostilities.

The people of Corsica remonstrated to his most Christian Majesty in avery affecting memorial, in which they enumerated at great length their griev-ances, and as France had formerly afforded them protection, they hoped shewould not now compel them to yield to the worst of tyranny.72 To the memo-rial were subjoined articles of accommodation, which they submitted to theFrench king.

These articles were thought too bold for a people in the situation of theCorsicans; and articles formed by the Genoese were approved by France:73 sothat no accommodation could be brought about. Giafferi and Paoli publisheda spirited manifesto to their countrymen, concluding it with the noble senti-ment of Judas Maccabeus: ‘Melius est mori in bello quam videre mala gentisnostrae.t It is better for us to die in battle, than to behold the calamities of ourpeople.’

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68. But France . . . nation The sentence is a free translation of Goury 82.69. treaty . . . Versailles Signed on 12 July 1737.70. Boisseux See p. 72 n. 42 and p. 80.71. Contades Louis Georges Erasme de Contades (1704–95); commander at Minden, 1759. (For much

of the correspondence between the protagonists mentioned in this paragraph, see Jaussin ii. 4–324.)72. memorial, . . . tyranny For the memorial see Jaussin i. 319–38.73. France The articles are given in Jaussin i. 278–90.

t I Maccabees, chap. iii. ver. 59.


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74. drest . . . country Details of the dress can be found in Jaussin i. 315.75. The Genoese This paragraph (MS, p. 119) originally opened: <‘It was now thought that the Corsi-

cans would listen to any terms of Accommodation.’>76. Maillebois Jean-Baptiste François Desmarets (1682–1762), Marquis de Maillebois, made Marshal

of France in 1741 in recognition of his services in Corsica.77. arquebusiers, and Bearnois i.e., soldiers armed with (old-fashioned) handguns, and troops from

Béarn, a region of southwest France.* Jaussin i. 358–96 gives the memorial in full.

M. de Boisseux did considerable hurt to the Corsicans; for, although hisoperations were slow, they were well conducted. He had even recourse to art;for he had a part of his troops drest exactly like the people of the country,74

and, by that device, they destroyed multitudes, and occasioned a strange con-fusion and dismay among the Corsicans, in so much, that till they came verynear parties, who appeared upon the mountains and in the woods, they couldnot be certain whether they were friends or enemies. Meanwhile, more troopsbeing sent from France, the transports were overtaken with a terrible storm,and some of them wrecked on the Corsican coasts, where the patriots took thesoldiers prisoners, and seized their arms. M. de Boisseux did not live to see thesuccess of his operations. He was taken ill, and died at Bastia, in February 1739.

The Genoese,75 much elated with the success that the monarchy ofFrance had against the Corsicans, published a long memorial. The beginningof it, is truly pleasant: ‘All the world knows so well, the mildness and love,with which the republick of Genoa governs her people; and above all, withwhat goodness and affection she hath ever regarded those of Corsica, &c.’u

They really intended this should pass in Europe, as a serious truth.Still supported by the goodness of their cause, the Corsicans remained in-

flexible, nor would they ever have given way, but to such a superiourity offorce, as it was impossible for them to withstand.

In March, 1739, the French sent to Corsica, the marquis de Maillebois,76

a commander every way fitted for such an expedition, being an officer of greatpenetration, and uncommon fire. He saw, that the Corsicans had long beentrifled with by Genoa, and that even the French had not acted against themwith sufficient vigour. He saw, that it was necessary to strike a bold stroke, ifhe wanted to make any impression on the valiant islanders, so long accus-tomed to scenes of blood; and since his sovereign had committed to him thecharge of conquering this people, he resolved to do it effectually.

Every thing therefore, was provided for the enterprise. He had 16 battal-ions of the best troops of France, besides some arquebusiers, and Bearnois,77

expert in climbing the mountains.

u Jaussin, tom. i. p. 358.*

Having formed two great corps, and several small parties, all compleatlyfurnished with ammunition, and whatever else was necessary, or convenient;he pierced into the innermost parts of the country, while his grenadiers car-ried heavy cannon across the rudest passes. He cut down the standing corn,the vines, the olives, set fire to the villages, and spread terrour and desolationin every quarter. He hanged numbers of monks, and others, who were keen-est in the revolt, and at the same time, published, wherever he went, his termsof capitulation, which had the best chance to be accepted, amidst so general adestruction. Notwithstanding the ungenerous cause, in which they were dis-played, one cannot but admire the martial abilities of M. de Maillebois.78

We have seen, that Theodore durst not land. The succours which he left,were not of much avail. Such unprecedented, and terrible slaughter, as nowtook place, with the dread of still greater vengeance, from so formidable a na-tion as France, obliged the Corsicans to lay down their arms, at the end of thecampaign, 1739, which was indeed a hot one. Of these arms, a thousand werefound to have the Genoese mark. The republick demanded to have themrestored, a circumstance little to their honour.

The generals, Giafferi and Paoli, left the island, and went to Naples;where they were both made colonels, which character, they enjoyed till theirdeath.

There were still some few enthusiastick patriots, who skulked in thewildest parts of the island; but these were all reduced before the end of theyear 1740, as was also the young baron Newhoff, the nephew of Theodore, whowith a small party of desperadoes, had long escaped the utmost diligenceof the French commander. He surrendered, on condition, that he and his at-tendants, should be landed in safety on the continent, which was faithfullyperformed.79

In this manner was Corsica totally vanquished by France, of which theGenoese were as proud, as if it had been their own atchievement. They gave inproposals to M. de Maillebois, for keeping the island in perpetual quiet. Theseproposals are preserved by M. Jaussin;v and they are such, as any state shouldbe ashamed of. Amongst many other barbarous schemes, one was, to transporta considerable number of the inhabitants, and make them over to the king ofFrance, to people his distant colonies. Could there be a more harsh, or a moreabsurd measure, than this? Jaussin is much on the side of Genoa, and throughthe whole of his two volumes, does not seem to have felt one spark of true

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78. Every thing [80:29]. . . Maillebois These two paragraphs closely follow Goury 90–98.79. He surrendered . . . performed Translated from Goury 111.

v Jaussin, tom. i. p. 468.


82

80. France . . . island France was engaged in the War of the Austrian Succession.81. Gaffori Gian Pietro Gaffori (see also JB’s eulogy on p. 85). Gaffori’s eldest son was Francesco

(1744–96).* Several details here (though not the Latin quotation) were added later than MS. Galgacus (orCalgacus) ( fl. c. ad 84) was the chieftain commanding native tribes when Agricola, the Romangovernor of Britain, invaded Caledonia. Tacitus represents Galgacus as delivering a harangue be-fore the battle (which he lost), denouncing the Roman plunderers. Tacitus, De Vita Julii Agrico-lae, xxx. 5.

liberty, or at all to have entered into the spirit of what the Corsicans werefighting for; yet when he recites this proposal, he cannot help saying: ‘Il sem-bloit par là qu’ils auroient été contens d’etre soverains des seuls rochers deCorse sans sujets.w It would thence appear, that the Genoese would have beensatisfied to be sovereigns of the bare rocks of Corsica, without subjects.’

France being engaged with more important objects than Corsica, or anything concerning the Genoese, was no longer at leisure to employ her atten-tion on that island.80 All Europe being now in agitation, she thought proper torecall her troops from Corsica. They accordingly quitted the island, in the endof the year 1741, leaving it in perfect submission and quietness; as was said ofthe Romans by Galgacus, the ancient Scottish chief, in his famous speech,upon the Grampian mountains: ‘Ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant.x

Where they make a desart, they call it peace.’The French, indeed, knew the Corsicans too well, to believe, that they

would submit to Genoa, when left to themselves. The event happened accord-ingly; for the French were hardly gone, before the Corsicans were again asmuch in motion as ever. Several of their countrymen, who were settled in dif-ferent towns in Italy, furnished them with arms; and, as they had formerlydone, they took a good many arms from the Genoese. From having been longdepressed, like a strong bow recovering its elasticity, they rose with renewedvigour. Man, woman and child, may be said to have engaged; for very youngboys took the field; and even some of their women, like those of Sparta,shewed their valour in battle. Many of the religious also carried arms; and, asif actuated by a kind of universal inspiration, every soul was ardent against thetyrant.

Gaffori81 and Matra, now obtained the government of Corsica, under thetitle of Protectours of the kingdom. Gaffori was a man of distinguished talents.His eloquence was most remarkable; and the Corsicans still talk with admirationof his harangues to them. He heard once, that a band of assassins were comingagainst him. He went out, and met them with a serene dignity, which astonishedthem. He begged they would only hear him a little; and he gave them so

w Ib. p. 481. x Tacit. de vit. Agric. cap. 30.*

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pathetick a picture of the distresses of Corsica, and roused their spirits to such adegree against those, who caused the oppression, that the assassins threw them-selves at his feet, intreated his forgiveness, and instantly joined his banners.

The Genoese being in possession of the castle of Corte, it was besiegedwith great vigour by the Corsicans, commanded by Gaffori. By a strange wantof thought, the nurse, who took care of Gaffori’s eldest son, then an infant,wandered away, at a little distance from the camp. The Genoese perceived it,and making a sudden sally, they got hold of the nurse and the child, and car-ried them into the castle. The General shewed a decent concern at this un-happy accident, which struck a damp into the whole army. The Genoesethought they could have Gaffori upon their own terms, since they were pos-sessed of so dear a pledge. When he advanced to make some cannon play, theyheld up his son, directly over that part of the wall, against which his artillerywas levelled. The Corsicans stopt, and began to draw back; but Gaffori, withthe resolution of a Roman, stood at their head, and ordered them to continuethe fire. Luckily, his firmness was not broken by losing his child, who escapedunhurt. I had the pleasure of knowing the young gentleman, who inherits hisfather’s estate. He related to me himself, from the best authority, this story,which does so much honour to his father. I had it also vouched, by such ashad no particular interest in it.

Matra, the other general or protectour, was always suspected, as secretlyfavouring the views of Genoa, and was rather a promoter of division, than apatron of liberty. Indeed, the great misfortune of the Corsicans, was theirwant of union; which made particular animosities take up their attention, anddivert their zeal from the great cause.

In 1745, Count Domenico Rivarola, arrived at Bastia, along with someEnglish ships of war. Great Britain had forbidden her subjects to give any as-sistance to the Corsicans; but, by the changeful schemes of political connex-ions, she consented to send some ships against the Genoese; not, as if fromherself, but, as complying with the request of her ally, the king of Sardinia,who had taken the cause of Corsica much to heart. These ships bombardedBastia, and San Fiorenzo, both of which they delivered into the hands of theCorsicans. The force of the British men of war, and the great service done byus to their cause, are never forgotten, by the brave islanders.

Count Rivarola, was proclaimed Generalissimo of the kingdom. Gafforiand Matra, were not present at this election, and did every thing in their powerto oppose it; so that there was nothing but heart-burnings, and miserabledissensions; and the British went away with an idea of this people, as if they hadbeen a parcel of half-barbarians.

As our information, with regard to Corsica, has been very imperfect,these unhappy impressions have continued ever since, and have had too muchinfluence in Great Britain.

Rivarola, Gaffori and Matra, having at length come to a tolerable agree-ment, matters went on a little better, though the Genoese soon recovered Bas-tia and San Fiorenzo.

In 1746, the Corsicans sent two envoys, with proposals to the Earl of Bris-tol, then his Britannick Majesty’s ambassadour, at the court of Turin.82 Theintention of these proposals was, that Corsica should put herself entirely un-der the protection of Great Britain. The envoys waited at Turin, till My LordBristol had a return from the ministry at London, signifying their satisfactionat what had been communicated, hoping the Corsicans would preserve thesame obliging sentiments; but that it was not then the time to enter into anytreaty with them.

Count Domenico Rivarola, finding that he could be of most service to hiscountry, when at a distance, returned to Turin, where he constantly improvedthe benevolent intentions of his Sardinian Majesty towards Corsica. He diedwith the rank of colonel, in April 1748, and left behind him the character ofan honest man, and a gallant patriot.

In the same month and year, the British ship, the Nassau, commanded bycaptain Holcomb,83 together with some transports, carried over to Corsica,two battalions, one of the king of Sardinia’s troops, and one of Austrians, inorder to aid the Corsicans; but the general peace being concluded, at Aix laChapelle,84 no foreign states could any longer interfere, and the Corsicans andGenoese, were again left to themselves.

My Lord Hailes has, among his valuable collection of historical manu-scripts, two pieces relating to Corsica. The one entitled, ‘Information de l’étatdans leqel se trouve presentement la Corfe, & de ce qu’il faudroit pour la de-livrer de l’esclavage du gouvernement Genois, traduit de l’Italien,’ is writtenby Count Domenico Rivarola. The other, is an account of the state of Corsica,in the original Italian; drawn up by one, who appears to have been well ac-quainted with the subject. Both of these papers set forth, the advantages to bederived to a maritime power, from an alliance with Corsica. They were com-municated by M. Carret de Gorregne, the Sardinian minister, to generalWentworth,85 the British ambassadour, at the court of Turin; and, I believe,


84

82. Earl . . . Turin George William Hervey, 2nd Earl of Bristol (1721–75)—elder brother of Frederick(p. 11 n. 9)—envoy to Turin, 1755–58.

83. Holcomb Essex Holcombe (d. 1770), promoted Captain, 1740 (in Commissioned Sea Officers of theRoyal Navy, 1660–1815, n.d., ii. 450).

84. peace . . . Chapelle 18 October 1748.85. M. Carret . . . Wentworth Leopold del Carreto, Marquis de Gorzegno (d. 1750) . . . General

Thomas Wentworth, on a special mission to improve Austro-Sardinian relations and to obtain in-formation on the condition of Austro-Sardinian forces in Italy, arrived Turin, 29 May 1747; hedied there on 2 December. (See British Diplomatic Representatives 1689–1789, ed. D. B. Horn,Camden 3rd Series, XLVI, 1932, 124.)

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86. My Lord . . . Corsicans This paragraph was added later than MS.87. a hero Alongside this passage and presumably prompted by a consideration of heroic virtues, JB

inserted a marginal instruction to himself (MS, p. 132): ‘N. B. Before relating General Paoli’s Elec-tion insert the Account of his descent education &c.’

88. Saguntines The citizens of Sagunto (formerly Saguntum) in Valencia province, eastern Spain.89. The patriots . . . fiction Written in the margin of JB’s MS (p. 132).

* See p. 10 n. 7

they had considerable influence, in procuring the interposition of Sardiniaand Great Britain, in favour of the Corsicans.86

Matra, in the end of the year 1748, went to the service of Piedmont, andleft Gaffori sole general of the island. A repetition of the same desperate ac-tions continued, till on the 3d of October, 1753, Gaffori was assassinated by aband of murderers, set on by the republick. At least, it is a fact that some ofthese wretches have still a miserable pension to support them, in the territoryof Genoa. There is a pillar of infamy erected at Corte, on the place, wherestood the house of the principal actour in this bloody villany. The house wasburnt, and razed from the foundation.

The Corsicans, from their family connexions, and violent parties, differ intheir accounts of Gaffori. Some of them would have it believed, that he wastoo much engrossed by selfish views, and in order to promote his own interest,endeavoured to bring about unworthy schemes of reconciliation with Genoa.But, besides the reluctance which every generous mind must feel, to givecredit to injurious reports of a hero,87 whose greatness of soul shone forth, inthe manner I have related, what I heard of Gaffori from those, in whose judg-ment and impartiality I could confide, joined with the regard with which he ishad in remembrance by the majority of his countrymen, determine me to apersuasion of the reality of his virtues.

The administratours of the island had been so well instituted by generalGaffori, that Corsica was able to continue for two years without any chief;while the war was still carried on with various success.

The patriots did not however, swear a solemn oath, that, rather than submitto the republick, they would throw themselves into the fire, like the Saguntines88

of old. This oath, which is conceived in terms of strength and violence, not un-like the Corsican stile, but somewhat exaggerated, was circulated over Europe,and generally believed to be genuine. Doctour Smollet, who displays a generouswarmth in favour of the Corsicans, was very naturally led to give this oath aplace in his history;y but Paoli assures me, that it was a fiction.89

I come now, to a remarkable event in the annals of Corsica, an event,from which the happiness and glory of that island will principally be dated. Imean, the election of Pascal Paoli, to be General of the kingdom.

y Smoll. hist. vol. xvi. p. 384.*


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z His name, in Italian, is Pasquale de’ Paoli. I write Pascal, as more agreeable to an English ear. I alsoavoid giving him any title. I owe this thought to My Lord Hailes. When I asked him, Whether I shouldcall Paoli, Signor, or General? his answer was, ‘Signor is better than General, but plain Pascal is betterthan either. You do not say, King Alexander, but Alexander of Macedon; no title adds to the dignity ofJudas Maccabeus.’

Pascal Paoli,z was second son to the old chief Giacinto Paoli. He had beeneducated with great care by his father, who formed his taste for letters, and in-spired him with every worthy and noble sentiment. He was born in Corsica,where he remained long enough, to contract a love and attachment to hiscountry, and to feel the oppression under which it groaned.

When the patriots were totally crushed by the marquis de Maillebois, hisfather took young Paoli to Naples, where he had the advantage of attendingthe academy, got a commission as an officer in that service, and was muchabout court.

Here he lived twelve or thirteen years, cultivating the great powers withwhich nature had endowed him, and laying the foundation of those grand de-signs, which he had early formed, for the deliverance of his country.

His reputation became so great among the Corsicans, that he received thestrongest invitations to come over and take the command.90 He embarked inthe glorious enterprise, stimulated by generous ambition, and undismayed bya consideration of the dangers, the cares, and the uncertainty which he wasabout to encounter.

There was something particularly affecting, in his parting from his father;the old man, hoary and gray with years, fell on his neck, and kissed him,91

gave him his blessing, and with a broken feeble voice, encouraged him in theundertaking, on which he was entering: ‘My son,’ said he, I may, possibly,never see you more; but in my mind, I shall ever be present with you. Your de-sign is a great, and a noble one; and I doubt not, but God will bless you in it.The little which remains to me of life, I will allot to your cause, in offering upmy prayers and supplications to heaven, for your protection and prosperity.’Having again embraced him, they parted.

Pascal Paoli no sooner appeared in the island, than he attracted the atten-tion of every body. His carriage and deportment prejudiced them in his favour,and his superiour judgment, and patriotick spirit, displayed with all the force

90. I come [85:31] . . . command JB’s MS (pp. 132, 136–37) reveals a considerable amount of re-writingand re-ordering of material here; originally some occurred before and some after the ‘manifesto’;but all was done in accordance with JB’s own instruction quoted above, n. 87.

91. fell . . . kissed him The scene and language recall biblical precedents: see Genesis xxxiii.4 andxlv.14–15; Luke xv.20. For Paoli’s response to the incident see Pascal Paoli: Correspondance: laPrise du Pouvoir, 1749–1756, ed. Antoine-Marie Graziani and Carlo Bitossi (Ajaccio, 2003),pp. 79–83.

92. condescension i.e., courteous disregard for differences of status.93. manifesto John Dick writing to JB, 24 October 1766: ‘Amongst my old papers I found the Reso-

lution of the Corsicans on de Paoli’s first arrival amongst them, Copy of which I also send You’(Gen. Corr. i. 76). JB received a copy of the English translation of the ‘manifesto’; he made someslight verbal changes when printing it in Corsica and omitted the final addendum: ‘NB the above-mentioned Pasquale De Paoli is an Officer in the king of Naples’s Service, and is Son of GacintoDe Paoli who at present lives in Naples—he has the Rank of Lieut: Colonel which he Obtained bymeans of Marshale Maillebois when he sent him from Corsica.’

94. oeconomical i.e., concerned for the development of material resources.

of eloquence, charmed their understandings. All this, heightened with conde-scension,92 affability and modesty, entirely won him their hearts. A way wasopen for him to the supreme command, and he was called to it by the unani-mous voice of his countrymen; upon which occasion, was issued the followingmanifesto.93

The Supreme, and General Council of the Kingdom of Corsica ,to the Beloved people of that Nation.

beloved people and countrymen,‘The discords and divisions, that have begun to infect the publick, aswell as private tranquillity of our country, by the revival of ancient,and personal enmities amongst those, who have very little fear ofGOD, and are little interested and zealous, for the good of the pub-lick, have obliged our principal chiefs to call us together, to this gen-eral Consulta, in order to deliberate on such necessary measures, asmay effectually contribute to the establishment of a common union,and to cause the most rigid laws to be put in execution, against such asshall dare to disturb it by their private piques, or unruly dispositions.

‘The most proper and effectual means, to succeed in this our de-sireable end, are by us seriously thought to be, the electing of oneoeconomical,94 political and general chief, of enlightened faculties,to command over this kingdom with full power, except when thereshall be occasion to consult upon matters concerning the state, whichhe cannot treat of, without the concurrence of the people, or their re-spective representatives.

‘By the general voice is elected for that trust, Pascal Paoli; a man,whose virtues and abilities, render him every way worthy thereof.

‘After so general an election, by the chiefs of the council of war,the deputies of the provinces, and the respective representatives of theparishes assembled, this gentleman was invited, by a letter, to come;and a large committee of the principal members of the assembly, wassent to his house, to desire him to accept of the charge, and to repair

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hither to be acknowledged as our chief; and to take the solemn oath,to exercise the office, with which he is invested, with the utmost zeal,affection and disinterestedness; and to receive the oath of fidelity andobedience from the commons.

‘Besides having given many reasons against this, he has shewnmuch reluctance to take upon him so great a charge; but having beeninformed of our resolutions and determinations, in case of any ob-stacle or refusal, he was obliged to acquiesce, being necessitated so todo. He was conducted hither last night, and hath plighted and re-ceived the oaths above-mentioned.

‘He is to take the government upon himself, assisted by twocounsellors of state, and one of the most reputable persons from eachprovince, who shall be changed every month.

‘The third day of August shall be fixed on, for a general circuit,in order to punish the authours of many crimes, particularly mur-ders, committed lately in different parts. This circuit, to be directedby the aforesaid General, with the deputies. The number of armedmen, as he shall think fitting.

‘We hope, that these our resolutions and deliberations, will be tothe general satisfaction, as it concerns the common good: and wecharge all the chiefs and commissaries over the parishes, to co-operate,as far as lies in their power, to promote the publick tranquillity.’

Dated at St. Antonio of the White House, this 15th of July, 1755.

Though Paoli had long meditated on the importance of the charge he was toenter upon, its near approach struck him with awe; for his ideas were enlarged, hisresolves were magnanimous, and the office appeared more momentous to him,than it could appear to one of more confined views, and more moderate plans.

His hesitation and diffidence, when called to the supreme command, wasnot affected. He balanced the consequences, and he could not but be seriouslymoved. For he could not divine with certainty, the astonishing influence whichhis government was to have, on the happiness of his country. But the represen-tations made to him, were so earnest, and, in some measure, so peremptory,that he thought himself bound in duty to accept of the arduous task.

When he enquired into the situation of the affairs of Corsica, he foundthe utmost disorder and confusion. There was no subordination, no disci-pline, no money, hardly any arms and ammunition; and, what was worse thanall, little union among the people. He immediately began to remedy thesedefects. His persuasion and example, had wonderful force; all ranks exertedthemselves, in providing what was necessary for carrying on the war with


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spirit; whereby, in a short time, the Genoese were driven to the remotest cor-ners of the island.

Having thus expelled the foe, from the bosom of his country, he hadleisure to attend to the civil part of the administration, in which he discov-ered95 abilities and constancy hardly to be paralleled. He rectified innumerableabuses, which had insinuated themselves, during the late times of trouble andconfusion. He, in a manner, new-modelled the government, upon the sound-est principles of democratical rule, which was always his favourite idea.

The Corsicans having been long denied legal justice, had assumed theright of private revenge, and had been accustomed to assassinate each otherupon the most trivial occasions. He found it extremely difficult to break themof this practice, by which it was computed, that the state lost 800 subjectsevery year. The disease was become so violent, that it seemed almost incur-able. However, by seasonable admonition, by representing to them the ruin ofthis practice to the cause of liberty, at a time when they had occasion for allthe assistance they could lend to each other, joined to a strict exercise of crim-inal justice; he gradually brought them to be convinced, that the power of dis-pensing punishment belonged to the publick; and that, without a propersubmission, and a regular system of administration, they never could makehead against an enemy, or, indeed, be properly speaking, a state. So effectualwere the measures he took, that a law was passed, making assassination capi-tal, let it be committed on any pretence whatever.

The Corsicans are naturally humane; but, like the Italians, and mostsouthern nations, are extremely violent in their tempers. This is certainly theeffect of a warm climate, which forms the human frame to an exquisite degreeof sensibility. Whatever advantages this sensibility may produce, by cherish-ing the finer feelings and more exalted affections; it is at the same time pro-ductive of some disadvantages, being equally the occasion of impatience,sudden passion, and a spirit of revenge, tending to the disorder of society.

Paoli, by his masterly knowledge of human nature, guided the Corsicansto glory, and rendered the impetuosity of their dispositions, and their passionfor revenge, subservient to the noble objects of liberty, and of vindicatingtheir country. His wise institutions had so good an effect, that notwithstand-ing of their frequent losses in action, it was found, that in a few years, thenumber of inhabitants was increased 16000.96

When97 a proper system of government was formed, and some of the mostglaring abuses rectified, Paoli proceeded to improve and civilize the manners of

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95. discovered i.e., revealed.96. rendered . . . 16000 Cf. Burnaby 16.97. 16000. When Between these paragraphs in his MS (pp. 141–42), JB had written and then deleted

a lengthy passage:


90

<<A Circumstance relative to this Subject shews the deep penetration & discernment of this extraor-dinary Personage and how nicely He attended to the smallest minutiae of things. He had observedthat the Inhabitants of one part of the Island were much more irritable than the rest and that therewere many more assassinations here than in other parts. He endeavoured to investigate the cause ofthis and found it proceeded from their diet. These People dwelt in one of the most agreable parts ofthe Island, where there was no rude or horrid appearance to darken or impress any ferocity upon theirminds. But the general Produce of it <being> was Chesnuts, the country here being covered withthese trees and the People commonly fed upon Pork and Saltmeat. This He imagined might heat &ferment the Blood and occasion the disorders complained of. He <endeavoured> contrived thereforeto change their diet and it was followed by most surprising success. My Lord Kames thinks thechange produced upon this People must have been principally owing to the industry necessarily in-troduced among them in order to procure a different diet for the mind which frets & rages in idlenesswill be rendered calm and placid by occupation. With all deference for that ingenious Philosopherand allowing a good deal for what He has suggested the Change of diet has surely had considerableinfluence. If the Abbé Du Bos (a) has shewn that the air of a Country has no small share in formingthe temper of it’s Inhabitants, I must maintain that Diet has still a stronger share.>><(a) Reflect[ions]. on Poet[ry]. & Paint[ing]. vol. 2, chap. 13.> [JB’s reference is to the Englishtranslation by Thomas Nugent (1700–72) of the French original by Jean Baptist Dubos (1670–1742),first published anonymously in Paris, 1719.]

98. Paoli proceeded [89:37] . . . laws Cf. Burnaby 14.

the Corsicans. This was a very delicate task. They had been brought up in anar-chy, and their constant virtue had been resistance. It therefore, required thenicest conduct, to make them discern the difference between salutary restraintand tyrannick oppression. He was no monarch, born to rule, and who received anation as a patrimonial inheritance. It was, therefore, in vain to think of actingwith force, like the Czar Peter towards the Russians. It was not, indeed, consis-tent with his views of forming a free nation; but, had he been inclined to it, hecould not have executed such a plan. He was entirely dependant upon the peo-ple, elected by them, and answerable to them for his conduct. It was no easy mat-ter to restrain those of whom he held his power. But this, Paoli accomplished.

He gradually prepared the Corsicans for the reception of laws,98 by culti-vating their minds, and leading them, of their own accord, to desire the en-actment of regulations, of which he shewed them the benefit. He establishedan university at Corte; and he was at great pains to have proper schools, forthe instruction of children, in every village of the kingdom.

The last step he took was, to induce the Corsicans to apply themselves toagriculture, commerce, and other civil occupations. War had entirely ruinedindustry in the island. It had given the Corsicans a contempt for the arts ofpeace; so that they thought nothing worthy of their attention, but arms andmilitary achievements. The great and valourous actions, which many of themhad performed, gave them a certain pride, which disdained all meaner andmore inglorious occupation. Heroes could not submit to sink down into plainpeasants. Their virtue was not so perfect, as that of the ancient Romans, whocould return from the triumphs of victory, to follow their ploughs.

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99. The last [90:16]. . . banditti Cf. Burnaby 17: ‘The last step which he took, was to direct their at-tention to agriculture, commerce, and other civil occupations. War and military operation had in-tirely destroyed all taste for these things. It had given the Corsicans a contempt for suchemployments; and they scarcely thought any thing worth pursuing, or attending to, except armsand martial achievements. The great and valorous actions which many of them had performed,gave them also a certain pride, that disdained all meaner and more inglorious occupation. The is-land was in danger from hence of being intirely uncultivated, and its inhabitants of becoming alawless and ungovernable rabble of banditti.’

100. Feeling . . . maritime powers Added later than MS.* A marginal note in MS (p. 145) reads: ‘A <spirited> Memorial was also published by the Corsicansto the Sovereigns of Europe which insert. All these may be given in English with the Italian onthe opposite side or subjoined in an Appendix, before the Journal.’ Six appendixes were printed inItalian only; they are included in the present edn in English.

From these causes, the country was in danger of being entirely uncultivated,and the people of becoming a lawless and ungovernable rabble of banditti.99

Paoli therefore, set himself seriously to guard against this; and by degrees,brought the Corsicans to look upon labour with less aversion, so as at least toprovide themselves sufficiently in food and clothing, and to carry on a littlecommerce.

His administration, in every respect was such, that, from being rent intofactions, the nation became firm and united; and had not France again inter-posed, the Corsican heroes would long before this time have totally driven theGenoese from the island.

Feeling its own importance, the Corsican nation resolved to give the Ge-noese no quarter at sea, which they had hitherto done, out of indulgence to theindividuals of the republick; lamenting their unhappy situation, which obligedthem to live under a tyrannical government. But finding that the Genoese con-tinually attacked, and made booty of the Corsican vessels, it was thoughthighly equitable to retaliate; preserving at the same time, all due respect for theother maritime powers.100 To this effect, a manifesto was issued in 1760.aa

These firm and rapid advances of the Corsican nation, filled the Genoesewith serious concern; and in 1761, they published a manifesto in very mildand insinuating terms, to try if they could allure the Corsicans to a pacificksubmission.bb

Immediately upon this, a general council was assembled at Vescovato inCasinca, where the strongest resolutions were taken, never to make any agree-ment with the republick, but on condition of having Corsica secured in its lib-erties and independency.cc

A memorial was also published by the Corsicans, to the sovereigns of Eu-rope,dd calling upon them, by the rights of humanity, to interpose, and givepeace to a nation which had done so much for freedom.

aa Appendix No. I. bb Appendix No. II. cc Appendix No. III. dd Appendix No. IV.*


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101. treaty . . . republick See p. 31 n. 15102. De Leyre Alexandre Deleyre (1726–97), French philosophe, disciple of Rousseau and librarian to

the Duke of Parma; author of works on Bacon and Montesquieu; one of JB’s correspondents.103. ‘ Il faut . . . l’exterminer Rousseau to Deleyre, 20 December 1764 (Correspondence complète de

Jean Jacques Rousseau, ed. R. A. Leigh, Voltaire Foundation, 1974, XXII, 254). JB had acted on hisown aide mémoire: (MS, p. 146): ‘N. B. Get from De Leyre Rousseau’s Expression & insert ithere.’

In these various writings, there is a spirit of eloquence, a feeling, and aresolution, which does honour to the character of this people.

But the politicks of Versailles did not favour the Corsican cause; Francehas been alternately, the scourge and the shield of Genoa. Paoli had well nighcompleatly finished his great scheme of freeing every part of the island fromthe Genoese, when a treaty was concluded between France and the republick,101

by which the former engaged to send six battalions of troops to garrison thefortified towns in Corsica, for the space of four years.

When this treaty was first known in Europe, every noble heart was af-flicted; for every body believed, that France was again determined to carryfire and sword into Corsica, and blast the hopes of the brave islanders.M. Rousseau wrote of it, with his usual energy, to his friend and mine, M. DeLeyre,102 at Parma; one of the authours of the Encyclopedie, a man who uniteswith science and genius the most amiable heart and most generous soul: ‘Ilfaut avouer que vos François, sont un peuple bien servile, bien vendu à latyrannie, bien cruel, et bien acharné sur les malheureux. S’ils savoient unhomme libre à l’autre bout du monde, je crois qu’ils iroient pour le seul plaisirde l’exterminer.103 It must be owned that your countrymen, the French, are avery servile nation, wholly sold to tyranny, exceedingly cruel and relentless inpersecuting the unhappy. If they knew of a free man at the other end of theworld, I believe they would go thither for the mere pleasure of extirpatinghim.’ee

But it turned out to be a prudent and politick scheme on the part ofFrance. She was owing the Genoese some millions of livres. Her finances werenot such as made it very convenient for her to pay. But the French ministersare never at a loss to conclude an advantageous treaty for their monarch. Theytold the Genoese, ‘We cannot yet let you have your money. But we will sendyou six battalions of auxiliaries to Corsica, and let that be a sinking fund forthe discharge of our debt.’ The Genoese, who recalled with barbarous satis-faction what France had formerly done against the Corsicans, never doubted,that if French soldiers were again in the island, continual skirmishes would

ee It is difficult to give a good translation of a sentence so original and forcible. I am indebted for the above,to a friend who does not choose to have his name mentioned as a translator.

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104. Marboeuf JB’s first description of Marboeuf was deleted (MS p. 148): ‘De Marboeuf <was noMaillebois sent with a determined purpose to root out if possible every invincible patriotic Soul.>See p. 31 n. 14.

ensue; France would be provoked, and a bloody war would be the consequence,by which the Corsicans would again be reduced to a state of slavery. Theywere therefore extremely pleased with the scheme.

The French, however, took care to engage to act only on the defensive,and to fix the treaty for four years, that they might be sure of having time tosink their debt. They sent the troops as stipulated in the end of the year 1764;and the Count De Marboeuf was appointed commander in chief.

M. De Marboeuf104 was an officer of experience and temper; and, nodoubt, had his instructions to conduct himself mildly towards the Corsicans.All his duty was, to take care that things should not become worse for Genoa;but, that she should still retain the garrison towns of Bastia, San Fiorenzo,Calvi, Algagliola and Ajaccio.

The Corsicans conducted themselves, upon this occasion, with the great-est propriety. A general council was held, and determinationsff published;from which it appears, that they shewed no distrust of the French, who, theytrusted, would not begin hostilities against them. But, for greater security,it was provided, that a council of war should be appointed by the govern-ment, to be ever vigilant against any infractions of what they supposed Francehad tacitly promised to them, and was bound by the law of nations to observe;that the French troops should not be allowed to have access to the territoriesof the nation; that the General should post sufficient guards upon the fron-tiers; and if any French officer desired a passport, he might grant him it; butshould be obliged to give an account, in the first general consulta thereafter,of what passports he had granted; of his motives for granting them; and ofevery treaty he should have with the French. That, as it was reported, somenew proposals of peace with the republick would be offered, they should re-ject all such, if they did not first grant to the nation, the preliminaries resolvedupon in the general council of Casinca. That the General should make a re-spectful remonstrance, in the name of the nation, to his most ChristianMajesty, with regard to the loss it must sustain by the arrival of his troops; bywhich, the Genoese would be relieved of the great expence of the Corsicanwar, and the patriots be prevented from continuing their successful enter-prises, and totally expelling their enemies from the island. That this remon-strance might be more effectual, his excellency should, at the same time, applyto the powers favourable to Corsica, that they might employ their mediation

ff Appendix No. V.


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with the French king, in order to preserve to the nation its rights, prerogatives,liberty and independency. And they further ordered, that as every body had,without controul, cut timber in the woods of Corsica, they should be prohib-ited so to do, without the permission of the government.

These determinations were wise and moderate. Without giving umbrageto the French, they secured the patriots from sudden attacks, or insidiouswiles. The article relating to the cutting of timber, was essentially requisite toprevent the French from carrying it away to Marseilles and Toulon; whichthey, probably, would have done, had it not been for this edict, which pre-served to the Corsicans a noble supply of wood, to be ready, either for theirown service, or for the service of any maritime power, with whom they mightmake an alliance.

The warlike operations of Corsica were now suspended. But Paoli im-proved the season of tranquillity to the best purpose, in preparing for futureschemes of victory, and in giving perfection and stability to the civil constitu-tion of his country; effectuating what ages had not been able to produce, andexhibiting an illustrious instance of what was said of Epaminondas: ‘Unumhominem pluris fuisse quam civitatem.gg That one man has been of more con-sequence than a whole nation.’

gg Corn. Nep. vit. Epam. in fin.*

* Cornelius Nepos, Liber de excellentibus ducibus exterum gentium (Epaminondas), XV. x. 4.

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AFTER running over the revolutions of an island, which has experiencedso many vicissitudes, it will be agreeable to consider the result of these

vigorous exertions in the cause of liberty. I shall, therefore, with much plea-sure, present my readers with the state of Corsica1 as it now is.

The Government of Corsica is, as follows.2 Every paese or village, elects,by majority of votes, a Podestà and other two magistrates, who have the re-spectable name of ‘Padri del Commune; Fathers of the Community.’ Thesemagistrates are chosen annually. They may be continued in office for severalyears, at the will of the community; but there must be a new election everyyear.3

The Podestà, by himself, may determine causes to the value of ten livres;and united with the Padri del Commune, may finally determine causes to thevalue of thirty livres. The Podestà is the representative of the government, and

1. so many . . . state of Corsica Two examples of JB accepting advice from a critical reader. He orig-inally wrote: ‘as many vicissitudes as any state that we read of ’; the reader wrote in the margin(MS, p. 152): ‘Is it not superfluous to say as any state that we read of—may I not just say has experi-enced so many vicissitudes?’ The correction was accepted . . . JB first wrote: ‘the picture of Corsica’;the marginal comment was: ‘Is not Picture of Corsica rather a fantastical word—Would not Statebe better?’ The suggestion was again accepted.

2. The Government . . . follows JB learned much of what follows from Paoli and Gian Quilico CasaBianca: see p. 185.

3. chosen . . . every year JB’s critical reader asked (MS, p. 152): ‘Is there any redundancy in sayingchosen annually & new election every year?’ The marginal query was ignored.

CHAPTER III .

� �

The Present State of Corsica, with respect to Government,

Religion, Arms, Commerce, Learning, the Genius and

Character of its Inhabitants.

to him are addressed all the orders of the supreme council. The Padri delCommune superintend the œconomy and police of the village, call the peopletogether, and consult with them on every thing that concerns their interest. Insome villages, the inhabitants join with the Podestà and Padri del Commune,twelve honest men, in whom they can confide, and to whom they delegatetheir power of settling the affairs of the publick. These are called counsellors,and sit as assessors with the three magistrates of the village. The names ofthese Magistrates, as soon as elected, must be transmitted to the magistratesof the province, who have it in their power to oppose the choice, and order anew election; but this never happens when the people have been unanimous.Sometimes they choose two Podestàs and one Padre del Commune, and some-times more and sometimes fewer counsellors. These irregularities are permit-ted, to humour the caprices of different villages in an infant state, and are ofno consequence; for the same degree of power remains to each office, whetherit be held by a lesser or a greater number; as in the states of Holland, thosewho send two or three representatives, have but an equal voice with those whosend only one. In some of the more considerable towns, the Podestà is notsubject to the provincial magistrates, but is considered as having equal author-ity with them.

Once a year, all the inhabitants of each village assemble themselves andchoose a Procuratour, to represent them in the general consulta or parliamentof the nation, which is held annually in the month of May, at the city ofCorte. This procuratour is elected by the majority of the voices. He must havea mandate, attested by a notary publick, which, on his arrival at Corte, hepresents to the great chancellor of the kingdom, by whom it is registered.Each procuratour has, from his community, a livre a day, to bear his chargesfrom the time of his setting out till his return home. This allowance is toosmall, and must soon be increased.

Sometimes the procuratours of all the villages, contained in the samepieve, choose from among themselves one who goes as representative of thepieve, which saves some expence to the villages. But this is an abuse, and whenmatters of any consequence are deliberating, it renders the number of thosewho are to consult too small. A little expence should be despised, in compari-son of having a voice in making the laws, and settling the most serious affairsof the country; and the greater the number of voices, the more does the as-sembly approach to the idea of a Roman comitia.

The general consulta is, indeed, a great and numerous assembly; for, be-sides the ordinary procuratours, it is usual to call in several of those whohave formerly been members of the supreme council, and several of thosewho have lost their fathers or near relations in the service of their country,that the blood of heroes may be distinguished by publick honours.


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4. appears . . . abuse Though printed, these words are struck out in MS (p. 157); JB’s critical readernoted in the margin: ‘shews how improper it is to use any deceit or finesse in these important Pro-ceedings.’

The magistrates of each province also send a procuratour to the generalconsulta; and when all the procuratours are assembled at Corte, in presence ofthe General and the supreme council of state, it is recommended to the procu-ratours of each province, to choose two of their number, who, together withthe procuratour of their magistrates, may proceed to the election of the pres-ident and oratour of the general consulta. The procuratours of each provinceaccordingly choose two of their number by votes viva voce, if they are unani-mous; and if not unanimous, by ballot.

These two, with the procuratour of the magistrates of each province,come before the supreme council, to whom every one of them gives in a sealednote, containing the name of the person who, he thinks, should be president:these notes are considered by the supreme council, and the three who havemost notes inscribed with their names, are put to a ballot; and he who carriestwo thirds of the votes in his favour, is made president.

In the schedule or note, a procuratour may insert the name of his rela-tion, or of one who has been strongly recommended to him; but by ballot, hecan freely give his vote for the person whom he thinks most deserving; so thatit often happens, that the person among the three, who had the fewest notesfor him, will be made president by a great majority. This appears to me an-other abuse;4 for a procuratour, by inserting in the schedule the name of oneof whom he does not approve, runs a risk of having the man whom he thinksmost deserving, thrown out altogether. Besides, he ought not to be moved byconsiderations of connection or of recommendation. The members of thesupreme council have also their votes in this ballot for the president. The ora-tour is chosen exactly in the same manner.

The president governs during the sitting of the general consulta. The or-atour reads the different papers subjected to deliberation. Propositions fromthe government are addressed to the president. Those from the people are ad-dressed to the oratour. If a proposition from the government is approved ofby a majority of voices, it is immediately passed into a law. But a propositionfrom the people, though approved of, may be suspended by the government,without assigning their reasons; which, however, they are strictly obliged to doat the next general consulta.

This suspending power was greatly agitated in the Corsican parliament;and the people opposed it so much, that it was thought it would not takeplace. But Paoli, ever ready to enlighten his countrymen, shewed them, that in

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the present state of affairs, the government may have many designs, not matureenough for being communicated to the publick, but of essential advantage tothe nation; so that it is highly proper they should have the privilege of delayingfor a while, any proposition which might interfere with these designs. Besides,the supreme council, as the grand procuratours of the nation, and possessedof their greatest confidence, ought to be specially heard; and if they think aproposition important and critical, may well be allowed to put it off, till itshall be fully considered by all the subjects of the state. And this can be at-tended with no bad consequences; since the people may, at an after period,pass their proposition into a law.

The procuratours of each province next assemble themselves, in presenceof the president of the general consulta, or a president deputed by him; andeach province appoints its representative in the supreme council, for the ensu-ing year; and one of these is elected into the office of Great Chancellor. Thesupreme council, for the time being, may remonstrate against this election; andthe election of each province must be confirmed by a majority of the otherprovinces; because these counsellors, with the General of the kingdom, are toform the executive power of the whole nation; the general consulta or legisla-tive power devolving upon them that high commission.

The General holds his office for life. He is perpetual president of thesupreme council of nine. He votes in all questions; and in case of an equality,he has a casting vote. He is absolute commander of the troops or militia of theisland. His office much resembles that of the Stadtholder of Holland.

The procuratours of each province also choose the provincial magistratesfor the ensuing year. This magistracy is regularly composed of a president,two consultors, an auditour and a chancellor: but the number is varied in dif-ferent provinces, in the same manner as the magistracy in different villages.The auditour and chancellor have small salaries; and the magistracy have theirtable kept at the publick expence, with a guard of soldiers in pay. The provin-cial magistrates can try criminals, and pronounce sentence against them; but asentence for capital punishment cannot be put in execution, till it is approvedby the supreme council. In civil causes, they can determine finally to the ex-tent of fifty livres; in causes exceeding that sum, parties may appeal to theRota Civile, which is a tribunal consisting of three doctours of laws, chosenby the supreme council, and continued at their pleasure. This tribunal judgesaccording to the civil and canon laws, and according to the particular laws ofCorsica. These last were partly formed in old times, and afterwards aug-mented and improved by the Genoese, who published them under the title of,‘Statuti Civili et Criminali del Isola di Corsica.’ They are become very scarce.I have a copy of them, a thin folio, printed at Bastia, in 1694. It is a very goodlittle code, and does credit to Genoa. ‘Felix si sic omnia. Happy would it havebeen had she shewn the same equity in all respects.’ There are also a few

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5. censured To this point in the paragraph JB closely follows Goury 131.6. properly . . . beneficial ‘Properly censured’ in another hand in the margin of JB’s MS (p. 161) was

preferred to his original, ‘taken proper notice of.’ But ‘exceedingly beneficial’ was retained ratherthan the marginal suggestion, ‘of great use.’

7. wreathing . . . neck Cf. Lamentations i. 14: ‘The yoke of my transgressions . . . they are wreathedand come up upon my neck.’

modern laws. Although the judgment, both of the magistrates of the villages,and of the provincial magistrates, be final to the extent of the values I havementioned, yet if any person is manifestly aggrieved, he may obtain redress byapplying to the supreme council, or to the court of syndicato, another excel-lent institution, which is conducted in the following manner.

In the general consulta, besides the elections of which I have given an ac-count, the procuratours also choose some persons of high credit and respect,as syndicatori. These make a tour through the different provinces, as ourjudges in Britain go the circuits. They hear complaints against the differentmagistrates; and if any of them have transgressed their duty, they are properlycensured.5 These syndicators are exceedingly beneficial.6 The General himselfis for the most part one of them. They save poor people the trouble and ex-pence of going to Corte to lay their grievances before the supreme council.They examine into every thing concerning the provinces, reconcile the peo-ple to the wholesome severity of law, encourage industry and every good under-taking, and diffuse a spirit of order and civilization in all corners of the island.

Such is the government of Corsica; which exhibits a compleat and wellordered democracy. From the Podestà and Padri del Commune, up to thesupreme council, there is a gradual progression of power, flowing from thepeople, which they can resume, and dispose of at their pleasure, at the end ofevery year; so that no magistrate or servant of the publick, of whatever degree,will venture, for so short a time, to encroach upon his constituents; knowingthat he must soon give an account of his administration; and if he should aug-ment the authority of his office, he is only wreathing a yoke for his own neck,7

as he is immediately to return to the situation of an ordinary subject. Nay, ifa magistrate is not totally lost to every manly feeling, he will not even allowhimself to rest in supine negligence; but will exert his powers for the good ofthe country, that he may recommend himself to his fellow citizens, and be ho-noured with farther marks of their confidence.

In the general consulta held in the year 1764, several wise regulations weremade with regard to the government, of which I shall give the substance.

No propositions made to the general consulta, shall acquire the force oflaws, if they be not approved by two thirds of the voices.

Propositions approved by one half of the voices, may be proposed in thesame session, a second or third time: those which are not approved by one half


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of the voices, cannot be proposed again, in the same session; but may bebrought in, with consent of the government, in some future session.

The supreme council of state shall consist of nine counsellors, six ofthis side, and three of the other side of the mountains, one for each province.Three of them shall reside at Corte, during the first four months; three duringthe second, and three during the third: that is to say, during each space, thereshall be two of this side, and one of the other side of the mountains; and thethree in residence shall have the authority of all the nine. But it shall be lawfulfor the General, to call the whole nine to the residence, whenever he shallthink it necessary on account of any important affair.

None of the three residing counsellors of state shall be absent from theresidence, for any cause whatever, without having first obtained leave in writ-ing, from the General; and this leave shall not be granted for a longer timethan eight days, and but upon the weightiest motives. In case of the General’sabsence from the residence, at the same time that one of the three counsellorsis also absent, all judicial proceedings shall be suspended.

No man shall be elected a counsellor of state, who is not above thirty fiveyears of age, and who has not held with approbation, the office of president ina provincial magistracy, or the office of Podestà in some principal town.Notwithstanding which, however, any person of singular merit, who has sus-tained with approbation, other respectable charges, in the service of his coun-try, though he hath not borne the offices above mentioned, may be elected acounsellor, provided he be of the age prescribed by law.

No man shall be appointed to the office of president of a provincial mag-istracy, who is under thirty years of age, and who has not twice held the officeof consultor in the said magistracy, or some other respectable employment inthe service of his country; and who has not the proper knowledge necessaryfor that office.

The office of Podestà, in the towns not subject to the provincial magis-tracy, shall be conferred by the same regulations.

The charge of General of the kingdom, being vacated by death, byresignation, or by any other means, the whole of the supreme authorityshall then remain in the actual counsellors of state, the eldest of whomshall preside at the council, by which in the space of a month after the va-cancy, intimation must be made for a Consulta to be held, for electing anew general.

The counsellors of state, the presidents of magistracies, and other officersand judges, shall remain in their respective charges, and have the full exerciseof their authority, till they are relieved by their lawful successours.

The counsellors of state, the presidents of provincial magistracies; andthe Podestàs of the larger towns shall not be re-elected to the same charge,without having been two years out of office, and without producing credentials

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from the supreme syndicators, attesting their good and laudable conduct inthe employment which they have exercised.

Paoli has succeeded wonderfully in settling the claims of the feudal sig-nors. These signors made several applications to the government, praying forthe restitution of their ancient rights. This was a very delicate question. To al-low to these signors the ample privileges which they enjoyed of old, wouldhave been to establish independent principalities in Corsica, and must havetended to subvert the enlarged and free constitution, which Paoli had formed,for the permanent felicity of the state.

The signors had not been foremost in the glorious war. They had much tolose; and hesitated at taking arms against the republick of Genoa, lest theyshould forfeit their domains.

The peasants, on the contrary, had plunged at once into danger. Thesehad nothing to lose but their lives; and a life of slavery is not to be prized. Ifthey should be successful, they were fired with the hopes of a double deliver-ance, from the distant tyranny of the republick, and from the more intimateoppression of their feudal lords. This was become so grievous, that a very sen-sible Corsican owned to me, that supposing the republick had abandoned itspretensions over Corsica, so that the peasants should not have been obliged torise against the Genoese, they would have risen against the signors.

The peasants therefore, would not now consent, to return under the arbi-trary power, from which they had freed themselves, in consequence of theirbravery. To propose such a measure to them, would have been enough to ex-cite a revolt, to break the nation anew into parties, and give their enemies anopportunity, of again fomenting discord, and hatred, and assassinations; tillthe Corsicans should themselves do, what all the stratagem and force ofGenoa had attempted in vain.

On the other hand, the signors were not to be offended, so as to makethem become malecontents, and disturb the operations of the government.The motto of the sagacious Hollanders, ‘Frangimur si collidimur,8 We shallgo to pieces if we dash against each other,’ should be impressed on the mindsof the different orders of men, in every nation; but is doubly important in aninfant state.

Paoli indulged the signors so far, that they themselves should not be per-sonally amenable before the magistrates of the provinces in which their re-spective jurisdictions lie. That they should have the power of determining

8. Frangimur si collidimur The motto (supported by the ‘emblem of two pitchers’) prefaces the po-etic text of Tuba Pacifica (1664) by George Wither (1588–1667), as a warning to both the Dutchand the British of the consequences of war. Curiously enough, the motto also appeared in the Lon-don Chronicle, 7 February 1766, in an item on the same page (128) as one of JB’s anonymous re-ports about himself and his Corsican visit.


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9. Paoli [101:3] . . . advantage These pages were inserted later according to a marginal instruction(MS, p. 166): ‘Here the Feudal Signors.’ There is a corresponding brief reference among JB’s ‘Ma-terials’ for his Journal: ‘The feudal Signors may be mentioned at the place where S[ign]or CasaBiancha [the ‘very sensible Corsican’, p. 101] explains Government & add his frank confession thatif the Corsicans had not attacked Genoese would have attack’d Signors.’

10. nervous . . . Lycurgus i.e., strong, robust . . . The lawgiver of Sparta, Lycurgus ( fl. 7th cent. bc? )remodelled the constitution and got a promise from the people not to alter his laws until he re-turned; he went into voluntary exile and, to ensure the promise was kept, never returned.

causes between the peasants upon their fiefs, without being responsible fortheir sentences, to the provincial magistrates; but that they should be subjectto the review of the supreme council, and of the court of syndicato.

In this manner, the signors have the flattering distinction of a certaindegree of authority, while, in reality, they are discharging the united duties offathers of the community, Podestàs, and provincial magistrates. And as theyare, like them, subject to the cognizance of higher judicatories, they cannotabuse their powers; but while they enjoy a pre-eminence over the other nobles,they just afford the state, at no expence, an additional number of judges topromote civilization among a rude and unpolished people.

Thus have the hereditary feudal jurisdictions been moderated in Corsica,by a fortunate concurrence of accident and wisdom; partly by the tumults ofa spirited war, partly by the prudent dispositions of an able legislatour. And asystem transplanted from the north, by robust Barbarians, into most countriesof Europe, where having taken deep root, and spread wide its branches, theutmost violence has been required to extirpate it, has, by a storm salutary tothe island, and by skilful management, been brought under command, andeven rendered useful in Corsica.

When the government shall have arrived at greater maturity, and timeshall have abated the ardour of rule, the signors will be disposed to resign adistinction attended with more trouble than advantage.9

In this manner is the Corsican government carried on, and, no doubt,they will be able to render it still more perfect; though as it now is, I look uponit as the best model that hath ever existed in the democratical form.

Sparta, indeed, was a nervous constitution; but with reverence to thememory of immortal Lycurgus,10 Sparta was deficient in gentleness and hu-manity. That total inversion of the human affections, that extinction of everyfiner feeling, was a situation so forced, and so void of pleasure, that it is not tobe envied. We must indeed admire the astonishing influence of their legisla-tour. But we may be allowed to think that all he obtained by it, was only thepreservation of a state; and preservation is nothing, without happiness. SirJames Steuart is of opinion, that, ‘had the Lacedemonians adhered to the prin-ciples of their government, and spirit of their constitution, they might have

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11. species . . . love Cf. Burnaby 26: ‘Lo! a species of despotism, founded contrary to the principles ofMontesquieu, upon love and affection.’ (In De l’Esprit des Lois, III. x, Montesquieu declared thatdespotism was based on fear: ‘Comme il faut de la vertu dans une république, et dans une monar-chie, de l’honneur, il faut de la CRAINTE dans un gouvernement despotique.’)

12. superstition See Jaussin i. 91; JB tones down Jaussin’s remarks.* Sir James Steuart, An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy: being an Essay on the Scienceof Domestic Policy in Free Nations (1767), i. 250.

perhaps subsisted to this very day.’a I believe it might have been so. But, couldLycurgus have changed his Spartans into men of stone, they would have lastedstill longer.

In the constitution of Corsica, while proper measures are taken for thecontinuation of the state, individuals have the full enjoyment of all the com-forts of life. They are men, as well as citizens; and when once they shall haveentirely freed themselves from the Genoese, I cannot imagine a country morehappy. Animated with this prospect, Paoli sways the hearts of his countrymen.Their love for him is such, that although the power of the General is properlylimited, the power of Paoli knows no bounds. It is high Treason so much as tospeak against, or calumniate him; a species of despotism, founded, contrary tothe principles of Montesquieu, on the affection of love.11 I shall finish my ac-count of the government of this island, with a very remarkable anecdote.

A Corsican who had been formerly in the service of the French king, andhad obtained the cross of St. Louis, upon his return to his native country, hadentered into some practices which were contrary to the liberty of it. He wasalso suspected to have a design against the General’s life. Upon this he wassent to prison, from whence, however, after some time, he was, at the interces-sion of the French general then in the island, set at liberty. Not long after, hewas a second time caught in other secret and treasonable practices, and wasagain sent to prison. His life was again asked, together with his freedom, bythe French commander; who being refused this request, desired to know ofPaoli what he intended to do with the prisoner? ‘Sir,’ said Paoli, ‘I will tell you.When I shall have perfected the liberty of my country, and shall have fixed itupon that establishment which I think most likely to maintain it; I will thencall together the states of the island, and will produce the man. I will shewhim that liberty, that form of government, that happiness which he wanted todestroy. After which, I will banish him from the island, for ever.’ Such is themanner of thinking of this illustrious chief.

The religion of Corsica is the Roman Catholick faith, in which these is-landers are very zealous. Perhaps they have a degree of superstition;12 which isthe best extreme. No nation can prosper without piety; for when that fails,

a Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, book II. chap. 14.*


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13. The doctrine . . . ruin These sentences replaced the following deleted passage in MS (pp. 169–70):<‘The Romans founded their System of policy at the very origin of their state upon that best andwisest principle The fear of the Gods & firm belief of a divine super-intending Providence and afuture state of rewards and punishments. From this principle proceeded that temperance modera-tion and contempt for wealth which are the best defence against the encroachment of injustice &oppression. Hence proceeded that obstinate and undaunted courage that insuperable contempt ofdanger and death itself in defence of their Country, which compleat the idea of the Roman Char-acter as it is drawn by Historians in the virtuous ages of the Republick & so long as the mannersof the Romans were regulated by the first great principle of Religion, they were free and invinci-ble. The Atheistical doctrine of Epicurus which insinuated itself at Rome under the respectablename of Philosophy after their acquaintance with the Greeks was the real cause of that rapid de-pravity of the Roman manners which has never been satisfactorily accounted for either by Sallustor any other historians.’>

14. Pope Clement XIII (1693–1769) was pope from 1758. JB had an audience with him on 13 May 1765(Grand Tour 86–87).

publick spirit and every noble sentiment will decay. The doctrine of lookingup to an all-ruling Providence, and that of a future state of rewards and pun-ishments, rendered the Roman people virtuous and great. In proportion asthese doctrines were weakened, by the false philosophy of Epicurus, theminds of the Romans were impoverished, and their manly patriotism was suc-ceeded by effeminate selfishness, which quickly brought them to contemptand ruin.13

Although firmly attached to their religion, as the revelation sent fromgod, the Corsicans preserve in ecclesiastical matters, the same spirit of bold-ness and freedom, for which they are distinguished in civil affairs. They aresworn enemies to the temporal power of the church. Indeed the late violentdifferences between the national government and the bishops, has pretty welldiminished their prejudices with respect to the persons of the clergy.

The Corsican bishops, who are five in number, and suffragans of thearchbishop of Pisa, were warmly attached to Genoa; for on Genoa they de-pended for promotion. They thought fit to preach up the most slavish doc-trines of submission, and stigmatized the patriots as rebels. The governmentdesired that they might reside in the territories of the nation, and promisedthem a guard, to protect them from any insult. But the bishops knew well, thatin the territories of the nation, they could not preach the doctrines of tyranny,and therefore refused to reside there. Upon which, the government prohibitedthe patriots from having any intercourse with the bishops; with which theymost readily complied.

The Pope,14 sorry to see the Corsicans like sheep without a shepherd, re-solved to send them an apostolick Visiter, to officiate in place of the bishops.

The Genoese, considering this as in some measure taking part with themalecontents, gave in a long remonstrance to the Pope, setting forth, ‘Thatthey were sensible of the rectitude of the intentions of his holiness, and were

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15. Cardinal Orsini Domenico Orsini (1719–89), cardinal in 1742, went to Rome as ambassador in1759.

16. Barbaggi Giuseppe Barbaggi (see p. 169). His ‘polite oration’ on 29 April 1760 was published inRaccolta di Quanto e Stato sin qui pubblicato nelle presenti vertenze fra la corte di Roma et la reppub-lica di Genova intorno all spedizione di un visitatore apostolico nel regno di Corsica (Campoloro,1760). (See Viviès 161 n. 12.)

ever ready to shew their unalterable devotion towards the holy see: but theybegged leave to say, that no provision he should make against the spiritualevils of Corsica, could be effectual, without the concurrence of the republick.’

The Corsicans, happy to receive such countenance from the church,laughed at this laboured and artful remonstrance. ‘Ecco la statua di Nabucco,il capo d’oro e piedi di creta. Si comincia dal complimento, e si termina nellaminaccia. Behold the statue of Nebuchadnezar! the head of gold, and the feetof clay. It begins with a compliment, and ends with a threatening.’

The court of Naples thought proper to interpose, in behalf of Genoa.Cardinal Orsini,15 the Neapolitan minister at the court of Rome, gave also inremonstrances; and some very plodding and heavy Genoese Canon, publisheda very long Discorso Theologico-Canonico-Politico, full of quotations frominnumerable authorities, and no doubt assured himself, that his performancewas unanswerable. But the Pope adhered to his resolution, and sent Mon-signore Cesare Crescenzio de Angelis, bishop of Segni, as apostolick Visiterover all Corsica.

The Corsicans accepted of his mission, with the greatest cordiality and joy.Signor Barbaggi,16 who is married to the niece of Paoli, welcomed him to the is-land, in a polite oration. He was not only to perform the functions of the bish-ops, but was to be general of all the Religious in Corsica, appointing under hima provincial vicar. He was a man of so much piety, good sense, and engagingconduct, that the people conceived an universal love and regard for him.

The Genoese no longer continued their Ligurian deceit, but threw off themask. They published a manifesto, prohibiting all their subjects in Corsica,under the heaviest penalties, to comply with the orders of the apostolick Vis-iter, and offering six thousand Roman crowns, to any person who shouldbring him prisoner to any of their fortresses.

This audacious edict the Pope very gravely annulled, with great solem-nity. Some ages ago, he would have performed a more dreadful ceremony. Thegovernment of Corsica again, publickly proclaimed their displeasure, at thescandalous temerity of the republick of Genoa, ‘who,’ said they, ‘have sentforth an edict, by which they have not only offended against the respect due tothe holy see; but have presumed to meddle in the affairs of this kingdom,which no longer acknowledges them as sovereign. Therefore we declare thesaid edict, to be destructive of religion, and of the apostolick authority; offensive


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to the majesty of the vicar of Christ; seditious, and contrary to the securityand tranquillity of our state, and tending to corrupt our laws and good cus-toms. And we have condemned it to be publickly torn, and burnt, by thehands of the common hangman: and this to prevent such unworthy memori-als from Genoa, in time coming.’

This sentence was put in execution, by beat of drum, below the gallows,in the city of Corte, upon the spot where stood the house of the wretch whoassassinated Gaffori.

It was a most political step in the Corsicans. They recommended them-selves to the Pope; they appeared firm, and authoritative; and they put con-tempt upon their enemies.

Having thus got rid of their tyrannical bishops, the Corsicans very wiselybegan to consider, that, as these dignified churchmen refused to reside andperform the duties of their offices, there was no occasion for sending themconsiderable sums, to enable them to live in idleness and luxury, when themoney might be much better employed. They therefore thought it highly rea-sonable, that the bishops tithes should go to the publick chamber of the state;and accordingly it was so decreed.

A prodigious outcry was raised against this. But the Corsicans defendedtheir conduct with great force and spirit.

‘Hanno usurpate le decime, ed occupati i beni dei vescovi. They haveusurped the tithes, and seized upon the goods of the bishops,’ said the Genoese.

Replied the Corsicans, ‘Usurpate è mal detto. Noi confesseremo la veritàsenza corda; perchè qui ambulat simpliciter ambulat confidenter. Il governoha preso una porzione delle decime, e dei beni de’ vescovi; ed ecco perchè.Primo, perchè ne ha avuta necessita; e questo è un diritto superiore ad ognialtro. Nello stato in cui siamo, per noi non vi è mezzo. O libertà, o schiavitùla più orribile. Per non cadere nella schiavitù, è necessaria la guerra: persostenere la guerra, è necessaria la truppa; ma per pagarla, non bastando letasse dei secolari, fu stabilito in una consulta, di prendre un sussidio dagli ec-clesiastici; sull’ esempio di S. Pietro, e di tutti i principi. Ma i principi, si dice,non alimentano una truppa ribelle. Una truppa che difende la libertà, la vita,l’onore, e la patria, dalla più iniqua di tutti le oppressioni, è più sacra, vener-abile, e pia, di quella di una Crociata. Secondo, perchè appunto per discac-ciare i Genovesi da questo regno, Benedetto XI. concesse a Giacomo rè diArragona, per tre anni, le decime. Ora, se il caso è lo stesso, il bisogno mag-giore, più pressanti le circonstanze, perchè non sarà lecito adesso quel che fuconceduto allora? Terzo, perchè niuno è più obligato dei nostri vescovi, dicontribuire alle spese di questa guerra, da cui, essi soli finora hanno ricavatoprofitto; ottenendo una sacra mitra, che non avrebber ottenuta, in mille annidi pace. Come? I secolari hanno versato un fiume di sangue, per procurar loroun si bel capitale, ed essi si faranno sentire per participarne qualche frutto;

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tanto più dovendo impiegarsi, per conservare alla nazione lo stesso vantaggio,e procurargliene dei maggiori? Quarto, perchè i nostri vescovi, in vece difarla da pastori e da padri, si portan da nemeci. Han disertato dalle loro dio-cesi; si son ritirati presso à nemici; hanno loro imprestate gran somme, per-chè ci facciano guerra; cela fanno eglino stessi orribilmente, colle armispirituali, e si sono ostinati a non volersi restituire al suo gregge. Il nostrogoverno, per obligarli al ritorno, si è servito del ripiego, di cui si valse Assa-lonne, per ridurre al doverre Gioab. Or se essi sono di Gioab più caparbii, chili compatirà? chi del nostro governo riprenderà la condottà? Si aggiunga, chei frutti di chi non risiede, di chi non serve l’Altare, e molto più di chi lotradisce, son devoluti a’ poveri. Ora, chi più povera della nostra truppa, dellanostra finanza?

‘Usurped is ill said. We will confess the truth, without disguise; since hewho walketh simply, walketh surely. The government hath taken a portion ofthe tithes, and of the goods of the bishops. And the reasons for it, are these,first, because we are under a necessity to do so, which is a right superiour toevery other. In the situation in which we are, there is no medium; or liberty,or the most horrible slavery. Not to fall into slavery, it is necessary for us tomake war. To sustain the war it is necessary for us to have troops. And whenwe found, that the taxes of the seculars were not sufficient to pay the troops,it was decreed in a Consulta, that we should take a subsidy from the ecclesia-sticks, after the example of St. Peter, and of all princes. But, say the Genoefe,“Princes do not support a rebel army.” An army which defends their liberty,their life, their honour and their country, from the most unjust of all oppres-sions, is more sacred, more venerable, more pious than that of a croisade.Secondly, because Benedict the XI. granted the tithes, for three years, toJames king of Arragon, on purpose that he might drive the Genoese from thiskingdom. And if the case is the same, the necessity still greater, and the cir-cumstances more pressing, shall not what was lawful then, be granted now?Thirdly, because nobody is under a greater obligation to contribute to the ex-pence of this war, than our bishops; as they alone have hitherto derived anyprofit from it; having obtained the sacred mitre, which they would not haveobtained in a thousand years of peace. How? The seculars have shed a riverof blood, to procure them so noble a capital, of which they have enjoyed thefruits, and are they not in duty bound, to do every thing to preserve to thepatriots, what advantage they have gained, and to aid them in getting more?Fourthly, because our bishops, instead of being grateful, instead of actinglike pastours and fathers, have behaved themselves as enemies. They have de-serted their dioceses, and retired into the territory of our foes. They have lentlarge sums of money, to carry on the war: nay they have themselves shewn adreadful hostility by their spiritual arms, and have obstinately refused to re-turn to their flocks. To oblige them to return, our government hath tried the


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17. Absalom . . . duty See II Samuel, xiv. 29–33.18. our finances?’ JB wrote a marginal comment opposite the end of his lengthy quotation (MS, p.

181): ‘All these ecclesiastical commotions have happened since the year 1767 I have the various pa-pers concerning them and a most curious collection <it is> they make as may be judged from thespecimens of them which I have now given.’

19. letters i.e., learning, scholarship.20. irreproachable morals Jaussin (i. 314) gives a much sterner view.

same remedy which Absalom employed, to bring Joab back to his duty.17

If they are more froward than Joab, who will feel for them? who will findfault with the conduct of our government? To conclude, the tithes of thosewho do not reside, who do not serve at the altar, and much more of thosewho betray it, fall to the poor. Now what can be poorer than our troops, thanour finances?’18

The tithes in Corsica are, in general, about a twentieth part of every pro-duction. The government has at present a pretty good share of them; as it notonly takes the revenues of the bishops, but also those of nominal benefices,where there is no care of souls, and all the pensions which the Pope used togrant to foreign ecclesiasticks, out of the rich livings. When the affairs of theisland shall be settled, no doubt the government will restore the bishops rents.But application will be made to the Pope, to have the number of bishops in-creased, in order that the episcopal functions may be better administred, andthat the spirit of equality may be more preserved; for the bishops, when inpossession of their large revenues, would be like princes in the island.

Several of the inhabitants of Corsica, have made a composition with thechurch, for their tithes; and the descendants of the Caporali, who were ofsuch service to Hugo Colonna, in expelling the Saracens, are, by special privi-lege, exempted from paying any tithes. This privilege is supposed to have beengranted to them, very anciently by the Pope, in whose cause it was, that theyshewed their zeal. The clergy of Corsica, in general, are not as yet verylearned; as the barbarous policy of Genoa to keep the island in ignorance, andthe many years of confusion and war, have prevented the cultivation of let-ters.19 There are, however, here and there, some priests, who have had an edu-cation upon the continent, and are very well instructed, and they are all verypious, and of irreproachable morals.20

There are in Corsica, 65 convents of Mendicant Friars; viz. 34 of Obser-vants, and 14 of Reformed, of the order of St. Francis, and 17 of Capuchins.Every one of these convents, has only a wood for retired walks, a garden and asmall vineyard. They depend altogether on the charity of the people. Thereare two colleges of Jesuits, two convents of Dominicans, five of Servites, andone of Missionaries; all of whom have very good possessions. There are alsosome lands belonging to other religious orders, particularly to the Carthusians

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21. distraction i.e., disorder or conflict.22. protestant countries In his MS (pp. 184–85) following this paragraph, JB wrote: ‘It were to be

wished that in every country there were a certain number of Religious Houses if it were for noth-ing else than to afford a decent retreat to such Ladies as either from want of personal attractions orother good qualities, or perhaps from too much delicacy of taste & sensibility of heart have not thegood fortune to be married. So these Religious Houses would prove an agreable asylum. Societywould be free of many useless & discontented members whose credit might also be saved in ap-pearing to have done that from choice which was really done from necessity. They should nothowever be allowed to retire too young for those or they* cannot be said to have renounced theworld who have never seen it; a proper time should be allowed for them to determine whether theyare to take a part in Society.’ [*JB entered a marginal query as to ‘which?’ of the two underlinedwords was the more appropriate.] In the margin, alongside the early part of this passage, he wrote:‘N.B. My reflections as to convents to be much abridged.’ After the passage, JB deleted much fur-ther reflection so vigorously as to render it illegible; he then added marginally (p. 185): ‘With re-gard to men I would allow none to retire till well advanced in life unless persons in very particularcircumstances for upon every man who is capable of acting there is a primary obligation to dosomething for the good of Society. When that is discharged He may attend solely to his own con-cerns, Under such a restriction Convents would not be numerous nor would being a monk be reck-oned a Profession as is often the case.’ The published paragraph beginning ‘Convents should belaid . . .’ occurs in the margin of MS, p. 186; i.e., it comes after the paragraph beginning ‘Underproper restrictions’ (MS, p. 185), which follows it in the published text.

of Pisa, the severe sanctity of whom, must secure them the veneration ofevery body, and preserve their rights inviolated even in times of the greatestdistraction.21

It would be expected, that in this island, the monasteries for womenshould bear some proportion to the convents for men; yet, in fact, there is nota single nunnery in all Corsica. To account for this, it must be considered thatthe monastick institution has been frequently perverted to secular purposes; sothat the nobility in catholick countries, who are desirous to aggrandize theirfamilies, make their daughters take the veil, solely that their portions may besaved for the eldest son. The Genoese, who wanted to keep the Corsicans incontinual subjection, devised every method to prevent any of the nobles in theisland from becoming considerable. They therefore prohibited monasteries, inorder to cut them off from one method of growing richer. Friars they ratherencouraged, in order to lessen population, and to leave upon families, a num-ber of unmarried women, than which nothing can be a greater burden, as issadly experienced in protestant countries.22

Convents should be laid under such restrictions, that what is intended asa solemn religious institution, may not become so common as to lose its effect,and be reckoned a profession for the dull or the indolent.

Under proper restrictions, it must be for the advantage of religion, to havea few venerable sanctuaries, for the reception of those, who having done theirduty to society, are so much raised above the world, that they would chooseentirely to devote the evening of life, to pious contemplation and prayer; not to


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23. abstraction i.e., seclusion from worldly affairs.24. The present . . . persons Cf. Burnaby 24.25. Padre Leonardo Leonardo Grimaldi da Campoloro (fl. 1764–90), Professor of Philosophy and

Mathematics in the University of Corte.26. in Corsica . . . pay Cf. Burnaby 25.

* Johnson’s essay is entitled: ‘Repentance . . . Retirement and abstinence useful to repentance’.** Cicero, ‘Somnium Scipionis,’ in De Re Publica, VI. xiii. 13 (‘ . . . certum esse in caelo definitum

locum . . .’).

mention those, whose passions have hurried them into offences, for which theysincerely resolve, by a course of abstraction,23 of penitence and of voluntaryausterities,b to make expiation to the eternal justice of the DIVINITY.

From Paoli’s care and attention to the good of his country, it is probablethe number of convents in Corsica will be reduced. The present fathers indeed,are well entitled to a peaceable possession, during their lives; but regulationsmay be made to prevent many noviciates, especially of very young persons.24

The Corsican clergy, and particularly the monks, have been warmly inter-ested for the patriots. Padre Leonardo,25 a Franciscan, and one of the profes-sours of the university of Corte, hath published a little tract, a ‘DiscorsoSacro-Civile,’ teaching that those who fall in battle for their country, are to beconsidered as martyrs. This discourse hath had great effect. We know whatforce of mind that doctrine hath given to the Turks and to the Russians. In-deed, that patrotism is a virtue which merits heaven, was held by Cicero:‘Omnibus qui patriam conservaverint, adjuverint, auxerint, certus est in coeloet definitus locus, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur.c For those who havepreserved, assisted and aggrandized their country, there is a certain and fixedplace in heaven, where they are blest with the enjoyment of eternal life.’

The warlike force of Corsica principally consists in a bold and resolute mili-tia: every Corsican has a musket put into his hand, as soon as he is able to carryit; and as there is a constant emulation in shooting, they become excellentmarksmen, and will hit with a single bullet a very small mark at a great distance.

There is in every village a Capitano d’arme; and in every pieve, a Com-missario d’arme, who has the command over all the Capitani d’arme of hisdistrict. These officers are chosen by the General, with the approbation of thepeople. They are ever ready to receive his orders, and to call out such a num-ber of men, as he shall at any time require for the publick service.

There are in Corsica, but 500 soldiers who have pay;26 300 for a guard tothe General, and 200 to furnish guards for the magistrates of the severalprovinces, and to garrison a few small forts at particular places in the island.

b See that majestick teacher of moral and religious wisdom, the Rambler, number 110.*c Cic. Somn. Scip.**

A militia is indeed the true strength of a free nation. Rome had no soldiersin pay till the 347 year after the building of the city; and then they were intro-duced by the patricians, to ingratiate themselves with the people, at a timewhen the senate was embarrassed with the great influence of the Tribunes.d

Paoli devised a singular and excellent method of promoting braveryamong his countrymen. He wrote a circular letter to the priests of every parishin the island, desiring a list to be made out of all those who have fallen in bat-tle for their country. The letter was in these terms.

PASQUALE de’ PAOLI

Generale del Regno di Corsica.

molto reverendo signor rettore,‘PER rendere al publico nota, la virtù e la pietà di coloro, che hannosparso il sangue per difendere i diritte e la libertà della patria, e per con-tradistinguere il loro merito, e farne provare la benigna influenza alleloro famiglie, abbiamo stabilito farne un esatto e compito catalogo, dadarsi alle stampe, quale siccome potrà giovare ancora alla storia dellanazione. Ella come rettore dovendo più d’ogni altro essere al fatto dellecose della sua parrocchia, si prenderà volentieri l’incommodo di coadi-uvarci in questo disegno, e sarà cotenta informandosi dai più vecchi as-sennati del paese, segnarci i nomi e la famiglia di coloro che vi sonomorti, o restati feriti in servizio della patria, dal 1729 a questa parte, no-tando colla maggior precisione il luogo, il mese e’l anno &c.’

PASCAL PAOLI

General of the Kingdom of Corsica.

very reverend rectour,‘TO make known to the publick, the bravery and piety of those, whohave shed their blood in defending their rights and the liberty of ourcountry, and to distinguish their merit, and make their families proveits benign influence, we have resolved to make an exact and compleatcatalogue of those heroes, and have it printed, so that it may also beof use towards composing a history of our nation. You, Sir, as Rec-tour, being better acquainted than any body else, with the affairs of


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* Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, IV. lix. 11.

d Liv. lib. iv. cap. 59.*

your own parish, it is expected that you will willingly take the troubleto assist us in this design; and for that purpose you will inform your-self of the oldest and most judicious in the village, and get them totell you the names and families of such as have been killed orwounded in the service of their country, from 1729 to the presenttime; and you will mark with the greatest precision, the place, themonth and the year, &c.’

The priests have been very regular in making returns in consequence ofthis letter. No institution was ever better contrived. It might be adopted byevery nation, as it would give double courage to soldiers, who would havetheir fame preserved, and at the same time leave to their relations the valuablelegacy of a claim to the kindness of the state.

I have often wondered how the love of fame carries the common soldiersof our armies, into the midst of the greatest dangers; when all that they do ishardly known even to their relations, and never heard of in any publickmanner.

The Corsicans are not yet much trained, as they have been acting chieflyupon the defensive, and carrying on a sort of irregular war.27 But now thatthey are advancing fast to a total victory over their enemies, a certain degree ofdiscipline becomes necessary.

A Corsican is armed with a gun, a pistol and a stiletto.28 He wears a shortcoat, of a very coarse dark cloth, made in the island, with waistcoat andbreeches of the same, or of French or Italian cloth, especially scarlet. He has acartridge-box or pouch for his ammunition, fixed round his middle, by a belt.Into this pouch his stiletto is stuck; and on the left side of his belt he hangs hispistol. His gun is slung across his shoulder. He wears black leather spatter-dashes,29 and a sort of bonnet of black cloth, lined with red freeze, and orna-mented on the front, with a piece of some finer stuff neatly sewed about. Thisbonnet is peculiar to the Corsicans, and is a very ancient piece of dress: it isdoubled up on every side, and when let down, is precisely the figure of a hel-met, like those we see on Trajan’s pillar.30 The Corsican dress is very convenientfor traversing the woods and mountains; and gives a man an active and warlikeappearance.

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27. irregular war JB’s MS (p. 188) reads: ‘irregular war like that of the Indians in America <sculking inwoods & behind rocks.>’

28. A Corsican . . . stiletto Cf. Burnaby 23.29. spatterdashes Long gaiters or leggings.30. Trajan’s pillar The great monument in Rome, 38m high, erected by the emperor Trajan (53–117) to

commemorate his two campaigns in Dacia and give a continuous narrative of them in low-reliefsculpture.

The soldiers have no uniform; nor have the Corsicans any drums, trum-pets, fifes, or any instrument of warlike musick, except a large Triton shellpierced in the end, with which they make a sound loud enough to be heard ata great distance. The shell would more properly be used at sea. Virgil repre-sents Triton,

coerula conchaExterrens freta.

Æneid. lib. x. l. 209

Frowning he seems his crooked shell to sound,And at the blast the billows dance around.

Dryden.31

Colonel Montgomery32 has told me, that the shell is used in America, par-ticularly in Carolina. Its sound is not shrill, but rather flat like that of a largehorn. It has however some resemblance to that of the Roman Lituus. Sir JohnCuninghame33 of Caprinton has shewn me a Lituus in his possession, ofwhich mention is made in Blaeu’s Atlas.e It was dug up in an ancient field ofbattle at Coilsfield in Ayreshire, and served the old barons of Caprinton to calltogether their followers.

As the Corsicans advance in improvement, they will certainly adopt thepractice of having warlike instruments of musick, the effects of which havebeen very great in ancient times, as we are assured by Polybius,34 a judiciousand grave historian, a careful observer of human nature, and a man not toomuch given to credulity. Even in modern armies we find considerable effectsproduced by them.

The Corsicans make a good many guns and pistols, most of which are ofexcellent workmanship. They also make great quantities of powder; but they


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31. coerula . . . Dryden Virgil, Aeneid, x. 209–10 [‘whose shell frightens the dark-blue sea]; Dryden,Aeneid, x. 300–1. Triton, the son of Neptune, was represented as a fish with a human head; byblowing through his shell he made the roaring sound of the ocean.

32. Colonel Montgomery Hon. Archibald Montgomerie (1726–96), later (1769) eleventh Earl ofEglinton; M.P. for Ayrshire, 1761–68. A branch of the Montgomerie family were neighbours of theBoswells in Ayrshire; JB married Margaret Montgomerie in 1769.

33. Lituus . . . Cuninghame A curved wind-instrument used to give signals in war . . . Sir John Cun-inghame Bt. (1696–1777), brother of Sir Alexander Dick.

34. Polybius Polybius (c. 204–122 bc), Histories, IV. xx. 1–12.* Johan Blaue, Le Grand Atlas (Amsterdam, 1663, facsimile 1963), VI, xii. 71: ‘On a trouvé . . . unClarion fort harmonieux fait en forme d’une corne, duquel les Comarches Caprintons, dont lamaison est la plus considerable du pays, qu’on appelle vulgairement Coilfield, se servent pour as-sembler leurs paysants, & leurs ouvriers.’

e Blaeu’s Atlas, p. 71. Province de Aire.*

have as yet no foundery for cannon.35 These they have either taken from theirenemies, or purchased from abroad, or fished from the wrecks of vessels lostin their seas. Neither do they yet make their own bullets; they bring themfrom the continent, or take them from the Genoese, at whose expence theyhave contrived to carry on the war. A Corsican told me that they did not use agreat many bullets, because, said he, ‘Il Corso non tira, se non è sicuro del suocolpo. A Corsican does not fire, if he is not sure of his aim.’

They are certainly designed by nature to be strong at sea, having so manygood harbours, and so much excellent timber: but they are not yet sufficientlyskilled in the art of shipbuilding; nor have they money sufficient to defray theexpence of employing proper artificers. They have however a number of smallships, and some of a tolerable size; and their naval affairs are conducted withgreat prudence and spirit, by Count Peres,36 who may be stiled High Admiralof Corsica.

We have seen how rich Corsica naturally is in many productions; so thatthere is no question but this island might carry on a pretty extensive com-merce, in oil, wine, honey, bees-wax, salt, chestnuts, silk, rosin, boxwood,oak, pine, porphyry, marble of various kinds, lead, iron, copper, silver andcoral. At present, commerce is but beginning to flourish among them. Theyfind in their seas considerable quantities of coral, of all the three kinds, red,white and black. The Jews of Leghorn, who have established there a coralmanufactory, have a sort of exclusive privilege, from the Corsicans, to thistrade; and in return are very serviceable to the nation, by advancing themmoney, and supplying them with cannon.

The Corsicans may make plenty of admirable wines, for their grapes areexcellent. They make in Capo Corso two very good white wines; one of themhas a great resemblance to Malaga. A deal of it is annually exported to Ger-many, and sold as such; and some of it is bought up at Leghorn, and carried toEngland, where it passes equally well for the production of Spain. The otherof these white wines is something like Frontignac.37

At Furiani they make a white wine very like Syracuse, not quite so lus-cious, and upon the whole, preferable to it. Furiani is famous in the Corsican

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35. no foundery for cannon In August 1769, after returning to England, JB ordered 30 cannon ofvarying sizes, with ammunition, costing over £700, to be sent to Paoli (Earlier Years 390; Corr.Temple i. 242).

36. Peres Comte Jean-Baptiste de Pérez, Chevalier of Malta and French expatriate, in charge of Cor-sican naval affairs from 1760; in 1768 deserted Paoli for the French.

37. Capo Corso . . . Frontignac Cf. Burnaby 2: ‘two sorts of white wine made in this district [CapeCorse], remarkably good. One has so much the taste of Malaga, that considerable quantities of itare annually exported to Germany, and sold for such. The other is something like Frontignan.’

annals, for a violent siege, where 500 Genoese were repulsed and defeated by300 Corsicans.38

In some villages, they make a rich sweet wine much resembling Tokay.39

At Vescovato and at Campoloro, they make wine very like Burgundy; and overthe whole island there are wines of different sorts. It is indeed wonderful, whata difference a little variation of soil or exposure, even in the same vineyard, willmake in the taste of wine. The juice of the Corsican grapes is so generous, thatalthough unskilfully manufactured, it will always please by its natural flavour.

I think there might be a wine made in Corsica of a good sound moderatequality, something between Claret and Burgundy, which would be very properfor this country. But the Corsicans have been so harrassed for a number ofyears, that they have had no leisure to improve themselves in any art or manu-facture. I am however assured, that the exportation of oil has amounted in oneyear to 2,500,000 French livres, and that of chestnuts to 100,000 crowns of thesame money.

We may expect to see the Corsicans distinguish themselves as a commer-cial nation. Trade has always flourished most in republican governments, as inTyre, Sydon and Carthage, in ancient times; Venice, Genoa, Lucca and theUnited Provinces, in modern times. This is fully illustrated by the great Johnde Witt, pensioner of Holland,f whose reflections were the result of thesoundest sense and a long experience.

Nothing has cast a greater damp upon the improvements of Corsica, thanthe King of Great Britain’s proclamation after the late peace, forbidding hissubjects to have any intercourse with that nation.40 What may have been the


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38. At Furiani . . . Corsicans Cf. Burnaby 5: ‘Furiani, a place famous in the Corsican annals for the re-pulse and defeat of a large body of Genoese by a handful of Corsicans. The white wine of thisplace . . . has some resemblance to Syracuse, but is not quite so luscious; and upon the whole is, Ithink, preferable to it.’ (Furiani had been heavily fortified by Paoli; the failure of Genoese attackson it in June–July 1763 effectively marked the end of the Genoese invasion.)

39. Tokay This sentence continued in the margin of MS p. 192, but was partly deleted and none of itprinted: ‘ . . . Tokay <<and little inferiour to it. I pretend to a little judgment in this wine becauseduring <the> a winter that I lived at Utrecht I was a member of a club of Hungarians one ofwhom had a Vineyard in Tognay & used to entertain us with it very liberally.’>>

40. proclamation . . . nation The royal proclamation dated 29 December 1763 stated, with referenceto ‘the rebellious faction in the kingdom of Corsica,’ that ‘his majesty’s subjects’ are commandedto ‘forbear to give or furnish aid, assistance, countenance, or succour, by any means whatsoever, toany inhabitants of the island of Corsica, in rebellion against the said most serene republic’ ofGenoa (Annual Register for the Year 1763, p. 213).

* John de Witt, The Interest and Political Maxims of the Republick of Holland and West-Friesland(1702), p. 420. The Grand Pensionary was First Minister and magistrate of the province of Hol-land and Zealand in the Seven United Provinces of the Netherlands, and president of the provin-cial legislature. The office attained great distinction when held by Johan de Witt 1653–72.

f De Witt’s Interest of Holland, part III. chap. 3.*

reasons of state for such a proclamation, I cannot take upon me to say. It doesnot become me to look behind the veil, and pry into the secrets of govern-ment. This much I may venture to assert, that a good correspondence withCorsica would be of no small advantage to the commercial interest of thiscountry, were it only on account of our fish trade and our woollen manufac-tures; not to mention the various other articles of traffick which would turnout to our mutual profit.

I know that if it had not been for this proclamation, the Corsicans would,at the close of the last war, have had several of our stoutest privateers in theirservice, which would have effectually overawed the Genoese, and given thebrave islanders an authority at sea, which could not have failed to make themvery respectable. And surely it would be worthy of a people whom the felicityof freedom has rendered generous, to afford their countenance to a race of he-roes, who have done so much to secure to themselves the same blessings, es-pecially when our shewing this generosity would greatly coincide with thecommercial interests of these kingdoms.

It has been said, that it was the Duke de Nivernois,41 who had interestenough with our ministers, to obtain the proclamation in favour of the Ge-noese.42 Some politicians have exprest their surprise, that Great Britain shouldhave favoured Genoa, which is always attached to the French; and when it isnotorious, that without its assistance, the French could not have fitted out thatfleet at Toulon, which enabled them to take Minorca; that the Genoese con-tinued building ships for them, during the whole of the last war, and con-stantly supplied them with seamen: whereas the Corsicans, as lovers of liberty,must naturally have a respect for the British, as indeed is the case.

We may hope that other views will prevail in the councils of this nation.A Sovereign possessed of every virtue, who is animated with genuine senti-ments of liberty, and who feels the joy of making his own people happy,would naturally wish to extend his beneficence.

Agriculture is as yet in a very imperfect state in Corsica. Their instrumentsof husbandry are ill made; and they do not make the best use of what theyhave. Their plowing is but scratching the surface of the earth; and they hardlyknow any thing of the advantages of manure, though they can be at no loss forsufficient quantities of it. This general observation is not incompatible with the

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41. Duke de Nivernois Louis-Jules Mazarini, duc de Nivernais (1716–98), French soldier and diplo-mat; ambassador in London 1762–63.

42. Genoese At this point in MS (p. 194) the following passage was deleted: <‘With all deference tothose who have had the guidance of the affairs of this nation I cannot conceive why We should inany respect give assistance to the Genoese, for, as I heard it observed by the greatest minister whomBritain ever saw [Pitt], Genoa is not only under the protection of France, but under the thumb ofFrance.’>

large produce of several parts of the island, where a greater degree of fertility,and some more industry and attention to culture than usual are to be found.43

The supreme council appoints two or more persons in each province, tosuperintend the cultivation of the lands, and to take the most effectual mea-sures for promoting it; and in particular, to encourage the planting of mulberrytrees, as it is certain, that Corsica may be made to produce a great deal of silk.44

As gardening has been almost totally neglected, there is a late ordinance bywhich every man who possesses a garden, or other enclosure, is obliged to sowevery year, pease, beans and all sorts of garden-stuff, and not less than a poundof each, under the penalty of four livres, to be exacted by the Podestà.

The supreme council also appoints two consuls, to inspect the kind andthe price of the various sorts of merchandise in the island; and to watch overevery thing that can tend towards the advancement of commerce.

Provisions are not dear in Corsica. Their prices at a medium are as follows.

A labouring ox, about 80 livres.A cow, from 20 to 30 livres.A horse of the best quality, from 100 to 140 livres.A mare, from 70 to 80 livres.An ass, from 20 to 25 livres.A sheep, about 4 livres.A partridge, 4 sous.Thrushes and blackbirds, 2 sous each.Beef, 2 sous a pound.Mutton, 2 thirds sous45 a pound.The best fish, 2 sous a pound.Ordinary fish, 1 sou a pound.Wine, 4 sous a flask of 6 lib. wt.

The money of Corsica is of the same value as that of Tuscany.Oil is sold in barrels valued from 40 to 50 livres. A barrel contains 20

pints. A pint contains 4 quarts.Wine is sold in barrels of 12 zuchas. The zucha contains 9 large Florence

flasks.Grain is sold by the bushel. The bushel contains 12 bacini. The bacino

weighs about 20 pounds. The sack or bushel sells at 18 livres.The Corsican pound weight is also the same with that of Tuscany.The government is gradually taking care to establish an uniformity in

weights and measures.


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43. found For a more detailed assessment, see Jaussin i. 117–23.44. silk Cf. Jaussin i. 122.45. Mutton . . . sous In MS (p. 197) this reads ‘Mutton 1 2/3 Sous’.

The wages of a tradesman, or of a day labourer, are a livre a day, and vict-uals and drink.

If a tradesman is particularly ingenious in his profession, he has somethingmore.

Reapers have no wages in money; but besides their victuals, each gets abacino of the grain which he cuts down.

The manufactures of Corsica are as yet very rude. I have observed that theirwool is exceedingly coarse, and generally black, and that of this they make but athick heavy cloth. The pure black is the most valuable: when a little white woolis mixed with it, the cloth is not so much esteemed, being of a russet grey, orbrown dusky colour. They import all their fine cloth; for besides that there is nota sufficient quantity of wool for the service of the island, the Corsicans have notlearned to make any thing else of it, but the coarse cloth I have mentioned.

In Sardinia they make coverings for beds and carpets of various colours,besides many different stuffs for clothes. When the Corsicans have moreleisure, they will probably imitate their neighbours, in those arts. Indeed overthe greatest part of Italy, none but the very peasants wear home-made cloth;and if in some places they make cloth of a finer kind, it is made of foreignwool imported from different countries.

A good deal of flax grows in Corsica; and no doubt abundance of it mightbe raised. I expected to have found there, if not the fine webs of Holland, Ire-land and Scotland, at least plenty of good, strong, household linen. But, in re-ality, the Corsicans are as yet so backward, that they hardly make any linen atall, which occasions a very expensive importation.

A Corsican gentleman observed to me, ‘If we had in our kingdom such aninstitution as the Dublin Society, and a Doctour Samuel Madden46 to givepraemiums to those who distinguish themselves in manufactures, as is donein the capital of Ireland, we might soon bring our linen to some perfection aswell as other branches.’

The Corsicans have plenty of oil for their lamps, which is the light theygenerally use. They also make wax candles, and a few tallow ones; for, as Ihave formerly remarked, their cattle do not yield much fat.

There is plenty of leather in the island. Many of the peasants just hardenthe hides in the air, particularly the wild-boar skins, and have their shoesmade of them without being tanned. This they are under no temptation of

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46. Dublin . . . Madden Samuel Madden (1686–1765), with Thomas Prior (1682–1751), establishedthe Dublin Society (later the Royal Dublin Society) in 1731, for the improvement of ‘husbandry,manufactures, and other useful arts.’ Madden tried to stimulate agricultural production by the ed-ucation of farmers and the establishment of agricultural colleges. He raised money ‘for the en-couragement of sundry arts, experiments, and several manufactures not yet brought to perfection’in Ireland. Dr. Johnson declared that Madden’s was ‘a name which Ireland ought to honour’ (‘Lifeof Addison’ in Samuel Johnson: The Major Works, ed. Donald Greene, Oxford, 1984, pp. 668–69).

doing, but that of poverty and laziness, for the art of tanning is very well un-derstood in Corsica, and the materials for it are in such abundance, that agreat deal of bark is carried over to Italy. The Corsicans have a method of tan-ning with the leaves of wild laurel, dried in the sun, and beaten into a powder.This gives a sort of a greenish colour to the leather. Certainly various expedi-ents may be used, to serve the purpose of tanning. In the island of St. Kilda,they tan with the tormentil root.g

The state of learning in Corsica may well be imagined at a very low ebb,since it was the determined purpose of Genoa to keep the inhabitants of thisisland in the grossest ignorance; and the confusions and distresses of war haveleft them no leisure to attend to any kind of study. ‘Inter arma silent leges.47

Laws are silent amidst the din of arms,’ is an old observation; and it may bejustly applied to the muses, whom war frightens away from every country.

Paoli and the wisest of the nation, with whom he consults, very soon con-sidered, that to bring the people of Corsica to such a state as it might behoped their freedom would last, and be carried down pure and generous toposterity, it would be necessary to enlarge their minds with the participationof true science,48 and to furnish them with sound and rational principles, bywhich the constitution might be held together in firmness.

Therefore, after long deliberation, it was at last resolved in the year 1764, toestablish an university in the city of Corte; upon which occasion a manifestoh

was published,49 recalling to the people of Corsica, the barbarous policy ofGenoa, in keeping them in ignorance; and informing them of the establishments,which the parental care of the government had formed for their instruction.

This manifesto was no vain display of what could not be performed. Paolihad been at the greatest pains to collect the most knowing men in the island;and many learned Corsicans established in foreign states, were disinterestedand patriotick enough, to accept of the small emoluments which Corte couldafford. They thought themselves amply rewarded, in having an opportunity tocontribute to the happiness of their native country, by rescuing it from theGenoese darkness, which was worse than that of the Goths, and enlighteningthose heroes whose untutored patriotism had shone with such lustre.


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47. ‘Inter . . . leges Cicero, ‘Pro Milone,’ IV. 11.48. true science i.e., knowledge based in observation and experiment.49. published A note (MS, p. 201) instructs: ‘Here the Manifesto to be inserted in Latin! or perhaps a

Translation.’ The remainder of the paragraph is not in MS.* Kenneth Macaulay (1723–79), The History of St. Kilda (1764; reissued Edinburgh, 1974), p. 214:‘All the leather of this island . . . is tanned with the tormentil root, and done to great perfection.’

g M‘Aulay’s History of St. Kilda, p. 214.*h Appendix, No. VI.

The professours in the university of Corte, are mostly fathers of differentreligious orders. They are indefatigable in their labours, and the youth of Cor-sica discover the same keenness of spirit in their studies, which characterisesthem in arms. There are at Corte, some pretty good halls, where the profes-sours give their lectures. But it cannot be expected that they should as yet haveany thing like the regular buildings of a college. The students are boarded inthe town.

Under the head of learning I must observe, that there is a printing houseat Corte, and a bookseller’s shop, both kept by a Luccese,50 a man of some ca-pacity in his business. He has very good types; but he prints nothing morethan the publick manifestoes, calendars of feast days, and little practical devo-tional pieces, as also the Corsican Gazette, which is published by authority,from time to time, just as news are collected; for it contains nothing but thenews of the island. It admits no foreign intelligence, nor private anecdotes; sothat there will sometimes be an interval of three months during which nonews-papers are published.

It will be long before the Corsicans arrive at the refinement in conductinga news-paper, of which London affords an unparalled perfection; for, I do be-lieve, an English news-paper51 is the most various and extraordinary composi-tion that mankind ever produced. An English news-paper, while it informsthe judicious of what is really doing in Europe, can keep pace with the wildestfancy in feigned adventures, and amuse the most desultory taste with essayson all subjects, and in every stile.

There are in Corsica, several treatises of political controversy, said in thetitle to be printed at Corte: but they are in reality printed at Lucca, or atLeghorn. In some of these treatises, of which I have a pretty numerous collec-tion, the authours, with much care and thought, labour to prove to a demon-stration, that the Corsicans must be free. Their writings are a good deal in thestile of the profound tracts for and against the hereditary and indefeasibleright of kings, with which all the libraries in this country were filled in the lastage. Authorities are heaped upon authorities, to establish the plainest proposi-tions; and as the poet says, they

quote the StagyriteTo prove that smoke ascends and snow is white.

Mallet.52

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50. Luccese i.e., a person from Lucca in Tuscany.51. English news-paper The general reference replaced the specific mention of the ‘London Chroni-

cle’ in MS (p. 203).52. Mallet David Mallet (1705?–65), Poetical Works (1805), p. 141: ‘To Mr. Pope. On Verbal Criticism’,

ll. 31–32 [‘Hence Plato quoted, or the Stagyrite . . .’]. The ‘Stagyrite’ was Aristotle, born in Sta-giros, Macedonia.

The natural and divine prerogatives of liberty need not the aid of logick,which has been so successfully employed by the advocates for slavery, ‘Todarken counsel by words without knowledge.’53

The genius and character of the inhabitants of Corsica deserve to be par-ticularly considered, because some authours in ancient times, and the emis-saries of Genoa in modern times, have represented them in the mostunfavourable light.

In Muratori Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. xxiv. We find ‘Petrus Cyr-naeus de Rebus Corsicis,’ in four books.54 This Petrus was a priest of the dio-cese of Aleria, in the fifteenth century. His family name was Filice; but hechose to take to himself, the learned designation of Cyrnaeus, from Cyrnus theGreek name of his native island. He was very poor, and sought a livelihood, indifferent parts of Italy, as a sort of pedagogue, and sojourned long at Venice asa correctour of the press. At last having returned to his mother country, he verypiously composed its history, which he brings down to the year 1516.

The only manuscript of this little work is in the King of France’s library;and Muratori publishes it in 1738, when, says he, ‘Corsi ferocium atqueagrestium hominum genus, et in seditionem facile pronum, serenissimae Genu-ensium republicae, conversis in rebellionem animis, a multo tempore negotiumnon leve facessant. The Corsicans a rustick ferocious race of men, and veryprone to sedition, having turned their minds to rebellion, have now of a longtime given no small trouble to the most serene republick of Genoa.’ And headds, ‘Qualem Petrus Cyrnaeus gentem suam describit, perpetuis contention-ibus ac turbis fluctuantem, talem praesens quoque aetas agnoscit ac sentit.55

Such as Petrus Cyrnaeus describes his nation fluctuating with perpetual con-tests and tumults, such the present age sees and acknowledges them.’

Petrus stands greatly up for the honour of the island. He insists that a sonof Hercules reigned there. Straboi tells us that a son of Hercules settled inSardinia, which I suppose has given occasion to the same report concerning


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53. ‘ To . . . knowledge’ Job xxxviii. 2. The quotation is followed, in the margin (MS, p. 205), by theinstruction: ‘Here comes in Petrus Cyrnaeus.’ The lengthy presentation particularly of Petrus, butalso of Strabo and Diodorus, which occupies pp. 122–26, is transferred from MS pp. 52–60; seep. 55 n. 2. The MS account resumes at ‘The Corsicans are . . . ’, p. 126.

54. Muratori . . . books Lodovico Antonio Muratori (1672–1750), Rerum Italicarum Scriptores(1723–51); his collection of documents occupies 31 folio volumes; the writings of Petrus Cyrnaeus(b. 1477) occur in vol. 24.

55. Muratori . . . facessant . . . sentit. Muratori, xxiv. 411 . . . The last word in the first quotation waswrongly printed as ‘facessunt’ instead of ‘facessant’; like the Muratori original, JB’s MS (p. 53)contains the correct spelling; it has been adopted here.

* Strabo (?64 bc–?ad 21), Greek historian and geographer; JB quotes from his Geography, V. ii. 7.

i Strabo, lib. v. cap. 225.*

Corsica. As Livy says, ‘Datur haec venia antiquitati ut primordia urbium au-gustiora faciat.j Antiquity is indulged with a privilege of rendering the begin-nings of states more august.’

Petrus is a most enthusiastick patriot. He has no patience with Strabo,who notwithstanding the favourable account given of Corsica by DiodorusSiculus, hath chosen to convey the worst idea both of the country and of itsinhabitants. Petrus declares, that one principal reason for his writing is,‘quia Strabonis mendacia vulgata esse video, because I find Strabo’s lies aregone abroad.’ And exclaims with all the fury of a true son of Hercules;‘Quum totam insulam laceraverit, non expostulemus? non accusemus? nongraviter feramus? *** Quod si ego tacerem, nonne parietes domus ubi natussum, nonne civitas ubi educatus sum exclamarent?56 When he hath torn topieces the whole island, shall we not expostulate? Shall we not accuse? Shallwe not be provoked? *** But if I should be silent, would not the walls ofthe house where I was born, would not the city where I was educated cryout?’

It is indeed strange to find two such authours as Strabo and Diodorus,differing so widely, and seemingly contradicting each other. Strabo says, LH δ+K9rν�ς Gπ! τω� ν LPωµα*ων kαλει�ται K�rσ*kα. �:kει�ται δ+ φα9λως,τrα�ει�� τε �� σα kα& τ�ι�ς πλε*στ�ις µ�rεσι δ9σ4ατ�ς τελ�ως, Vστετ�>ς kατ��ντας τ/ 5rη kα& 'π! ληστηr*ων "ω� ντας 'γrιωτ�r�υς ε:�ναιθηr*ων. Bπ�ταν γ�υ� ν Brµ?σωσιν �8 τω� ν LPωµα*ων στrατηγ�* , kα& πr�-σπεσ�ντες τ�ι�ς 0r9µασι π�λ> πλη�θ�ς �λωσι τω� ν 'νδrαπ�δων, Brα� ν�στιν 0ν τη< � LP%µ<η kα& θαυµ�"ειν $σ�ν 0µφα*νεται τ! θηrιω� δες kα& τ!4�σkηµατω� δες 0ν α�τ�ι�ς@ H γ/r �� υL π�µ�ν�υσι "η�ν H "ω� ντες 'παθε*αWkα& 'ναισθησ* <α τ�>ς Jνησαµ�ν�υς 0πιτr*4�υσιν, Xστε kα*πεr τ! τυ�!νkατα4αλ�υ� σιν Gπ+r α�τω� ν B�µως µεταµ�λειν. Strabo. lib. v. cap. 224.57

‘But Cyrnus is by the Romans called Corsica. It is ill inhabited, being rugged,and in most places difficult of access; so that those who dwell on the moun-tains, and live by robberies, are wilder than even wild beasts. Therefore whenthe Roman generals make irruptions into their country, and falling upon theirstrong-holds, carry off numbers of these people, and bring them to Rome, itis wonderful to see what wildness and brutality the creatures discover. For,

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56. ‘quia . . . Quum . . . exclamarent? Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 414. The first twoquestion marks in the second quotation were invented by JB, as was ‘sum’ in the third.

57. Strabo . . . 224 Geography, V. ii. 7.* Livy, Ab Urbe Condita, preface to Book I (‘. . . ut miscendo humana divinis primordia . . .’; ‘. . .privilege to mingle divine things with human and so to render the beginnings of cities . . .’).

j Liv. in Proœm.*

they either are impatient of life, and lay violent hands on themselves; or if theydo live, it is in such a state of stupefaction and insensibility, that those whopurchase them for slaves have a very bad bargain, though they pay very littlemoney for them, and sorely regret their happening to fall into their hands.’ Sofar Strabo.

Diodorus on the other hand says, τ/ δ� 'νδr�π�δα τ/ K9rνια δια-φ�rειν δ�kει� τω� ν 7λλων δ�9λων ε:ς τ/ς kατ/ τ!ν 4*�ν �rε*ας, φυσιkη�ςτα9της τη�ς :δι�τητ�ς παrαk�λ�υθ�9σης.**** τ/ πr!ς 'λλ?λ�υς 4ι�υ� σιν0πιειkω� ς kα& διkα*ως παr/ π�ντας σ�εδ!ν τ� Dυς 7λλ�υς 4αr4�r�υς@****�ν τε ται�ς 7λλαις ται�ς 0ν τω�O 4*ωO kατ/ µ�r�ς �:k�ν�µ*αις θαυµαστω� ςπr�τιµω� σι τ! διkαι�πrαγει�ν. Diod. Sicul. lib. v. cap. 225.58 ‘The Corsicanslaves seem to differ from all others, in their utility for the offices of life, forwhich they are fitted by a peculiar gift of nature. **** These islanders liveamong themselves with a humanity and justice beyond all other barbarians.**** In every part of the oeconomy of life, they shew a remarkable regard toequity.’

Mr. Burnaby thinks these very different accounts may be reconciled, bysupposing the authours to speak of the Corsicans, under different points ofview; Strabo as of enemies, Diodorus as of friends; and then they will notonly be found reconcileable, but will exactly correspond with the character ofthe Corsicans at present. In war, they are furious as lions. Death is esteemednothing, nor is any power sufficient to make them yield against their inclina-tion; they become irritated, and will not brook restraint.k Whereas in peace,and in civil life, they are mild and just to the greatest degree, and have allthose amiable qualities which Diodorus ascribes to them.59 Where their ser-vice is voluntary too, or they are attached to their masters, by kind and gentletreatment, they have the other perfections which he allows them.

My Lord Hailes thinks that there is properly no contradiction betweenthese illustrious authours; since Strabo has not thrown any abuse upon the


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58. Diodorus . . . 225 The Library of History, V. xiii. 5–xiv. 1.59. Mr. Burnaby . . . them Cf. Burnaby 27: ‘These very different accounts can only be reconciled by

supposing the authors to speak of them under different points of view; Strabo under that of ene-mies, Diodorus that of friends . . . then they will not only be found to be reconcileable, but will ex-actly correspond with the character of the Corsicans at present. As enemies, they are as furious aslions . . . Death is esteemed nothing . . . in peace and civil life they are mild and humane to thegreatest degree, and have all those amiable qualities which Diodorus ascribes to them.’

* Sir Thomas Pope Blount (1649–97), Essays on Several Subjects (1691; revised edn, 1697), p. 65.

k What Mr. Burnaby says of the Corsicans puts me in mind of an admirable observation of Sir ThomasBlount: ‘You may stroke the lion into tameness; but you shall sooner hew him into pieces, than beat himinto a chain.’ Sir Tho. Pope Blount’s Essays, edit. Lond. 1697, p. 65.*

Corsicans in general. He has only talked in strong terms, of the barbarity ofsuch of them, as inhabit the mountains and live by robberies, just as if writingconcerning Scotland in former lawless times, he had said, the Highlandersthere are a very wild set of men.

My Lord Monboddo thinks, there is nothing more required to recon-cile these different characters of the Corsican slaves, but to suppose thatthose which Diodorus had occasion to observe, were well treated, and thosewhich Strabo had occasion to observe, were ill treated. For, good or badtreatment was sufficient to make the Corsicans appear either of the onecharacter, or of the other; as we may see in many barbarous nations at thisday.

But I shall suppose an universal ferociousness in the Corsicans, and Ithink it may well be justified, considering the treatment which that brave peo-ple have met with from their oppressours. For, it is justly said by the philoso-pher of Malmsbury, ‘Propter malorum pravitatem, recurrendum etiam bonisest, si se tueri volunt, ad virtutes bellicas, vim et dolum, id est ad ferinam ra-pacitatem.l By reason of the wicked oppression of the bad, even a good peo-ple, must in self-defence, have recourse to the qualities of war, force andfraud, nay to a kind of savage rapacity.’

Petrus Cyrnaeus lays it down as a fixed principle, ‘Universi Corsi liberisunt, et propriis vivunt legibus.60 All Corsicans are free, and live by their ownlaws.’ And he gives this noble eulogium to his country, ‘Corsica semperalumna paupertatis, hospes virtutis, misericors erga omnes, quam ascivit a sev-era disciplina quam usurpatm et paupertatem tuetur et liberalitatem.61 Corsicaever nurtured by poverty, to whom virtue is a welcome guest, compassionateto all, maintains that poverty and generosity which she hath learned from thehardy discipline to which she is inured.’ a friend.

The fourth book of Petrus Cyrnaeus is entirely taken up with an accountof his own wretched vagabond life, full of strange, whimsical anecdotes.62 Hebegins it very gravely, ‘Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est, non alienum

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60. Universi . . . legibus Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 426.61. Corsica . . . liberalitatem Ibid, xxiv. 425 [‘. . . quam usurpant et . . .’].62. full of . . . anecdotes Added later than MS.

* Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), ‘Epistola Dedicatoria,’ De Cive (1641), ed. Howard Warrender (Ox-ford, 1983), p. 73. (Hobbes was born in Malmesbury, Wiltshire.)

** A marginal remark (MS, p. 59) throws light on JB’s note and the identity of his ‘learned friend’:‘N. B. I confess I cannot translate this Eulogium of Petrus. Is the latin good? If My Lord Mon-boddo’s correction is taken put a note to tell that in Muratori the text is corrupted.’

l Hobbes de Cive. Epist. Dedic.*m Muratori has it ‘usurpant,’ which will not make sense. The text has certainly been corrupted. I amobliged to a learned friend for correcting it to ‘usurpat.’ **

videtur, de Petri qui haec scripsit, vita et moribus proponere.63 Since we arecome thus far, it will not be amiss, to say something of the life and manners ofPetrus who writeth this history.’ He gives a very excellent character of him-self; and I dare say a very faithful one. But so minute is his narration, that hetakes care to inform posterity, that he was very irregular in his method ofwalking, and that he preferred sweet wine to hard.64 In short he was a man ofconsiderable parts, with a great simplicity and oddity of character.

I shall now take leave of honest Petrus; with whom perhaps some of myreaders will choose to cultivate a farther acquaintance.

The Corsicans are naturally quick and lively, and have a particular turn foreloquence.65 Hieronymus de Marinisn gives them this character: ‘Montes apumexaminibus abundant, et lacte ac melle manant: apte etiam ad Corsorum inge-nium, qui sub lingua, cum lacte et melle, habent aculeum adeoque foro nati sunt.Their mountains abound in swarms of bees, and flow with milk and honey; likethe genius of the Corsicans, who while they have milk and honey under theirtongues, have also a sting, and are therefore born for the forum.’

I have in my possession two Corsican discourses, or popular harangues,which afford specimens of their eloquence. The one is entitled ‘La Corsica asuoi Figli, Corsica to her Sons:’ the other ‘La Corsica a suoi Figli Sleali, Cor-sica to her Disloyal Sons.’

In the first of these harangues, the patriots are thus encouraged to proceedin the glorious cause: ‘Seguitate voi dunque l’esempio dei salvatori della lor pa-tria, e siate sicuri, che la libertà sarà il premio delle vostre fatiche; e che all om-bra amena della libertà, racoglierete i soavi frutti di sicurezza, e di pace, diabondanza, e di contentezza; di avanzamento, e di gloria. Frutti, che vi riuscer-anno tanto più dolci, quanto più lungamente ne siete stati fuor di raggione pri-vati dalla malignità dei vostri oppressori. Follow then the example of thesaviours of their country; and be assured that liberty will be the reward of yourtoils; and that under the pleasing shade of liberty, you will gather the agreeablefruits of security, of peace, of abundance and of contentment, of exaltationand of glory. Fruits which will be the sweeter to you, the longer you have beenunreasonably deprived of them, by the malignity of your oppressours.’


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63. ‘ Quoniam . . . proponere Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 483.64. hard i.e., harsh or sharp to the taste.65. for eloquence In MS (p. 205) JB continues: “Petrus Cyrnaeus says of them, ‘In actionibus adeo ex-

ercent se ut diceres cum opus est litigare, omnes esse bonos Causidicos. They so exercise them-selves in pleading that when there is an opportunity for litigation, you would say they are all goodBarristers . . .’ ”

* Joannes Georgius Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatem et Historiarum Italiae.

n Graev. Thesaur. Antiq. vol. i. p. 1410.*

In the second of these harangues, such of the nation as shewed any wa-vering or timidity, are thus roused against the Genoese: ‘Ecco la potenza chesi vorrebbe indurvi a temere. Voi l’avete sprezzata, e ne avete trionfato neltempo della vostra maggior debolezza, nel tempo ch’ eravate sprovedutid’armi, di munizioni, di bastimenti, di porti, di finanze, e di truppa pagata;nel tempo che i vostri capi erano novizii nel governo militare e politico, civileed economico, e che tutti questi governi riuscivano loro gravi e dispendiosi;nel tempo che i partiti alzavano arditamente la cresta, e da per tutto alla scop-erta seminavano la zizania; che la parte oltramontana era dalla cismontana in-dependente e divisa; che dominio della nazione era mal sicuro e mal noto.Ora poi, che con un cambiamento felice, siete proveduti a soprabbondanza,d’armi e munizioni; a sussicienza, di bastimenti e di porti; che avete stabilitala truppa ed i fondi per la sua sussistenza; liberi perciò dagl’incommodi dimolte spedizioni, e da i disordini che la truppa collettiva portava seco; cheavete instituite le vostre finanze; che i vostri capi si trovano molto meglioistruite; che i governi più non sono dispendiosi; che i partiti sono tutti ab-batuti, che il governo nazionale è ubidito da tutt’ i ceti della nazione, ètemuto dagli stessi nemici, e ci comincia a riconoscer dagli esteri; che le particismontane ed oltramontane son tutte unite sotto a un sol Capo; e sotto ad unCapo (lo dirò ad onta della malignità e dell’ invidia) che per saviezza e an-tivedimento, per zelo e disinteresse, per coraggio e valore, per rettitudine d’in-tenzione, di fini, e di massime, non cede ad alcuno de’ più celebri eroi: ora,dissi, in uno stato che per voi non fu mai si forte e si florido, e che vipromette, se sarete nel vostro impegno costanti, una gloria immortale, una in-dipendenza totale, una perpetua felicita temerete voi della republica la vana,la deplorabile, la meschina potenza?

‘Behold the power which they would have you to fear. You have despised,you have triumphed over it, in the time of your greatest weakness; in the timethat you were unprovided with arms, with ammunition, with ships, with har-bours, with finances and with troops. At a time when your chiefs were novicesin government, whether military or political, and when all these branches ofgovernment were heavy and expensive to them. At a time when factions auda-ciously held high their crests, and in every quarter openly sowed sedition.When the country beyond the mountains was independent, and divided fromthe country on this side of the mountains; when the dominion of the nationwas insecure and little known. And, when by a happy change in affairs, youare abundantly provided with arms and ammunition, and are sufficiently ac-commodated with ships and harbours; when you have established troops, andfunds for their subsistence; when you have regulated your finances, when yourchiefs find themselves much better instructed, when government is no longerso expensive; when all the factions are quelled; when the national govern-ment is obeyed by all ranks in the kingdom, feared by our very enemies, and

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beginning to be acknowledged by foreign states: when the countries both onthis, and on the other side of the mountains are all united under one chief,and under a chief, (I will say it to the shame of malignity and of envy) who forwisdom and foresight, for zeal and disinterestedness, for courage and valour,for the rectitude of his intentions, views and maxims, does not yield to any ofthe most famous heroes. Now, I say, when you are in a situation more strongand flourishing than ever, and which, if you are constant in your undertak-ings, promises you immortal glory, a total independence and a perpetual felic-ity; shall you be afraid of the vain, the pitiful, the contemptible power of therepublick?’66

The language of the Corsicans is remarkably good Italian, tinctured a lit-tle with some remains of the dialects of the barbarous nations, and with a fewGenoese corruptions, but much purer than in many of the Italian states.Their pronunciation however is somewhat coarse.67 They give in particular abroad sound to the vowel e which displeased me a good deal. That the Corsi-cans write Italian in a great degree of perfection may be seen from some quo-tations in the course of this account, as well as from the manifestoes subjoinedin the Appendix.

The Corsicans have all a turn for the arts. I cannot indeed say thatpainting has yet flourished among them; but they succeed well in musickand poetry. There are few of them who do not play upon the citra, an oldMoorish instrument, which they are pleased to think the ancient cythara.68

It has a sweet and romantick sound, and many of their airs are tender andbeautiful.

They have not yet produced any large and finished poem. But they havemany little pieces exceedingly pretty, most of them on war or on love. OldGiacinto Paoli, father to the present general, has left several sonnets com-posed with great spirit.69 I have a good many of them; and shall insert one,of which I have attempted a translation. It was composed in praise of hisbrother-commander General Giafferi, upon occasion of a victory obtainedby him over the Genoese, at the siege of Cordone; and while it gives a specimen


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66. I have [126:17] . . . republick?’ The preamble and the lengthy Italian quotations with translationsare not given in MS. There is, however, a marginal instruction (p. 206); ‘Here as Specimens of theCorsican Eloquence Insert. A suoi Figli Page 4 from Siate sicuri & Figli Sleali Page 27 from Ecco laPotenza to the end of the Section.’

67. The language . . . coarse Goury makes the same point (193) but adds that the Corsicans pro-nounced only half their words because they were habitually chewing tobacco.

68. There are . . . cythara Cf. Burnaby 16. The cithara is an ancient Greek stringed instrument with aflat, shallow sound-chest.

69. Old . . . spirit Cf. Burnaby 16. John Dick (successfully) applied to Paoli on JB’s behalf for ‘Speci-mens of the Corsican Poetry; particularly . . . those of Your Excellencys Father, and the Pater Nos-ter paraphrased against the Genoese’ (Gen. Corr. i. 69).

of the talents of the venerable chief, it at the same time shews his gen-erous satisfaction at the success of another engaged in the same gloriouscause.

sonetto.A coronar l’Eroe di Cirno invitto,Morte discenda, e se l’inchini il fato;E li sospiri del Ligure sconfittoDiano alla tromba della Fama il fiato.

Fatto appena di Golo il bel tragitto,Del nemico espugna forte steccato;Sprezzò perigli; e al disugual conflitto,Virtu prevalse, ov’ ci comparve armato.

Cirno lo scelse, e’l suo destin l’arrise;E’l gran litigio a cui l’Europa è attentaAl suo valor, al brando suo, commise.

Il brando, ch’anche il destin spaventa,All’ ingrata Liguria il crin recise;E a Cirno il scetro la sua man presenta.

sonnet.To crown thy hero, Cyrnus, from the skies

Lo Fate with joy inclines, descends fierce death!While vanquish’d Genoa’s despairing sighs

Give to Fame’s glorious-sounding trumpet breath.

Scarce was the Golo past with courage bright,The pallisadoed hostile fort to storm,

Dangers he reck’d not in the unequal fight;Virtue prevail’d when seen in armed form.

His country chose him, and celestial FatePleas’d to behold the Corsick fire restor’d,

The mighty strife on which the nations wait,Entrusted to his valour, to his sword.

That sword, at which ev’n Fate recoils with dread,The vaunting tresses cut with vigour brave,

From the ingrate Ligurian’s faithless head;Cyrnus, to thee his hand the sceptre gave.

They have also many little ballads and madrigals, full of drollery andkeen satire against the Genoese; and they have their essays of grave humour,

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and various allegories respecting themselves and their enemies. They have inparticular a curious paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer, where all the petitions arestrangely turned into severe accusations against the Genoese.

The character of the Corsicans has been already touched, in the compar-ison between Strabo and Diodorus Siculus. They are no doubt a people ofstrong passions, as well as of lively and vigorous minds. These are the materi-als, of which men are to be formed either good or bad in a superiour degree. Ialways remember an observation which M. Rousseau made to me, one day, inthe Val de Travers, when we were talking of the characters of different na-tions; said he, ‘J’aime ces caracteres ou il y a de l’etoffe.’70 It was well said. Apoor feeble spirit is unable to support the weight of great virtues. It is onlywhere there is strength and fire, that we can hope to form characters of worthand dignity.

These islanders have abilities for any thing: but their fortune has beensuch, that they have been conspicuous only for the hard and resolute qualities.Abandoned by the nations around to the oppression of a tyrannical republick,they have had no opportunity of shewing their genius for learning and thearts, their hospitality, their courteousness, and their other amiable virtues incivilized life. What they have had an opportunity to shew, they have shewnwith distinguished glory.

The authours of the Encyclopedie say, ‘Les Corses sont remuans, vindi-catifs, et belliqueux.71 The Corsicans are tumultuous, vindictive and warlike.’Their struggles against the tyrant could shew them in no other light.

A writer of the highest class thus characterises them: ‘Les Corses sont unepoignée d’hommes aussi braves et aussi deliberès que les Anglois. On ne lesdomptera, je crois, que par la prudence et la bontè. On peut voir par leur ex-emple, quel courage et quelle vertu, donne aux hommes l’amour de la libertè,et qu’il est dangereux et injuste de l’opprimer.o The Corsicans are a handfulof men, as brave and as determined as the English. I believe they will not be


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o Essai de Crit. sur le Prince de Machiavel, p. 114.*

70. J’aime . . . l’etoffe’ JB deleted his own translation in MS (p. 210): <‘I love those characters inwhich there is stuffing.’>

71. Encyclopedie . . . belliqueux Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers(Paris, 1751–72), iv. 279. See Jean Viviès, ‘Boswell, la Corse et l‘Encyclopédie.’ Studies on Voltaire andthe Eighteenth Century (The Voltaire Foundation, Oxford, 1986), 245, 467–73.

* The author of the Essai de Critique was ‘of the highest class’: Frederick II of Prussia; his Examendu Prince de Machiavel [1740] 1741, ed. Voltaire. Alongside the quotation in MS (p. 211) is JB’s re-mark: ‘N. B. Who writes the Critique on Machiavel? I take the quotation from a Memoire Apolo-getique in favour of the Corsicans.’ His source was the Mémoire apologétique au sujet de la dernièrerévolution de l’isle de Corse (Corte, 1760), p. 89 n.; this rare publication has been variously attrib-uted to Bonsiglio Guelfucci (cf. p. 186 n. 46) and to Erasmo Ortierni.

subdued but by prudence and good treatment. We may see by their example,what courage and what virtue the love of liberty gives to men; and how dan-gerous as well as unjust it is to oppress it.’

The manners of the Corsicans have a great similarity with those of theancient Germans, as described by Tacitus.72 They have not however the samehabit of drinking; for they are extremely temperate. Their morals are strictand chaste to an uncommon degree, owing in part to good principles unhurtby luxury; and partly to the exercise of private revenge against such as violatethe honour of their women.

This last may to some appear rude and barbarous; but I hold it to be wiseand noble. Better occasional murders than frequent adulteries.73 Better cut offa rotten branch now and then, than that the whole of the society should becorrupted. When morals are intimately connected with ideas of honour, andcrimes of an alluring nature are not committed with impunity, we may expectthat mankind will retain a proper awe, and be kept within the bounds of theirduty: and if we have not the frivolous embellishments and transient pleasuresof licentious gallantry, we are free from its effeminate disquiets, its feverishpassions, its falseness and dissimulation; while honest principles and manlyand generous affections are kept in full vigour.

They who think duelling necessary to preserve the nice decorum of po-liteness, ought not to censure private revenge, the rough guardian of thatvirtue which is the support of every community.

What Tacitus says of ancient Germany we may say of Corsica: ‘Nemo illicvitia ridet; nec corrumpere et corrumpi saeculum vocatur.p Nobody therelaughs at vice; nor is corrupting and being corrupted called the way of theworld.’

The Corsicans like the Germans of old, are extremely indolent. The womendo the greatest part of the drudgery work,q as is also the custom among theScots Highlanders. Yet they are very active in war, like the same Germans, ofwhom Tacitus says, ‘Mira diversitate naturae cum iidem homines sic ament in-ertiam et oderint quietem.r By a wonderful variety of nature the same men are

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72. Tacitus Germania, XXIII.73. Better . . . adulteries In his attack on Corsica (see p. 18 n. 24), Wilkes commented on JB’s remark:

‘Surely, Sir, never any but an Italian with the stiletto in his pocket, and a highlander with the dirkby his side, ever talked so lightly of murder. I therefore wonder at such an assertion from a gentle-man, a man of humanity, and an Englishman, for so I call him, as he chooses to be our country-man abroad, though not at home’ (Corr. Temple, i. 239 n. 17).

* Germania, XIX. 3.** Germania, XV. 1.

*** Germania, XV. 1–2.

pTacit. de Mor. Germ.* q Ib.** r Ib.***

fond of indolence and impatient of rest.’ Notwithstanding all that Paoli hasdone, the Corsicans are still indolent and averse to labour. Every year 800 or1000 Sardinians and Luccese are employed as artificers and day-labourers inthe island.

M. De Montesquieu observes, that all indolent nations are also proud.74

This is indeed the case of the Corsicans, to which, as I have formerly ob-served, their success in war has contributed.

M. De Montesquieu proposes a very good remedy for this: ‘On purroittourner l’effet contre la cause, et detruire la paresse par l’orgueil. Dans le midide l’Europe, où les peuples sont si fort frappés par le point d’honneur, il seroitbon de donner des prix aux laboureurs qui auroient portè plus loin leur indus-trie. Cette pratique a reussi de nos jours en Irlande; elle y a établi une des plusimportantes manufactures de toile qui soit en Europe.’s

‘One might turn the effect against the cause, and destroy indolenceby pride. In the south of Europe, where the people are so much struck withthe point of honour, it would be right to give premiums, to the labourers whohave best cultivated their fields, or to artificers who have carried their indus-try the greatest length. This practice hath succeeded in our days, in Ireland:it hath there established one of the most important linen manufactures in Europe.’

The Corsicans love much to lie round a fire. This practice seems peculiarto rude nations. The Indians in north America do it, and the ancient Germansdid it. ‘Totos dies juxta focum atque ignem agunt.t They pass whole days bythe fire.’ The Scythians too had this custom.

Ipsi in defossis specubus secura sub altaOtia agunt terra, congestaque robora, totasqueAdvolvere focis ulmos, ignique dedere.

Virg. Georg. iii. 1. 376.

In caverns deep with oaks uppil’d, they raise,And many a branching elm, the crackling blaze;


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s Esprit des Loix, liv. xiv. chap. 9.* t Tacit. de Mor. Germ.**

74. Montesquieu . . . proud ‘Les nations paresseuses sont ordinairement orgueilleuses,’ Esprit de Lois,XIV. ix (ed. Robert Derathé, Paris, 1973, i. 253).

* ‘ . . . sont si frappés . . . auraient le mieux cultivé leurs champs, ou aux ouvriers qui auraientporté . . . pratique réussira même par tout pays. Elle a servi de nos jours . . . Irlande, à l’établisse-ment d’une . . . ’ JB’s English translation is closer to Montesquieu’s original than is his quotationfrom the French.

** Germania, XVII. 1.

From cold secure, around the flaming hearth,Waste the long dreary night in social mirth.

Warton.75

There have been many very strange customs in Corsica. Diodorus tells us,that after the women were brought to bed, the men immediately took care ofthe children, laying themselves down as if they were sick, and fondling the in-fants, so that the mothers had no farther trouble than to give them suck.u Sogreat attention to a woman after she has suffered so much for the good of so-ciety, had really something humane in it; though we must smile at such sim-plicity. We may say that it has never been paralleled by all the complaisance76

of modern gallantry. But this equitable custom is no longer in use.Petrus Cyrnaeus says, that in his time marriage was so much honoured

among the Corsicans, that if any young woman was so poor that nobodyasked her, the neighbours raised a contribution to help her to a husband.77

Generosity could never be more properly exercised. Epaminondas used to ex-ercise his generosity in that way.v

There are some extraordinary customs which still subsist in Corsica. Inparticular they have several strange ceremonies at the death of their relations.When a man dies, especially if he has been assassinated, his widow with all themarried women in the village accompany the corpse to the grave, where aftervarious howlings, and other expressions of sorrow, the women fall upon thewidow, and beat and tear her in a most miserable manner. Having thus satis-fied their grief and passion, they lead her back again, covered with blood andbruises, to her own habitation. This I had no opportunity of seeing, while Iwas in the island; but I have it from undoubted authority.78

Having said so much of the genius and character of the Corsicans, I mustbeg leave to present my readers with a very distinguished Corsican character,that of Signor Clemente de’ Paoli, brother of the General.

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75. Ipsi . . . Warton Virgil, Georgics, iii. 376–78 [‘Themselves, in hidden caves, deep in the ground,they live carefree and at ease, rolling to the hearths heaps of logs, whole elms, and throwing themon the fire’]. Warton’s elaborate version (Works of Virgil, i. 314–15) was added later than MS.

76. complaisance i.e., courtesy, rather self-conscious civility.77. Petrus . . . husband Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Sriptores, xxiv. 425.78. When . . . authority Cf. Burnaby 22: ‘When a man dies, especially if he has been assassinated, the

widow, with all the married women of the village, accompany the corpse to the grave; where, aftervarious howlings and other expressions of sorrow, they beat and tear themselves in a most unmer-ciful manner. Having satisfied their grief and passion, they return to their habitations covered withblood and bruises. This the general assured us he had himself been once a spectator of.’

* The Library of History, V. xiv. 2.** Cornelius Nepos, Liber de excellentibus ducibus exterum gentium (Epaminondas), XV. iii. 5–6.

u Diod. Sicul. Wesseling. p. 341.* v Corn. Nep. in vit. Epam.**

This gentleman is the eldest son of the old General Giacinto Paoli. He isabout fifty years of age, of a middle size and dark complexion, his eyes arequick and piercing, and he has something in the form of his mouth, whichrenders his appearance very particular. His understanding is of the first rate;and he has by no means suffered it to lie neglected. He was married, and hasan only daughter, the wife of Signor Barbaggi one of the first men in theisland.

For these many years past, Signor Clemente, being in a state of widow-hood, has resided at Rostino, from whence the family of Paoli comes. He livesthere in a very retired manner. He is of a Saturnine disposition, and his no-tions of religion are rather gloomy and severe. He spends his whole time instudy, except what he passes at his devotions. These generally take up six oreight hours every day; during all which time he is in church, and before the al-tar, in a fixed posture, with his hands and eyes lifted up to heaven, withsolemn fervour.

He prescribes to himself, an abstemious, rigid course of life; as if he hadtaken the vows of some of the religious orders. He is much with the Francis-cans, who have a convent at Rostino. He wears the common coarse dress ofthe country, and it is difficult to distinguish him from one of the lowest of thepeople.

When he is in company he seldom speaks, and except upon important oc-casions, never goes into publick, or even to visit his brother at Corte. Whendanger calls, however, he is the first to appear in the defence of his country.He is then foremost in the ranks, and exposes himself to the hottest action;79

for religious fear is perfectly consistent with the greatest bravery; according tothe famous line of the pious Racine,

Je crains dieu, cher Abner; et n’ai point d’autre crainte.80

I fear my god; and Him alone I fear.a friend.


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79. Signor Clemente [133:28] . . . hottest action Clemente Paoli (1715–93). Cf. Burnaby 6–7: ‘signorClemente . . . near 50 years of age, is of a middle stature, and dark complexion. His eyes are quickand piercing . . . His understanding is of the first rate; and he has by no means suffered it to lie un-cultivated. He lives in a very retired manner, giving up his whole time to study, except what hepasses at his devotions. These generally take up some hours every morning. He is very reserved andseldom speaks; and . . . never goes into public; not even to visit his brother in Corte. When hiscountry however requires it, he is the first to appear in the defense of her; he is then foremost in thefield, and exposes himself to every sort of danger. In the beginning of an engagement he is gener-ally cool; but after some time especially if he sees any of his party fall . . . he then becomes furi-ous . . . In the council, his authority is not less than in the field . . . He dresses in the ordinaryCorsican dress, and it is difficult to distinguish him from the common people.’

80. Je crains . . . crainte Racine, Athalie, I. i. 64. The quotation and translation were added laterthan MS.

In the beginning of an engagement, he is generally calm; and will frequentlyoffer up a prayer to heaven, for the person at whom he is going to fire:81 sayinghe is sorry to be under the necessity of depriving him of life; but that he is an en-emy to Corsica, and providence has sent him in his way, in order that he may beprevented from doing any farther mischief; that he hopes god will pardon hiscrimes, and take him to himself. After he has seen two or three of his country-men fall at his side, the case alters. His eyes flame with grief and indignation,and he becomes like one furious;82 dealing vengeance every where around him.

His authority in the council is not less than his valour in the field. Hisstrength of judgment and extent of knowledge, joined to the singular sanctityof his character, give him great weight in all the publick consultations; and hisinfluence is of considerable service to his brother the General.

When we thus view the Corsicans gloriously striving for the best rights ofhumanity, and under the guidance of an illustrious commander and ablestatesman, establishing freedom, and forming a virtuous and happy nation,can we be indifferent as to their success? Can we Britons forbear to admiretheir bravery, and their wisdom? One English Poet hath celebrated Corsica. Iknow not who he is. But I would thank him for the spirit he hath shewn; andI would beg leave to select a few of his verses.

Hail Corsica ! than whose recorded nameNone e’er stood fairer on the rolls of fame!Rapt at the sound, my soul new ardour fires,Each thought impassions, and each strain inspires.Pity, to injur’d honour that is due,Pleads in my heart, and bids me pity you;For worth like thine, one honest wish receive;’Tis all the muse, and all the friend can give.

Ye who are slaves of pow’r, or drones of peace,Ambition’s tools, or votaries of ease,If not quite abject, nor quite lost to shame,Your hearts can feel one particle of fame,Stand forth; on Corsica reflect, and seeNot what you are, but what you ought to be.The general good’s their aim; no slavish aweMarks man from man, but Liberty is Law;No venal senates publick credit drain,

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81. a prayer . . . fire Cf. Sir Horace Mann to Walpole, 27 June 1769: ‘Clemente . . . so zealous for theliberty of his country, and so devout, that whenever he took aim at an invader of it, he recom-mended his soul to God’ (Walpole, Corrspondence, xxiii. 130).

82. furious In Scots Law the term meant insane.

No king enslav’d by creatures of his reign.Of publick honours merit is the test,And those obtain them who deserve them best.

In this vile age, no virtue now rever’d,No godlike patriot prodigy appear’d,’Till one small spot, (for in th’Almighty’s Book,The smallest spot is never overlook’d)Held forth the wonder to all Europe’s shame,Produc’d the man, and Paoli his name.Go on immortal man! the path pursueMark’d out by heav’n, and destin’d but for you;Fix your firm hope on this, on this your trust,Your arms must conquer as your cause is just.By heav’n! it makes my life’s best blood run cold,Then glow to madness when thy story’s told;On those vile slaves be heav’n’s choice thunder hurl’d,Who chain’d themselves, would gladly chain a world.

Pride, a Poem.83

The Corsicans are in general of small stature, and rather hard-favoured,84

much like the Scots Highlanders; though as we find among these, so we alsofind among the Corsicans many of a good size, and comely countenances.85

The number of inhabitants in Corsica has not been exactly taken of late,but they may be reckoned 220,000 souls; for, previous to the rise in 1729,there were 40,000 families who payed tax to Genoa, and reckoning five toeach family, the inhabitants were then 200,000.

Now although it may appear a paradox, it is certain that the number ofinhabitants has increased during the war; as will appear from the followingconsiderations.

Father Cancellotti a Jesuit missionary, who travelled over Corsica, and in-formed himself with great exactness, made a computation, that in thirty years


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83. Hail Corsica! . . . A POEM Pride: a Poem. Inscribed to John Wilkes. By an Englishman (1766), pp.9–13. JB declares that he will ‘select . . . verses’ from the poem; he omits 42 lines in the course ofhis quotation.

84. hard-favoured i.e., of unpleasant appearance, ugly.85. countenances JB had intended to include here some observations on Corsican women but deleted

them; his original remarks (MS, p. 221) were: << ‘The Corsican women are for most part ill-lookedwhich may be <partly> in some measure owing to their hard/coarse usage. I am sorry to make thisobservation on the Corsican women but it is a true one. And it was <very> pleasantly enough saidby Lord Loudoun that it was a pity such brave fellows as the Corsicans should not have prettywomen.’ >> (Loudon was probably John Campbell (1705–82), fourth Earl of Loudon, a nearneighbour of the Boswells in Ayrshire.)

of Genoese government, the island lost by assassinations and other causes28,000 people.

Whereas in the thirty seven years of war, the island has not lost above10,000 people, including those who have fled from the confusions of theircountry, to follow fortune upon the continent.

And therefore this calculation of the number of inhabitants at present, isa just one.

The number of Corsicans is however much less than it was in ancienttimes. It is well observed by an able writer,w ‘That the depopulation of manycountries seems to have been first occasioned by the havock the Romans madeamong the smaller states and cities, before they could fully establish their sov-ereign power.’ In no state could this cause of depopulation take place, morethan in Corsica; for in no state were the natives harder to be subdued. Whento the Roman havock we add the reiterated turmoils, which during a course ofages, have shaken this island, we need be at no loss to account why the num-ber of its inhabitants is diminished.

Of the 220,000 people computed to be in Corsica, there may be 10,000in Bastia, and in all 25,000 in the territories of the Genoese; so that I reckonthere are about 200,000 of the patriotick nation, and of these Paoli can bring40,000 armed men into the field.

It is therefore by no means probable, that the Genoese should reduce toabject submission so considerable a nation, and a nation of such men; most ofwhom have been born in the troublous times, and been brought up with sen-timents of the most violent hatred against the republick. There is not a Corsi-can child who can procure a little gun-powder, but he immediately sets fire toit, huzzas at the explosion, and as if he had blown up the enemy, calls out,‘Ecco i Genovesi. There go the Genoese.’

I believe the wisest and best nobles of Genoa are now of opinion, thatthe republick should renounce her pretensions of dominion, over a peoplewhom long experience has proved to be unconquerable by the Genoese arms,who have baffled every attempt that the republick has made against them,and who are at last formed into a state that has a solid claim to independency.But the wisest and best of Genoa, like the wisest and best of other states,are over-ruled by the majority; and the republick has hitherto continued to

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* Robert Wallace (1697–1771), A Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind in ancient and moderntimes (Edinburgh, 1753; 1809), p. 108 (‘the scarcity of people in latter times seems to be not a lit-tle owing to the ruin of the ancient governments by the Roman empire, and the havock . . .power’).

w Wallace on the Numbers of Mankind, p. 106.*

drain her treasury, and sacrifice her soldiers, in fruitless attempts to recoverCorsica.

The Abbé Richardx hath given a very just and lively account of this: ‘Leroyaume de Corse dont la republique possede quelques places maritimes luicoute prodigieusement; elle n’en retire aucun avantage réel, et elle a toujours àcombattre un peuple indiscipliné armé pour la liberté.’

‘Mais comme les nobles Genois se regardent tous comme solidairement roisde Corse, cette raison qui est tres forte sur leur esprit, les determinera toujours àne rien epargner pour conserver au moins ce titre. C’est l’objet d’ambition qui lestouche le plus. Rien n’est aussi interessant pour eux, que les nouvelles de ce païs;sur tout quand la ballance paroit pancher du coté des rebelles.’y

‘Une dame Genoise fort inquiete de quelques succès qui sembloient an-noncer une revolution totale en faveur des insulaires, apprenant que les esper-ances de la republique se retablissoient, dit dans un transport de joie, “dieumerci nous sommes donc encore un peu reines.” ’

‘The kingdom of Corsica, of which the republick possesses some mar-itime strong places, costs her a prodigious expence. She derives no real advan-tage from it, and she hath always to combate an undisciplined people armedfor liberty.’

‘But as the Genoese nobles look upon themselves to be all joint kings ofCorsica, this consideration which is very strong upon their minds, will everdetermine them to spare nothing in order to preserve at least the title. It is thepoint of ambition which touches them the most. Nothing is so interesting tothem as the news from that country, especially when the balance seems to leanto the side of the rebels (patriots).’

‘A Genoese lady who was very uneasy, on account of some successeswhich seemed to announce a total revolution in favour of the islanders, hear-ing that the hopes of the republick began to be re-established, cried in a trans-port of joy, “Thank God then, we are yet somewhat queens.” ’86


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86. queens” A marginal note in MS (p. 226) alongside this translation instructs: ‘The taking ofCapraja to be here introduced. See paper apart.’ The ‘paper’ is not included in MS; the insertionoccupied six printed pages; the account in MS resumes at ‘It is in vain’ on p. 141.

* Richard, Description Historique et Critique, i. 118. When he came to translate the French quotation,JB wrote in the margin (and subsequently deleted the remark): ‘<N.B. I know not how to translatesolidairement. It is not in Boyer’s Dictionary’> (MS, p. 226). He first rendered it ‘in effect,’ deletedthat and substituted ‘joint’. (Abel Boyer’s Royal Dictionary, French and English, first published in1699, went into several edns before 1767. The word was included in the 1727 and later edns ofBoyer.)

x Richard Descrip. Hist. et Crit. de l’Ital. tom. I. p. 118.*y He should not call those ‘rebelles’ whom he hath before represented as ‘armés pour la liberté.’

While I was employed in writing this Account of Corsica, the brave is-landers resolved on striking a bold stroke, and making a conquest of the islandof Capraja.87

Capraja or Caprara lies to the east of Corsica, about five and twenty milesoff Capo Corso, over against the coast of Tuscany. This island was formerlyannexed to the kingdom of Corsica, being a portion of the feudal territory ofthe noble family of Damari who were deprived of it by the Genoese.

Capraja is about fifteen miles in circumference. The whole of it is ex-ceedingly mountainous, and of a dry craggy surface. It is all around so pointedwith rocks, that it is inaccessible almost on every quarter, except at onehabour, which is a pretty good one, and where numbers of vessels passing theMediterranean use to take shelter. It hath upwards of 3000 inhabitants, all ofwhom are assembled in a town at the extremity of the island just above theharbour.

The men of Capraja are strong and robust. They all go to sea, and arereckoned the hardiest and most expert sailors in that part of the world. Thewomen employ themselves chiefly in cultivating vines, in which the island ispretty fertile. There is here a strong citadel built on a high rock, so that itcommands the town and harbour. It is well furnished with artillery, and theGenoese kept there a garrison. There are also two other towers at the two ex-tremities of the island, built rather in order to descry the Barbary corsairs,than to defend a country so well fortified by nature.z

In the month of December 1766, Signor Paul Mattei of Centuri havinggone to France to transact some private affairs, in his passage home he wentashore at Capraja, where he was at great pains to inform himself with regardto the situation of their garrison, their harbour and their coasts, the scarcity ofprovisions, and the little attention with which the island was defended.

On his return to Corsica, he proposed to Paoli to make a descent uponCapraja. His proposal was immediately approved, and the conduct of the en-terprise was committed to Signor Achilles Murati, commandant at Erbalonga,

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87. While . . . Capraja John Dick informed JB, 7 March 1767, that the Corsicans had invaded Caprajaon 16 February (Gen. Corr. i. 122); despite repeated efforts by the Genoese to dislodge them, theyforced the garrison commander, Baron Oltre, to surrender to Paoli on 29 May (Gen. Corr. i. 127n. 2). See Peter Adam Thrasher, Pasquale Paoli (1970), pp. 104–10.

* JB was there 21–28 November 1765. For a less contented and probably more accurate account, seeGrand Tour, 221–22.

z I know Capraja well, for I was driven into it by stress of weather in my return from Corsica. I wasdetained there six days, and was lodged in a Franciscan convent, where the worthy fathers entertained mevery hospitably. I employed my time in writing a minute detail of every thing in the island, which I stillhave by me, and often amuse myself with it, at a vacant hour.*

and Signor John Baptist Ristori, commandant at Furiani, who on the eveningof the 16th of February 1767, set sail from the port of Macinajo, accompaniedby Signor Mattei and several gallant young gentlemen of the principal familiesin the provinces of Capo Corso and Nebbio, who chose to go as volunteers.They had also a few Capraese to serve as guides.

They landed on Capraja that night. The Corsican commanders signifiedto the Capraese, that they were come with no hostile intentions against them;but only to expel from their country, the Genoese, that the inhabitants ofCapraja might participate the happy fruits of liberty, in common with theirancient friends the Corsicans: and therefore they hoped that instead of meet-ing with opposition, they would be received with cordiality. Upon this, anumber of the inhabitants immediately joined them, and they laid siege to thecitadel.

The Genoese were piqued to the greatest degree, to find that those is-landers, whom they gave out to be a set of rebels under the awe of a Frenchguard, were boldly sallying forth, and wresting from them the sovereignty ofanother island in the Mediterranean; an event which could not fail to blazeabroad over Europe, and equally contribute to the glory of the Corsicans andto the disgrace of the republick. They therefore spared no expence or care todefeat the enterprise.

They sent out a considerable armament under the command of SignorAugustino Pinello, a man of tried activity and valour, and an actual senatourof Genoa.

They also sent colonel Antonio Matra, with a body of chosen men, whoby the assistance of a Capraese galley-slave effectuated a landing, at a placeneglected by the Corsicans as inaccessible.

While Matra attacked the Corsicans by land, Signor Pinello attackedthem from the sea, on two different quarters; so that they had a very hot anddifficult action to maintain. Notwithstanding all which, Pinello was beatenoff, and Matra’s detachment was totally routed.

I could wish to relate the various particulars of this expedition. I have ma-terials sufficient for it; but the plan of my work does not permit me. Thecitadel of Capraja surrendered on the 29th of May.

The Corsicans have by this conquest added considerably to their domin-ion. They have acquired an increase of most useful people; and they are in acondition to prevent, or at least render extremely difficult, the communicationbetween Genoa and her garrisons in Corsica.

Sir James Steuart hath placed the Corsicans in rather an unfavourablelight. His words are, ‘The Corsicans have exported, that is, sold the best partof their island to Genoa; and now, after having spent the price in wearingdamask and velvet, they want to bring it back, by confiscating the property of


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the Genoese, who have both paid for the island, and drawn back the price ofit, by the balance of their trade against these islanders.’aa

With this respectable writer’s permission, it was not a balance of trade,but a balance of bad fortune, which subjected Corsica to the Genoese; and thegreatest part, if not all the property of the nobles of the republick in that is-land, was acquired only by force or by fraud. The expensiveness of the Corsi-cans in wearing damask and velvet, is merely ideal. Corsica is perhaps the onlycountry upon the face of the globe, where luxury has never once been intro-duced. The Genoese cannot pretend to have made themselves masters of Cor-sica, by commercial superiority; for those republicans have been supplied fromthat fertile island, with a great many of the necessaries of life, which their ownnarrow dominions could not furnish in sufficient quantities.

I have thought myself called upon to rectify this mistake in a book whichmay afford many important lessons to free nations, and among the rest to thebrave Corsicans themselves.

It is in vain for the Genoese to pretend any longer that the Corsicans areto be looked upon as rebels. It is nobly opposed by a Corsican writer; withwhose words I shall conclude my Account of Corsica.88

‘Rebelli! come non hanno vergogna di dar a noi questo titolo? a noi chefacciamo la guerra con tanto spirito di lenità e di dolcezza, che non altro sistudia che risparmiare il sangue, i beni, e l’ onore de’ nostri concittadini? anoi che non cercando se non di liberare la patria della più iniqua di tutte lecattività, altro titolo non conviene che quello di salvatori. E poichè lode a diodator d’ogni bene, abbiamo già conseguito l’ intento; poichè abbiamo già for-mato in sequela un governo sovrano libero, independente, assoluto, padronedella vita e della morte di tante migliaja di sudditi, che lo riconoscono, edubidiscono con fedeltà e con prestezza. Avendo stabilito successivamente rotae tribunali; giudici e magistrati; ministri ed esecutori di giustizia; secreterie ecancellerie; aperte stamperie; composte leggi e statuti; truppe e finanze;poichè sotto al nostra dominio abbiamo torri e presidi; castelli e carceri; armie cannoni; porti e bastimenti, poichè assolviamo e condanniamo per via diprocessi e sentenze; imponiamo tasse e contribuzioni; improntiamo i nostri

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aa Inquiry into the Principles of Political Oeconomy. Book II. Chap. 29.*

88. whose words . . . Corsica In MS (p. 226) JB first wrote and then deleted: <‘whose words I shallconclude my Account of this Island’>; interlinearly he substituted: ‘whose Eloquence will furnisha very proper peroration to this Account of his Country’; but except for replacing ‘this Island’ by‘Corsica,’ the first was preferred in print.

* Steuart, Inquiry, i. 419. See above p. 12 n. 18, pp. 102–3.

sigilli; sventoliamo le nostre bandiere; concediamo tratte e licenze; creiamonotari; intimiamo guerre; formiamo assedi; capitoliamo rese ed armistizi;contrassegni tutti di sovranità, e di dominio? come posson più appellarcigente privata?bb

‘Rebels! are they not ashamed to give to us that title? to us, who makewar with such a spirit of lenity and mildness, that our only study is to sparethe blood, the effects and the honour of our fellow-citizens? to us, who seekfor nothing but to free our country from the most iniquitous of all cap-tivities, and therefore well deserve the title of saviours. And thanks to godthe giver of all good, we have now obtained our purpose: for we havenow formed a government sovereign, free and independent, with the powerof life and death over so many thousand subjects, who acknowledge it,and obey it with fidelity and with alacrity. We have now successively estab-lished a rota and tribunals, judges and magistrates, administratours and ex-ecuters of justice. We have secretaries offices,89 and publick archives; openprinting-houses, laws and statutes, troops and finances. We have moreoverunder our dominion towers and garrisons, castles and prisons, arms and can-non, harbours and shipping. Besides, we absolve and condemn in the regu-lar form of processes and sentences; we impose taxes and contributions, weadhibit our seals, we display our colours, we declare wars, we form sieges,we capitulate for truces and cessations of arms. Are not all these the marksof sovereignty and dominion? How then can they any longer call us a pri-vate band?’90


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bb Manifest. di Gen. Colle Rispost. di un Cors. p. 23.*

89. secretaries offices A marginal note (MS, p. 228) reads: ‘I dont know how to translate Secreterie’; JBtherefore left a blank space in his translation. For ‘e cancellerie’ he wrote and then deleted ‘<andChancellorships>.’ An unknown hand added the version that appeared in print: ‘secretary’s offices& public Archives.’

90. adhibit . . . cessations of arms . . . band? Marginal notes (MS, p. 229) read: ‘N. B. I know not im-prontiamo . . . N. B. I know not armistizi.’ The unknown hand inserted in the gaps left by JB: ‘setto (or adhibit)’ . . . ‘cessation of arms.’ JB was also defeated by ‘sventoliamo le nostre bandiere,’which he hesitantly rendered ‘We <unfurl> spread our Sails’; the anonymous reader wrote in themargin: ‘we display our colours,’ the version that was printed. Inexplicable is the omission in printof JB’s correct translations in MS: ‘We grant treaties and licences. We create Notaries.’ The friendqueried JB’s final words, ‘a private band’—‘ought it not to be treat us as individuals’—but was ig-nored. In MS (p. 229) this is followed by JB’s note: ‘This Harangue is bold & spirited. But is it nottoo diffuse and tedious? Might it not be abridged and many of the particulars be well left out? Orshould it stand in it’s original Corsican form?’ The unknown reader replied: ‘it ought to stand in itsoriginal form.’

* ‘Manifesto della Serenissima Republica di Genova con la riposte di un Corso’ in Raccolta diQuanto e Stato sin qui publicato nelle presenti vetenze fra la corte di Roma et la republica di Genovaintorno alla spedizone di un visatotre apostolico nel regno di Corsica, p. 23.

APPENDIX

� �

containing

corsican state papers.

� �


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APPENDIX

� �

� No. I page 91. �

M A N I F E S T O

Of the General

And Supreme Council of State

Of the Kingdom of Corsica

The justice of our war against the republic of Genoa is as well known to theworld as the necessity which has induced us to take up arms to free ourselvesfrom the most dishonourable and insufferable tyranny of the unjust occupiersof our island and enemies of our liberty. Despite the moderation with whichwe have always conducted ourselves in this just and admirable endeavour, theLords of Genoa, becoming more and more filled with pride and, to our cost,growing every day more bold, make it our indispensible duty to change ourconduct in their regard, manifesting to the public our motives and reasons, sothat everyone may be persuaded of the rectitude of our determination and ofthat impartiality which forms the character of our nation.

During the thirty years in which we have waged the present war to drivethe republic of Genoa completely from our island, we have never in any wayattempted to disturb the maritime trade of subjects of that dominion, sympa-thising rather with the unfortunate situation that obliges them to live under agovernment which, with its present constitution, cannot be other than tyran-nical. But now we see the obstinacy and efficiency with which the aforesaid re-public strives to blockade and debar every trade route of our own nation,seizing with their warships in Corsica not only any ships they meet sailingunder our flag, but with growing boldness even burning and insulting those ofthe other most respectable nations of Europe, which for reasons of trade cometo berth and sail from ports and landing stages belonging to our island. And fi-nally we see that our leniency and dignity are in no way reciprocated by theGenoese subjects, and that they even incite their prince to deprive us of thebenefit of trade with any other power, flattering themselves by this means tomake our country entirely surrender to them the monopoly of the goods withwhich those garrisons which we ourselves keep blockaded are obliged to supplythemselves. Therefore, to look after our own interests, to remove obstacles andprotect our trade and to demonstrate our resentment towards those who, with

appendix containing corsican state papers

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impunity until now and so much to our detriment, insult us, availing ourselvesof a right which is ours because it is inseparable from that liberty which heavenhas granted to our valour, we have decided to concede the power to any of oursubjects who so wish to arm Corsican ships against our enemy the Genoese andtheir flag, and to hoist our standard after having obtained passports and appro-priate instructions from us. This power, in like manner and form, we also will-ingly accord to any foreigner who wishes to serve against this same enemy ofours and its flag, paying them and assuring them of those privileges which insimilar circumstances we are accustomed to afford to our soldiers.

Compelled by such pressing motives and sound reasons to wage war alsoby sea against the republic our enemy, we nevertheless protest our wish to usethe greatest possible respect and regard towards all the princes of Europe, andour wish to observe and respect the laws and customs established and permit-ted by maritime war even against the Genoese when they, with their usual ir-responsible and inhuman behaviour, do not oblige us to do so.

Casinca, 20 May 1760.

� No. II page 91. �

DOGE

GOVERNORS

And Procurators

Of the Republic of Genoa

In our determination to give to our people of Corsica the most indubitableand authentic token of our paternal affection, and of the sincere desire we feelto see them happy and at peace, and having received the petitions of a largepart of the population, we have decided to send to that kingdom of ours amost excellent deputation possessed with all the appropriate powers and au-thorised in the name of our most serene republic efficiently to promote andguarantee the means for that stable pacification which has been for so long theobject of our deepest concern.

We therefore notify our people, by means of those here present, that weshall restore them all, without exception, to the grace and favour of our afore-mentioned republic with a general pardon for all that may have happened inoccasion of some error: furthermore we assure them of our unfailing disposi-tion to ensure their peace and happiness by means of all those gracious con-cessions, which will not only confirm and explain those made previously,especially those that were accorded in the time of our most illustrious Pietro


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Maria Giustiniano, but also our firm intentions to concede to the Corsican na-tion even greater distinction, to establish an upright and invariable administra-tion of civil and criminal justice, to encourage and expand trade and so with thegift of peace procure for the said nation every other possible advantage.

To this most just end, the aforementioned most excellent deputation willemploy their utmost care and consideration; and we therefore invite not only themost eminent subjects but any other private citizen, to contribute for their partwith that same affection, commitment and good faith that, for our part and thatof the most excellent deputation, will be brought to it procuring likewise themost willing general cooperation of all parishes and provinces whereby, withthe greatest solicitude, accord and unanimity, it will be possible to perfect awork which is of the greatest interest and importance to our subject peoples.

In the light of the above, we expressly forbid all those who hold dear ourgraciousness to cause any damage to the person or goods of any of our subjectpeoples; and, as we promise, the work and the zeal of everyone will be employedefficiently for an objective that so interests the republic and the true good of thekingdom, and we will therefore recognise the merit of those who with the great-est activity and commitment contribute most to promote and establish it.

Dated in the Royal Palace in Genoa, 9 May 1761.Domenico MARIA TATIS, Secretary of State.

� No. III page 91. �

The resolution of the Council held by the Corsicans in Casinca,

on the occasion of the Deputation sent to Corsica by the Genoese.

THE GENERAL

AND THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF STATE

OF THE KINGDOM OF CORSICA

The Republic of Genoa, aware that its own forces are insufficient, not only tosubject us to their abhorred dominion, but also to sustain any prolonged resis-tance against the forces that ensure our unity and our invincible attachment tothe liberty we have for some time enjoyed here, persists in trying, thoughwithout success, to impose their rule upon us and to gain support from someof the great powers of Europe.

Finding themselves disappointed in this design, and knowing full well thateveryone regards it an act of humanity to give peace for once to our nation,they are much afraid that at the future peace congress, considering both the


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justice of our cause combined with our solemn determination, and the incom-patibility of their government with the character of our people, the princes ofEurope, so as to leave no single spark of war in the bosom of Italy, will makethem desist from the pretensions demonstrated towards our kingdom whichhave no other end than to fill it with misery and horror. In this state of affairs,compelled by their dominating passion for slaughter and revenge, they believedthat they could best oppose our enterprises by using promises of vast wealthand offers of military rank as enticements to enlist cowards and mercenaries ex-iled from their homeland for the enormity of their crimes, and then smugglethem in here to foment rebellion and disunity so that, leaving us preoccupiedand distracted by civil war, it would be easier for them to spread their lies in theCourts and in the peace congress. And they have so enthusiastically embracedthis strategy, that at the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, as soon as ministers ofthe powers turned their attention to the affairs of Corsica, they astutely dis-pelled any anxieties with the assertion that they would shortly have quelled anytrouble in this kingdom. With the same industry they are now diverting the at-tention of the cabinet ministers with assurances by their envoys and with mani-festos impudently proclaiming that they have finally found the means to restoreorder in Corsica, and to that end, at the request of a majority of the populationand its leaders, have despatched a commission of their subjects entrusted by thesenate with ample powers to gain both the confidence and the agreement of theparishes in concluding a treaty of peace at the city of Bastia.

Beloved compatriots, for whom we as ministers have constantly devotedthe greatest solicitude and our untiring attention to the preservation of inter-nal peace, and to subverting the plans and foiling the attempts of the enemyagainst our liberty, having penetrated the plans of the Republic of Genoa, webelieved we could no longer delay summoning the usual annual council, anexpedient most efficiently employed during thirty and more years of war tocrush the pride and confound the tactics of the Genoese. The council wassummoned, and all that have a voice and authority in public affairs were notified,and it was held, in full accordance with the rules and attended by all the nationalrepresentatives, in the convent of S. Francesco in the parish of Casinca duringthe feast of pentecost. It foresaw the serious threat posed by our enemy’s cam-paign, and made every effort to ensure it came to nothing. D. Filippo Grimaldi,the leader of the brigands and malefactors brought from Genoa to Bastia for thepurpose with intelligence provided by Martinetti, landed with a fleet of ships inFiumorbo, and established himself in Sardo, whence with threats and flattery,and with the intention of raising a regiment from the community, he succeededin frightening the good citizens and gaining the cooperation of many, in a planto interrupt the council which we were holding elsewhere, and thus to deprive usof the most favourable circumstances for warning our people and enlisting their


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zeal and generosity in our common cause. The swift anticipation of this firstattempt by our adversary, and the speed with which all that community took uparms for the defence of their liberty is now as familiar to you as the defeat ofthose traitors to our country and the Genoese troops. The Council, with themost desirable unanimity of sentiments and the most mature consideration ofthe facts, continued its sessions during which it took the decisions listed belowwhich, because they concern everyone and so that they may be observed in theirentirety, it is our wish and command that they should be read, published andcopies affixed in the usual places, according to custom; if circumstances change,we reserve the right to make appropriate amendments for the information andsatisfaction of our beloved people.

I.It is hereby decreed that a manifesto will be issued which will challenge thoseof the Republic of Genoa, protesting in the same that at no time will we beprepared to listen to any proposals for agreement with the Genoese if these failto take as their starting point the recognition of our liberty, the independenceof our government or fail to concede to the latter those few strongholds whichthey presently maintain in the kingdom. When these conditions are agreed andenacted, the nation of Corsica and its government will take the most appropri-ate and courteous measures to respect the dignity and the interests of the re-public of Genoa.

II.In the more probable circumstances that the Genoese, blinded with pride, werenot prepared to agree to these conditions for peace, in order to put ourselves inthe best position to wage war vigorously and successfully in accordance withthe plans set out for the current year, we discussed and unanimously approveda resolution for a special tax to be levied. In virtue of this resolution, anyone inthe kingdom possessing property, goods or a profitable business must pay a sin-gle contribution of one lira per thousand of the value of the said possessions.To exact this payment, the general superintendents, or other senior officials ofthe Council, will travel round with full instructions during the coming monthof August.

III.In order to expedite matters efficiently and to be as well placed as possible toprotect the internal peace of the kingdom, it was agreed and established thatthe supreme government will set up residence in the city of Corte, and thatit will be transferred there in the coming month of June, with permissionfor the Lord General to withdraw whenever he judges it appropriate either for


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the execution of the plans laid out in the campaign for war in that year or inorder to confront the enemy and oppose any attack. In that case he will takepersonal control and command of the armies, of the garrison of fortresses, tow-ers and outposts and all other matters relating to the war; all remaining publicduties will be the responsibility of the supreme Council with its usual supremeauthority.

IV.Responding to the desire of true lovers of liberty, who in all matters wouldwish to have equal influence and ardently solicit the abolition of every singleremnant of their ancient servitude: in addition, so as to enjoy the same re-wards that other states derive from such liberty, it was decided that copper andsilver coins bearing the arms of the kingdom should be minted in appropriatequantities to meet present needs within the kingdom. The said money maynot be refused by anyone, and in this form alone the Council and tribunalswill receive payments, duties, taxes ordinary and extraordinary, as well as finesetc. For the major convenience of the people in all provinces, and possibly inall parishes as well, a person will be appointed to whom all public paymentsmay be made and who will be available to exchange foreign currency for thecurrency of the realm and likewise to sell foreign currency for the purpose oftrade and other uses outside the state.

V.And further to endorse the independence of our tribunals, and to supplementin part the expense of their maintenance, it was resolved that the supremegovernment should consider stamping a certain quantity of paper with the na-tional coat of arms, to be consigned to chief finance officers with the respon-sibility to distribute it proportionately among parishes, so that it may bepurchased for two soldi and eight denari a sheet by anyone who needs it. Fromthe moment this specially stamped paper is distributed to the parishes and for-mally announced in a circular, no instrument or public document will be ac-cepted or considered as having any worth by our tribunals unless it is writtenupon this paper.

VI.And with the object of making real and manifest our just resentment againstDon Filippo Grimaldi, the chief and leader of the lawless ruffians and emis-saries, whose evil inclinations in his youth brought him to the galleys, and thefrequency of whose enormous crimes against our country was the means bywhich he rose to the rank of colonel of the republic of Genoa, whose full con-fidence he now enjoys, it is ordered that a straw effigy of Don Filippo Grimaldibe constructed, to be publicly hanged from the gallows by the ministry of


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justice, until such time that he comes into our power when the same punish-ment may be effected against his own person.

VII.And given the present emergency, it is agreed that with the greatest urgencythe commissioners, army captains, and other public officials of our country beempowered to arrest and bring to justice all suspicious persons or those hold-ing seditious meetings, as well as to observe the movements and intercept theemissaries of the Genoese in their respective districts and parishes, and againstanyone found contravening their authority to bring the full force of the lawsestablished by the congress of Saint Peter.

VIII.Appropriate measures will be taken for maintaining order in the administrationof justice, and for the open management of public finances, so that we mayscrupulously fulfil the duties of those offices entrusted to us, as well as ensure bycareful supervision that others carry out their orders and responsibilities with thegreatest possible diligence and precision.

Finally, beloved compatriots, we scarcely deem it necessary to exhort youto unite your constancy to our solicitude, since at the last memorable meetingof our Council your zeal for your country was so manifestly displayed, both inthe number and enthusiasm of those in agreement with our resolution tobring down and punish that unworthy rebel Martinetti, having made suffi-ciently clear your determination to defend and maintain our liberty; we arefilled with appreciation and gratitude for your loyalty and courage and all Eu-rope will be persuaded of our indissoluble unity, by means of which we willsecure our happiness, and ever increase the glory of our nation.

Vescovato, 24 May 1761.Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.

� No. IV page 91. �

MEMORANDUM

TO THE SOVEREIGNS

OF EUROPE

The republic of Genoa should not complain if the people of Corsica havenot heeded the flattering generalisations about ensuring their peace and hap-piness contained in the edict of 9th May, purposely circulated widely by the


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Corsicans themselves. Anyone recently informed of the circumstances presag-ing this edict, will be forced to admit either that the republic had no-one equalto the task of changing the mind of the Corsicans, or that its object was alto-gether different from that of making them peaceful and contented. The clan-destine embarcation of various ruffians previously banished from Corsica; theinternal sedition stirred up in several parts of the country, the compulsion ofseveral Corsican officials working for the Genoese to go about encouragingmutiny; the failure to make any gains in the kingdom except among the leasteducated persons, are these the means best adapted to ensure peace and tran-quillity for the Corsicans or rather to excite bloodshed and the horror of civilwar amongst them? The terms offered by the republic are not dissimilar tothose that inspired her government in the past, which was hated by the Corsi-cans as much as the condescension with which every sovereign has regardedtheir affairs. Never again will a nation subject itself to such terms since itrecognises in the republic the humiliation of its entire kingdom and the degra-dation of its people; it would rather settle for honourable death than bow itshead in slavery.

There is no doubt that the courage of the Corsicans could falter at theviolence and force that may come to the aid of the republic, but not somuch that the Genoese will obtain their purpose, because the hearts of theformer will not sacrifice the natural liberty which is their birthright and, in-stead of diminishing, the antipathy which will forever divide the two na-tions will greatly increase. And it is hard to believe that any sovereign wishescontinuously to maintain an army in Corsica to support the rights of a re-public which, except through invasion, has no title that it can oppose to thoseof any of the other powers of Europe, whether it be the empire through itslinks with Tuscany, or France, in which it was incorporated in the past, orSpain through the kings of Aragon, or the Papal States of which it was oncea tributary.

In the meanwhile, however, neither is there reason to doubt that presentrulers, at whose thrones the just complaints of the Corsican people have al-ready arrived, would wish to neglect that right of humanity which can instil intheir noble minds the idea of giving peace once and for all to Corsica, allow-ing her to enjoy the liberty to which she has always shown such attachmentand for which she has so constantly sustained such a disastrous war, either byputting her under the protection of a prince who would treat her like a daugh-ter and oversee the constitution of her government without arousing the leastjealousy in the other states, or by adopting some other expedient no less con-sistent with the natural inclinations of her people which, with due allowancefor their privileges, would be even less opposed to the political ends and ex-pectations of interested powers.


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� No. V page 93. �

DECISIONS

TAKEN IN THE COUNCIL

OF THE CHIEF GOVERNORS OF THE KINGDOM

Held in Corte, on the 23, 24 and 25 of October

Of the present year, 1764

Since news is continuously arriving from all quarters, it seems that there can beno doubt of the imminent arrival in Corsica of French troops; we can even readin the newspapers precise details about the numbers of these troops, the placesthey will occupy in Corsica, the time they will stay and various other infor-mation concerning this expedition. The government was therefore persuaded ofthe indispensable necessity of calling a special meeting of all subjects who haveacted as councillors of state in the supreme government, from provincial presi-dents to parish commissioners, and all the other heads of office in the country,with the object of consulting everyone on the decisions to be taken with regardto this event which so deeply concerns our nation.

And although there is reason to believe that the intentions of His MostChristian Majesty in sending this expedition are not towards outright war with anation which has always prided itself upon the most sincere and humble attach-ment to the crown of France, and for which in other times it merited the specialprotection of his glorious predecessors; since the French troops, however, aredestined to arm and protect the garrisons that the Genoese currently retain inCorsica, the Corsican people cannot regard them as other than auxiliary troopsof the republic, especially when attention is paid to all the articles of the treatyrecently concluded with the same republic relative to this expedition.

For this reason, in order to use all possible precautions and take the mostappropriate measures to protect public security, the resolutions contained inthe following articles were passed unanimously.

First. A war cabinet will be formed composed of subjects from all provinces,to be nominated by the supreme government, which will be entrusted toenforce the exact, and rigorous observance of article 34 of the last generalcouncil, regarding the prohibition of any sort of trade with enemy garrisons, asmuch as regards the access of nationals to these garrisons, as the garrison troopsto national goods depots, with the object of guaranteeing the people againstthe anxiety of probable shortages similar to those of the previous year; also tomaintain and increase internal trade in national depots and provide at thesame time for sufficiency of public funds. The said cabinet will be given fullauthority to punish without mercy any offenders.


154

Second. Although it may possibly be true that the French troops destinedfor Corsica are not about to embark upon anything prejudicial to the laws ofthe country, nor to repeat the assaults committed on other occasions with man-ifest abuse of the confidence and good faith of the Corsican people, like theunexpected attacks on the marshland and highlands, and the surrender ofCastello di Sanfiorenzo into the hands of the enemy; nevertheless as a maxi-mum precaution they will be totally forbidden access to the towns on any pre-text. It will therefore be the duty of His Excellency the Lord General to armthe frontier posts, and to enforce the jurisdiction and the dominion of thenation over the territory of those garrisons confiscated on behalf of the publiccouncil, as has been the practice until now. The supreme government will beable however to issue a passport to any French officer who requests it, withthe obligation to report to the first general council to be held the reasons for therequest and concession of such a passport, and the numbers granted to theFrench.

Third. In the event of any rumour that there might be a proposal ofpeace or accommodation with the republic, this must be absolutely rejectedunless there are first accorded and enforced the conditions proposed in thegeneral council at Casinca in the year 1761.

Fourth. His Excellency the Lord General is entrusted to make in thename of the country a strong but respectful protest to His Most ChristianMajesty at the damage to the said nation by the mission in Corsica of histroops at a time when the Corsicans, profiting from the extreme weakness oftheir enemy, were on the point of expelling them entirely from their island.They are thus denied the route to further progress and advantage against therepublic, which by this means is relieved of the very great expense involvedin remaining in Corsica and is in a stronger position to continue the waragainst this country. At the same he should draw His Majesty’s attention tothe grave wrong to the nation committed some years ago when he handedover to the Genoese the important town of Sanfiorenzo where the Corsicansmaintained troops for its protection, and he should request appropriatecompensation.

Fifth. And in order that this protest may have maximum effect, it will bethe further duty of the Lord General to send it to the powerful protectors andfriends of the nation, begging them to help by mediating on our behalf withHis Most Christian Majesty, and by continuing to provide their patronage toour nation, for the conservation of its rights, and its prerogative of liberty andindependence.

Sixth. Having come to the notice of the supreme government that citi-zens indifferently permit themselves to devastate the public woodlands erect-ing buildings as they please from any sort of wood, in future they will bestrictly forbidden from erecting any further buildings and cutting down any


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sort of trees in the said woodlands if they have not previously obtained per-mission in writing from the supreme government itself.

Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.

� No. VI page 120. �

GENERAL

AND SUPREME COUNCIL

OF STATE

OF THE KINGDOM OF CORSICA,

TO OUR BELOVED PEOPLE

Among the ceaseless flow of serious problems which the government of the peo-ple brings with it, one of our most pressing concerns has been to provide theyouth of our kingdom with the public means to enable them to gain instructionin the divine and human sciences with the aim of equipping them for the greaterservice of God and their country.

Among the most barbarous and detestable policies with which the Ge-noese government controls this country, worst of all is its invariable insistenceon maintaining it in a state of uncultured ignorance. Whereas the sciencesflourished and were held in esteem among our neighbouring countries and, bythe generosity of the princes of Italy, some of our countrymen were even priv-ileged to enhance with their high reputation for learning some of the most re-spected chairs in the universities of Rome, Pisa and Padova, we in Corsicawere forced to see the most sublime and original geniuses with which in greatnumbers nature has always endowed our land, either languish without cultureand waste themselves in obscurity and tedium, or travel at great expense over-seas to seek in the cities of Europe the chance to cultivate their talents whichthey were denied in their own country.

Providence, however, which in so many ways has always manifested themost indubitable signs of its benevolence towards us, has largely dissipated thecloud of obscurity that hung so injuriously over us, and we are about to showthe world that Corsica is not the barbarous place that the Genoese, the enemyof learning and science, would have people believe.

The object of this edict, therefore, is to notify our beloved people that theUniversity we have been planning for some time, but which was delayed untilnow by the unfortunate events of recent years, will open on the third day ofJanuary next, here in the city of Corte, the place chosen as the most suitable


156

in the country, at the last meeting of the general council in May. This project,so applauded and so keenly anticipated by our people, unfortunately will notat first have all the refinements it will eventually acquire with time (like manythings with small beginnings which grow rapidly if sustained with justice andzeal), but it will suffice for now to have those departments most consistentwith the needs of our people.

To this effect we have appointed the best qualified and respected profes-sors, who besides being the most deserving of the nation’s praise on manyother grounds, will now, neither from a love of money nor to satisfy their van-ity, but compelled by a sincere and pure desire for the public good, willinglyemploy their best abilities to instruct in the most desirable manner our youngpeople, teaching daily in the schools of the university courses in the followingdisciplines and sciences:

I. Dogmatic and Scholastic Theology.The principles of religion, and the doctrine of the Catholic Church will

be briefly and soundly explained and the professor will provide a weekly classin Ecclesiastical History.

II. Moral Theology.The principles and fundamental rules of Christian morality will be stud-

ied, and one day a week there will be a discussion of a practical example rele-vant to the subject matter being taught.

III. Civil and Canonical Institutions.The origin and true spirit of the laws will be explained for the best use of

the same.

IV. Ethics.The most useful of sciences for learning the customary rules of good

conduct and for justly performing the various duties of civil society. It will in-clude in addition the study of Natural and Human Rights.

V. Philosophy.The most influential ideas of modern philosophical systems. The profes-

sor will also teach the principles of Mathematics.

VI. Rhetoric.

VII. Civil and Criminal Practice.This will be taught in our own language.

The timetable for the different courses will be organised so that those whowish to do so may take part in various classes on the same day, and professors


157

will teach in such a way that an average knowledge of Latin will suffice for anunderstanding of the subject matter which you wish to study.

We therefore invite all the young students in our country, both clericaland secular, to profit from the valuable opportunity which we are offeringthem; and above all we hope that with increasing enthusiasm and in greaternumbers, young members of the most respectable and able families willchoose to enjoy the education which is the object of our special concern. Wehave made a special effort to ensure that appropriate courses are available tosupply them with the knowledge necessary to enable them to undertake theduties of councillors of state, presidents, auditors and consultants to the juris-dictions and provinces, as well as the other important posts of our nation, towhich they will have a special right to aspire, though they must demonstratetheir commitment to achieving distinction in their studies and prove them-selves able to sustain their role with dignity: furthermore, finding themselvesin the proximity of the supreme government, and close to His Excellency TheLord General, they will also be well placed to demonstrate their worth andability in the opportunities that will present themselves for service to theircountry.

And to encourage their emulation and better promote and protect publiceducation, following the example of all wise governments, we will take themost efficient measures to ensure that for civil and ecclesiastical appointmentsin our kingdom priority will always be given to those who have successfullycompleted or are currently taking courses provided by our own university.And because we are gravely disturbed to see every year large numbers of eccle-siastics leaving our kingdom to travel to the mainland to pursue their studies,now that this pretext is no longer valid we wish them to know that in futurewe will no longer issue passports for the mainland.

Finally appropriate measures will be taken to provide young studentswith suitable facilities in this city at a minimum expense with regard to bothlodgings and maintenance, and we are applying ourselves to finding the bestmeans to supplement in some way the subsistence of the poorest students.

And so that our edict is brought to the notice of everyone, we wish copiesto be sent to the Mayors of all major cities in the country, ordering them topublish it and display it in all the usual places.

Dated in Corte, 25 November 1764.Giuseppe MARIA MASSESI, Lord Chancellor.


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1. Olim meminisse juvabit Virgil, Aeneid, i. 203. [‘Some day it will be a pleasure to recall.’] ‘Memi-nisse’ was misspelt ‘memenisse’ in 3rd edn.

the

JOURNAL

of a

TOUR

to

CORSICA;

and

MEMOIRS

of

PASCAL PAOLI.

Olim meminisse juvabit.1

Virg.

161

The

Journal

of a

Tour

to

Corsica.

2. people . . . state Cf. ‘A Spirit worthy of such a People, who took up Arms in Defence of their Lib-erties,’ General account and description of Corsica, p. 18, cited in Beretti 23.

3. Earl Marischal George Keith (?1693–1778), ninth Earl Marischal of Scotland; distinguishedcourtier, confidential adviser to Frederick the Great, and Prussian Ambassador to France andSpain; he and JB travelled together from Utrecht to Berlin, 18 June–2 July 1764.

HAVING resolved to pass some years abroad, for my instruction andentertainment, I conceived a design of visiting the island of Corsica.

I wished for something more than just the common course of what is calledthe tour of Europe; and Corsica occurred to me as a place which no body elsehad seen, and where I should find what was to be seen no where else, a peopleactually fighting for liberty, and forming themselves from a poor inconsider-able oppressed nation, into a flourishing and independent state.2

When I got into Switzerland, I went to see M. Rousseau. He was then liv-ing in romantick retirement, from whence, perhaps, it had been better for himnever to have descended. While he was at a distance, his singular eloquencefilled our minds with high ideas of the wild philosopher. When he came intothe walks of men, we know alas! how much these ideas suffered.

He entertained me very courteously; for I was recommended to him bymy honoured friend the Earl Marischal,3 with whom I had the happiness oftravelling through a part of Germany. I had heard that M. Rousseau had somecorrespondence with the Corsicans, and had been desired to assist them informing their laws. I told him my scheme of going to visit them, after I hadcompleated my tour of Italy; and I insisted that he should give me a letter of

the journal of a tour to corsica

162

4. April 1765 . . . expedition The letter was dated 11 Mai 1765 and September was not mentioned init (Correspondence complète de Jean Jacques Rousseau, ed. R. A. Leigh, XXV. 270–71). A detail inRousseau’s reply (XXV. 347–48) illustrates JB’s fidelity to his sources: Rousseau misspelt Vescov-ato as ‘Vescovado’; JB retained the error despite correctly spelling the name elsewhere; this ednfollows him.

introduction. He immediately agreed to do so, whenever I should acquainthim of my time of going thither; for he saw that my enthusiasm for the braveislanders was as warm as his own.

I accordingly wrote to him from Rome, in April 1765, that I had fixed themonth of September for my Corsican expedition,4 and therefore begged ofhim to send me the letter of introduction, which if he refused, I should cer-tainly go without it, and probably be hanged as a spy. So let him answer forthe consequences.

The wild philosopher was a man of his word; and on my arrival at Flo-rence in August, I received the following letter:

A MONSIEUR, MONSIEUR BOSWELL, &c.

A Motiers, le 30 May, 1765.

‘LA crise orageuse ou je me trouve, Monsieur, depuis votre departd’ icì, m’a oté le tems de repondre à votre premiére lettre, et melaisse à peine celui de repondre en peu de mots à la seconde. Pourm’en tenir à ce qui presse pour le moment, savoir la recommenda-tion que vous desirez en Corse; puisque vous avez le desir de visiterces braves insulaires, vous pourrez vous informer à Bastia, de M.Buttafoco capitaine au Regiment Royal Italien; il a sa maison àVescovado, ou il se tient assez souvent. C’est un très-galant homme,qui a des connoissances et de l’esprit; il suffira de lui montrer cettelettre, et je suis sur qu’il vous recevra bien, et contribuera à vousfaire voir l’isle et ses habitants avec satisfaction. Si vous ne trouvezpas M. Buttafoco, et que vous vouliez aller tout droit à M. Pascal dePaoli general de la nation, vous pouvez egalement lui montrer cettelettre, et je suis sur, connoissant la noblesse de son caractére, que vousserez très-content de son accueil: vous pourrez lui dire même quevous étes aimé de My lord Mareschal d’Ecosse, et que My lordMareschal est un des plus zelés partizans de la nation Corse. Aureste vous n’avez besoin d’autre recommendation près de cesMessieurs que votre propre mérite, la nation Corse etant naturelle-ment si accueillante et si hospitaliére, que tous les etrangers y sontbien venus et caressés.


163

5. The stormy crisis Rousseau had recently been criticised by Protestant ministers in Geneva and scur-rilously attacked by Voltaire in an anonymous pamphlet, Sentiment des citoyens (Geneva, [1764]).(Four months after the letter his house in Motières was attacked and he took refuge near Berne.)

* * * * * *Bons et heureux voyages, santé, gaieté et promt retour. Je vous

embrasse, Monsieur, de tout mon coeur’J. J. Rousseau.

TO MR. BOSWELL, &c.

Motiers, the 30 May, 1765.

‘THE stormy crisis5 in which I have found myself, since your depar-ture from this, has not allowed me any leisure to answer your first let-ter, and hardly allows me leisure to reply in a few words to yoursecond. To confine myself to what is immediately pressing, the rec-ommendation which you ask for Corsica; since you have a desire tovisit those brave islanders, you may inquire at Bastia for M. Butta-foco,a captain of the Royal Italian Regiment; his house is at Vescov-ado, where he resides pretty often. He is a very worthy man, and hasboth knowledge and genius; it will be sufficient to shew him this let-ter, and I am sure he will receive you well, and will contribute to letyou see the island and its inhabitants with satisfaction. If you do notfind M. Buttafoco, and will go directly to M. Pascal Paoli General ofthe nation, you may in the same manner shew him this letter, and asI know the nobleness of his character, I am sure you will be very wellpleased at your reception. You may even tell him that you are likedby My Lord Marischal of Scotland, and that My Lord Marischal isone of the most zealous partisans of the Corsican nation. You needno other recommendation to these gentlemen but your own merit,the Corsicans being naturally so courteous and hospitable, that allstrangers who come among them, are made welcome and caressed.

* * * * * *I wish you agreeable and fortunate travels, health, gaiety, and a

speedy return. I embrace you, Sir, with all my heart’John James Rousseau.

aThis man’s plausibility imposed upon M. Rousseau and me. But he has shewn himself to be mean andtreacherous; having betrayed Casinca to the French; for which his memory will ever be infamous. Theywho are possessed of the former editions of this book, are intreated to erase what I have said of him, first edit. pages 360 and 361, and second edit. pages 362 and 363.


164

6. navy Hon. Keith Stewart (1739–95, sixth son of Alexander Stewart, sixth Earl of Galloway), lieu-tenant in 1759, captain 1762, vice-admiral 1794 (The Commissioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy,1660–1815 n.d., iii. 878). MP for Wigtownshire, 1768–84.

7. Count . . . consul For Rivarola see p. 11 n. 8. Correspondence in the State Archives in Turin showsthat he informed the king of Sardinia about every detail of JB’s itinerary.

8. commodore Harrison Thomas Harrison (d. 1768), commodore in 1756, captain 1757 (The Com-missioned Sea Officers of the Royal Navy, 1660–1815, ii. 412). The passport he provided for JB is re-produced in facsimile in Private Papers, vii. 4.

Furnished with these credentials, I was impatient to be with the illustri-ous Chief. The charms of sweet Siena detained me longer than they shouldhave done. I required the hardy air of Corsica to brace me, after the delightsof Tuscany.

I recollect with astonishment how little the real state of Corsica wasknown, even by those who had good access to know it. An officer of rank inthe British navy,6 who had been in several ports of the island, told me that Irun the risk of my life in going among these barbarians; for, that his surgeon’smate went ashore to take the diversion of shooting, and every moment wasalarmed by some of the natives, who started from the bushes with loadedguns, and if he had not been protected by Corsican guides, would have cer-tainly blown out his brains.

Nay at Leghorn, which is within a day’s sailing of Corsica, and has a con-stant intercourse with it, I found people who dissuaded me from goingthither, because it might be dangerous.

I was however under no apprehension in going to Corsica, Count Rivarolathe Sardinian consul,7 who is himself a Corsican, assuring me that the islandwas then in a very civilized state; and besides, that in the rudest times no Corsi-can would ever attack a stranger. The Count was so good as to give me mostobliging letters to many people in the island. I had now been in several foreigncountries. I had found that I was able to accommodate myself to my fellow-creatures of different languages and sentiments. I did not fear that it would be adifficult task for me to make myself easy with the plain and generous Corsicans.

The only danger I saw was, that I might be taken by some of the Barbarycorsairs, and have a tryal of slavery among the Turks at Algiers. I spoke of it tocommodore Harrison,8 who commanded the British squadron in the Mediter-ranean, and was then lying with his ship the Centurion, in the bay of Leghorn.He assured me, that if the Turks did take me, they should not keep me long; butin order to prevent it, he was so good as to grant me a very ample and particularpassport; and as it could be of no use if I did not meet the corsairs, he said verypleasantly when he gave it me, ‘I hope, Sir, it shall be of no use to you.’

Before I left Leghorn, I could observe, that my tour was looked upon bythe Italian politicians in a very serious light, as if truly I had a commission


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from my Court, to negotiate a treaty with the Corsicans. The more I dis-claimed any such thing, the more they persevered in affirming it; and I wasconsidered as a very close9 young man. I therefore just allowed them to makea minister of me, till time should undeceive them.

I sailed from Leghorn in a Tuscan vessel, which was going over to CapoCorso for wine. I preferred this to a vessel going to Bastia, because as I did notknow how the French general was affected towards the Corsicans, I was afraidthat he might not permit me to go forward to Paoli. I therefore resolved toland on the territories of the nation, and after I had been with the illustriousChief, to pay my respects to the French if I should find it safe.

Though from Leghorn to Corsica, is usually but one day’s sailing, therewas so dead a calm that it took us two days. The first day was the most te-dious. However there were two or three Corsicans aboard, and one of themplayed on the citra, which amused me a good deal. At sunset all the people inthe ship sung the Ave Maria, with great devotion and some melody. It waspleasing to enter into the spirit of their religion, and hear them offering uptheir evening orisons.10

The second day we became better acquainted, and more lively and cheer-ful. The worthy Corsicans thought it was proper to give a moral lesson to ayoung traveller just come from Italy. They told me that in their country Ishould be treated with the greatest hospitality; but if I attempted to debauchany of their women, I might expect instant death.

I employed myself several hours in rowing, which gave me great spirits.I relished fully my approach to the island, which had acquired an unusualgrandeur in my imagination. As long as I can remember any thing, I haveheard of ‘The malecontents of Corsica, with Paoli at their head.’ It was a curi-ous thought that I was just going to see them.

About seven o’clock at night, we landed safely in the harbour of Cen-turi. I learnt that Signor Giaccomini of this place, to whom I was recom-mended by Count Rivarola, was just dead. He had made a handsomefortune in the East Indies; and having had a remarkable warmth in the causeof liberty during his whole life, he shewed it in the strongest manner in hislast will. He bequeathed a considerable sum of money, and some pieces ofordnance, to the nation. He also left it in charge to his heir, to live in Cor-sica, and be firm in the patriotick interest; and if ever the island shouldagain be reduced under the power of the Genoese, he ordered him to retirewith all his effects to Leghorn. Upon these conditions only, could his heirenjoy his estate.

9. close i.e., secretive.10. Though from . . . orisons See Grand Tour, 159n.


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I was directed to the house of Signor Giaccomini’s cousin, Signor Anto-nio Antonetti at Morsiglia, about a mile up the country. The prospect of themountains covered with vines and olives, was extremely agreeable; and theodour of the myrtle and other aromatick shrubs and flowers that grew allaround me, was very refreshing. As I walked along, I often saw Corsican peas-ants come suddenly out from the covert; and as they were all armed, I saw howthe frightened imagination of the surgeon’s mate had raised up so many as-sassins. Even the man who carried my baggage was armed, and had I beentimorous might have alarmed me. But he and I were very good company toeach other. As it grew dusky, I repeated to myself these lines from a fine pas-sage in Ariosto:

E pur per selve oscure e calli obliquiInsieme van, senza sospetto aversi.

Ariost. Canto I.

Together through dark woods and winding waysThey walk, nor on their hearts suspicion preys.11

I delivered Signor Antonetti the letter for his deceased cousin. He read it,and received me with unaffected cordiality, making an apology for my frugalentertainment, but assuring me of a hearty welcome. His true kindly hospital-ity was also shewn in taking care of my servant,12 an honest Swiss, who lovedto eat and drink well.

I had formed a strange notion that I should see every thing in Corsicatotally different from what I had seen in any other country. I was thereforemuch surprised to find Signor Antonetti’s house quite an Italian one, withvery good furniture, prints, and copies of some of the famous pictures. In par-ticular, I was struck to find here a small copy from Raphael, of St. Michaeland the Dragon. There was no necessity for its being well done. To see thething at all was what surprised me.

Signor Antonetti gave me an excellent light repast, and a very good bed.He spoke with great strength of the patriotick cause, and with great venera-tion of the General. I was quite easy, and liked much the opening of my Cor-sican tour.

The next day, being Sunday, it rained very hard; and I must observe thatthe Corsicans with all their resolution, are afraid of bad weather, to a degree ofeffeminacy. I got indeed a droll but a just enough account of this, from one of

11. Ariosto: . . . preys Orlando Furioso, I. xxii. 5–6.12. servant ‘I had engaged at The Hague a servant, his name Jacob Hänni, a Bernois, who spoke

French and German’ (Boswell in Holland 1763–1764, ed. Frederick A. Pottle, 1952, p. 266). Hännimade the entire Grand Tour with JB; he was loyal but frank about his master’s defects.


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b Seneca de Consolatione.*

them: ‘Sir, said he, if you were as poor as a Corsican, and had but one coat, soas that after being wet, you could not put on dry cloaths, you would be afraidtoo.’ Signor Antonetti would not allow me to set out while it rained, for, saidhe, ‘Quando si trova fuori, patienza; ma di andare fuori è cattivo. If a manfinds himself abroad,13 there is no help for it. But to go deliberately out, is toomuch.’

When the day grew a little better, I accompanied Signor Antonetti and hisfamily, to hear mass in the parish church, a very pretty little building, abouthalf a quarter of a mile off.

Signor Antonetti’s parish priest was to preach to us, at which I was muchpleased, being very curious to hear a Corsican sermon.

Our priest did very well. His text was in the Psalms: ‘Descendunt ad in-fernum viventes.14 They go down alive into the pit.’

After endeavouring to move our passions with a description of the hor-rours of hell, he told us, Saint Catharine of Siena wished to be laid on themouth of this dreadful pit, that she might stop it up, so as no more unhappysouls should fall into it. I confess, my brethren, I have not the zeal of holySaint Catharine. But I do what I can; I warn you how to avoid it.’ He thengave us some good practical advice, and concluded.

The weather being now cleared up, I took leave of the worthy gentlemanto whom I had been a guest. He gave me a letter to Signor Damiano Tomasi,Padre del Commune at Pino, the next village. I got a man with an ass to carrymy baggage. But such a road I never saw. It was absolutely scrambling alongthe face of a rock over-hanging the sea, upon a path sometimes not above afoot broad. I thought the ass rather retarded me; so I prevailed with the man,to take my portmanteau and other things on his back.

Had I formed my opinion of Corsica from what I saw this morning, Imight have been in as bad humour with it, as Seneca was, whose reflections inprose are not inferiour to his epigrams: ‘Quid tam nudum inveniri potest,quid tam abruptum undique quam hoc saxum? quid ad copias, respicienti je-junius? quid ad homines immansuetius? quid ad ipsum loci situm horridius?Plures tamen hîc peregrini quam cives consistunt? usque eo ergo commutatioipsa locorum gravis non est, ut hic quoque locus a patria quosdam abduxerit.b

What can be found so bare, what so rugged all around as this rock? what morebarren of provisions? what more rude as to its inhabitants? what in the very

13. abroad i.e., out of doors.14. His text . . . viventes Vulgate Latin version of Psalms lv. 15.

* Seneca, Ad Helviam, vi. 5–6 (‘ . . . situm horribilius . . . ’). See p. 28 n. 3.


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situation of the place more horrible? what in climate more intemperate? yetthere are more foreigners than natives here. So far then is a change of placefrom being disagreeable, that even this place hath brought some people awayfrom their country.’

At Pino I was surprised to find myself met by some brisk young fellowsdrest like English sailors, and speaking English tolerably well. They had beenoften with cargoes of wine at Leghorn, where they had picked up what theyknew of our language, and taken clothes in part of payment for some of theirmerchandise.

I was cordially entertained at Signor Tomasi’s. Throughout all Corsica,except in garrison towns, there is hardly an inn. I met with a single one, abouteight miles from Corte. Before I was accustomed to the Corsican hospitality, Isometimes forgot myself, and imagining I was in a publick house, called forwhat I wanted, with the tone which one uses in calling to the waiters at a tav-ern. I did so at Pino, asking for a variety of things at once; when SignoraTomasi perceiving my mistake, looked in my face and smiled, saying withmuch calmness and good nature, ‘Una cosa dopo un altra, Signore. One thingafter another, Sir.’

In writing this Journal, I shall not tire my readers, with relating the oc-currences of each particular day. It will be much more agreeable to them, tohave a free and continued account of what I saw or heard, most worthy ofobservation.

For some time, I had very curious travelling, mostly on foot, and attendedby a couple of stout women, who carried my baggage upon their heads. Everytime that I prepared to set out from a village, I could not help laughing, to seethe good people eager to have my equipage in order, and roaring out, ‘LeDonne, Le Donne. The Women, The Women.’

I had full leisure and the best opportunities to observe every thing, in myprogress through the island. I was lodged sometimes in private houses, some-times in convents, being always well recommended from place to place. Thefirst convent in which I lay, was at Canari. It appeared a little odd at first. ButI soon learnt to repair to my dormitory as naturally as if I had been a friar forseven years.

The convents were small decent buildings, suited to the sober ideas oftheir pious inhabitants. The religious who devoutly endeavour to ‘walk withGod,’15 are often treated with raillery, by those whom pleasure or businessprevents from thinking of future and more exalted objects. A little experienceof the serenity and peace of mind to be found in convents, would be of use totemper the fire of men of the world.

15. ‘walk with GOD’ Cf. ‘walk humbly with thy God,’ Micah vi. 8.


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At Patrimonio I found the seat of a provincial magistracy. The chiefjudge was there, and entertained me very well. Upon my arrival, the captainof the guard came out, and demanded who I was? I replied ‘Inglese, English.’He looked at me seriously, and then said in a tone between regret and up-braiding, ‘Inglese, c’erana i nostri amici; ma non le sono più. The English;they were once our friends; but they are so no more.’16 I felt for my country,and was abashed before this honest soldier.

At Oletta I visited Count Nicholas Rivarola, brother to my friend atLeghorn. He received me with great kindness, and did every thing in hispower to make me easy. I found here a Corsican who thought better of theBritish, than the captain of the guard at Patrimonio. He talked of our bom-barding San Fiorenzo, in favour of the patriots, and willingly gave me hishorse for the afternoon, which he said he would not have done to a man ofany other nation.17

When I came to Morato,18 I had the pleasure of being made acquaintedwith Signor Barbaggi, who is married to the niece of Paoli. I found him tobe a sensible intelligent well-bred man. The mint of Corsica was in his house.I got specimens of their different kinds of money in silver and copper, andwas told that they hoped in a year or two to strike some gold coins.19 SignorBarbaggi’s house was repairing, so I was lodged in the convent. But in themorning returned to breakfast, and had chocolate; and at dinner we had noless than twelve well-drest dishes, served on Dresden china, with a desert, dif-ferent sorts of wine, and a liqueur, all the produce of Corsica. Signor Barbaggiwas frequently repeating to me, that the Corsicans inhabited a rude unculti-vated country, and that they lived like Spartans. I begged leave to ask him inwhat country he could shew me greater luxury than I had seen in his house;and I said I should certainly tell wherever I went, what tables the Corsicanskept, notwithstanding their pretensions to poverty and temperance. A gooddeal of pleasantry passed upon this. His lady was a genteel woman, and ap-peared to be agreeable, though very reserved.

From Morato to Corte, I travelled through a wild mountainous rockycountry, diversified with some large valleys. I got little beasts for me and my

16. The English . . . more The British withdrew support after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1748.17. Count . . . nation Count Domenico Rivarola accompanied the English during the bombardment

of Bastia and San Fiorenzo in 1745, which enabled the Corsican patriots to take those towns fromthe Genoese. The partiality of Domenico’s son, Nicholas, toward the English is therefore not sur-prising.

18. Morato JB arrived on Murato on 15 October 1765.19. I got . . . coins JB habitually collected local coinage: ‘Wherever I am, I make a collection of the

silver specie struck the year in which I have been in the country’ (Boswell on the Grand Tour:Germany and Switzerland, ed. Frederick A. Pottle, 1953, p. 143).


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servant, sometimes horses, but oftner mules or asses. We had no bridles, butcords fixed round their necks, with which we managed them as well as wecould.

At Corte I waited upon the supreme council, to one of whom, SignorBoccociampe, I had a letter from Signor Barbaggi. I was very politely received,and was conducted to the Franciscan convent, where I got the apartment ofPaoli, who was then some days journey beyond the mountains, holding acourt of syndicato20 at a village called Sollacaro.

As the General resided for some time in this convent, the fathers madea better appearance than any I saw in the island. I was principally attendedby the Priour, a resolute divine, who had formerly been in the army, and byPadre Giulio, a man of much address, who still favours me with his corre-spondence.

These fathers have a good vineyard and an excellent garden. They havebetween 30 and 40 bee-hives in long wooden cases or trunks of trees, with acovering of the bark of the cork tree. When they want honey, they burn a lit-tle juniper-wood, the smoak of which makes the bees retire. They then takean iron instrument with a sharp-edged crook at one end of it, and bring outthe greatest part of the honey-comb, leaving only a little for the bees, whowork the case full again. By taking the honey in this way, they never kill a bee.They seemed much at their ease, living in peace and plenty. I often joked withthem on the text which is applied to their order: ‘Nihil habentes et omnia pos-sidentes,21 Having nothing, and yet possessing all things.’

I went to the choir22 with them. The service was conducted with propri-ety, and Padre Giulio played on the organ. On the great altar of their churchis a tabernacle carved in wood by a Religious. It is a piece of exquisite work-manship. A Genoese gentleman offered to give them one in silver for it; butthey would not make the exchange.

These fathers have no library worth mentioning; but their convent is largeand well built. I looked about with great attention, to see if I could find anyinscriptions; but the only one I found was upon a certain useful edifice:

Sine necessitate huc non intrate,Quia necessaria sumus.23

20. court of syndicato The sindicatori were circuit judges.21. ‘Nihil . . . possidentes Vulgate Latin version of II Corinthians vi. 10.22. choir i.e., that part of the church—usually separated from the rest of the bulding by a screen—

which would normally be for members of the religious community only.23. Sine . . . sumus ‘Do not enter without necessity, for we are the necessary.’ JB’s friend and adviser,

the eminent physician Sir John Pringle (1707–82), was critical about the inclusion of this quota-tion: ‘I . . . Wished you had not mentioned the Privy; it is one of the few indelicacies of your work,and it was the greater indelicacy, as there was no Spirit in the inscription’ (Gen. Corr. ii. 25).


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A studied, rhiming, Latin conceit marked upon such a place was trulyludicrous.

I chose to stop a while at Corte, to repose myself after my fatigues, and tosee every thing about the capital of Corsica.

The morning after my arrival here, three French deserters desired tospeak with me. The foolish fellows had taken it into their heads, that I wascome to raise recruits for Scotland, and so they begged to have the honour ofgoing along with me; I suppose with intention to have the honour of runningoff from me, as they had done from their own regiments.

I received many civilities at Corte from Signor Boccociampe, and fromSignor Massesi24 the Great Chancellor, whose son Signor Luigi a young gentle-man of much vivacity, and natural politeness, was so good as to attend me con-stantly as my conductour. I used to call him my governour. I liked him much,for as he had never been out of the island, his ideas were entirely Corsican.

Such of the members of the supreme council as were in residence duringmy stay at Corte, I found to be solid and sagacious, men of penetration andability, well calculated to assist the General in forming his political plans, andin turning to the best advantage, the violence and enterprises of the people.

The university was not then sitting, so I could only see the rooms, whichwere shewn me by the Abbé Valentini, procuratour of the university. The pro-fessours were all absent except one Capuchin father whom I visited at his con-vent. It is a tolerable building, with a pretty large collection of books. There isin the church here a tabernacle carved in wood, in the manner of that at theFranciscans, but much inferiour to it.

I went up to the castle of Corte. The commandant very civilly shewed meevery part of it. As I wished to see all things in Corsica, I desired to see eventhe unhappy criminals.25 There were then three in the castle; a man for themurder of his wife; a married lady who had hired one of her servants to stran-gle a woman of whom she was jealous; and the servant who had actually per-petrated this barbarous action. They were brought out from their cells, that Imight talk with them. The murderer of his wife had a stupid hardened ap-pearance, and told me he did it at the instigation of the devil. The servant wasa poor despicable wretch. He had at first accused his mistress, but was after-wards prevailed with to deny his accusation, upon which he was put to thetorture, by having lighted matches held between his fingers. This made himreturn to what he had formerly said, so as to be a strong evidence against hismistress. His hands were so miserably scorched, that he was a piteous object. I

24. Signor Massesi Giuseppe Maria Massesi (1716–91).25. I desired . . . criminals JB was fascinated by the demeanour of criminals condemned to death and

in his youth had developed a morbid curiosity about public hangings; more than once he inter-viewed the former and attended the latter. See Earlier Years, pp. 17–18, 111–12, 354–55, 371–72, 434.


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asked him why he had committed such a crime, he said, ‘Perche era senza spir-ito, Because I was without understanding.’ The lady seemed of a bold and res-olute spirit. She spoke to me with great firmness, and denied her guilt, sayingwith a contemptuous smile, as she pointed to her servant, ‘They can force thatcreature to say what they please.’

The hangman of Corsica was a great curiosity. Being held in the utmostdetestation, he durst not live like another inhabitant of the island. He wasobliged to take refuge in the castle, and there he was kept in a little corner tur-ret, where he had just room for a miserable bed, and a little bit of fire to dresssuch victuals for himself as were sufficient to keep him alive; for nobodywould have any intercourse with him, but all turned their backs upon him. Iwent up and looked at him. And a more dirty rueful spectacle I never beheld.He seemed sensible of his situation, and held down his head like an abhorredoutcast.

It was a long time before they could get a hangman in Corsica, so that thepunishment of the gallows was hardly known, all their criminals being shot.At last this creature whom I saw, who is a Sicilian, came with a message toPaoli. The General who has a wonderful talent for physiognomy, on seeing theman, said immediately to some of the people about him, ‘Ecco il boia, Beholdour hangman.’ He gave orders to ask the man if he would accept of the office,and his answer was, ‘My grandfather was a hangman, my father was a hang-man. I have been a hangman myself, and am willing to continue so.’ He wastherefore immediately put into office, and the ignominious death dispensed byhis hands, hath had more effect than twenty executions by fire arms.

It is remarkable that no Corsican would upon any account consent to behangman. Not the greatest criminals, who might have had their lives uponthat condition. Even the wretch, who for a paultry hire, had strangled awoman, would rather submit to death, than do the same action, as the execu-tioner of the law.

When I had seen every thing about Corte, I prepared for my journey overthe mountains, that I might be with Paoli. The night before I set out, I recol-lected that I had forgotten to get a passport,26 which, in the present situationof Corsica, is still a necessary precaution. After supper therefore the Priourwalked with me to Corte, to the house of the Great Chancellor, who orderedthe passport to be made out immediately, and while his secretary was writ-ing it, entertained me by reading to me some of the minutes of the generalconsulta. When the passport was finished, and ready to have the seal put to it,I was much pleased with a beautiful, simple incident. The Chancellor desired

26. passport The passport was issued to JB on 18 October 1765; it is reproduced in facsimile in GrandTour facing p. 168.


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a little boy who was playing in the room by us, to run to his mother, andbring the great seal of the kingdom. I thought myself sitting in the house of aCincinnatus.27

Next morning I set out in very good order, having excellent mules, andactive clever Corsican guides. The worthy fathers of the convent who treatedme in the kindest manner while I was their guest, would also give me someprovisions for my journey; so they put up a gourd of their best wine, and somedelicious pomegranates. My Corsican guides appeared so hearty, that I oftengot down and walked along with them, doing just what I saw them do. Whenwe grew hungry, we threw stones among the thick branches of the chestnuttrees which overshadowed us, and in that manner we brought down a showerof chestnuts with which we filled our pockets, and went on eating them withgreat relish; and when this made us thirsty, we lay down by the side of the firstbrook, put our mouths to the stream, and drank sufficiently. It was just beingfor a little while, one of the ‘prisca gens mortalium,28 the primitive race of men,’who ran about in the woods eating acorns and drinking water.

While I stopped to refresh my mules at a little village, the inhabitantscame crouding about me as an ambassadour going to their General. Whenthey were informed of my country, a strong black fellow among them said,‘Inglese! sono barbari; non credono in Dio grande. English! they are barbar-ians; they don’t believe in the great God.’ I told him, Excuse me, Sir. We dobelieve in God, and in Jesus Christ too. ‘Um, said he, e nel Papa? and in thePope?’ No. ‘E perche? And why?’ This was a puzzling question in these cir-cumstances; for there was a great audience to the controversy. I thought Iwould try a method of my own, and very gravely replied, ‘Perche siamo troppolontani. Because we are too far off.’ A very new argument against the universalinfallibility of the Pope. It took however; for my opponent mused a while, andthen said, ‘Troppo lontani! La Sicilia è tanto lontana che l’Inghilterra; e in Si-cilia si credono nel Papa. Too far off! Why Sicily is as far off as England. Yetin Sicily they believe in the Pope. O, said I, noi siamo dieci volte più lontaniche la Sicilia! We are ten times farther off than Sicily. Aha!’ said he; and seemedquite satisfied. In this manner I got off very well. I question much whetherany of the learned reasonings of our protestant divines would have had sogood an effect.

My journey over the mountains was very entertaining. I past some im-mense ridges and vast woods. I was in great health and spirits, and fully ableto enter into the ideas of the brave rude men whom I found in all quarters.

27. Cincinnatus Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus, an ideal of integrity and humility during the Romanrepublic. In 458 bc he was called from ploughing his land to save the Roman army; having donethat and held the command for 16 days, he renounced power and resumed ploughing.

28. ‘prisca gens mortalium Horace, Epodes, II. 2.


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At Bastelica where there is a stately spirited race of people, I had a largecompany to attend me in the convent. I liked to see their natural franknessand ease; for why should men be afraid of their own species? They just camein making an easy bow, placed themselves round the room where I was sitting,rested themselves on their muskets, and immediately entered into conversa-tion with me. They talked very feelingly of the miseries that their country hadendured, and complained that they were still but in a state of poverty. I hap-pened at that time to have an unusual flow of spirits; and as one who findshimself amongst utter strangers in a distant country, has no timidity, I ha-rangued the men of Bastelica wìth great fluency. I expatiated on the braveryof the Corsicans, by which they had purchased liberty, the most valuable of allpossessions, and rendered themselves glorious over all Europe. Their poverty,I told them, might be remedied by a proper cultivation of their island, and byengaging a little in commerce. But I bid them remember, that they were muchhappier in their present state than in a state of refinement and vice; and thattherefore they should beware of luxury.

What I said had the good fortune to touch them, and several of them re-peated the same sentiments much better than I could do. They all expressedtheir strong attachment to Paoli, and called out in one voice that they were allat his command. I could with pleasure, have passed a long time here.

At Ornano I saw the ruins of the seat where the great Sampiero had hisresidence. They were a pretty droll society of monks in the convent at Ornano.When I told them that I was an Englishman, ‘Aye, aye, said one of them, aswas well observed by a reverend bishop, when talking of your pretended refor-mation, Angli olim angeli nunc diaboli.29 The English formerly angels now de-vils.’ I looked upon this as an honest effusion of spiritual zeal. The fathers tookgood care of me in temporals.30

When I at last came within sight of Sollacarò, where Paoli was, I could nothelp being under considerable anxiety. My ideas of him had been greatly height-ened by the conversations I had held with all sorts of people in the island, theyhaving represented him to me as something above humanity. I had the strongestdesire to see so exalted a character; but I feared that I should be unable to give aproper account why I had presumed to trouble him with a visit, and that Ishould sink to nothing before him. I almost wished yet to go back without see-ing him. These workings of sensibility employed my mind till I rode throughthe village, and came up to the house where he was lodged.

Leaving my servant with my guides, I past through the guards, and was metby some of the General’s people, who conducted me into an antichamber, where

29. Angli . . . diaboli Cf. Gregory I’s remark: ‘Non Angli sed Angeli.’30. in temporals i.e., in matters secular and physical.


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31. soul In a letter, 15 October 1782, Fanny Burney reported Paoli’s account of his first meeting withJB: ‘He came to my country, and he fetched me some letter of recommending him, but I was ofthe belief he might be an impostor, and I supposed in my minte he was an espy; for I look awayfrom him, and in a moment I look to him again and I behold his tablets. Oh! he was to the workof writing down all I say! Indeed I was very angry. But I soon discover he was no impostor and noespy, and I only find I was myself the monster he had come to discern. Oh, [Boswell] is a verygood man; I love him indeed; so cheerful! so gay! so pleasant! but at the first, oh! I was indeed an-gry’ (The Diary and Letters of Madame D’Arblay, 1854, ii. 125).

32. full account . . . Journal See pp. 208–10.

were several gentlemen in waiting. Signor Boccociampe had notified my arrival,and I was shewn into Paoli’s room. I found him alone, and was struck with hisappearance. He is tall, strong, and well made; of a fair complexion, a sensible,free, and open countenance, and a manly, and noble carriage. He was then in hisfortieth year. He was drest in green and gold. He used to wear the common Cor-sican habit, but on the arrival of the French, he thought a little external elegancemight be of use, to make the government appear in a more respectable light.

He asked me what were my commands for him. I presented him a letterfrom count Rivarola, and when he had read it, I shewed him my letter fromRousseau. He was polite, but very reserved. I had stood in the presence ofmany a prince, but I never had such a trial as in the presence of Paoli. I havealready said, that he is a great physiognomist. In consequence of his being incontinual danger from treachery and assassination, he has formed a habit ofstudiously observing every new face. For ten minutes we walked backwardsand forwards through the room, hardly saying a word, while he looked at me,with a stedfast, keen and penetrating eye, as if he searched my very soul.31

This interview was for a while very severe upon me. I was much relievedwhen his reserve wore off, and he began to speak more. I then ventured to ad-dress him with this compliment to the Corsicans: ‘Sir, I am upon my travels,and have lately visited Rome. I am come from seeing the ruins of one braveand free people: I now see the rise of another.’

He received my compliment very graciously; but observed that the Corsi-cans had no chance of being like the Romans, a great conquering nation, whoshould extend its empire over half the globe. Their situation, and the modernpolitical systems, rendered this impossible. But, said he, Corsica may be a veryhappy country.

He expressed a high admiration of M. Rousseau, whom Signor Buttafocohad invited to Corsica, to aid the nation in forming its laws.

It seems M. de Voltaire had reported, in his rallying manner, that theinvitation was merely a trick which he had put upon Rousseau. Paoli toldme that when he understood this, he himself wrote to Rousseau, enforcingthe invitation. Of this affair I shall give a full account in an after part of myJournal.32


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Some of the nobles who attended him, came into the room, and in a lit-tle we were told that dinner was served up. The General did me the honourto place me next him. He had a table of fifteen or sixteen covers, having al-ways a good many of the principal men of the island with him. He had an Ital-ian cook who had been long in France; but he chose to have a few plainsubstantial dishes, avoiding every kind of luxury, and drinking no foreignwine.

I felt myself under some constraint in such a circle of heroes. The Gen-eral talked a great deal on history and on literature. I soon perceived that hewas a fine classical scholar, that his mind was enriched with a variety ofknowledge, and that his conversation at meals was instructive and entertain-ing. Before dinner he had spoken French. He now spoke Italian, in which heis very eloquent.

We retired to another room to drink coffee. My timidity wore off. I nolonger anxiously thought of myself; my whole attention was employed in lis-tening to the illustrious commander of a nation.

He recommended me to the care of the Abbé Rostini, who had lived manyyears in France. Signor Colonna, the lord of the manor here, being from home,his house was assigned for me to live in. I was left by myself till near suppertime, when I returned to the General, whose conversation improved upon me,as did the society of those about him, with whom I gradually formed an ac-quaintance.

Every day I felt myself happier. Particular marks of attention were shewnme as a subject of Great Britain, the report of which went over to Italy, andconfirmed the conjectures that I was really an envoy. In the morning I had mychocolate served up upon a silver salver adorned with the arms of Corsica. Idined and supped constantly with the General. I was visited by all the nobil-ity, and whenever I chose to make a little tour, I was attended by a party ofguards. I begged of the General not to treat me with so much ceremony; buthe insisted upon it.

One day when I rode out, I was mounted on Paoli’s own horse, with richfurniture of crimson velvet, with broad gold lace, and had my guards march-ing along with me. I allowed myself to indulge a momentary pride in this pa-rade, as I was curious to experience what could really be the pleasure of stateand distinction with which mankind are so strangely intoxicated.

When I returned to the continent after all this greatness, I used to jokewith my acquaintance, and tell them that I could not bear to live with them,for they did not treat me with a proper respect.

My time passed here in the most agreeable manner. I enjoyed a sort ofluxury of noble sentiment. Paoli became more affable with me. I made myselfknown to him. I forgot the great distance between us, and had every day somehours of private conversation with him.


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From my first setting out on this tour, I wrote down every night what Ihad observed during the day, throwing together a great deal, that I might af-terwards make a selection at leisure.

Of these particulars, the most valuable to my readers, as well as to myself,must surely be the memoirs and remarkable sayings of Paoli, which I amproud to record.

Talking of the Corsican war, ‘Sir, said he, if the event prove happy, weshall be called great defenders of liberty. If the event shall prove unhappy, weshall be called unfortunate rebels.’

The French objected to him that the Corsican nation had no regulartroops. We would not have them, said Paoli. We should then have the braveryof this and the other regiment. At present every single man is as a regimenthimself. Should the Corsicans be formed into regular troops, we should losethat personal bravery which has produced such actions among us, as in an-other country would have rendered famous even a Marischal.

I asked him how he could possibly have a soul so superiour to interest. ‘Itis not superiour, said he; my interest is to gain a name. I know well that hewho does good to his country will gain that: and I expect it. Yet could I renderthis people happy, I would be content to be forgotten. I have an unspeakablepride, “Una superbia indicibile.” The approbation of my own heart isenough.’

He said he would have great pleasure in seeing the world, and enjoyingthe society of the learned and the accomplished in every country. I asked himhow with these dispositions, he could bear to be confined to an island yet in arude uncivilized state; and instead of participating Attick evenings, ‘noctescoen-aeque Deûm,’33 be in a continual course of care and of danger. Hereplied in one line of Virgil:

Vincet amor patriae laudumque immensa cupido.34

This uttered with the fine open Italian pronunciation, and the graceful dignityof his manner, was very noble. I wished to have a statue of him taken at thatmoment.

I asked him if he understood English. He immediately began and spoke it,which he did tolerably well. When at Naples, he had known several Irish gen-tlemen who were officers in that service. Having a great facility in acquiringlanguages, he learnt English from them. But as he had been now ten years with-out ever speaking it, he spoke very slow. One could see that he was possessed of

33. ‘noctes . . . Deûm’ Horace, Satires, II. vi. 65 (‘the nights and banquets of the gods’).34. Vincet . . . cupido. Virgil, Aeneid, vi. 823 (‘Love of the native land will prevail and the immeasur-

able desire for praise’).


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the words, but for want of what I may call mechanical practice, he had a diffi-culty in expressing himself.

I was diverted with his English library. It consisted of

Some broken volumes of the Spectatour and Tatler.Pope’s Essay on Man.Gulliver’s Travels.A History of France, in old English.AndBarclay’s Apology for the Quakers.

I promised to send him some English books.c

He convinced me how well he understood our language; for I took theliberty to shew him a Memorial which I had drawn up on the advantages toGreat Britain from an alliance with Corsica, and he translated this memorialinto Italian with the greatest facility. He has since given me more proofs of hisknowledge of our tongue by his answers to the letters which I have had thehonour to write to him in English, and in particular by a very judicious andingenious criticism on some of Swift’s works.

He was well acquainted with the history of Britain. He had read many ofthe parliamentary debates, and had even seen a number of the North Briton.35

He shewed a considerable knowledge of this country, and often introducedanecdotes and drew comparisons and allusions from Britain.

He said his great object was to form the Corsicans in such a manner thatthey might have a firm constitution, and might be able to subsist without him.‘Our state, said he, is young, and still requires the leading strings. I am desirousthat the Corsicans should be taught to walk of themselves. Therefore whenthey come to me to ask whom they should choose for their Padre del Com-mune, or other Magistrate, I tell them, You know better than I do, the able andhonest men among your neighbours. Consider the consequence of your choice,not only to yourselves in particular, but to the island in general. In this mannerI accustom them to feel their own importance as members of the state.’

35. North Briton The weekly radical journal founded in 1762 by John Wilkes with the satirist CharlesChurchill (1731–64). Wilkes’s attacks on the government, culminating in an article on the speechfrom the throne in no. 45, led to his prosecution for libel and the suppression of the paper.

* For the complete list see Gen. Corr. i. 238–39. (‘Barclay’s Apology’ was An Apology for the TrueChristian Divinity (1678) by Robert Barclay (1648–90).)

cI have sent him the Works of Harrington, of Sidney, of Addison, of Trenchard, of Gordon, and of otherwriters in favour of liberty. I have also sent him some of our best books of morality and entertainment, inparticular the Works of Mr. Samuel Johnson, with a compleat set of the Spectatour, Tatler and Guardian;and to the University of Corte, I have sent a few of the Greek and Roman Classicks, of the beautifuleditions of the Messieurs Foulis at Glasgow.*


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After representing the severe and melancholy state of oppression underwhich Corsica had so long groaned, he said, ‘We are now to our country likethe prophet Elishah stretched over the dead child of the Shunamite, eye toeye, nose to nose, mouth to mouth.36 It begins to recover warmth, and to re-vive. I hope it shall yet regain full health and vigour.’

I said that things would make a rapid progress, and that we should soonsee all the arts and sciences flourish in Corsica. ‘Patience, Sir, said he. If yousaw a man who had fought a hard battle, who was much wounded, who wasbeaten to the ground, and who with difficulty could lift himself up, it wouldnot be reasonable to ask him to get his hair well drest, and to put on embroi-dered clothes. Corsica has fought a hard battle, has been much wounded, hasbeen beaten to the ground, and with difficulty can lift herself up. The arts andsciences are like dress and ornament. You cannot expect them from us forsome time. But come back twenty or thirty years hence, and we’ll shew youarts and sciences, and concerts and assemblies, and fine ladies, and we’ll makeyou fall in love among us, Sir.’

He smiled a good deal, when I told him that I was much surprised to findhim so amiable, accomplished, and polite; for although I knew I was to see agreat man, I expected to find a rude character, an Attila king of the Goths, ora Luitprand king of the Lombards.37

I observed that although he had often a placid smile upon his counte-nance, he hardly ever laughed. Whether loud laughter in general society be asign of weakness or rusticity, I cannot say; but I have remarked that real greatmen, and men of finished behaviour, seldom fall into it.

The variety, and I may say versatility, of the mind of this great man isamazing. One day when I came to pay my respects to him before dinner, Ifound him in much agitation, with a circle of his nobles around him, and aCorsican standing before him like a criminal before his judge. Paoli immedi-ately turned to me, ‘I am glad you are come, Sir. You protestants talk muchagainst our doctrine of transubstantiation. Behold here the miracle of transub-stantiation, a Corsican transubstantiated into a Genoese. That unworthy manwho now stands before me is a Corsican, who has been long a lieutenant underthe Genoese, in Capo Corso. Andrew Doria and all their greatest heroes couldnot be more violent for the republick than he has been, and all against his coun-try.’ Then turning to the man, ‘Sir, said he, Corsica makes it a rule to pardonthe most unworthy of her children, when they surrender themselves, even

36. Elisha . . . mouth The climactic point in the account of the revival of the Shunammite woman’schild by Elisha: II Kings iv. 34.

37. Attila . . . Lombards Attila (d. 453) took command of the Huns in 434 and proved a ruthlessleader against the Roman empire; his only defeat was when he tried to invade Gaul in 451; . . . Li-utprand, probably the greatest of the Lombard kings, reigned 712–44 (see Gibbon, The History ofthe Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ed. J. B. Bury, 1911, v. 283).


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38. Keith See ‘A Milord Maréchal, Sur la mort de son frère’ (December 1758), in (Œuvres Posthumes deFréderic II (Amsterdam, 1789), vii. 234–42.

when they are forced to do so, as is your case. You have now escaped. But takecare. I shall have a strict eye upon you; and if ever you make the least attemptto return to your traiterous practices, you know I can be avenged of you.’ Hespoke this with the fierceness of a lion, and from the awful darkness of hisbrow, one could see that his thoughts of vengeance were terrible. Yet when itwas over, he all at once resumed his usual appearance, called out ‘andiamo,come along;’ went to dinner, and was as cheerful and gay as if nothing hadhappened.

His notions of morality are high and refined, such as become the Fatherof a nation. Were he a libertine, his influence would soon vanish; for men willnever trust the important concerns of society to one they know will do what ishurtful to society for his own pleasures. He told me that his father had broughthim up with great strictness, and that he had very seldom deviated from thepaths of virtue. That this was not from a defect of feeling and passion, butthat his mind being filled with important objects, his passions were employedin more noble pursuits than those of licentious pleasure. I saw from Paoli’s ex-ample the great art of preserving young men of spirit from the contagion ofvice, in which there is often a species of sentiment, ingenuity and enterprisenearly allied to virtuous qualities.

Shew a young man that there is more real spirit in virtue than in vice, andyou have a surer hold of him, during his years of impetuosity and passion,than by convincing his judgment of all the rectitude of ethicks.

One day at dinner, he gave us the principal arguments for the being andattributes of God. To hear these arguments repeated with graceful energy bythe illustrious Paoli in the midst of his heroick nobles, was admirable. I neverfelt my mind more elevated.

I took occasion to mention the king of Prussia’s infidel writings, and inparticular his epistle to Marischal Keith.38 Paoli who often talks with admira-tion of the greatness of that monarch, instead of uttering any direct censure ofwhat he saw to be wrong in so distinguished a hero, paused a little, and thensaid with a grave and most expressive look, ‘C’est une belle consolation pour unvieux general mourant, “En peu de tems vous ne serez plus.” It is fine consola-tion for an old general when dying, “In a little while you shall be no more.” ’

He observed that the Epicurean philosophy had produced but one ex-alted character, whereas Stoicism had been the seminary of great men. Whathe now said put me in mind of these noble lines of Lucan:

Hi mores, haec duri immota CatonisSecta fuit, servare modum finemque tenere,


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Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam,Nec sibi sed toti genitum se credere mundo.

Lucan. Pharsal. lib. ii. l. 380.

These were the stricter manners of the man,And this the stubborn course in which they ran;The golden mean unchanging to pursue,Constant to keep the purpos’d end in view;Religiously to follow nature’s laws,And die with pleasure in his country’s cause.To think he was not for himself design’d,But born to be of use to all mankind.

Rowe.39

When he was asked if he would quit the island of which he had under-taken the protection, supposing a foreign power should create him a Marischal,and make him governour of a province; he replied, ‘I hope they will believe Iam more honest, or more ambitious; for, said he, to accept of the highest of-fices under a foreign power would be to serve.’

‘To have been a colonel, a general or a marischal, said he, would havebeen sufficient for my table, for my taste in dress, for the beauty whom myrank would have entitled me to attend. But it would not have been sufficientfor this spirit, for this imagination.’ Putting his hand upon his bosom.

He reasoned one day in the midst of his nobles whether the commanderof a nation should be married or not. ‘If he is married, said he, there is a riskthat he may be distracted by private affairs, and swayed too much by a concernfor his family. If he is unmarried, there is a risk that not having the tender at-tachments of a wife and children, he may sacrifice all to his own ambition.’When I said he ought to marry and have a son to succeed him, ‘Sir, said he,what security can I have that my son will think and act as I do? What sort ofa son had Cicero, and what had Marcus Aurelius?’40

He said to me one day when we were alone, ‘I never will marry. I havenot the conjugal virtues. Nothing would tempt me to marry, but a woman

39. Hi mores . . . Rowe Lucan, Pharsalia, ii. 380–83 [‘These were the manners, this was the habitualway of life of the uncompromising Cato; to observe moderation and hold fast to his aim; to follownature and to lay down his life for his country; and not to believe himself born merely for his owninterests but for the whole world’]. This was Lucan’s characterisation of Cato as the sole represen-tative of the Stoic ideal of the wise man . . . Lucan’s Pharsalia. Translated into English Verse byNicholas Rowe (1718), p. 65, ll. 591–98.

40. Cicero . . . Aurelius Marcus Tullius Cicero (106–43 bc), orator and philosopher; his son by thesame name (b. 65 bc), though idle when young, had considerable administrative ability (he gov-erned Syria and was proconsul of Asia) . . . Commodus was an unworthy successor to his illustri-ous father, Emperor Marcus Aurelius (121–80).


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who should bring me an immense dowry, with which I might assist mycountry.’

But he spoke much in praise of marriage, as an institution which the ex-perience of ages had found to be the best calculated for the happiness of indi-viduals, and for the good of society. Had he been a private gentleman, heprobably would have married, and I am sure would have made as good a hus-band and father as he does a supreme magistrate and a general. But his ardu-ous and critical situation would not allow him to enjoy domestic felicity. He iswedded to his country, and the Corsicans are his children.

He often talked to me of marriage, told me licentious pleasures weredelusive and transient, that I should never be truly happy till I was married,and that he hoped to have a letter from me soon after my return home, ac-quainting him that I had followed his advice, and was convinced from experi-ence, that he was in the right.41 With such an engaging condescention did thisgreat man behave to me. If I could but paint his manner, all my readers wouldbe charmed with him.

He has a mind fitted for philosophical speculations as well as for affairs ofstate. One evening at supper, he entertained us for some time with some curi-ous reveries and conjectures as to the nature of the intelligence of beasts, withregard to which, he observed human knowledge was as yet very imperfect. Hein particular seemed fond of inquiring into the language of the brute creation.He observed that beasts fully communicate their ideas to each other, and thatsome of them, such as dogs, can form several articulate sounds. In differentages there have been people who pretended to understand the language ofbirds and beasts. ‘Perhaps, said Paoli, in a thousand years we may know this aswell as we know things which appeared much more difficult to be known.’ Ihave often since this conversation, indulged myself in such reveries. If it werenot liable to ridicule, I would say that an acquaintance with the language ofbeasts would be a most agreeable acquisition to man, as it would enlarge thecircle of his social intercourse.

On my return to Britain, I was disappointed to find nothing upon thissubject in Doctour Gregory’s Comparative View of the State and Faculties ofMan with those of the Animal World, which was then just published.42 Mydisappointment however was in a good measure made up, by a picture of soci-ety, drawn by that ingenious and worthy authour, which may be well appliedto the Corsicans: ‘There is a certain period in the progress of society in whichmankind appear to the greatest advantage. In this period, they have the bodilypowers, and all the animal functions remaining in full vigour. They are bold,

41. right Paoli witnessed JB’s marriage contract, 31 October 1769.42. published Published in 1765 by John Gregory (1724–73).


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active, steady, ardent in the love of liberty and their native country. Theirmanners are simple, their social affections warm, and though they are greatlyinfluenced by the ties of blood, yet they are generous and hospitable to strangers.Religion is universally regarded among them, though disguised by a variety ofsuperstitions.’d

Paoli was very desirous that I should study the character of the Corsicans.‘Go among them, said he, the more you talk with them, you will do me thegreater pleasure. Forget the meanness of their apparel. Hear their sentiments.You will find honour, and sense and abilities among these poor men.’

His heart grew big when he spoke of his countrymen. His own great qual-ities appeared to unusual advantage, while he described the virtues of thosefor whose happiness his whole life was employed. ‘If, said he, I should leadinto the field an army of Corsicans against an army double their number, letme speak a few words to the Corsicans, to remind them of the honour of theircountry and of their brave forefathers, I do not say that they would conquer,but I am sure that not a man of them would give way. The Corsicans, said he,have a steady resolution that would amaze you. I wish you could see one ofthem die. It is a proverb among the Genoese, “I Corsi meritano la furca e lasanno soffrire. The Corsicans deserve the gallows, and they fear not to meetit.” There is a real compliment to us in this saying.’

He told me, that in Corsica, criminals are put to death four and twentyhours after sentence is pronounced against them. ‘This, said he, may not beover catholick, but it is humane.’

He went on and gave me several instances of the Corsican spirit.‘A sergeant, said he, who fell in one of our desperate actions, when just a

dying, wrote to me thus: “I salute you. Take care of my aged father. In twohours I shall be with the rest who have bravely died for their country.” ’

‘A Corsican gentleman who had been taken prisoner by the Genoese,was thrown into a dark dungeon, where he was chained to the ground.While he was in this dismal situation, the Genoese sent a message to him,that if he would accept of a commission in their service, he might have it.‘No, said he. Were I to accept of your offer, it would be with a determinedpurpose to take the first opportunity of returning to the service of my coun-try. But I will not accept of it. For I would not have my countrymen evensuspect that I could be one moment unfaithful.’ And he remained in hisdungeon.’ Paoli went on: ‘I defy Rome, Sparta or Thebes to shew me thirtyyears of such patriotism as Corsica can boast. Though the affection betweenrelations is exceedingly strong in the Corsicans, they will give up their near-est relations for the good of their country, and sacrifice such as have de-serted to the Genoese.’

d Preface to Comparative View, p. 8.


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He gave me a noble instance of a Corsican’s feeling and greatness ofmind: ‘A criminal, said he, was condemned to die. His nephew came to mewith a lady of distinction, that she might solicit his pardon. The nephew’sanxiety made him think that the lady did not speak with sufficient force andearnestness. He therefore advanced, and addressed himself to me: “Sir, is itproper for me to speak?” as if he felt that it was unlawful to make such anapplication. I bid him go on. “Sir, said he, with the deepest concern, may Ibeg the life of my uncle? If it is granted, his relations will make a gift to thestate of a thousand zechins. We will furnish fifty soldiers in pay during thesiege of Furiani. We will agree that my uncle shall be banished, and will en-gage that he shall never return to the island.” I knew the nephew to be a manof worth, and I answered him. You are acquainted with the circumstances ofthis case. Such is my confidence in you, that if you will say that giving youruncle a pardon would be just, useful or honourable for Corsica, I promiseyou it shall be granted. He turned about, burst into tears, and left me, say-ing, “Non vorrei vendere l’onore della patria per mille zechini. I would nothave the honour of our country sold for a thousand zechins.” And his unclesuffered.’

Although the General was one of the constituent members of the courtof syndicato, he seldom took his chair. He remained in his own apartment;and if any of those whose suits were determined by the syndicato were notpleased with the sentence, they had an audience of Paoli, who never failed toconvince them that justice had been done them. This appeared to me a neces-sary indulgence in the infancy of government. The Corsicans having been solong in a state of anarchy, could not all at once submit their minds to the regu-lar authority of justice. They would submit implicitly to Paoli, because they loveand venerate him. But such a submission is in reality being governed by theirpassions. They submit to one for whom they have a personal regard. Theycannot be said to be perfectly civilized till they submit to the determinationsof their magistrates as officers of the state, entrusted with the administrationof justice. By convincing them that the magistrates judge with abilities anduprightness, Paoli accustoms the Corsicans to have that salutary confidencein their rulers, which is necessary for securing respect and stability to the gov-ernment.

After having said much in praise of the Corsicans, ‘Come, said he, youshall have a proof of what I tell you. There is a crowd in the next room, wait-ing for admittance to me. I will call in the first I see, and you shall hear him.’He who chanced to present himself, was a venerable old man. The Generalshook him by the hand, and bid him good day, with an easy kindness thatgave the aged peasant full encouragement to talk to his Excellency with free-dom. Paoli bid him not mind me, but say on. The old man then told him thatthere had been an unlucky tumult in the village where he lived, and that two


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of his sons were killed. That looking upon this as a heavy misfortune, butwithout malice on the part of those who deprived him of his sons, he was will-ing to have allowed it to pass without inquiry. But his wife anxious for re-venge, had made an application to have them apprehended and punished.That he gave his Excellency this trouble to intreat that the greatest care mightbe taken, lest in the heat of enmity among his neighbours, any body should bepunished as guilty of the blood of his sons, who was really innocent of it.There was something so generous in this sentiment, while at the same time theold man seemed full of grief for the loss of his children, that it touched myheart in the most sensible manner. Paoli looked at me with complacency and akind of amiable triumph on the behaviour of the old man, who had a flow ofwords and a vivacity of gesture which fully justified what Petrus Cyrnaeushath said of the Corsican eloquence: ‘Diceres omnes esse bonos causidicos.43

You would say they are all good pleaders.’I found Paoli had reason to wish that I should talk much with his coun-

trymen, as it gave me a higher opinion both of him and of them. Thuanus hasjustly said, ‘Sunt mobilia Corsorum ingenia.44 The dispositions of the Corsi-cans are changeable.’ Yet after ten years, their attachment to Paoli is as strongas at the first. Nay, they have an enthusiastick admiration of him. ‘Questogrand’ uomo mandato per Dio a liberare la patria, This great man whom Godhath sent to free our country,’ was the manner in which they expressed them-selves to me concerning him.

Those who attended on Paoli were all men of sense and abilities in theirdifferent departments. Some of them had been in foreign service. One ofthem, Signor Suzzoni, had been long in Germany. He spoke German to me,and recalled to my mind, the happy days which I have past among that plain,honest, brave people, who of all nations in the world, receive strangers withthe greatest cordiality. Signor Gian Quilico Casa Bianca, of the most ancientCorsican nobility, was much my friend. He instructed me fully with regard tothe Corsican government. He had even the patience to sit by me while I wrotedown an account of it, which from conversations with Paoli, I afterwards en-larged and improved. I received many civilities from the Abbé Rostini, a manof literature, and distinguished no less for the excellency of his heart. His say-ing of Paoli deserves to be remembered: ‘Nous ne craignons pas que notreGeneral nous trompe ni qu’il se laisse tromper,45 We are not afraid that ourGeneral will deceive us, nor that he will let himself be deceived.’

43. ‘Diceres . . . causidicos Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 425.44. Thuanus . . . ingenia Thou, Historia sui Temporis, I. xii. 425.45. ‘Nous ne . . . tromper The Abbé’s remark was recorded among the ‘Materials’ for JB’s ‘Journal of

a Tour to Corsica’ (hereafter ‘Materials’) (MS in the Beinecke Library, Yale) from which he con-structed his published Journal.


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I also received civilities from Father Guelfucci46 of the order of Servites,a man whose talents and virtues, united with a singular decency and sweetnessof manners, have raised him to the honourable station of secretary to the Gen-eral. Indeed all the gentlemen here behaved to me in the most obliging man-ner. We walked, rode, and went a shooting together.

The peasants and soldiers were all frank, open, lively and bold, with a cer-tain roughness of manner which agrees well with their character, and is farfrom being displeasing. The General gave me an admirable instance of theirplain and natural, solid good sense. A young French Marquis, very rich andvery vain, came over to Corsica. He had a sovereign contempt for the bar-barous inhabitants, and strutted about (andava a passo misurato) with prodi-gious airs of consequence. The Corsicans beheld him with a smile of ridicule,and said, ‘Let him alone, he is young.’47

The Corsican peasants and soldiers are very fond of baiting cattle with thelarge mountain dogs. This keeps up a ferocity among them which totally ex-tinguishes fear. I have seen a Corsican in the very heat of a baiting, run in,drive off the dogs, seize the half-frantick animal by the horns, and lead itaway. The common people did not seem much given to diversions. I observedsome of them in the great hall of the house of Colonna where I was lodged,amusing themselves with playing at a sort of draughts in a very curious man-ner. They drew upon the floor with chalk, a sufficient number of squares,chalking one all over, and leaving one open, alternately; and instead of blackmen and white, they had bits of stone and bits of wood. It was an admirableburlesque on gaming.

The chief satisfaction of these islanders when not engaged in war orin hunting, seemed to be that of lying at their ease in the open air, recount-ing tales of the bravery of their countrymen, and singing songs in honourof the Corsicans, and against the Genoese. Even in the night they will con-tinue this pastime in the open air, unless rain forces them to retire into theirhouses.

The ambasciadore Inglese, The English ambassadour, as the good peas-ants and soldiers used to call me, became a great favourite among them. I gota Corsican dress made, in which I walked about with an air of true satisfac-tion. The General did me the honour to present me with his own pistols, madein the island, all of Corsican wood and iron, and of excellent workmanship. I

46. Guelfucci Abbé Bonfiglio Guelfucci da Belgodere was later (in 1769) in London with Paoli (Gen.Corr. ii. 253 n. 3). Author of Memorie del padre Bonfiglio Guelfucci (Bastia, 1882).

47. admirable instance . . . young JB’s ‘Materials’ contain the reminder: ‘Add to various instances ofthe Corsican character their admirable rough sense. When a french Marquis very rich & finelydrest went w[i]t[h] great vanity strutting a passo misurato excused him é giovane.’ ‘(andava . . .misurato).’ i.e., ‘he moved at a deliberate pace.’


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had every other accoutrement.48 I even got one of the shells which had oftensounded the alarm to liberty. I preserve them all with great care.

The Corsican peasants and soldiers were quite free and easy with me.Numbers of them used to come and see me of a morning, and just go out andin as they pleased. I did every thing in my power to make them fond of theBritish, and bid them hope for an alliance with us. They asked me a thousandquestions about my country, all which I cheerfully answered as well as I could.

One day they would needs hear me play upon my German flute. To havetold my honest natural visitants, Really gentlemen I play very ill, and put onsuch airs as we do in our genteel companies, would have been highly ridicu-lous. I therefore immediately complied with their request. I gave them one ortwo Italian airs, and then some of our beautiful old Scots tunes, Gilderoy, theLass of Patie’s Mill, Corn riggs are Bonny.49 The pathetick simplicity and pas-toral gaiety of the Scots musick, will always please those who have the genuinefeelings of nature. The Corsicans were charmed with the specimens I gavethem, though I may now say that they were very indifferently performed.

My good friends insisted also to have an English song from me. I en-deavoured to please them in this too, and was very lucky in that which oc-curred to me. I sung them ‘Hearts of oak are our ships, Hearts of oak are ourmen.’50 I translated it into Italian for them, and never did I see men so de-lighted with a song as the Corsicans were with the Hearts of oak. ‘Cuore diquercia, cried they, bravo Inglese.’ It was quite a joyous riot. I fancied myselfto be a recruiting sea officer. I fancied all my chorus of Corsicans aboard theBritish fleet.

Paoli talked very highly on preserving the independency of Corsica. ‘Wemay, said he, have foreign powers for our friends; but they must be Amici fuoridi casa, Friends at arm’s length. We may make an alliance, but we will notsubmit ourselves to the dominion of the greatest nation in Europe. This peo-ple who have done so much for liberty, would be hewn in pieces man by man,rather than allow Corsica to be sunk into the territories of another country.

48. Corsican dress . . . accoutrement JB appeared as ‘an Armed Corsican Chief ’ at Shakespeare’s Ju-bilee in Stratford-on-Avon, September 1769. See the figure on page 187.

49. Gilderoy . . . Bonny ‘Gilderoy’s last Farewel’ in [Thomas D’Urfey (1653–1723)] Wit and Mirth: orPills to Purge Melancholy (1719), v. 39–41 . . . ‘The Lass of Patie’s [Pettie’s] Mill’ is believed to datefrom the mid-sixteenth century; first published in Orpheus Caledonias (1725) it was republished inMuses Delight (1754), p. 152 . . . The ancient air ‘Corn rigs are bonie’ was used by Robert Burns(1759–96) for his song ‘It was upon a Lammas night.’

50. ‘Hearts . . . men’ Song by David Garrick (1717–79), music by William Boyce (1710–79), first pub-lished in 1760. In a letter, 8 March 1768, Garrick thanked JB most effusively for the mention of his‘hurly burly Song’ and warmly congratulated him on Corsica, which is ‘well spoken of Everywhere’(The Letters of David Garrick, ed. David M. Little and George M. Kahrl, Harvard University Press,1963, ii. 601).


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Some years ago, when a false rumour was spread that I had a design to yieldup Corsica to the Emperour, a Corsican came to me, and addressed me in greatagitation: “What! shall the blood of so many heroes, who have sacrificed theirlives for the freedom of Corsica, serve only to tinge the purple of a foreignprince!”

I mentioned to him the scheme of an alliance between Great Britain andCorsica. Paoli with politeness and dignity waved the subject, by saying, ‘Theless assistance we have from allies, the greater our glory.’ He seemed hurt byour treatment of his country. He mentioned the severe proclamation at thelast peace, in which the brave islanders were called the Rebels of Corsica. Hesaid with a conscious pride and proper feeling, ‘Rebels! I did not expect thatfrom Great Britain.’51

He however shewed his great respect for the British nation, and I couldsee he wished much to be in friendship with us. When I asked him what Icould possibly do in return for all his goodness to me, he replied, ‘Solamentedisingannate il suo corte, Only undeceive your court. Tell them what youhave seen here. They will be curious to ask you. A man come from Corsica willbe like a man come from the Antipodes.’

I expressed such hopes as a man of sensibility would in my situation nat-urally form. He saw at least one Briton devoted to his cause. I threw out manyflattering ideas of future political events, imaged the British and the Corsicansstrictly united both in commerce and in war, and described the blunt kindnessand admiration with which the hearty, generous common people of Englandwould treat the brave Corsicans.

I insensibly got the better of his reserve upon this head. My flow of gayideas relaxed his severity, and brightened up his humour. ‘Do you remember,said he, the little people in Asia who were in danger of being oppressed by thegreat king of Assyria, till they addressed themselves to the Romans: and theRomans, with the noble spirit of a great and free nation, stood forth, andwould not suffer the great king to destroy the little people, but made an al-liance with them?’

He made no observations upon this beautiful piece of history. It was easyto see his allusion to his own nation and ours.

When the General related this piece of history to me, I was negligentenough not to ask him what little people he meant. As the story made a strongimpression upon me, upon my return to Britain I searched a variety of booksto try if I could find it, but in vain. I therefore took the liberty in one of myletters to Paoli, to beg he would let me know it. He told me the little peoplewas the Jews, that the story was related by several ancient authours, but that I

51. He seemed . . . Britain’ See p. 116 n. 40


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would find it told with most precision and energy in the eighth chapter of thefirst book of the Maccabees.52

The first book of the Maccabees, though not received into the Protestantcanon, is allowed by all the learned to be an authentic history. I have readPaoli’s favourite story with much satisfaction, and, as in several circumstances,it very well applies to Great Britain and Corsica, is told with great eloquence,and furnishes a fine model for an alliance, I shall make no apology for tran-scribing the most interesting verses.

‘Now Judas had heard of the fame of the Romans, that they were mightyand valiant men, and such as would lovingly accept all that joined themselvesunto them, and make a league of amity with all that came unto them.

‘And that they were men of great valour. It was told him also of their warsand noble acts which they had done amongst the Galatians, and how they hadconquered them, and brought them under tribute.

‘And what they had done in the country of Spain, for the winning of themines of the silver and gold which are there.

‘And that by their policy and patience they had conquered all the place,though it were very far from them.

‘It was told him besides, how they destroyed and brought under their do-minion, all other kingdoms and isles that at any time resisted them.

‘But with their friends, and such as relied upon them, they kept amity:and that they had conquered kingdoms both far and near, insomuch as allthat heard of their name were afraid of them:

‘Also, that whom they would help to a kingdom, those reign; and whomagain they would, they displace: finally, that they were greatly exalted:

‘Moreover, how they had made for themselves a senate-house, whereinthree hundred and twenty men sat in council daily, consulting alway for thepeople, to the end that they might be well ordered.

‘In consideration of these things Judas chose Eupolemus the son of Johnthe son of Accos, and Jason the son of Eleazar; and sent them to Rome, tomake a league of amity and confederacy with them.

52. Paoli talked [188:25] . . . Maccabees JB’s ‘Materials’ provided a skeletal framework for thesepages: ‘When I asked him if I could possibly do any thing to shew my gratitude for <the> hisgoodness to me he answered Solamente disingannate il suo Corte. Only undeceive your Court.Then their independence now, & say we have foreign states friends ma fuori di casa / see no [?] al-lies more glory to us & quote the grand saying Potenza straniera—Then say you <asked> talked ofalliance <with> between Britain & him. But you saw him hurt by our usage. He mentioned Procla-mation—Ribelli—I did not expect that from Great Britain. Had written to Mr. Pitt, no Ansr

wished me to know truth—He shunned talking—& with great propriety & dignity & yet shewedhis regard for us—When I asked him What do in return for goodness disingannate Corte. Thensaid Theyll ask you—Theyll be curious—a man come from Corsica will be like a man come fromAntipodes—When by the warmth I shewed He was in better humour—He said Dont you re-member how the Jews &c—Quote Apocrypha.’


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‘And to intreat them that they would take the yoke from them, for theysaw that the kingdom of the Grecians did oppress Israel with servitude.

‘They went therefore to Rome, which was a very great journey, and cameinto the senate, where they spake, and said,

‘Judas Maccabeus, with his brethren, and the people of the Jews, havesent us unto you, to make a confederacy and peace with you, and that we mightbe registered your confederates and friends.

‘So that matter pleased the Romans well.‘And this is the copy of the epistle which the senate wrote back again, in

tables of brass, and sent to Jerusalem, that there they might have by them amemorial of peace and confederacy.

‘Good success be to the Romans, and to the people of the Jews, by seaand by land for ever. The sword also, and enemy be far from them.

‘If there come first any war upon the Romans, or any of their confeder-ates, throughout all their dominions,

‘The people of the Jews shall help them, as the time shall be appointed,with all their heart.

‘Neither shall they give any thing unto them that make war upon them,or aid them with victuals, weapons, money or ships, as it hath seemed goodunto the Romans, but they shall keep their covenant, without taking any thingtherefore.

‘In the same manner also, if war come first upon the nation of the Jews,the Romans shall help them with all their heart, according as the time shall beappointed them.

‘Neither shall victuals be given to them that take part against them, orweapons, or money, or ships, as it hath seemed good to the Romans; but theyshall keep their covenants, and that without deceit.

‘According to these articles did the Romans make a covenant with thepeople of the Jews.

‘Howbeit, if hereafter the one party or the other, shall think meet to addor diminish any thing they may do it at their pleasures, and whatsoever theyshall add or take away, shall be ratified.

‘And, as touching the evils that Demetrius doth to the Jews, we have writ-ten unto him, saying, Wherefore hast thou made thy yoke heavy upon ourfriends and confederates, the Jews?

‘If therefore they complain any more against thee, we will do them jus-tice, and fight with thee by sea and by land.’53

I will venture to ask whether the Romans appear, in any one instance oftheir history, more truly great than they do here.

53. ‘Now Judas [190:9] . . . land I Maccabees 8:1–4, 12–13, 15, 17–32.


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Paoli said, ‘If a man would preserve the generous glow of patriotism, hemust not reason too much. Mareschal Saxe reasoned; and carried the arms ofFrance into the heart of Germany, his own country.54 I act from sentiment,not from reasonings.

‘Virtuous sentiments and habits, said he, are beyond philosophical rea-sonings, which are not so strong, and are continually varying. If all the pro-fessours in Europe were formed into one society, it would no doubt be asociety very respectable, and we should there be entertained with the bestmoral lessons. Yet I believe I should find more real virtue in a society of goodpeasants in some little village in the heart of your island. It might be said ofthese two societies, as was said of Demosthenes and Themistocles, ‘Illiusdicta, hujus facta magis valebant,55 The one was powerful in words, but theother in deeds.’

This kind of conversation led me to tell him how much I had sufferedfrom anxious speculations. With a mind naturally inclined to melancholy, anda keen desire of enquiry, I had intensely applied myself to metaphysical re-searches, and reasoned beyond my depth, on such subjects as it is not given toman to know. I told him I had rendered my mind a camera obscura, that inthe very heat of youth I felt the ‘non est tanti,’ the ‘omnia vanitas’56 of onewho has exhausted all the sweets of his being, and is weary with dull repeti-tion. I told him that I had almost become for ever incapable of taking a part inactive life.

‘All this, said Paoli, is melancholy. I have also studied metaphysicks. Iknow the arguments for fate and free-will, for the materiality and immaterial-ity of the soul, and even the subtile arguments for and against the existence ofmatter. Ma lasciamo queste dispute ai oziosi, But let us leave these disputes tothe idle. Io tengo sempre fermo un gran pensiero, I hold always firm one greatobject. I never feel a moment of despondency.’

The contemplation of such a character really existing, was of more serviceto me than all I had been able to draw from books, from conversation, or fromthe exertions of my own mind. I had often enough formed the idea of a mancontinually such, as I could conceive in my best moments. But this idea ap-peared like the ideas we are taught in the schools to form of things which mayexist, but do not; of seas of milk, and ships of amber. But I saw my highestidea realized in Paoli. It was impossible for me, speculate as I pleased, to havea little opinion of human nature in him.

54. Mareschal . . . country Hermann Maurice (1696–1750), Comte de Saxe, when young served underMarlborough and Prince Eugene; later a marshal of France, he was the victorious general atFontenoy in 1745, which led to the French conquest of Flanders.

55. Illius . . . valebant Unidentified.56. non . . . vanitas’ ‘It’s not worth it’ . . . ‘All is vanity,’ Ecclesiastes i. 2.


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One morning I remember, I came in upon him without ceremony, whilehe was dressing. I was glad to have an opportunity of seeing him in those teas-ing moments, when according to the Duke de Rochefoucault, no man is ahero to his valet de chambre.57 That lively nobleman who has a maliciouspleasure in endeavouring to divest human nature of its dignity, by exhibitingpartial views, and exaggerating faults, would have owned that Paoli was everymoment of his life a hero.

Paoli told me that from his earliest years, he had in view the importantstation which he now holds; so that his sentiments must ever have been great.I asked him how one of such elevated thoughts could submit with any degreeof patience, to the unmeaning ceremonies and poor discourse of genteel soci-ety, which he certainly was obliged to do while an officer at Naples. ‘O, saidhe, I managed it very easily. Ero connosciuto per una testa singolare, I wasknown to be a singular man. I talked and joked, and was merry; but I never satdown to play; I went and came as I pleased. The mirth I like is what is easyand unaffected. Je ne puis souffrir long temps les diseurs de bons mots,58 I can-not endure long the sayers of good things.’

How much superiour is this great man’s idea of agreeable conversation tothat of professed wits, who are continually straining for smart remarks, andlively repartees. They put themselves to much pain in order to please; and yetplease less than if they would just appear as they naturally feel themselves. Acompany of professed wits has always appeared to me, like a company of arti-ficers employed in some very nice and difficult work, which they are under anecessity of performing.

Though calm and fully master of himself, Paoli is animated with anextraordinary degree of vivacity. Except when indisposed or greatly fatigued,he never sits down but at meals. He is perpetually in motion, walking brisklybackwards and forwards. Mr. Samuel Johnson, whose comprehensive andvigourous understanding, has by long observation, attained to a perfect knowl-edge of human nature, when treating of biography, has this reflection: ‘Thereare many invisible circumstances which, whether we read as enquirers after

57. Duke . . . chambre The remark is attributed to Mme. Corneul (1605–94)—not to La Rochefou-cauld (1613–80): ‘Il n’y a point de héros pour son valet de chambre.’

58. This kind [192:14] . . . mots JB’s ‘Materials’ for these pages read: ‘Say this strain or style of talkingled me to tell him how much I had suffered from reasonings—A mind naturally tinctured & castw[i]t[h] melancholy speculated till all a blank & omnia vanitas—Said he never felt such despon-dency a moment tengo sempre un gran pensiere—do what you pleased you could not think littleof human nature in him never saw this before—formed an idea of it a man just continually as I inbest moments. This an idea formerly appeared as metaphysicians make us form idea of Ship ofamber & sea of milk by augmenting but was real in him. Went to him morning Hero to Valeta.Told you from infancy great ideas—a Napoli testa singolare—has souffrir long tems diseurs debons mots.’


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natural or moral knowledge; whether we intend to enlarge our science, or encrease our virtue, are more important than publick occurrences, Thus Sal-lust the great master of nature, has not forgotten in his account of Catiline, toremark, that “his walk was now quick, and again slow,” as an indication of amind revolving something with violent commotion.’e Ever mindful of thewisdom of the Rambler, I have accustomed myself to mark the small peculi-arities of character. Paoli’s being perpetually in motion, nay his being so agi-tated that, as the same Sallust also says of Catiline, ‘Neque vigiliis, nequequietibus sedari poterat,59 He could not be quieted either by watching or byrepose,’ are indications of his being as active and indefatigable as Catiline, butfrom a very different cause: The conspiratour from schemes of ruin and de-struction to Rome; the patriot from schemes of liberty and felicity to Corsica.

Paoli told me that the vivacity of his mind was such, that he could notstudy above ten minutes at a time. ‘La testa mi rompa, My head is like tobreak, said he. I can never write my lively ideas with my own hand. In writing,they escape from my mind. I call the Abbé Guelfucci, Allons presto, pigliate lipensieri, Come quickly, take my thoughts; and he writes them.’

Paoli has a memory like that of Themistocles;60 for I was assured that heknows the names of almost all the people in the island, their characters, andtheir connexions. His memory as a man of learning, is no less uncommon. Hehas the best part of the classicks by heart, and he has a happy talent in apply-ing them with propriety, which is rarely to be found. This talent is not alwaysto be reckoned pedantry. The instances in which Paoli is shewn to display it,are a proof to the contrary.

I have heard Paoli recount the revolutions of one of the ancient states,with an energy and a rapidity which shewed him to be master of the subject,to be perfectly acquainted with every spring and movement of the variousevents. I have heard him give what the French call ‘Une catalogue raisonnée’61

of the most distinguished men in antiquity. His characters of them were con-cise, nervous and just. I regret that the fire with which he spoke upon such

59. Sallust . . . poterat JB’s memory betrayed him; Sallust’s words were: ‘neque insomniis neque la-bore fatigari’ (Bellum Catilinae, xxvii. 2) [‘he succumbed neither to wakefulness nor fatigue’].

60. He is [193:27] . . . Themistocles JB’s notes for these paragraphs read: ‘His walking. Then Say Mr.S John[son] as mark of great mast[er] of hum[an] Nat[ure] in Sallust & mark below Rambler No.1[60] &c. Say Neque vigiliis &c., Sallust from what dif[ferent] motives Tell his description of writ-ing Pigliate pensiere—sudo anzi &c . . . His great memory like Themist[ocles].’

61. ‘Une catalogue raisonnée’ i.e., a classified descriptive catalogue.* ‘inquiries’ in early edns was corrected by Johnson to ‘enquirers’ for the 4th edn, 1756; the correctedspelling is adopted here. The allusion to Sallust is to Bellum Catilinae, xv. 5.

e Rambler, No. 60.*


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occasions, so dazzled me, that I could not recollect his sayings so as to writethem down when I retired from his presence.

He just lives in the times of antiquity. He said to me, ‘A young man whowould form his mind to glory, must not read modern memoirs; mà Plutarcho,mà Tito Livio; but Plutarch and Titus Livius.’

I have seen him fall into a sort of reverie, and break out into sallies of thegrandest and noblest enthusiasm. I recollect two instances of this. ‘What athought? that thousands owe their happiness to you!’ And throwing himselfinto an attitude, as if he saw the lofty mountain of fame before him: ‘There ismy object! (pointing to the summit), if I fall, I fall at least there (pointing agood way up), magnis tamen excidit ausis.’62

I ventured to reason like a libertine, that I might be confirmed in virtuousprinciples by so illustrious a Preceptour. I made light of moral feelings. I ar-gued that conscience was vague and uncertain; that there was hardly any vicebut what men might be found who have been guilty of it without remorse.‘But, said he, there is no man who has not a horrour at some vice. Differentvices and different virtues have the strongest impression, on different men; Mail virtù in astratto è il nutrimento dei nostri cuori, But virtue in the abstract, isthe food of our hearts.’

Talking of Providence, he said to me with that earnestness with which aman speaks who is anxious to be believed: ‘I tell you on the word of an honestman, it is impossible for me not to be persuaded that God interposes to givefreedom to Corsica. A people oppressed like the Corsicans, are certainly wor-thy of divine assistance. When we were in the most desperate circumstances, Inever lost courage, trusting as I did in Providence.’ I ventured to object; Butwhy has not Providence interposed sooner? He replied with a noble, seriousand devout air, ‘Because his ways are unsearchable. I adore him for what hehath done, I revere him in what he hath not done.’

I gave Paoli the character of my revered friend Mr. Samuel Johnson. Ihave often regreted that illustrious men, such as humanity produces a fewtimes in the revolution of many ages, should not see each other;63 and whensuch arise in the same age, though at the distance of half the globe, I havebeen astonished how they could forbear to meet.

62. I have [195:6] . . . ausis JB’s ‘Materials’ for this passage read: ‘sometimes—broke into enthusiasmas ?nelle pensee—que des milles doivent leur bonheurs a vous—And pointing as to a mountainthere is my object & if I fall—I fall at least there pointing as a good way up magnis tamen excedit.’The quotation ‘magnis . . . ausis’ is from Ovid’s Metamorphoses, ii. 328 [‘he failed but it was in agreat venture’].

63. I have . . . other In 1769 JB achieved his goal: ‘On the evening of 10 October, I presentedDr. Johnson to General Paoli. I had greatly wished that two men, for whom I had the highest es-teem, should meet. They met with a manly ease, mutually conscious of their own abilities, and ofthe abilities of each other’ (Life, ii. 80).


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‘As steel sharpneth steel, so doth a man the countenance of his friend,’64

says the wise monarch. What an idea may we not form of an interview be-tween such a scholar and philosopher as Mr. Johnson, and such a legislatourand general as Paoli!

I repeated to Paoli several of Mr. Johnson’s sayings, so remarkable forstrong sense and original humour. I now recollect these two.

When I told Mr. Johnson that a certain authour affected in conversationto maintain, that there was no distinction between virtue and vice, he said,‘Why, Sir, if the fellow does not think as he speaks, he is lying; and I see notwhat honour he can propose to himself from having the character of a lyar.But if he does really think that there is no distinction between virtue and vice,why, Sir, when he leaves our houses let us count our spoons.’65

Of modern infidels and innovatours, he said, ‘Sir, these are all vain men,and will gratify themselves at any expence. Truth will not afford sufficientfood to their vanity; so they have betaken themselves to errour. Truth, Sir, is acow which will yield such people no more milk; and so they are gone to milkthe bull.’66

I felt an elation of mind to see Paoli delighted with the sayings of Mr. John-son, and to hear him translate them with Italian energy to the Corsican heroes.67

I repeated Mr. Johnson’s sayings as nearly as I could, in his own peculiarforcible language, for which, prejudiced or little criticks have taken upon themto find fault with him. He is above making any answer to them; but I havefound a sufficient answer in a general remark in one of his excellent papers:Difference of thoughts will produce difference of language. He that thinkswith more extent than another, will want words of larger meaning.’f

I hope to be pardoned for this digression, wherein I pay a just tribute ofveneration and gratitude to one from whose writings and conversation I havereceived instructions of which I experience the value in every scene of my life.

During Paoli’s administration, there have been few laws made in Cor-sica. He mentioned one which he has found very efficacious in curbing that

64. ‘As steel . . . friend Proverbs xxvii. 17 [‘Iron sharpeneth iron; so a man sharpeneth the counte-nance . . .’].

65. ‘Why, Sir, . . . spoons Life, i. 432. That ‘certain authour,’ Johnson’s target on 14 July 1763, wasJames (‘Ossian’) Macpherson (1736–96).

66. Of modern . . . bull Life, i. 444; the remark (21 July 1763) was directed at ‘Hume and other scepti-cal innovators.’

67. I repeated [196:5] . . . heroes JB’s ‘Materials’ read: ‘Then Talk of Mr. Sam[uel] Johns[on] veryhigh . . . Tell the milk bull & count spoons in english. Paoli translated What pleasure to hear strongsense & humour of revered friend so honoured promised him Johns[on]’s works—’

f Idler, No. 70.


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vindictive spirit of the Corsicans, of which I have said a good deal in a formerpart of this work. There was among the Corsicans a most dreadful species ofrevenge, called ‘Vendetta trasversa, Collateral revenge,’ which Petrus Cyrnaeuscandidly acknowledges. It was this: If a man had received an injury, and couldnot find a proper opportunity to be revenged on his enemy personally, he re-venged himself on one of his enemy’s relations. So barbarous a practice, wasthe source of innumerable assassinations. Paoli knowing that the point of ho-nour was every thing to the Corsicans, opposed it to the progress of the black-est of crimes, fortified by long habits. He made a law, by which it wasprovided, that this collateral revenge should not only be punished with death,as ordinary murther, but the memory of the offender should be disgraced forever by a pillar of infamy. He also had it enacted that the same statute shouldextend to the violatours of an oath of reconciliation, once made.68

By thus combating a vice so destructive, he has, by a kind of shock of op-posite passions, reduced the fiery Corsicans to a state of mildness, and he as-sured me that they were now all fully sensible of the equity of that law.

While I was at Sollacarò, information was received, that the poor wretchwho strangled the woman at the instigation of his mistress, had consented toaccept of his life, upon condition of becoming hangman. This made a greatnoise among the Corsicans, who were enraged at the creature, and said theirnation was now disgraced. Paoli did not think so. He said to me, ‘I am glad ofthis. It will be of service. It will contribute to form us to a just subordination.We have as yet too great an equality among us. As we must have Corsican tay-lours and Corsican shoemakers, we must also have a Corsican hangman.’

I could not help being of a different opinion. The occupations of a taylourand a shoemaker though mean, are not odious. When I afterwards met M.Rousseau in England, and made him a report of my Corsican expedition, heagreed with me in thinking that it would be something noble for the braveislanders, to be able to say that there was not a Corsican but who would rathersuffer death, than become a hangman; and he also agreed with me, that itmight have a good effect to have always a Genoese for the hangman of Corsica.

I must however do the Genoese the justice to observe, that Paoli told me,that even one of them had suffered death in Corsica, rather than consent tobecome hangman. When I, from a keenness natural enough in a Briton bornwith an abhorrence at tyranny, talked with violence against the Genoese, Paolisaid with a moderation and candour which ought to do him honour even with

68. ‘Vendetta . . . made Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xxiv. 424 . . . In his ‘Materials’ JBwrote: ‘Vendetta trasversa mentioned by Cyrneus Paoli knowing point of honour all to Corsicansmade it not only capital as ordinary murther but a Pillar of infamy to be erected. The same or-donnance ag[ains]t him who breaks pace giurata. (This <might> may come in at the place in chap-ter 2 where He subdues vindictive spirit or tell it here as an Anecdote).’


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the republick, ‘It is true the Genoese are our enemies; but let us not forget,that they are the descendants of those worthies, who carried their arms be-yond the Hellespont.’69

There is one circumstance in Paoli’s character which I present to my readerswith caution, knowing how much it may be ridiculed, in an age when mankindare so fond of incredulity, that they seem to pique themselves in contractingtheir circle of belief as much as possible. But I consider this infidel rage as but atemporary mode of the human understanding, and am well persuaded that e’erlong we shall return to a more calm philosophy.

I own I cannot help thinking that though we may boast some improve-ments in science, and in short, superiour degrees of knowledge in things whereour faculties can fully reach, yet we should not assume to ourselves sounderjudgements than those of our fathers; I will therefore venture to relate thatPaoli has at times extraordinary impressions of distant and future events.

The way in which I discovered it, was this. Being very desirous of studyingso exalted a character, I so far presumed upon his goodness to me, as to take theliberty of asking him a thousand questions with regard to the most minute andprivate circumstances of his life. Having asked him one day when some of hisnobles were present, whether a mind, so active as his, was not employed even insleep, and if he used to dream much. Signor Casa Bianca said with an air andtone which implied something of importance, “Si, si sogna, Yes, he dreams.”And upon my asking him to explain his meaning, he told me that the Generalhad often seen in his dreams, what afterwards came to pass. Paoli confirmed thisby several instances. Said he, ‘I can give you no clear explanation of it. I only tellyou facts. Sometimes I have been mistaken, but in general, these visions haveproved true. I cannot say what may be the agency of invisible spirits. They cer-tainly must know more than we do; and there is nothing absurd in supposingthat God should permit them to communicate their knowledge to us.’

He went into a most curious and pleasing disquisition, on a subject,which the late ingenious Mr. Baxter has treated in a very philosophical man-ner, in his Inquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul;70 a book which maybe read with as much delight, and surely with more advantage than the works

69. While [197:17] . . . Hellespont JB’s ‘Materials’ reminded him: ‘Mention news arrived that thewretch of a Servant would be Hangman the Corsicans offended—Country disgraced for ever—But Paoli said I am glad &c. I could not help differing from him. Afterwards M. Rousseau when Isaw him in England of same opinion He Said it was a fine thing to say of the Nation none aHangman & it would be a good device to have a Genoese for Hangman. I must however observeGenoese died & Paoli’s generous character.’ The ‘worthies’ to whom JB refers were the Argonautswho, in Greek legend (on board the ship Argo), accompanied Jason on his expedition to recoverthe Golden Fleece; the Hellespont now called the Dardanelles.

70. Baxter . . . Soul Andrew Baxter (1686–1750); his Enquiry . . . Soul published 1733.


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of those who endeavour to destroy our belief. Belief is favourable to the hu-man mind, were it for nothing else but to furnish it entertainment. An infidelI should think, must frequently suffer from ennui.

It was perhaps affectation in Socrates to say, that all he had learned toknow was that he knew nothing.71 But surely it is a mark of wisdom, to besensible of the limited extent of human knowledge, to examine with reverencethe ways of God, nor presumptuously reject any opinion which has been heldby the judicious and the learned, because it has been made a cloak for artifice,or had a variety of fictions raised upon it, by credulity.

Old Feltham says, ‘Every dream is not to be counted of; nor yet are all tobe cast away with contempt. I would neither be a stoick, superstitious in all;nor yet an epicure, considerate of none.’g And after observing how much theancients attended to the interpretation of dreams, he adds, ‘Were it not for thepower of the Gospel, in crying down the vainsh of men, it would appear awonder how a science so pleasing to humanity, should fall so quite to ruin.’i

The mysterious circumstance in Paoli’s character which I have venturedto relate, is universally believed in Corsica. The inhabitants of that island like theItalians, express themselves much by signs. When I asked one of them, if therehad been many instances of the General’s foreseeing future events, he graspeda large bunch of his hair, and replied, ‘Tante, Signore, So many, Sir.’72

It may be said that the General has industriously propagated this opin-ion, in order that he might have more authority in civilizing a rude and fero-cious people, as Lycurgus pretended to have the sanction of the oracle atDelphos, as Numa gave it out that he had frequent interviews with the nymphEgeria, or as Marius73 persuaded the Romans, that he received divine commu-nications from a hind. But I cannot allow myself to suppose that Paoli ever re-quired the aid of pious frauds.

Paoli though never familiar, has the most perfect ease of behaviour. Thisis a mark of a real great character. The distance and reserve which some of our

71. Socrates . . . nothing Socrates concluded that he was the wisest person but only because he aloneknew that he knew nothing (Plato, Apology 21–23).

72. Paoli [198:14] . . . Sir JB’s ‘Materials’ read: ‘Then his second sight, and quote Dunc[an] Forbes[1685–1747] as giving credit to it call him The learned Duncan Forbes Presid[ent] of court &c., &Statue in Senate house by his countrymen. say tho a Scotsman you will defend it. say you know notagency of evil spirits. quote Baxter, Numa & Egeria. Corsican w[i]t[h] hair: Avuto tanto visions viz.’

73. Lycurgus . . . Numa . . . Egeria . . . Marius Cf. p. 102 n. 10 and Plutarch, Lycurgus 5.1.77 ff. . .Numa, probably Numa Pompilius, king of Rome, ?715–673 bc, and the nymph Egeria who advisedhim . . . Marius Gaius Marius (c. 157–86 bc), Roman general and politician.

* Owen Felltham (1602–68), Resolves: Divine, Moral, Political (1623; 10th impression 1677), FirstCentury, Resolve LII, 82, 84.

g Feltham’s Resolves, Cent. I. Resol. 52. h He means vanity. i Feltham’s Resolves, Cent. I. Resol. 52.*


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modern nobility affect, is, because nobility is now little else than a name incomparison of what it was in ancient times. In ancient times, noblemen livedat their country seats, like princes, in hospitable grandeur. They were men ofpower, and every one of them could bring hundreds of followers into thefield. They were then open and affable. Some of our modern nobility are soanxious to preserve an appearance of dignity which they are sensible cannotbear an examination, that they are afraid to let you come near them. Paoli isnot so. Those about him come into his apartment at all hours, wake him, helphim on with his clothes, are perfectly free from restraint; yet they know theirdistance, and awed by his real greatness, never lose their respect for him.

Though thus easy of access, particular care is taken against such attemptsupon the life of the illustrious Chief, as he has good reason to apprehend fromthe Genoese, who have so often employed assassination merely in a politicalview, and who would gain so much by assassinating Paoli. A certain number ofsoldiers are continually on guard upon him; and as still closer guards, he hassome faithful Corsican dogs. Of these five or six sleep, some in his chamber,and some at the outside of the chamber-door. He treats them with great kind-ness, and they are strongly attached to him.74 They are extremely sagacious,and know all his friends and attendants. Were any person to approach the Gen-eral during the darkness of the night, they would instantly tear him in pieces.Having dogs for his attendants, is another circumstance about Paoli similar tothe heroes of antiquity. Homer represents Telemachus so attended:

δ9ω k9νες 'rγ�& ε�π�ντ�.Homer. Odyss. lib. ii. l. 11.

Two dogs a faithful guard attend behind.Pope.

But the description given of the family of Patroclus applies better to Paoli:

0νν�α τω�O γε 7ναkτι τrαπε"η� ες k9νες �ησαν.Homer. Iliad. lib. xxiii. l. 73.

nine large dogs domestick at his board.Pope.

74. Paoli [199:28] . . . him In his ‘Materials’ JB wrote: ‘Paoli’s ease in Behaviour but not familiar This themark of a real great character I have heard it observed by Mr. Adam Smith that the stiffness, reserve &distance which some of our modern Nobility affect is because nobility without power or talents is in re-ality little or nothing. Nobles without either of these being sensible of their own insignificancy areafraid to let you come near them Paoli is the reverse of this. Those about him come into his Appart-ment, wake him help him on with his cloaths are perfectly unconstrained. Yet they know their distance,and, awed by his real greatness never lose their respect for him—. Tho’ thus easy of access care takento guard ag[ains]t snares—His Dogs. This at[tachment?] grand.’ (Adam Smith (1723–90) was the ad-mired professor of moral philosophy, University of Glasgow, during JB’s period as a student, 1759–60.)


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Mr. Pope in his notes on the second book of the Odyssey, is muchpleased with dogs being introduced, as it furnishes an agreeable instance ofancient simplicity. He observes that Virgil thought this circumstance worthyof his imitation, in describing old Evander.75 So we read of Syphax general ofthe Numidians, ‘Syphax interduos canes stans, Scipionem appellavit ,j Syphaxstanding between two dogs called to Scipio.’

Talking of courage, he made a very just distinction between constitutionalcourage and courage from reflection. ‘Sir Thomas More, said he, would notprobably have mounted a breach so well as a sergeant who had never thought ofdeath. But a sergeant would not on a scaffold, have shewn the calm resolution ofSir Thomas More.’

On this subject he told me a very remarkable anecdote, which happenedduring the last war in Italy. At the siege of Tortona, the commander of thearmy which lay before the town, ordered Carew an Irish officer in the serviceof Naples, to advance with a detachment to a particular post. Having given hisorders, he whispered to Carew: ‘Sir, I know you to be a gallant man. I havetherefore put you upon this duty. I tell you in confidence, it is certain deathfor you all. I place you there to make the enemy spring a mine below you.’Carew made a bow to the general, and led on his men in silence to the dread-ful post. He there stood with an undaunted countenance, and having called toone of the soldiers for a draught of wine, ‘Here, said he, I drink to all thosewho bravely fall in battle.’ Fortunately at that instant Tortona capitulated, andCarew escaped. But he had thus a full opportunity of displaying a rare in-stance of determined intrepidity. It is with pleasure that I record an anecdoteso much to the honour of a gentleman of that nation, on which illiberal re-flections are too often thrown, by those of whom it little deserves them.Whatever may be the rough jokes of wealthy insolence, or the envious sar-casms of needy jealousy, the Irish have ever been, and will continue to be,highly regarded upon the continent.76

Paoli’s personal authority among the Corsicans struck me much. I have seena crowd of them with eagerness and impetuosity, endeavouring to approach

75. Homer [200:22] . . . Evander Homer Odyssey, ii. 11; Pope, Odyssey, ii. 14 . . . Homer, Iliad, xxiii.73; Pope, Iliad, xxiii. 213. In his note to Odyssey, ii. 14 Pope cites the Virgilian reference and the linefrom the Iliad quoted by JB.

76. Talking of [201:7] . . . continent JB’s ‘Materials’ contain two aide-mémoires, both dated 27 Oc-tober: ‘Two kinds of Courage . . . Story of brave Irishman Carew,’ with the addendum: ‘Say thisNation [the Irish], though illiberally treated by us, high abroad—’

* See Warton’s notes on Aeneid, viii. 461–62 in Works of Virgil, 1753, iii. 422 n.

j I mention this on the authority of an excellent scholar, and one of our best writers, Mr. Joseph Warton inhis notes on the Æneid; for I have not been able to find the passage in Livy which he quotes.*


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him, as if they would have burst into his apartment by force. In vain didthe guards attempt to restrain them; but when he called to them in a toneof firmness, ‘Non c’è ora ricorso, No audience now,’ they were hushed atonce.77

He one afternoon gave us an entertaining dissertation on the ancient artof war. He observed that the ancients allowed of little baggage, which theyvery properly called ‘impedimenta;’ whereas the modern burden themselveswith it to such a degree, that 50,000 of our present soldiers are allowed asmuch baggage as was formerly thought sufficient for all the armies of theRoman empire. He said it was good for soldiers to be heavy armed, as it ren-ders them proportionably robust; and he remarked that when the Romanslightened their arms, the troops became enfeebled. He made a very curiousobservation with regard to the towers full of armed men, which we are toldwere borne on the backs of their elephants. He said it must be a mistake; forif the towers were broad, there would not be room for them on the backs ofelephants; for he and a friend who was an able calculatour, had measured avery large elephant at Naples, and made a computation of the space neces-sary to hold the number of men said to be contained in those towers, andthey found that the back of the broadest elephant would not be sufficient,after making the fullest allowance for what might be hung by ballance on ei-ther side of the animal. If again the towers were high, they would fall; for hedid not think it at all probable, that the Romans had the art of tying onsuch monstrous machines at a time when they had not learnt the use even ofgirths to their saddles. He said he did not give too much credit to the figureson Trajan’s pillar, many of which were undoubtedly false. He said it was hisopinion, that those towers were only drawn by the elephants; an opinionfounded in probability, and free from the difficulties of that which has beencommonly received.78

Talking of various schemes of life, fit for a man of spirit and education; Imentioned to him that of being a foreign minister. He said he thought it avery agreeable employment for a man of parts and address, during some yearsof his life. ‘In that situation, said he, a man will insensibly attain to a greaterknowledge of men and manners, and a more perfect acquaintance with thepoliticks of Europe. He will be promoted according to the returns which he

77. Paoli’s . . . once Reinforcing the point (200:9) that Paoli’s attendants ‘know their distance,’ thisincident may have been selected so that JB could glance at one of Paoli’s characteristics without di-rectly contravening the instruction in his ‘Materials’: ‘Before Crowd & Soldiers under arms moredistant quite proper (this not for publick view).’

78. He one [202:5] . . . received A reminder of a conversation dated 27 October, occurs in JB’s ‘Ma-terials’: ‘His talking of art of war & Elephants.’


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makes to his court. They must be accurate, distinct, without fire or ornament.He may subjoin his own opinion, but he must do it with great modesty. Theministry at home are proud.’79

He said the greatest happiness was not in glory, but in goodness; and thatPenn in his American colony,80 where he had established a people in quiet andcontentment, was happier than Alexander the Great after destroying multi-tudes at the conquest of Thebes.81 He observed that the history of Alexanderis obscure and dubious; for his captains who divided his kingdom, were toobusy to record his life and actions, and would at any rate wish to render himodious to posterity.

Never was I so thoroughly sensible of my own defects as while I was inCorsica. I felt how small were my abilities, and how little I knew. Ambitious tobe the companion of Paoli, and to understand a country and a people whichroused me so much, I wished to be a Sir James MacDonald.k

The last day which I spent with Paoli, appeared of inestimable value. Ithought him more than usually great and amiable, when I was upon the eve ofparting from him. The night before my departure, a little incident happenedwhich shewed him in a most agreeable light. When the servants were bringingin the desert after supper, one of them chanced to let fall a plate of walnuts.Instead of flying into a passion at what the man could not help, Paoli saidwith a smile, ‘No matter;’ and turning to me, ‘It is a good sign for you, Sir,Tempus est spargere nuces, It is time to scatter walnuts. It is a matrimonialomen: You must go home to your own country, and marry some fine womanwhom you really like. I shall rejoice to hear of it.’

This was a pretty allusion to the Roman ceremony at weddings, of scat-tering walnuts. So Virgil’s Damon says,

79. Talking . . . proud’ JB’s ‘Materials’ date this conversation 28 October: ‘Talking of various plansof life, talk’d of that of a Foreign Minister how to behave gains acquaintance with the state of Eu-rope. Ministry at home proud.’

80. Penn . . . colony William Penn (1644–1718) oversaw the founding of Pennsylvania as a refuge forQuakers and other nonconformists from Europe. Paoli’s remark—‘the greatest happiness . . .goodness’—was dated 25 October in JB’s ‘Materials’ and related to ‘Penn in his AmericanColony.’

81. Alexander . . . Thebes Alexander the Great (356–323 bc) conquered Asia Minor, subdued Egypt(332–31) and committed the massacre at Thebes (now Luxor).

* JB visited Oxford in April 1763 at the invitation of Sir James Macdonald (1742–66) who was thenan undergraduate; though he was well entertained, JB found Oxford very dispiriting.

k Sir James MacDonald baronet of the isle of Sky, who at the age of one and twenty, had the learningand abilities of a professour and a statesman, with the accomplishments of a man of the world. Eton andOxford will ever remember him as one of their greatest ornaments. He was well known to the mostdistinguished in Europe, but was carried off from all their expectations. He died at Frescati, near Rome,in 1765. Had he lived a little longer, I believe I should have prevailed with him to visit Corsica.*


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Mopse novas incide faces: tibi ducitur uxor.Sparge marite nuces: tibi deserit Hesperus Oetam.

Virg. Eclog. viii. l.30.

Thy bride comes forth! begin the festal rites!The walnuts strew! prepare the nuptial lights!O envied husband, now thy bliss is nigh!Behold for thee bright Hesper mounts the sky!

Warton.82

When I again asked Paoli if it was possible for me in any way to shew himmy great respect and attachment, he replied, ‘Ricordatevi che Io vi sia amico,e scrivetemi. Remember that I am your friend, and write to me.’ I said I hopedthat when he honoured me with a letter, he would write not only as a com-mander, but as a philosopher and a man of letters. He took me by the hand,and said, ‘As a friend.’ I dare not transcribe from my private notes the feelingswhich I had at this interview. I should perhaps appear too enthusiastick. I tookleave of Paoli with regret and agitation, not without some hopes of seeing himagain. From having known intimately so exalted a character, my sentiments ofhuman nature were raised, while, by a sort of contagion, I felt an honest ar-dour to distinguish myself, and be useful, as far as my situation and abilitieswould allow; and I was, for the rest of my life, set free from a slavish timidityin the presence of great men, for where shall I find a man greater than Paoli?83

When I set out from Sollacarò, I felt myself a good deal indisposed. The oldhouse of Colonna, like the family of its master, was much decayed; so that bothwind and rain found their way into my bed chamber. From this I contracted asevere cold, which ended in a tertian ague.84 There was no help for it. I mightwell submit to some inconveniences, where I had enjoyed so much happiness.

I was accompanied a part of the road by a great swarthy priest, who hadnever been out of Corsica. He was a very Hercules for strength and resolution.

82. Mopse . . . Warton Virgil, Eclogues, viii. 29–30 [‘Mopsus, cut new wedding-torches; for you theybring the bride. Scatter the nuts, bridegroom: for you the evening star rises above the mountain-tops’] . . . Warton, Works of Virgil, i. 134–35.

83. The last [203:15] . . . Paoli JB’s account of the ‘little incident’ and the leave-taking was preparedfor in his ‘Materials’: ‘The night before you went doubly amiable shewed his Corsicans He re-garded you write me, wife, &c. Incident occurred Tempus est spargere nuces fine pleasantry <thenight before you left him> instead of passion at the Servants. Took a most affect[ionate] leave,Octr. 29–5. Here ends Paoli.’

84. tertian ague ‘Ague’ was the early term for malaria; ‘tertian’ presumably indicates that the fevercame on every other day. JB probably contracted the disease (most likely type P. falciparum) dur-ing the sea voyage to Corsica—from the mosquitoes that infested the boat—or even in Leghornbefore his departure. See D. W. Purdie and N. Gow, ‘The Maladies of James Boswell, Advocate,’Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, 32 (2002), 197–98.


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He and two other Corsicans took a castle, garrisoned by no less than fifteenGenoese. Indeed the Corsicans have such a contempt for their enemies, that Ihave heard them say, ‘Basterebbero le donne contra i Genovesi,85 Our womenwould be enough against the Genoese.’ This priest was a bluff, hearty, roaringfellow, troubled neither with knowledge nor care. He was ever and anon shew-ing me how stoutly his nag could caper. He always rode some paces before me,and sat in an attitude half turned round, with his hand clapped upon thecrupper. Then he would burst out with comical songs about the devil and theGenoese, and I don’t know what all. In short, notwithstanding my feverish-ness, he kept me laughing whether I would or no.

I was returning to Corte; but I varied my road a little from the way I hadcome, going more upon the low country, and nearer the western shore.

At Cauro I had a fine view of Ajaccio and its environs. My ague was sometime of forming, so I had frequent intervals of ease, which I employed in ob-serving whatever occurred. I was lodged at Cauro in the house of SignorPeraldi of Ajaccio, who received me with great politeness. I found here an-other provincial magistracy. Before supper, Signor Peraldi and a young Abbéof Ajaccio entertained me with some airs on the violin. After they had shewnme their taste in fine improved musick, they gave me some original Corsicanairs, and at my desire, they brought up four of the guards of the magistracy,and made them shew me a Corsican dance. It was truly savage. They thumpedwith their heels, sprung upon their toes, brandished their arms, wheeled andleaped with the most violent gesticulations. It gave me the idea of an ad-mirable war dance.

During this journey I had very bad weather. I cannot forget the worthyrectour of Cuttoli, whose house afforded me a hospitable retreat, when wet tothe skin, and quite overcome by the severity of the storm, which my sicknessmade me little able to resist. He was directly86 such a venerable hermit as weread of in the old romances. His figure and manner interested me at first sight.I found he was a man well respected in the island, and that the General didhim the honour to correspond with him. He gave me a simple collation ofeggs, chestnuts and wine, and was very liberal of his ham and other more sub-stantial victuals to my servant. The honest Swiss87 was by this time very wellpleased to have his face turned towards the continent. He was heartily tired ofseeing foreign parts, and meeting with scanty meals and hard beds, in an is-land which he could not comprehend the pleasure of visiting. He said to me,

85. Corsicans have . . . Genovesi JB’s ‘Materials’ contain this reminder: ‘Contempt of Corsicans forthe Genoese Basterebbe le Donne. mention this when you talked w[i]t[h] them Paoli one dayout—’

86. directly i.e. exactly.87. honest Swiss See p. 166 n. 12


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‘Si J’etois encore une fois retourné à mon pais parmi ces montagnes de suissedont monsieur fait tant des plaisanteries, Je verrai qui m’engagera à les quitter.If I were once more at home in my own country, among those mountains ofSwitzerland, on which you have had so many jokes, I will see who shall prevailwith me to quit them.’

The General out of his great politeness, would not allow me to travelwithout a couple of chosen guards to attend me in case of any accidents. Imade them my companions, to relieve the tediousness of my journey. One ofthem called Ambrosio, was a strange iron-couloured fearless creature. He hadbeen much in war; careless of wounds, he was coolly intent on destroying theenemy. He told me, as a good anecdote, that having been so lucky as to get aview of two Genoese exactly in a line, he took his aim, and shot them boththrough the head at once. He talked of this, just as one would talk of shootinga couple of crows. I was sure I needed be under no apprehension; but I don’tknow how, I desired Ambrosio to march before me, that I might see him.

I was upon my guard how I treated him. But as sickness frets one’s tem-per, I sometimes forgot myself, and called him ‘bestia, block-head;’ and oncewhen he was at a loss which way to go, at a wild woody part of the country, Ifell into a passion, and called to him ‘Mi maraviglio che un uomo si bravo puòesser si stupido, I am amazed that so brave a man can be so stupid.’ Howeverby afterwards calling him friend, and speaking softly to him, I soon made himforget my ill humour, and we proceeded as before.

Paoli had also been so good as to make me a present of one of his dogs, astrong and fierce animal.88 But he was too old to take an attachment to me,and I lost him between Lyons and Paris. The General has promised me ayoung one, to be a guard at Auchinleck.

At Bogognano I came upon the same road I had formerly travelled fromCorte, where I arrived safe after all my fatigues. My good fathers of the Francis-can convent, received me like an old acquaintance, and shewed a kind concern atmy illness. I sent my respects to the Great Chancellor, who returned me a note,of which I insert a translation as a specimen of the hearty civility to be foundamong the highest in Corsica.

‘Many congratulations to Mr. Boswell on his return from beyond themountains, from his servant Massesi, who is at the same time very sorry for hisindisposition, which he is persuaded has been occasioned by his severe jour-ney. He however flatters himself, that when Mr. Boswell has reposed himselfa little, he will recover his usual health. In the mean time he has taken the lib-erty to send him a couple of fowls, which he hopes, he will honour with his acceptance, as he will need some refreshment this evening. He wishes him a

88. Paoli . . . animal On JB and the dog, ‘Jachone,’ see Earlier Years 264–65.


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good night, as does his little servant Luiggi, who will attend him to-morrow,to discharge his duty.’89

My ague distressed me so much, that I was confined to the convent forseveral days. I did not, however, find myself weary. I was visited by the GreatChancellor, and several others of the civil magistrates, and by Padre Marianirectour of the university, a man of learning and abilities, as a proof of whichhe had been three years at Madrid in the character of secretary to the Generalof the Franciscans. I remember a very eloquent expression of his, on the stateof his country. ‘Corsica, said he, has for many years past, been bleeding at allher veins. They are now closed. But after being so severely exhausted, it willtake some time before she can recover perfect strength.’ I was also visited byPadre Leonardo, of whose animating discourse I have made mention in a for-mer part of this book.

Indeed I should not have been at a loss though my very reverend fathershad been all my society. I was not in the least looked upon as a heretick. Dif-ference of faith was forgotten in hospitality. I went about the convent as if Ihad been in my own house; and the fathers without any impropriety of mirth,were yet as cheerful as I could desire.

I had two surgeons to attend me at Corte, a Corsican and a Piedmontese;and I got a little Jesuit’s bark90 from the spiceria or apothecary’s shop, of theCapuchin convent. I did not however expect to be effectually cured, till Ishould get to Bastia. I found it was perfectly safe for me to go thither. Therewas a kind of truce between the Corsicans and the French. Paoli had held twodifferent amicable conferences with M. de Marboeuf their commander inchief, and was so well with him, that he gave me a letter of recommendationto him.

On one of the days that my ague disturbed me least, I walked from theconvent to Corte, purposely to write a letter to Mr. Samuel Johnson. I told myrevered friend, that from a kind of superstition agreeable in a certain degree tohim, as well as to myself, I had, during my travels, written to him from LocaSolennia, places in some measure sacred. That as I had written to him fromthe Tomb of Melancthon,91 sacred to learning and piety, I now wrote to himfrom the palace of Pascal Paoli, sacred to wisdom and liberty; knowing that

89. ‘Many[206:33] . . . duty ‘The original of this letter has survived, and is dated 31 October, soBoswell probably left Sollacarò, 90 miles away, on the morning of 29 October’ (Grand Tour, 204n. 1). For a facsimile of the document see Private Papers. vii. 8; see also vii. 251 and n. 2.

90. Jesuit’s bark i.e. cinchona, a tree whose bark yields quinine.91. written . . . Melancthon This letter, 30 September 1764, was not sent to Johnson till June 1777; JB

felt that it was ‘at once too superstitious and too enthusiastic’; for the text see Life, iii. 122 n. 2.Melanchthon is the Graecised name of Philip Schwartzerd (1497–1560), professor of Greek at theUniversity of Wittenberg, a leading advocate of the Reformation.


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however his political principles may have been represented, he had always agenerous zeal for the common rights of humanity.92 I gave him a sketch of thegreat things I had seen in Corsica, and promised him a more ample relation.

Mr. Johnson was pleased with what I wrote here; for I received at Paris ananswer from him which I keep as valuable charter. ‘When you return, you willreturn to an unaltered, and I hope, unalterable friend. All that you have tofear from me, is the vexation of disappointing me. No man loves to frustrateexpectations which have been formed in his favour, and the pleasure which Ipromise myself from your journals and remarks, is so great, that perhaps nodegree of attention or discernment will be sufficient to afford it. Come homehowever and take your chance. I long to see you, and to hear you; and hopethat we shall not be so long separated again. Come home, and expect such awelcome as is due to him whom a wise and noble curiosity has led where per-haps, no native of this country ever was before.’93

I at length set out for Bastia. I went the first night to Rostino, hoping tohave found there Signor Clemente de’ Paoli. But unluckily he had gone upona visit to his daughter; so that I had not an opportunity of seeing this extraor-dinary personage, of whom I have given so full an account, for a great part ofwhich I am indebted to Mr. Burnaby.

Next day I reached Vescovato, where I was received by Signor Buttafoco,colonel of the Royal Corsicans in the service of France, with whom I pastsome days.94

As various discourses have been held in Europe, concerning an invitationgiven to M. Rousseau to come to Corsica; and as that affair was conducted bySignor Buttafoco, who shewed me the whole correspondence95 between himand M. Rousseau, I am enabled to give a distinct account of it.

92. I now . . . humanity The letter dated November 1765 has not survived. JB described it as “full ofgenerous enthusiasm. After giving a sketch of what I had seen and heard in that island, it pro-ceeded thus: ‘I dare to call this a spirited tour. I dare to challenge your approbation’ ” (Life, ii. 3).

93. Mr. Johnson . . . before JB reminded himself in his ‘Materials’: ‘After at Corte youll mentionyour letter to Johnson & his, Come home, I long &c.’ For the complete text of Johnson’s letter, 14January 1766, see Life, ii. 3–4. Following the publication of Corsica including this paragraph, andafter a period of silence, Johnson wrote (23 March 1768): ‘who would write to men who publishthe letters of their friends, without their leave? Yet I write to you in spite of my caution, to tellyou that I shall be glad to see you, and that I wish you would empty your head of Corsica, whichI think has filled it rather too long’ (Life, ii. 58). JB responded defiantly (26 April 1768): “your dig-nifying my desire of visiting Corsica with the epithet of ‘a wise and noble curiosity’ are to me morevaluable than many of the grants of kings . . . while I live, Corsica and the cause of the brave is-landers shall ever employ much of my attention, shall ever interest me in the sincerest manner”(Life, ii. 58–59).

94. Buttafoco . . . days For the eulogy replaced by this terse statement, see Textual Apparatus.95. whole correspondence Joseph Foladare believes that, for diplomatic reasons, Buttafoco did not

show JB the complete correspondence (Boswell’s Paoli, Hamden, Connecticut, 1979, pp. 25–27).


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M. Rousseau in his Political Treatise, entitled Du Contract96 Social,has the following observation: ‘Il est encore en Europe un pays capable de lég-islation; c’est l’isle de Corse. La valeur et la constance avec laquelle ce brave pe-uple a su recouvrer et défendre sa liberté mériteroit bien que quelque hommesage lui apprit à la conserver. J’ai quelque pressentiment qu’un jour cette petiteisle etonnera l’Europe.l There is yet one country in Europe, capable of legisla-tion; and that is the island of Corsica. The valour and the constancy withwhich that brave people hath recovered and defended its liberty, would welldeserve that some wise man should teach them how to preserve it. I have somepresentiment that one day that little island will astonish Europe.’

Signor Buttafoco, upon this, wrote to M. Rousseau, returning himthanks for the honour he had done to the Corsican nation, and stronglyinviting him to come over, and be that wise man who should illuminate theirminds.97

I was allowed to take a copy of the wild philosopher’s answer to this invi-tation; it is written with his usual eloquence.

‘Il est superflu, Monsieur, de chercher à exciter mon zele pour l’entrepriseque vous me proposez. Sa seule idée m’eleve l’ame et me transporte. Je croiroisla reste de mes jours bien noblement, bien vertueusement et bien heureusementemployés. Je croirois meme avoir bien racheté l’inutilité des autres, si je pouvoisrendre ce triste reste bon en quelque chose à vos braves compatriotes; si je pou-vois concourir par quelque conseil utile aux vûes de votre digne Chef et auxvotres; de ce coté la donc soyez sur de moi. Ma vie et mon coeur sont à vous.’98

‘It is superfluous, Sir, to endeavour to excite my zeal for the undertakingwhich you propose to me. The very idea of it elevates my soul and transportsme. I should esteem the rest of my days very nobly, very virtuously, and veryhappily employed. I should even think that I well redeemed the inutility ofmany of my days that are past, if I could render these sad remains of any ad-vantage to your brave countrymen. If by any useful advice, I could concur inthe views of your worthy Chief, and in yours. So far then you may be sure ofme. My life and my heart are devoted to you.’

Such were the first effusions of Rousseau. Yet before he concluded eventhis first letter, he made a great many complaints of his adversities and perse-cutions, and started a variety of difficulties as to the proposed enterprise.

96. Contract The spelling was legitimate for JB’s time (from Latin ‘contractus’).97. Buttafoco . . . minds For the letter, 31 August 1764, see Correspondence complète de Rousseau, XXI.

85–88.98. ‘Il est . . . vous Letter, 22 September 1764, Corespondence, XXI. 173.

l Du Contract Social. liv. ii. chap. 10.


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The correspondence was kept up for some time, but the enthusiasm of theparadoxical philosopher gradually subsiding, the scheme came to nothing.99

As I have formerly observed, M. de Voltaire thought proper to exercise hispleasantry upon occasion of this proposal, in order to vex the grave Rousseau,whom he never could bear. I remember he used to talk of him with a satyri-cal smile, and call him, ‘Ce Garçon, That Lad;’ I find this among my notesof M. de Voltaire’s conversations,100 when I was with him at his Chateau deFerney, where he entertains with the elegance rather of a real prince than of apoetical one.

To have Voltaire’s assertion contradicted by a letter under Paoli’s ownhand, was no doubt a sufficient satisfaction to Rousseau.

From the account which I have attempted to give of the present constitu-tion of Corsica, and of its illustrious Legislator and General, it may well beconceived that the scheme of bringing M. Rousseau into that island, was mag-nified to an extravagant degree by the reports of the continent. It was said,that Rousseau was to be made no less than a Solon101 by the Corsicans, whowere implicitely to receive from him a code of laws.

This was by no means the scheme. Paoli was too able a man to submit thelegislation of his country to one who was an entire stranger to the people, themanners, and in short to every thing in the island. Nay I know well that Paolipays more regard to what has been tried by the experience of ages, than to themost beautiful ideal systems. Besides, the Corsicans were not all at once to bemoulded at will. They were to be gradually prepared, and by one law layingthe foundation for another, a complete fabrick of jurisprudence was to beformed.

Paoli’s intention was to grant a generous asylum to Rousseau, to availhimself of the shining talents which appeared in his writings, by consultingwith him, and catching the lights of his rich imagination, from many ofwhich he might derive improvements to those plans which his own wisdomhad laid down.

But what he had principally in view, was to employ the pen of Rousseauin recording the heroick actions of the brave islanders. It is to be regretted thatthis project did not take place. The father of the present colonel Buttafoco102

made large collections for many years back. These are carefully preserved,and when joined to those made by the Abbé Rostini, would furnish ample

99. The correspondence . . . nothing See letter from Buttafoco, 3 October 1764, and Rousseau’s re-ply, 15 October, Corespondence, XXI. 212–15, 258–60.

100. my notes . . . conversations The surviving but incomplete notes contain no references to Rousseau.101. Solon Lawgiver of Athens (c. 638–558 bc) and reformer of the constitution, celebrated for his

wisdom.102. father . . . Buttafoco Antonio Buttafoco (1707–58), author of Journal (1744–56).


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materials for a History of Corsica. This, adorned with the genius of Rousseau,would have been one of the noblest monuments of modern times.103

Signor Buttafoco accompanied me to Bastia. It was comfortable to enter agood warm town after my fatigues. We went to the house of Signor Morelli,104

a counsellor at law here, with whom we supped. I was lodged for that night bya friend of Signor Buttafoco, in another part of the town.

Next morning I waited on M. de Marboeuf. Signor Buttafoco introducedme to him, and I presented him the letter of recommendation from Paoli. Hegave me a most polite reception. The brilliancy of his levee pleased me; it wasa scene so different from those which I had been for some time accustomed tosee. It was like passing at once from a rude and early age, to a polished mod-ern age; from the mountains of Corsica, to the banks of the Seine.

My ague was now become so violent, that it got the better of me alto-gether. I was obliged to ask the French general’s permission to have a chairset for me in the circle. When M. de Marboeuf was informed of my being ill,he had the goodness to ask me to stay in his house till I should recover; ‘I in-sist upon it, said he; I have a warm room for you. My servants will get youbouillons,105 and every thing proper for a sick man; and we have an excellentphysician.’ I mention all these circumstances to shew the goodness of M. deMarboeuf, to whom I shall ever consider myself as under great obligations.His invitation was given in so kind and cordial a manner, that I willingly ac-cepted of it.

I found M. de Marboeuf a worthy open-hearted Frenchman. It is a com-mon and a very just remark, that one of the most agreeable characters in theworld is a Frenchman who has served long in the army, and has arrived at thatage when the fire of youth is properly tempered. Such a character is gay with-out levity, and judicious without severity. Such a character was the Count deMarboeuf, of an ancient family in Britanny, where there is more plainness of

103. This was [210:18] . . . times Cf. Burnaby 21–22: ‘I am persuaded that general Paoli had no inten-tion, when he sent an invitation to Monsr Rousseau, to suffer him, an intire stranger to the coun-try, the people, the customs, and almost every thing necessary to be known by a legislator, to forman ideal system of laws, and then impose them upon the people. He was aware of the improprietyof this on several accounts; principally on that of their not being in a state ripe for the receptionof any intire code of laws whatsoever. He knew that their manners were to be greatly changed be-fore they could be brought to such a temperament; that they were to be prepared gradually; wereto be formed first for one law, then for another: each separate law laying a foundation for some fu-ture one, and by these means to be brought imperceptibly to the point he was desirous of. All heproposed from the presence of Rousseau was to avail himself of any hints he might be able to fur-nish him with; and that he might farther have the use of his pen to describe those many great andheroic actions which have been performed by the Corsicans, and which none but the pen of aRousseau seems worthy of describing.’

104. 385:16 Morelli Ignazio Francesco Morelli.105. buoillons Strong broths.


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character than among the other French. He had been Gentilhomme de laChambre to the worthy King Stanislaus.106

He took a charge of me as if he had been my near relation. He furnishedme with books and every thing he could think of to amuse me. While thephysician ordered me to be kept very quiet, M. de Marboeuf would allow no-body to go near me, but payed me a friendly visit alone. As I grew better, hegradually encreased my society, bringing with him more and more of his offi-cers; so that I had at last the honour of very large companies in my apartment.The officers were polite agreeable men: some of them had been prisoners inEngland, during the last war. One of them was a Chevalier de St. Louis, ofthe name of Douglas, a descendant of the illustrious house of Douglas inScotland, by a branch settled near to Lyons. This gentleman often came andsat with me. The idea of our being in some sort countrymen, was pleasing tous both.

I found here an English woman of Penrith in Cumberland. When theHighlanders marched through that country in the year 1745, she had marrieda soldier of the French picquets in the very midst of all the confusion and dan-ger, and when she could hardly understand one word he said. Such freaks willlove sometimes take.

Sic visum Veneri; cui placet imparesFormas atque animos sub juga ahenea

Saevo mittere cum joco.Horat. lib. I. Od. 33.

So Venus wills, whose power controulsThe fond affections of our souls;With sportive cruelty she bindsUnequal forms, unequal minds.

Francis.107

M. de la Chapelle108 was the physician who attended me. He had beenseveral years physician to the army at Minorca, and had now the same office inCorsica. I called him the physician of the isles. He was indeed an excellentone. That gayeté de coeur which the French enjoy, runs through all their pro-fessions. I remember the phrase of an English common soldier, who told me,

106. King Stanislaus Stanislas I, king of Poland, 1704–9, 1733–35; he was restored to the throne in 1733with the help of his son-in-law, Louis XV, but dethroned in 1735 by Augustus III of Saxony.

107. Sic . . . Francis Horace, Odes, I. xxxiii. 10–12 . . . Philip Francis (1708?–73), A Poetical Translationof the Works of Horace (1756), i. 121, ll. 13–16.

108. Chapelle Claude-François Passerat de la Chapelle, author of Recueil des droges simples (Paris,1753), etc.


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‘that at the battle of Fontenoy, his captain received a shot in the breast, andfell, said the soldier, with his spontoon in his hand, as prettily109 killed as everI see’d a gentleman.’ The soldier’s phrase might be used in talking of almostevery thing which the French do. I may say I was prettily cured by M. de laChapelle.

But I think myself bound to relate a circumstance which shews him andhis nation in the genteelest light. Though he attended me with the greatest as-siduity, yet, when I was going away, he would not accept of a single Louisd’or.110 ‘No Sir, said he, I am nobly paid by my king. I am physician to his armyhere. If I can at the same time, be of service to the people of the country, or toany gentleman who may come among us, I am happy. But I must be excusedfrom taking money.’ M. Brion the surgeon major behaved in the same manner.

As soon as I had gathered a little strength, I walked about as well as I could;and saw what was to be seen at Bastia. Signor Morelli was remarkably obliging.He made me presents of books and antiques, and of every other curiosity relat-ing to Corsica. I never saw a more generous man. Signor Caraffa,111 a Corsicanofficer in the service of France, with the order of St. Louis, was also very oblig-ing. Having made a longer stay in Corsica than I intended, my finances wereexhausted, and he let me have as much money as I pleased. M. Barlé, secretaryto M. de Marboeuf, was also very obliging. In short, I know not how to expressmy thankfulness to all the good people whom I saw at Bastia.

The French seemed to agree very well with the Corsicans. Of old, those is-landers were much indebted to the interposition of France, in their favour. Butsince the days of Sampiero, there have been many variances between them. Asingular one happened in the reign of Lewis XIV. The Pope’s Corsican guardsin some fit of passion insulted the French ambassadour at Rome. The superb112

monarch resolved to revenge this outrage. But Pope Alexander VII. foreseeingthe consequences, agreed to the conditions required by France; which were, thatthe Corsican guards should be obliged to depart the ecclesiastical state, that thenation should be declared incapable ever to serve the holy see, and, that oppositeto their ancient guard-house, should be erected a pyramid inscribed with theirdisgrace.m

109. prettily i.e., skilfully, cleverly.110. Louis d’or i.e., a louis, a 20-franc piece.111. Caraffa Jean-Baptiste de Caraffa (1723–91).112. superb i.e., proud.

* In 1662 the Corsican guards, resentful at being disarmed by the French ambassador, had attackedhis wife’s carriage. The incident led to months of diplomatic friction between the Vatican andFrance, including an appeal to Spain for mediation.

m Corps Diplomatique anno 1664.*


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Le Brun,113 whose royal genius could magnify and enrich every circum-stance in honour of his sovereign, has given this story as a medaillon on one ofthe compartments of the great gallery at Versailles. France appears with astately air, shewing to Rome the design of the pyramid; and Rome, thoughbearing a shield marked S.P. Q.R.114 receives the design with most submissivehumility.

I wish that France had never done the Corsicans greater harm than de-priving them of the honour of being the pope’s guards. Boisseux and Maille-bois115 cannot easily be forgotten; nor can the brave islanders be blamed forcomplaining that a powerful nation should interpose to retard their obtainingentire possession of their country, and of undisturbed freedom.

M. de Marboeuf appeared to conduct himself with the greatest prudenceand moderation. He told me that he wished to preserve peace in Corsica. Hehad entered into a convention with Paoli, mutually to give up such criminalsas should fly into each others territories. Formerly not one criminal in a hun-dred was punished. There was no communication between the Corsicans andthe Genoese; and if a criminal could but escape from the one jurisdiction tothe other, he was safe. This was very easily done, so that crimes from im-punity were very frequent. By this equitable convention, justice has been fullyadministered.

Perhaps indeed the residence of the French in Corsica, has, upon thewhole, been an advantage to the patriots. There have been markets twice aweek at the frontiers of each garrison-town, where the Corsican peasants havesold all sorts of provisions, and brought in a good many French crowns;which have been melted down into Corsican money. A cessation of arms for afew years has been a breathing time to the nation, to prepare itself for onegreat effort, which will probably end in the total expulsion of the Genoese. Alittle leisure has been given for attending to civil improvements, towardswhich the example of the French has in no small degree contributed. Many ofthe soldiers were excellent handi-craftsmen, and could instruct the natives invarious arts.

M. de Marboeuf entertained himself by laying out several elegant piecesof pleasure ground; and such were the humane and amicable dispositionsof this respectable officer, that he was at pains to observe what things weremost wanted in Corsica, and then imported them from France, in order toshew an example to the inhabitants. He introduced in particular, the culture

113. Le Brun Charles Le Brun (1619–90), painter and designer responsible for most of the paintingsand other artefacts commissioned by the French government for three decades under Louis XIV.

114. S.P.Q.R. i.e., Senatus Populusque Romanus (the Senate and People of Rome).115. Boisseux and Maillebois See p. 72 n. 42 and p. 80 and n. 76. They subdued the Corsicans in the

interest of Genoa, 1738–40.


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of potatoes, of which there were none in the island upon his arrival. This rootwill be of considerable service to the Corsicans, it will make a wholesome vari-ety in their food; and as there will thereby, of consequence, be less home con-sumption of chestnuts, they will be able to export a greater quantity of them.

M. de Marboeuf made merry upon the reports which had been circu-lated, that I was no less than a minister from the British court. The Avignongazette brought us one day information, that the English were going to estab-lish Un Bureau de Commerce in Corsica. ‘O Sir, said he, the secret is out. I seenow the motive of your destination to these parts. It is you who are to estab-lish this Bureau de Commerce.’116

Idle as these rumours were, it is a fact that, when I was at Genoa, SignorGherardi, one of their secretaries of state, very seriously told me, ‘Monsieur,vous m’avez fait trembler quoique je ne vous ai jamais vu. Sir, you have mademe tremble although I never saw you before.’ And when I smiled and assuredhim that I was just a simple traveller, he shook his head; but said, he had veryauthentick information concerning me.117 He then told me with great gravity,‘That while I travelled in Corsica, I was drest in scarlet and gold; but when Ipayed my respects to the Supreme Council at Corte, I appeared in a full suitof black.’ These important truths I fairly owned to him, and he seemed to ex-ult over me.

I was more and more obliged to M. de Marboeuf. When I was allowed bymy physician, to go to his Excellency’s table, where we had always a largecompany, and every thing in great magnificence, he was so careful of me, thathe would not suffer me to eat any thing, or taste a glass of wine, more thanwas prescribed for me. He used to say, ‘I am here both physician and com-mander in chief; so you must submit.’ He very politely prest me to make somestay with him, saying, ‘We have taken care of you when sick, I think we havea claim to you for a while, when in health.’ His kindness followed me after Ileft him. It procured me an agreeable reception from M. Michel,118 the Frenchchargé d’affaires at Genoa; and was the occasion of my being honoured withgreat civilities at Paris, by M. l’Abbé de Marboeuf Conseiller d’etat, brotherof the Count, and possessing similar virtues in private life.119

116. Avignon . . . Commerce On 1 November 1765, p. 355, the Avignon Courrier reported that Britain,France, and Genoa had signed a Commercial Treaty that allowed Britain to establish a commer-cial agency in Corsica.

117. authentick . . . me Gherardi told JB that he had been under surveillance by Genoese agents whilein Corsica (Early Years, 262). JB felt uneasy in Genoa ‘being just arrived from Corsica where I wasvery intimate with their terrible Ennemy Paoli’ (Gen. Corr. i. 43 n. 2).

118. M. Michel In a note dated 1 December 1765 JB described Michel as ‘a lively, civil little man whoinsisted on having you to dine, a little neat dinner’ (Private Papers, vii. 14). He dined with Michelalso on 3 December (Ibid, vii. 15).

119. l’Abbé . . . life Yves-Alexandre de Marboeuf (1734–99), later archbishop of Lyons.


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I quitted Corsica with reluctance, when I thought of the illustrious Paoli.I wrote to him from Bastia, informing him of my illness, which I said, wasowing to his having made me a man of so much consequence, that instead ofputting me into a snug little room, he had lodged me in the magnificent oldpalace, where the wind and rain entered.

His answer to my first letter is written with so much spirit, that I beggedhis permission to publish it; which he granted in the genteelest manner, saying,‘I do not remember the contents of the letter; but I have such a confidence inMr. Boswell, that I am sure, he would not publish it, if there was any thing init improper for publick view; so he has my permission.’ I am thus enabled topresent my readers with an original letter from Paoli.

TO JAMES BOSWELL, Esq; of auchinleck, scotland.

stimatissimo signor boswell,RICEVEI la lettera che mi favori da Bastia, e mi consolo assai collanotizia di essersi rimessa in perfetta salute. Buon per lei che cadde inmano di un valente medico! Quando altra volta il disgusto de’ paesicolti, ed ameni lo prendesse, e lo portasse in questa infelice contrada,procurerò che sia alloggiata in camere più calde, e custodite di quelledella casa Colonna in Sollacarò; mà ella ancora dovrà contentarsi dinon viaggiare quando la giornata, e la stagione vogliono che si restiin casa per attendere il tempo buono. Io resto ora impaziente per lalettera che ha promesso scrivermi da Genova, dove dubito assai chela delicatezza di quelle dame non le abbia fatto fare qualche giornodi quarantena, per ispurgarsi di ogni anche più leggiero influsso,che possa avere portato seco dell’ aria di questo paese; e molto più,se le fosse venuto il capriccio di far vedere quell’ abito di velutoCorso, e quel berrettone, di cui i Corsi vogliono l’origine dagli elmiantichi, ed i Genovesi lo dicono inventato da quelli, che, rubandoalla strada, non vogliano essere conosciuti: come se in tempo del lorogoverno avessero mai avuta apprensione di castigo i ladri pubblici?Son sicuro però, che ella presso avrà il buon partito con quelle ama-bili, e delicate persone, insinuando alle medesime, che il cuore dellebelle è fatto per la compassione, non per il disprezzo, e per la tiran-nia; e cosi sarà rientrato facilmente nella lor grazia. Io ritornato inCorte ebbi subito la notizia del secreto sbarco dell’ Abbatucci nellespiaggie di Solenzara. Tutte le apparenze fanno credere che il medes-imo sia venuto con disegni opposti alla publica quiete; pure si è con-stituito in castello, e protesta ravvedimento. Nel venire per Bocognanosi seppe, che un capitano riformato Genovese cercava compagni per


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assassinarmi. Non potè rinvenire e vedendosi scoperto si pose allamacchia, dove è stato ucciso dalle squadriglie che gli tenevano dietroi magistrati delle provincie oltramontane. Queste insidie non sem-brano buoni preliminari del nostro accomodamento colla republicadi Genova. Io sto passando il sindicato a questa provincia di Nebbio.Verso il 10 dell’ entrante anderò per l’ istesso oggetto in quella delCapocorso, ed il mese di Febrajo facilmente mi trattenerò in Balagna.Ritornerò poi in Corte alla primavera, per prepararmi all’ aperturadella consulta generale. In ogni luogo avrò presente la sua amicizia,e sarò desideroso de’ continui suoi riscontri. Frattanto ella mi creda

Suo affettuosissimo amico

patrimonio,23 Decembre, 1765. }

PASQUALE de’ PAOLI.120

much esteemed mr. boswell,I Received the letter which you wrote to me from Bastia, and ammuch comforted by hearing that you are restored to perfect health.It is lucky for you that you fell into the hands of an able physician.When you shall again be seized with a disgust at improved andagreeable countries, and shall return to this ill-fated land, I will takecare to have you lodged in warmer and better finished apartmentsthan those of the house of Colonna, at Sollacarò. But you againshould be satisfied not to travel when the weather and the season re-quire one to keep within doors, and wait for a fair day. I expect withimpatience the letter which you promised to write to me fromGenoa, where I much suspect that the delicacy of the ladies willhave obliged you to perform some days of quarantine, for purifyingyou from every the least infection, which you may have carried withyou from the air of this country: and still more so, if you have takenthe whim to shew that suit of Corsican velvetn and that bonnet ofwhich the Corsicans will have the origin to be from the ancient hel-mets, whereas the Genoese say it was invented by those who rob on

120. TO JAMES BOSWELL [216:12] . . . PAOLI Permission to publish this letter was given in a let-ter to Dick, 6 December 1766, in which Paoli wrote: ‘I am thoroughly persuaded of his [JB’s] dis-cretion’ (Summary 254–55).

n By Corsican velvet he means the coarse stuff made in the island, which is all that the Corsicans have instead of the fine velvet of Genoa.


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the highway, in order to disguise themselves; as if during the Genoesegovernment, public robbers needed to fear punishment. I am surehowever, that you will have taken the proper method with these ami-able and delicate persons, insinuating to them, that the hearts of beau-ties are formed for compassion, and not for disdain and tyranny: and soyou will have been easily restored to their good graces. Immediately onmy return to Corte, I received information of the secret landing of Ab-batucci,o on the coast of Solenzara. All appearances make us believe,that he is come with designs contrary to the public quiet. He has how-ever surrendered himself a prisoner at the castle, and protests his re-pentance. As I passed by Bogognano, I learnt that a disbanded Genoeseofficer was seeking associates to assassinate me. He could not succeed,and finding that he was discovered, he betook himself to the woods;where he has been slain by the party detached by the magistrates of theprovinces on the other side of the mountains, in order to intercepthim. These ambuscades do not seem to be good preliminaries towardsour accommodation with the republick of Genoa. I am now holdingthe syndicato in this province of Nebbio. About the 10th of nextmonth, I shall go, for the same object, into the province of CapoCorso, and during the month of February, I shall probably fix my res-idence in Balagna. I shall return to Corte in the spring, to prepare my-self for the opening of the General Consulta. Wherever I am, yourfriendship will be present to my mind, and I shall be desirous to con-tinue a correspondence with you. Meanwhile believe me to be

Your most affectionate friend

patrimonio23 December, 1765. }

PASCAL PAOLI.

Can any thing be more condescending,121 and at the same time shew morethe firmness of an heroick mind, than this letter? With what a gallant pleas-antry does the Corsican Chief talk of his enemies! One would think that theQueens of Genoa should become rival Queens for Paoli. If they saw him, Iam sure they would.

o Abbatucci, a Corsican of a very suspicious character.*

121. condescending i.e., gracious.* Giacomo Pietro Abbatucci (1726–1812) first opposed Paoli, then fought with him against theFrench and finally joined the French army.


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I take the liberty to repeat an observation made to me by that illustriousminister, whom Paoli calls the Pericles of Great Britain: ‘It may be said of Paoli,as the Cardinal de Retz said of the great Montrose, “C’est un de ces hommesqu’on ne trouve plus que dans les Vies de Plutarque. He is one of those menwho are no longer to be found but in the lives of Plutarch.” ’122

THE END.

122. I take . . . Plutarch The ‘Pericles of Great Britain’ was William Pitt the elder (1708–78), first Earlof Chatham; his view of Paoli—probably conveyed to JB when they met on 22 February 1766—is also quoted in JB’s letter to Temple, 17 May 1766 (Corr. Temple i. 150). For the context in whichCardinal de Retz (1613–79) made his remarks, see Ibid, i. 152 n. 32. (Montrose was James Graham(1612–50), first Marquess and fifth Earl of Montrose.)


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Extracts from the London Chronicle,

1766–1767

7 January 1766 To the Printer of the London Chronicle.

The Island of Corsica is now become an important object in Europe; General De Paolihaving acted with so much wisdom and spirit, that the brave Corsicans are actually inpossession of the whole Island, except for five fortified towns on the sea-coast, whichare still under the dominion of the Genoese. The command which Corsica can haveof the navigation in the Mediterranean must render those Islanders very considerablenow that they have thrown off a foreign yoke, and are at last formed into a nation,having for so many years been so divided into opposite parties, that they were lookedupon by foreign powers as so many tribes of Savages, or troops of Banditti.

9 January 1766 ‘Extract of a Letter from Rome, Dec. 5, 1765.’

“You have been amused with reports of Britain’s sending an embassy to the island ofCorsica. Your News Papers were once very positive that the Duke of York was deter-mined to visit that island, and of late we were assured of Mr. Stanley’s being to goover. I can however inform you for certain, that a British subject has actually beenthere. About the middle of October Mr. Boswell, a Scots gentleman upon his travelsover Europe, sailed from the port of Leghorn for the island of Corsica, with a veryample and particular passport from Commodore Harrison. He landed on CapeCorso, and went above a hundred miles into the territories of the Malecontents, asthey were formerly called, but must now have the title of The Nation. He foundSignor De Paoli in one of the Provinces on the other side of the great range of moun-tains which divides the island. He, no doubt, presented to that Chief very sufficientrecommendations, for he was received by him with every mark of distinction, waslodged in a palace of the noble family of Colonna, and whenever he chose to make alittle tour, was attended by a detachment of guards. He past ten or twelve days withGeneral De Paoli, dined and supped with him constantly, and was every day in pri-vate conference with him for some hours. Mr. Boswell gave it out at Leghorn, that hewent to Corsica merely for curiosity, but the politicians of Italy think they can seemore important reasons for his visiting that island. The Genoese, have been not a lit-tle alarmed by it; and having received very early intimation of Mr. Boswell’s havingsailed from Leghorn, they procured constant intelligence of his motions during thewhole time of his stay in the island, but all the intelligence sent them has only servedto throw them into greater perplexity. What appears most difficult to be explained, isMr. Boswell’s having sailed almost before any body knew of his intention. He carriedall the appearance of a gentleman travelling for his amusement, past some time with

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the Count de Marbeuf, Commander in chief of the French troops in Corsica, and after-wards went to Genoa, where he stayed above a week, and seemed free and unconcernedas if he had nothing to do with State Disputes. People in this part of the world are curi-ous to know what will really be the consequence of Mr. Boswell’s tour to Corsica.”

11 January 1766 ‘Extract of a letter from Marseilles, 7 December 1765.’

When Mr. Boswell was presented to the General de Paoli, he paid this compliment tothe Corsicans: “Sir, I am upon my travels, and have lately visited Rome: I am comefrom seeing the ruins of one brave and free people: I now see the rise of another.”

13 January 1766 ‘Postscript. London.’

Signor Pasquale de Paoli has the title of his Excellency the General of the Kingdom ofCorsica; he is absolute commander in the military affairs, and in a civil capacity is headof the supreme council. He is a man of about forty, tall, well made, and of a noble coun-tenance. He speaks his own language remarkably well, and is very much master both ofFrench and English. He is without doubt one of the illustrious men of the present age.When Mr. Boswell took leave of the General de Paoli, his Excellency made him a pres-ent of a gun and a pair of pistols of excellent workmanship made in Corsica, and of oneof the large mountain dogs so famous in that island for their hunting the wild boar, andfor their guarding their master.

16 January 1766 Postscript. London.

Mr. Symonds, Barrister at Law, mentioned in our last, happened to meet with Mr.Boswell at Genoa, and was so much pleased with the account which that Gentlemangave him of the brave Islanders and their illustrious Chief, that he instantly resolved togo and have the satisfaction of seeing them.

23 January 1766 Foreign Intelligence.

Florence, Dec. 16. We think we are now in possession of the true motives for a late expe-dition into Corsica, which had greatly engaged the attention of some politicians of thisplace. The story is this: A gentleman who had for some time resided here, all on a sud-den went off in a vessel for Corsica; various were the conjectures which followed him, be-ing a person of some distinction; but the conversation on the subject in a little timesubsided, and no more was said about it, till very lately from Genoa we had the follow-ing account. viz. That the abovementioned gentleman with some of his friends, beingsensibly touched with the misfortunes of the young Chevalier Charles Stuart, and impa-tient at the thoughts of his languishing away the remainder of his days in a tedious andstarving obscurity, formed a project of beating the pulse of Signior Paoli, in order, ifpossible, to procure some kind of establishment of sovereignty for their high-bornPrince in that island. Mr. B. we are assured arrived safe in the quarters of the CorsicanChief, and was received and treated by him with great civility and politeness; but what-ever intimations or insinuations Mr. B. might hint or drop to the Corsican General withregard to the pretended project, they have not yet transpired, nor perhaps never may;but this is certain, that Mr. B. was sent off under a very honourable and distinguishingescort into the French quarters, where waiting on Mons. Marbeuf, with whom he had a

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short conference, he stay’d a day or two, and from thence made the best of his way toGenoa.—To this remarkable anecdote must be added another, which is told with thegreatest assurance at the same time, which is, that the young Chevalier himself had notthe least knowledge of, or participation in this notable scheme, but that it was purely theeffects of the warm but unauthorised (and as is common in such cases ill-judged) zeal ina few of his banished partizans.

6 February 1766 London. Extract of a letter from Genoa, dated Jan. 2.

“The Sieur Boswell, who has given such inquietude to our rulers by his visit to our ene-mies in Corsica, upon his return from that expedition was forced, by tempestuousweather, to take refuge in the Island of Capraja. Colonel Matra and Captain Grimaldifound themselves in the same situation; and although they strongly suspected the Scotch-man’s attachment to Paoli, they treated him with so great politeness that he accompaniedthem to this city. These officers who have distinguished themselves so much for the re-public, were under great apprehensions of being taken by Paoli’s corsairs. They declare,that during several days conversation with Mr. Boswell, they could not certainly discoverwhether his motives for having been in Corsica, were of a public or private nature. Theycould only observe that he had a good many papers, about which he seemed very anx-ious; and that he avoided talking freely of what he had seen in his singular tours.”

3 January 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

When Seneca was banished to the Island of Corsica, and had his mind sowered withdiscontent, he wrote two outrageous Epigrams against the place of his exile. They arepreserved in his works, and shew us, that the Stoic, with all his firmness, could fretlike ordinary mortals, and by the force of a gloomy imagination could give a ruefulpicture of one of the finest islands in the world. [The Latin epigrams are then printedin full.] I would take it as a particular favour if any of your poetical Correspondentswould give a good English Translation of the above Epigrams.

27 January 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

[In a long letter J. B. comments (somewhat adversely) on the translation offered by ‘R.D.’ of the Senecan epigrams, ending with a plea to other correspondents:] I am de-sirous to have these Epigrams translated to my mind, as I am to insert them in a workon which I cannot help setting some value: and I take this method of preparing someof my materials. It is with infinite pleasure that I see any thing relating to Corsicameet with so ready an attention.

7 February 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘PATRICIUS.’

Your Correspondent J. B. desires a translation of Seneca’s Epigrams, to oblige him, Ihave attempted the following; which please to insert. [There follow English versions ofthe epigrams.]

26 March 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

I am under great obligations to your Correspondents, who have favoured me withno less than four different translations of Seneca’s Epigrams. I have not the least

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guess who any of the Authors are; so I can freely say, that it is purely from a regardto what I think the best, that I prefer the translation of Patricius. I hope the Gen-tleman will forgive me, if I with much deference make one or two remarks onhis translation. [Then follow comments on the detail of the translation and variantreadings are offered. The writer declares himself ‘a Scotsman’; he assures Patriciusthat his versions will ‘go into my account of Corsica’, and concludes:] I greatly wishto see a poem of some consequence on Corsica. The bravery and perseverance of thatoppressed nation in the great cause of liberty, well deserves to be celebrated, vatesacro. I am sure a good poem on that subject, would be universally relished in thisisland.

26 March 1767 For the London Chronicle. Signed ‘B. B.’

A further translation of the epigrams is offered, without comment.

2 May 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed PATRICIUS.

[He has taken account of J. B.’s criticisms and offers revised versions of his translationof the two epigrams. He concludes:] I submit it to Mr. J. B.’s better judgment, whichof these, or whether either of them deserve his approbation.

9 July 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘J. B.’

PATRICIUS will be kind enough to excuse my being too late in replying to his lastfavour. To talk of my ‘unavoidable occupations,’ may appear affected. But the truth is,that a moderate share of business seems a heavy load to one who has spent many of hisyears in a dissipated variety. I was afraid that Patricius had been offended at my criti-cisms. I was sure that I had proposed them with the deference that became me, and Iwas sorry to think that a man of very superior genius should be deficient in that liber-ality of mind which I esteem above all ornamental qualities. I am agreeably relievedfrom my apprehension. Patricius is not only liberal, but condescending. He does me thehonour to talk of my ‘better judgment.’ I am much obliged to him. I have not the leastguess who he is. But I hope he and I shall yet drink a generous glass to friendship, to thebrave Corsicans, and to their illustrious Chief.

Patricius will indulge me with a few remarks on his last translations. [There fol-low comments on details and JB concludes:] If Patricius will take the trouble to revisewhat I have now mentioned, I may venture to assure him, that his Translations will beequal to any in our language. My Account of CORSICA is very near finished; and Imust tell Patricius, that I have been not a little cheared in the progress of my work, byhaving the friendly aid of a Gentleman of such shining abilities.

28 July 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ signed ‘PLEBEIUS.’

Your correspondent J. B.’s last letter being as yet unanswered by Patricius, who mayperhaps by distance in the country be deprived of the sight of it, or declining to offerany thing further, may chuse to leave the correction of his translations to Mr. J. B.’sjudgment; permit a by-stander, with deference to your correspondents, to offer aword or two on the subject. [A few observations are then offered particularly onEpigram II.]

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15 August 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ from Edinburgh, August 6, signed JAMES BOSWELL.

As my Account of CORSICA is now ready for the press, I must beg leave once moreto address my ingenious frend Patricius, on the subject of Seneca’s Epigrams on thatisland.

I read with pleasure the letter signed Plebeius, in your Chronicle, No. 1655. If Iam not mistaken, Patricius has taken a very delicate method to convey to me his sen-timents on my last criticism, for I shrewdly suspect that Plebeius is Patricius in dis-guise. There is a nobleness in his manner, which makes me think I have discoveredhim; aut Erasmus aut Diabolus. If I am wrong, and have really two correspondents, Ihope none of them will be offended. [Comments on details in the epigrams follow.JB concludes:] I have made these observations in the belief that I was making themto the Author of the translations, whose judgment in this matter ought no doubt tobe final. I would beg to be favoured by the first opportunity with a letter from Patri-cius, addressed to me at this city, that I may have his opinion with regard to the par-ticulars I have mentioned; and may have the satisfaction of knowing to whom I amobliged for so great an ornament to my book. I wish also to thank Patricius in myPreface, and to be allowed to put his name to the translations. I therefore hope hewill not delay to write to me in his own character.

27 August 1767 Letter ‘To the Printer,’ from Oxford, signed ‘B. M.’

Of all history, that of nations struggling in trying and difficult times in the greatcause of freedom is surely the most interesting; and therefore I confess I am very im-patient for the publication of An Account of Corsica by Mr. Boswell. It is now a yearand a half since all the gazettes in Europe announced the tour made by that gentle-man to Corsica and his interviews with the illustrious General Paoli, and it is sometime since your paper has told us that a book was preparing for the press in whichwe might expect to see a full and authentic relation of the affairs of the brave is-landers. If it is not improper, I would beg, Sir, that you may insert this, as it mayperhaps furnish an additional motive to hasten the publication.


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Reception: Selected Comments and Reviews

Thomas Gray to Horace Walpole, 25 February 1768 (Walpole’s Correspondence, ed. W. S. Lewis, 1948, xiv. 174):

Mr Boswell’s book I was going to recommend to you, when I received your letter; ithas pleased and moved me strangely, all (I mean) that relates to Paoli. He is a manborn two thousand years after his time! The pamphlet proves what I have alwaysmaintained, that any fool may write a most valuable book by chance, if he will onlytell us what he heard and saw with veracity. Of Mr Boswell’s truth I have not the leastsuspicion, because I am sure he could invent nothing of this kind. The true title of thispart of his work is, “A Dialogue between a Green-goose and a Hero.”

Scots Magazine, February 1768, pp. 90–94 (reprinted in Critical Review, March 1768, xxv. 172–81):

Mr. Boswell was impelled by a noble, but unusual, spirit of curiosity to visit the infantstate of liberty among the Corsicans; and he is to be envied that he saw it to greater ad-vantage than any British subject, perhaps, ever can view the same in futuro. He foundit in all its native, genuine, charms, before faction could spring from security, luxuryfrom plenty, or corruption from luxury; evils which so soon engender in a settled con-stitution. The eyes of all the sons, and we may add, daughters, of Freedom, are nowfixed upon the plan of government which the illustrious general of the Corsicans shalladopt for his brave countrymen; and they are in hopes it will be as free as human fore-sight can contrive, from the oversights which the experience of all ages has proved tobe so fatal to other free states.

Mr. Boswell has prefixed an introduction to his work, [the] great part of which,we think, like those of Sallust, will serve almost for any other literary performance thathas Liberty for its object . . .

Mr. Boswell seems to have been very imperfectly informed with regard to the fa-mous king Theodore, who was one of the worst men, and most impudent impostors,that history can produce. The remaining part of the Corsican history is well known toevery reader of modern magazines and news-papers; excepting the great internal regu-lations introduced among them by Paoli, of which we find here a curious and excellentaccount . . . Mr. Boswell gives, we believe, a very just as well as instructive account ofthe present government of Corsica, which he says exhibits a complete and well-ordereddemocracy . . .

Upon the whole, our author has, in the person of Paoli, realized all the ideaswhich the most vigorous imagination could form of a chief, a patriot, and a legisla-tor, embellished with the ornaments of an understanding cultivated by polite litera-ture.

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We could have wished Mr. Boswell had been less profuse of his compliments tohis friends; the public, perhaps, is not so well acquainted as he is, with their merits, andtheir observations by no means deserve the encomiums he pays them. His inaccuraciesin language, as, notwithstanding of, greatly too little, using the word prejudice instead ofprepossess or prepossession, and the like, are such venial slips, that they scarcely deserveto be mentioned, could they not be corrected in the next edition by the slightest dashof a pen. We likewise wish that this writer, in a subsequent edition of his publication,would omit the poetical parts of it, because they reflect no great honour on the au-thors.

Guiseppe Marc’ Antonio Baretti (1719–89), friend and translator of Johnson, in a letter to Boswell, 4 March 1768 (Gen. Corr. ii. 34):

Dear Sir, Your book I had already perused . . . I give you joy for it, as you seem de-sirous of the character of a successful writer . . . it is a delightful book. However I wishyou had not asserted, that the assassins make no inconsiderable part of the Genoesenation. Your good sense ought to have told you, that this is an impossibility. The Ge-noese are as noble a nation as any. Their nobility and gentry are perhaps the very bestamongst the Italians, and their inferiour people and peasants the most industrious andcordial in Europe. I have been amongst them several times, and lately full five months;and they have given me reason to be displeased when I see them libelled, especially infavour of the Corsicans, who upon the very face of your book do not appear to be anything better than bloody-minded savages. I will wave the useless question, whetherthey are to be considered as rebels or not. If they prove successful (as it is most proba-ble) they will be no rebels: and this will likewise be the case, when your Americans setup for themselves; not to say that it had been likewise the case, if your Scotch had suc-ceeded in their last rebellions. It is with sovereigns and subjects, as with masters andservants. They will mutually complain of haughtiness and tiranny on one side, and ofdisobedience and stubbornness on the other. As to Paoli and his circle of Heroes, thatfilled you with awe on your first inspection of them, I believe them to be real Heroes.But all Heroes are hateful in my opinion. I wish there had never been a Hero in theworld, as it is a character that cannot be got but by shedding of blood. However, thegreatest part of mankind admires Heroes, and perhaps you were in the right when youfilled that little Island with such sort of people.

Gentleman’s Magazine (April 1768), xxxviii, 172–77:[After c. 5000 words of quotation from Corsica, the reviewer concludes]

Besides these most entertaining particulars and many more, the book contains the nat-ural history of the island, a concise view of the revolutions which it has undergonefrom the earliest times, and a full and accurate description of its present state.

Except a few grammatical inaccuracies which may perhaps be errors of the press,and some expressions peculiar to the author’s dialect as a North Briton, the bookis well written; it contains much observation and much thought, and every whereglows with a spirit of liberty, virtue and religion. Mr Boswell’s character and conducthave certainly been such as have done us honour abroad, and his book cannot fail ofgiving us pleasure at home.

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Ralph Griffiths in The Monthly Review ( July–August 1768), xxxix, 43–52, 142–51:

We have here what, in the eye of many a misinformed English Reader, may look like aprodigy; a North Briton fervently devoted to LIBERTY, and that with a degree of zealalmost romantic. Not a Milton, a Ludlow, or any of the most flaming republicans ofCromwell’s days, could have been a warmer advocate for freedom, than Mr. Boswellappears to be.

Inspired by this animating spirit, and excited by a strong enthusiastic desire to be-hold the MAN who, in these degenerate days of mock patriotism has so firmly stoodforth, the uncorrupted and unconquerable champion of his country’s liberties,—ouryoung and gallant author made a special voyage to CORSICA, the scene of thosegreat and glorious deeds which have been atchieved by the truly noble PASCALPAOLI! But no words can do so much justice to this writer’s ideas of the subject, orcan so well explain his motives for visiting the illustrious ITALIAN, as his own . . .The extraordinary solicitude about his orthography will probably make some of hisreaders smile. For us who have perused his book, we have been not a little edifiedby the frequent appearance of his learned assemblage of Authours, Priours, Rectours,Professours, Doctours, Directours, Governours, Administratours, Spectatours, Navi-gatours, Creatours, and Impostours . . . But when Mr. B’s hand was in, it is strangethat, in his profounde reveraunce for auncient orthographie, he never thought of restor-ing the good old e final, as well as the k after c; as in physick, musick, &c. How muchbetter would the title-page of his Booke have looked, if thus wrytten ‘An Accounte ofCorsica; the Journale of a Toure to that Islande; and Memoirs of Pascale Paolie. ByeJames Boswelle, Esquire?’

But we are still more surprised that a gentleman so curious in his spelling, shouldhave been so careless with respect to grammatical propriety; scarce a page of his workbeing free from Scottish peculiarities . . . [Two pages of examples follow] we hopethat our Author will take in good part these fescue remarks, which proceed from noill-will to him, as a man, or as a writer. In the first respect we, indeed, esteem him forthe amiableness of his private character, of which we have heard frequent mention,from those who are personally acquainted with him: and we really admire him foreven the extravagance of his love of liberty, and his extreme regard for the brave Cor-sicans. As a writer, too, with all his inaccuracies and peculiarities, we are not a littlepleased with him. He has a lively, entertaining manner; he has a competent share ofClassical learning; and he has acquired a degree of good taste which, when ripenedby time, and corrected by experience, may enable him to make a considerable figurein polite literature.

John Wesley in The Journal of John Wesley, ed. Nehemiah Curnock [n.d.], v. 292–93:

Fri. 11 [November 1768].—I returned to London. The next week . . . at intervals readMr. Boswell’s Account of Corsica. But what a scene is opened therein! How little did weknow of that brave people! How much less were we acquainted with the character oftheir general, Pascal Paoli; as great a lover of his country as Epaminondas, and as greata general as Hannibal!

An Epistle to James Boswell, Esq. occasioned by his having transmitted the Moral Writings of Dr. Samuel Johnson, to Pascal Paoli,

General of the Corsicans, by W[illiam] K[enrick] Esq. (1768), pp. 1–6, 37–38.

Having acquired a kind of friendship for the brave Corsicans, from the perusal ofyour interesting account of their situation, manners, and principles, I could not failof being greatly affected by the mistake into which your zeal for the welfare of thatheroic people, and the honour of Paoli, their general, seems precipitately to have hur-ried you.

The admiration which pursues celebrity, is indeed so very universal, that I am notsurprized a veneration for illustrious names should prevail even to enthusiasm inyoung and inexperienced minds. Perhaps this veneration is no less amiable in its cause,than exceptionable in its effects. As it is generally corrected by age and observation, itwere a pity, therefore to hurt a susceptible and ingenuous mind, by too rudely at-tempting to eradicate so natural a sentiment, while confined to the breast of the indi-vidual. But when a public display of it renders its puerility conspicuous; when thesallies of youth and inexperience are obtruded on the world as the dictates of wisdomand understanding, it becomes a necessary, I will say a friendly task, to make a dis-tinction between the giddy flights of a loose and bewildered fancy, and the sober re-searches of solid sense and profound penetration . . .

I doubt not, Sir, that time and reflection will correct many of those mistaken no-tions you at present entertain of men and manners in general, as well as of your illustri-ous friends in particular; I should therefore have spared both you and myself the troubleof this address, had the propagation of such notions been confined to the circle of yourpersonal acquaintance. But when we see them disseminated in printed books throughoutEurope; when we see the morals, and consequently the political happiness of a whole na-tion endangered by your indiscreet and officious endeavours to promote their unneces-sary reformation; who can with-hold remonstrance! . . .

Yet are you farther pleased to inform us, that diverted with the scanty library ofthe Corsican general, you have sent him over some English books in favour of Liberty;and some of our best books of Morality, particularly the works of Mr. Samuel John-son . . . Would to God, Sir, you had left the General’s library as bare as you found it!or that you had timely considered the nature and tendency of the fatal gift you weregoing to make him! . . .

Better, far better it might have been for them, as a nation, that they had risked thecontagion of a corporal plague, by the importation of a bale of cotton from Aleppo,than to catch the infection of a sentimental pestilence, by that of a bale of books fromthe port of London. [After a lengthy attack on Johnson’s moral and political opinions,Kenrick closes with:]

And now, Sir, permit me to take my leave; flattering myself that your candourwill induce you to lay hold of the earliest opportunity, to transmit a genuine copy ofthe present epistle to your friend Pascal Paoli, general of the Corsicans. It is indeed butjust that he should receive the antidote from the same hand, that incautiously admin-istered the poison.

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Georges Deyverun and Edward Gibbon, Mémoires littéraires de la GrandeBretagne, pour l’an 1768 (1769), pp. 147-48, 163–64. [The review of Corsica,

consisting largely of summaries and quotations, occupies pp. 135–67.]

Voici le morceau brillant, & celui qui a fait la fortune de l’Ouvrage entier. Un certain airde chevalerie a du intéresser les Dames en faveur de cette expédition. Le feu, la vivacité dela narration, ont amusé ceux qui ne cherchent que l’agrément, & à travers certain brouil-lard formé par l’enthousiasme, le Philosophe aura entrevu avec satisfaction les traits d’unGrand Homme dans Paoli, tous enfin, auront vu avec plaisir cette forte d’ingénuité quinous intéresse en faveur de l’Ecrivain, ou qui nous fait rire à ses dépens . . .

L’Ouvrage de M. B. est plus propre à exciter la curiosité, qu’à la satisfaire; & mal-gré tout ce qu’on a écrit, il nous manque encore une Histoire de Corse, & des détailsmoins suspects & plus approfondis.

Anna Barbauld, ‘CORSICA’ [1769], in Poems (1773), pp. 1–3:

Hail generous CORSICA! unconquer’d isle!The fort of freedom; that amidst the wavesStands like a rock of adamant, and daresThe wildest fury of the beating storm.

And are there yet, in this late sickly age(Unkindly to the tow’ring growth of virtue)Such bold exalted spirits? Men whose deeds,To the bright annals of old GREECE oppos’d,Would throw in shades her yet unrival’d name,And dim the lustre of her fairest page.And glows the flame of LIBERTY so strongIn this lone speck of earth! this spot obscure,Shaggy with woods, and crust’d o’er with rock,By slaves surrounded, and by slaves oppress’d!What then should BRITONS feel? should they not catchThe warm contagion of heroic ardour,And kindle at a fire so like their own?

Such were the working thoughts which swell’d the breastOf generous BOSWEL; when with noble aimAnd views beyond the narrow beaten trackBy trivial fancy trod, he turn’d his course . . .To animated forms of patriot zeal,Warm in the living majesty of virtue,Elate with fearless spirit, firm, resolv’d,By fortune unsubdued, unaw’d by power.

Capel Lofft, The Praises of Poetry. A Poem (1775), p. 6:

O Corsica!—and must—I mourn thy cause!—Thou hadst thy Alfred—Clio taughtHis acts, his image, to her Boswel’s thought—

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The virtuous, the high-breathing page,With Roman eloquence and spirit fraught,Gave to our eyes, the hero, friend, and sage,Paoli—This was HeWho first the learned sisters grace obtain’d,To cultivate the worth of a rough gen’rous age;And fix’t their seat beneath thy hardy skies,School of all patriot arts, and virtuous enterprize.

George Otto Trevelyan, The Early History of Charles James Fox (1880), pp. 153 and 154 n.:

The attention of London society had been attracted to Corsica by a well-timed bookof travels; for Boswell, who had been sent abroad to study law, had found his way toPaoli’s head-quarters, and, returning home with plenty to tell, had written what is stillby far the best account of the island that ever has been published.

How real was the effect produced by Boswell’s narrative upon the opinion of hiscountrymen may be gathered by the unwilling testimony of those who regretted its in-fluence, and thought little of its author. “Foolish as we are,” wrote Lord Holland, “wecannot be so foolish as to go to war because Mr. Boswell has been in Corsica; and yet,believe me, no better reason can be given for siding with the vile inhabitants of one ofthe vilest islands in the world, who are not less free than all the rest of their neigh-bours, and whose island will enable the French to do no more harm than they may dous at any time from Toulon.”

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� TEXTUAL APPARATUS �

The third edition (May 1769) of Corsica, extensively revised by Boswell and generally re-garded as providing the most satisfactory text, has been chosen as the base-text; readingsfrom it normally appear within square brackets with no symbol. Readings from the twotexts with which it has been collated, the first edition (February 1768) and the second (April1768), follow outside the square bracket, each with its defining symbol. When a readingfrom either the first or the second editions is preferred to the third, it appears with itssource symbol within the square bracket. This is then followed by the reading of the base-text. Information is typically presented in the sequence: third edition, first, second; in theabsence of information to the contrary, the reader should presume that a variant occurs insubsequent states in that order. To economise on space, variants in punctuation and capi-talisation are excluded.

In the third edition pages 217, 269, 370, and 371 are misnumbered 214, 262, 350, and323 respectively.

The following symbols are used editorially:

Eds . = Editors~ = Substitution for a word when recording a variantMS = Reading adopted from JB’s manuscriptOm. = Omitted/ = Line breakP = New paragraph1 = first edition2 = second edition3 = third edition (base-text)

[Half title] Om.] AN/ ACCOUNT/ OF/CORSICA. /Entered in StationersHall according to Act/ of Parlia-ment. 1 AN /ACCOUNT/ OF/CORSICA. 2

2 PASCAL PAOLI. General of theCORSICANS. ] Om. 1

3:14 THE THIRD EDITION COR-RECTED.] Om. 1 THE SEC-OND EDITION 2

3:17 LONDON: . . . POULTRY.]GLASGOW, /PRINTED BYROBERT AND ANDREWFOULIS FOR/EDWARD AND

CHARLES DILLY IN THE

POULTRY, LONDON; 1 LON-DON: Printed for EDWARD andCHARLES DILLY in the Poultry. 2

3:18 M DCC LXIX.] MDCCLXVIII. 16:15 A LETTER . . . LYTTLETON.]

Om. 111:22 Sir John Dick, Bart.] John Dick

Esquire, 112:12 I beg 3, 2] beg 118:26 PREFACE To the Third

Edition . . . 29 October, 1768.]Om. 1

19:2 A Letter . . . Esq;] Om. 1Map A Scale of Miles 3, 2] Om. 121:3 great and] Om. 121:14 as 1] at 321:18 propagate 1] propogate 322:27 privilege 3, 2] priviledge 123:2 politicks] politics 123:19 abstracting] abstracted 223:22 civilization] greatness 124:11 republick] republic 125:2 republick] republic 125:17 when] while 225:17 patriotick] patriotic 125:20 island 1] sland 325:21 heroick] heroic 127:4 gulf] gulph 128:1 322 3, 2] 321 129:11 DAY.] Om. 129:27 clothes] cloaths 229:36 DAY.] Om. 130:25 have . . . air] are extremely well

aired 1

31:1 gulf] gulph 131:2 gulf] gulph 131:5 is a bay] is in particular, a bay 131:20 any] what 232:15 not one 3, 2] none 132:22 anciently] antiently 232:28 nature has . . . mountain 3, 2] a

high and rocky mountain naturehas placed 1

34:4 prettily] prettily enough 134:18 bishoprick 3, 2] bishopric 134:33 As however,] ~ ~ 1 However, as 235:10 governour] governor 235:25 gulf] gulph 135:29 gulf] gulph 136:6 forests] forrests 136:24 gulf] gulph 137:15 first] once 137:22 stupendous] stupenduous 1 stupen-

dious 238:9 informs 1] inform 338:9 recovered] got back 139:15 by . . . fortifications.’] by natural

strength of situation; being to thesoldiers equal to a fortification.’ 1

40:3 mountain 1] monntain 341:24 Corsick] Corsic 142:5 My worthy friend] Om. 142:20 attones] atones 2 (see explanatory

note)42:31 forests] forrests 143:1 surprising] surprizing 143:18 particulary] particularly 1 (see ex-

planatory note)44:8 talking 1] talkihg 345:2 forest] forrest 145:6 forests] forrests 145:15 cheerful] chearful 145:16 almond] almon 146:6 hedges] hegdes 246:8 Ezekiel 2] Ezechiel 346:30 ground] grinded 147:2 almond] almon 148:3 beaten] beat 148:27 race./I . . . JOHN HOME. 3, 2]

race. / JOHN HOME. /I may add/ And . . . soil. 1

49:12 crystal] chrystal 149:20 old] odd 1

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54:6 were its 1] where its 355:6 it 1 ] is 355:8 forbad 2] forbid 355:15 year 493] 493 year 156:1 Maso Eds.] Naso 356:26 armorial 1] armonial 357:3 would appear,] appears 257:4 annexation] annexing 258:9 An. 1200 2] the 1200 358:10 eighth 2] eight 358:28 used 3, 2] was in use 158:31 7th] VII. 159:6 endurance] duration 259:8 being, over and above,] being like-

wise 260:30 by the] by by the 261:5 direct contrary 1] ~ a contrary 361:11 to the] the 261:12 inhabitants the] ~ to enjoy the 261:15 apprehensive however] apprehen-

sive of a revolt however 261:22 An. 1550 2] the 1550 362:4 of . . . time] long 262:21 fourth] Om. 263:17 shall] will 263:31 solicited] sollicited 265:8 dissensions] dissentions 165:17 or could] ~ he could 266:26 very curious] curious enough 1 re-

markable 266:26 event, the] ~, which was the 166:31 Peloponnesus of old] the ancient

Pelopponesus 268:4 cultivate 3, 2] labour 168:13 had] Om. 268:24 islanders 1] islandders 368:31 battle] action 170:2 number of relations,] numerous

parentage; 171:15 their struggles.] the former strug-

gles. 171:33 administered] administrated 1 gov-

erned 272:16 Rivarola MS] Rivalora, 373:5 restore him] restore to him 274:20 consigned] addressed 274:24 set sail] ~ ~, 1 he set sail, 274:25 spring, 1736] the spring of 1736 275:9 public] publick 1

75:29 24 of June MS] 24th of July 324 of July 1 (see explanatory note)

76:8 death his] death the 176:11 warlike 1] warlke 376:15 having furnished] furnishing 176:16 Had] for, had 177:21 dulness] dullness 177:22 much] Om. 279:19 oppressours] oppressors 179:24 accommodation 2] accomodation 380:11 in] on 180:19 superiourity] superiority 180:30 battalions] battallions 182:27 Protectours] protectors 283:27 ships 1] shiips 383:29 connexions] connections 184:2 soon recovered] were not long of re-

covering 1 were not long inrecovering 2

84:19 battalions] battallions 185:3 went to] went into 285:9 actour] actor 185:11 connexions] connections 185:28 Doctour] Doctor 185:29 was very . . . give] hath given 189:10 had been accustomed] been in use

1 used 289:11 upon 3, 2] on 189:30 of] Om. 290:8 executed 3, 2] followed out 190:8 entirely 3, 2] intirely 190:13 regulations] several regulations 290:13 established] founded 290:14 he was] was 290:20 valourous] valorous 191:5 clothing] cloathing 191:9 before this time] e’er now 192:12 M.] Mr. 192:23 was owing] owed 292:27 battalions 1] battallions 393:3 on] in 193:6 Marbeouf 3, 2] Marbeuf 193:21 him] Om. 293:22 first] next 293:22 thereafter] Om. 293:28 the name 2] name 393:30 expence of the Corsican] expences

they had been obliged to lay out upon the Corsican 1

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93:31 continuing their] following outtheir 1 following their 2

95:[i] Government] the Government 295:[ii] the Genius] Genius 296:5 delegate 3, 2] can delegate 196:33 consult too] consult greatly too 1101:14 to be 1] be be 3102:7 cognizance 3, 2] rectification 1103:7 entirely 3, 2] intirely 1105:10 gave also in] gave in also 2105:11 some . . . heavy] a plodding

heavy 2107:21 a subsidy 1] subsidy 3107:27 that he 3, 2] tha the 1110:2 penitence 1] penitance 3110:19 warlike 1] warlik 3112:27 their rights] the rights 1113:27 freeze] frieze 1114:26 powder] pouder 1117:5 woollen] woolen 1119:22 linen] linnen 1119:23 linen] linnen 1119:26 Doctour] Doctor 1119:28 linen] linnen 1122:14 correctour] corrector 1122:17 publishes] published 2122:20 facessant MS ] facessunt 3 (see ex-

planatory note)124:11 225] 224 2124:19 Diodorus 1] Diordorus 3124:25 their 1] there 3126:17 or 1] of 3129:20 hero] heroes 1130:14 fortune 1] fourtune 3130:25 les 1] less 3130:29 determined] determinate 1135:5 farther 1] father 3135:16 we] Om. 2137:24 against] at 1 to 2138:11 sur] sour 1139:12 use to] are in use to 1 are used

to 2140:8 expel] expell 1140:27 Pinello attacked 1] ~ attaked 3140:36 a condition 2] condition 3141:4 balance 1] ballance 3141:23 conviene] convienc 1159:6 meminisse 1] memenisse 3162:24 tout] out 1

163:33 This . . . 363.] Om. 1164:8 risk 3, 2] risque 1164:31 shall] will 2165:1 negotiate] negociate 1165:3 just] Om. 2165:19 cheerful] chearful 1165:22 expect] lay my account with 1165:34 ordnance] ordinance 1166:35 droll 3, 2] drole 1166:35 enough] Om. 2167:2 cloaths 1] cloths 3167:19 advice] advices 1168:20 occurrences 1] occurences 3169:2 entertained 1] entained 3169:26 could 1] could could 3170:1 oftner] oftener 1170:21 with] Om. 1171:18 enterprises 3, 2] enterprise 1172:24 hath 3, 2] Om. 1173:26 lontani] lontano 1174:3 just] Om. 2174:22 pretty droll] droll enough 1

droll 2174:34 yet] Om. 2176:2 in a little] presently 2176:12 spoken] conversed in 2177:3 make a selection] select 2177:20 of my own 3, 2] my own of 1177:22 would] should 2178:26 should] shall 2179:5 shall] will 2179:26 came] ~ in 1180:8 cheerful] chearful 1180:22 judgment 3, 2] judgement 1182:8 domestic] domestick 1182:32 State 1] Sate 3183:11 virtues 1] vittues 3184:16 vorrei 1] vorei 3185:3 inquiry 3, 2] enquiry 1188:7 cheerfully] chearfully 1188:21 the Hearts] Hearts 1188:22 quercia] querco 1190:4 authentic] authentick 1190:27 daily] dayly 1192:16 enquiry] inquiry 1192:18 camera 1] comera 3192:35 realized] realised 1192:36 little] mean 2193:4 That] The 1

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193:16 souffrir 3, 2] sonffrir 1193:16 diseurs 1] disieurs 3193:29 vigourous] vigorous 1193:31 enquirers Eds.] inquiries 3

enquiries 1 (see explanatory note)194:2 encrease] increase 1194:20 connexions] connections 1197:34 from] with 1198:11 superiour 3, 2] superior 1198:19 not 3, 2] Om. 1202:1 apartment 1] appartment 3202:7 burden] burthen 1203:13 little 1] liitle 3204:16 regret 3, 2] reget 1206:9 couloured] coloured 1206:10 coolly] cooly 1207:4 find myself weary] weary 1207:18 cheerful] chearful 1207:24 different] Om. 2207:32 now 1] new 3208:22 Buttafoco . . . days. P As]

Buttafoco, who proved superior tothe character I had conceived ofhim from the letter of M.

Rousseau. I found in him theincorrupted virtues of the brave is-lander, with the improvements ofthe continent. I found him inshort, to be a man of principle,abilities and knowledge; and at thesame time a man of the world. Heis now deservedly raised to the rankof colonel of the Royal Corsicans,in the service of France. P I pastsome days with Signor Buttafoco,from whose conversation I receivedso much pleasure, that I in greatmeasure forgot my ague. P As 1

210:13 Legislator] Legislatour 1210:17 implicitely] implicitly 2210:24 complete] compleat 1212:7 encreased] increased 2214:27 the total] a total 1215:13 fait trembler 1] faitt rembler 3218:2 public] publick 1218:9 public] publick 1218:12 succeed 1] succced 3218:27 23 3, 2] 28 1

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239

� BOSWELL AND PAOLI INDEX �

No distinction is made between page references to the text and those to annotation.

Boswell, JamesIn Introduction

admires Corsicans’ struggle for indepen-dence, xxxviii–xxxix

ambition to be writer, xxii–xxiiibiographical skills, xxxiii–xxxvcompanionableness, xxviii–xixconcern for his image, xxixconsequences of book for Paoli and Corsica,

li–liiconstruction of character of Paoli, xliii–xlvcuriosity about celebrated personalities but

not mere social adventurer, xxxi–xxxiieducation, xxii–xxiiifascination with ‘Liberty’ and Wilkes,

xx–xxiGrand Tour, the, xviii, xxiv–xxxiidealises Corsicans, xxxvii–xxxixknowledge of classics, xxvi–xxviiLiberty is integrating theme of Corsica,

xxxv–xxxvipre-publication campaign to create reader-

ship for Corsica, lpurpose in visiting Corsica and attitude to

it, xvii–xviii, xxi, xxv, xxxi–xxxiireception of book, l–liself-projection, xlvsense of history, xxvi–xxviiisexual abstinence while in Corsica, xxx

skill in languages, xxiv–xxvi, xxxsought advice but remained independent

creative writer, xlix–lstrategies of writing and revising, xlvi–xlixundertakes research for writing Corsica,

xxxix–xliiiuse of classical literature, xliiuses primary source material, xl–xli

In Corsicaaccount of first, tense meeting with Paoli, 175adapted himself easily to conventual life,

168, 207addressing Paoli as ‘Signor’ or ‘General,’

question of, 86admiration and affection for Johnson, 17–18affectionate letter from Johnson but also

rebuke from him, 208ambitious for literary fame, 14–15apprehensive about meeting Paoli, 174assumed to be official British negotiator,

164–65, 176, 215attends Mass with Corsican host, 167‘became a great favourite’ among Corsicans,

186believes public morality depends on piety,

103–4‘Better occasional murders than frequent

adulteries,’ 131

In Corsica (continued )cannot imagine a happier country, 103Christian convictions, 19confident in accommodating himself to

people ‘of different languages and senti-ments,’ 164

in Corsican dress at Stratford, 186–88dedicates Corsica to Paoli, 7–8denies mere ostentatious display of

learning, 14detests professional wits, 193differs with Paoli over appointment of

hangman, 197dismayed by official British ban on contacts

with Corsican government and conse-quent support for Genoa, 116–17, 169

‘enjoyed . . . luxury of noble sentiment,’ 176‘ever mindful of the wisdom of the

Rambler,’ 194final day with Paoli, 203–4first Briton to visit Corsica, 25, 161first meets Paoli in Sollacarò, 58, 174–75friendly critics, 13Garrick congratulates on Corsica, 188generous solicitude of Marboeuf toward,

211–15‘harangued’ Corsicans ‘with great fluency,’

praised fight for liberty but warnedagainst luxury, 174

has full confidence of Paoli, 216imagined himself ‘a recruiting sea

officer,’ 188impressed by Corsican humility and sense

of proportion, 172–73intentions in Corsica, 7–10, 14, 25‘I saw my highest idea realized in Paoli,’ 192‘Journal’ to be ‘free and continued account,’

not record of daily events, 168, 177kindness found in Bastia, 213left Corsica ‘with reluctance,’ 216letter from Paoli to, 216–18on Liberty and Corsican struggle for, 21–25,

59–60, 116–17, 130–31, 135, 141–42, 161longs to introduce Paoli to Johnson,

195–96ordered armaments for Paoli, 115orthography, 14Paoli urges him to marry, 182, 203pre-publication campaign by, 221–25prey to melancholy, 192pride in citing acquaintance with Rousseau,

130, 161–63receives copy of ‘manifesto’ concerning

Paoli, 87

regards English newspaper as most extraor-dinary publication ever produced, 121

regards reformed Corsican government ascomplete democracy, ‘the best modelthat hath ever existed,’ 99, 102

on Religious Houses, 108–10relished idea of primitivism, 173return journey, his, 208reviews of Corsica, 227–32scrupulous in reporting Paoli’s sayings, 11sends books to Paoli, 178sense of own inadequacy while in Corsica,

203‘sentiments of human nature were raised’

by acquaintance with Paoli, 204servant, his, 166sources of information, 10–12studies character of Corsicans as Paoli sug-

gested, 183–85suffered from malaria, 204–5, 207, 211–13suspects loud laughter a sign of rusticity, 179tempted to assume rôle of historian but re-

sists, 63treated with considerable ceremony, 176uses opportunity to employ narrative as

illustration of argument, 69, 103visits condemned criminals and hangman,

171–72visits university, 171Walpole and, 77–78warned not to ‘debauch’ Corsican

women, 165writing a book like building a house, 13

Paoli, Pascal (Pasquale)account of first meeting with JB, 175acts from sentiment, not reasonings, 192admired Frederick II of Prussia, 180admired Rousseau, 175advised by supreme council, 171alludes to Jewish history in Maccabees,

189–91army of 40,000 available to, 137appearance, reserve, and general manner,

175believed ‘the greatest happiness was not in

glory, but in goodness,’ 203benefits from influence of brother

Clemente, 135ceaselessly active, physically and mentally,

193–94compared to Epaminondas, 94confused with his father, 10contents of his library, 178

boswell and paoli index

240

Paoli, Pascal (Pasquale) (continued )Corsica dedicated to, 7–8Corsicans have ‘enthusiastick admiration’

for, 185deplored British reference to Corsican

‘rebels,’ 189early career of, 86ease of manner and natural dignity of,

199–200election as general, 85embodies a despotism ‘founded . . . on

love,’ 103encourages JB to study character of

Corsicans, 183eulogised by Lyttleton, 5–6, 18fascinated by communication between

animals, 182feelings of friendship for JB, 204focus of attention in JB’s pre-publication

campaign and in reviews of Corsica,221–32

French intervention saved Genoa from totaldefeat by, 91–4

and the Greek colonists, 68guard dogs for, 200holds office for life and is absolute military

commander, 98‘illustrious General of the Corsicans,’ 25,

149–50, 153–57, 164–65immense admiration for Corsican patriot-

ism, 183–84independence of Corsica supremely impor-

tant to, 188–89knowledge of English language and

history, 178letter to all Corsican priests from,

like, Lycurgus, 112–13like Lycurgus, 39likely to reduce the number of convents, 110manifesto declaring election of, 87–88Memoirs of, 174–219

mental versatility of, 179met JB first in Colonna’s house, 58,

174–75natural conversationalist, 193never despondent, 192objectives, 177–78opposed maintenance of regular

troops, 177personal authority of, 201–2praised by Rousseau, 163prodigious memory, 194provided JB with guards and dog for jour-

ney, 206public belief in his power to foretell events

through dreams, 198–99readily agreed to publication of letter to

JB, 216recognises need for higher education and

establishes university, 37, 110, 120, 155–57

reforms systems of justice, government,education, social mores, economy, 88–91,196–97

rejects marriage for himself, 181–82‘remarkable sayings’ of first importance,

177residence of ‘sacred to wisdom and

liberty,’ 207scholar and linguist, 176–77settled claims of feudal signors, 101–2strict morality of, 180‘talent for physiognomy,’ 172, 175trust in divine guidance, 195unable to cure Corsican indolence, 132understanding between Marboeuf

and, 214wide knowledge of history and classical

writings, 194–95wise patience of, 179wished to benefit from Rousseau’s advice

and literary skills, 210–11

boswell and paoli index

241


243

� INDEX OF PROPER NAMES �

Abbatucci, Giacomo Pietro, 216, 218Absalom, 108Account of Denmark . . . 1692, An, 22Addison, Joseph, xliiAdemar, 59Africa, 43Agenor, 52Aitelli, Giovanni, 70–71Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 84, 148, 169Ajaccio. 30, 32, 35, 56, 63, 66, 68, 72,

93, 205Alarick, 56Alban Mount, 56Alberoni, Giulio, Cardinal, 74Alesani, 57Aleppo, 230Aleria, 28, 30, 34–36, 40, 122Alexander the Great, of Macedon, 86, 203Alexander VII, Pope, 213Alfred, 231Algagliola, 93Algiers, 164Ambrosio, 206America, 113, 114, 132, 203, 228Angelis, Cesare Crescenzio de, Bishop, 105Annual Register, xxxiiiAnson, Thomas, 43 Anthologia Latina, 28–29Antipodes, 189

Antonetti, Antonio, 166Arbroath, Declaration of, 3–4Argonauts, 54, 198Ariosto, xxx, 166Aristodemus, 53Aristotle, 55, 121Arno, River, 59Ar(r)agon, 57, 152Asia, 189Assyria, 189Athens, 24, 37, 210Attila, 179Auchinleck, xxii, xlvi, 8, 18, 206, 216Auchinleck, Lord. See Boswell, A.Aurelius, Commodus, 181Aurelius, Marcus, 181Austria, the Austrians, 73, 84Avignon, 215Ayrshire, 114, 136

Balagna, 35, 72, 217–18Banks, Sir Joseph, 43Barbaggi, Giuseppe, xxxvi, 105, 134, 169Barbary, 164Barbauld, Anna, 231Barclay, Robert, 178Baretti, Guiseppe, 228Barlé, M., 213Bastelica, xxxvii, 174

No distinction is made between page references to the text and those to annotation.

Bastia, xvi, 30, 32, 34, 36, 49, 66, 72, 80, 83,93, 98, 137, 148, 162–3, 169, 207, 208, 211,213, 216–17

Baxter, Andrew, 198–99Benbridge, Henry, lii, 2, 4Benedict XI, Pope, 107Bianca, Gian Quilico Casa, xlix, 12, 95, 102,

185, 198Bible, the: II Corinthians, 170; Ecclesiastes, 192;

Ezekiel, 46; Genesis, 86; Job, 122; II Kings,179; Lamentations, 99; Luke, 86; I Mac-cabees, 190–91; Micah, 168; Proverbs, 196;Psalms, 167; II Samuel, 108; II Timothy, 18

Blaue, John, 114Blount, Sir Thomas Pope, 124Boccociampe, Signor, 170–71, 175Bochart, Samuel, 77Bogognano, 216, 218Boisseux, Comte de, 72, 79–80, 214 Bonifaccio, 30, 32, 35, 57, 66Boswell, Alexander, Lord Auchinleck, xvii,

xxii–xxiv, xxix–xxx, 18Boswell, Thomas, 18Boyce, William, 188Boyer, Abel, 138Brion, M., 213Bristol, 4th Earl of. See Hervey, F. A.Bristol, 2nd Earl of. See Hervey, G. W.Britanny, 211British Essays in Favour of the Brave Corsicans,

xv, 4Biguglia, 40Burgundy, 116Burke, Edmund, xxxiii, 22Burnaby, Andrew, xxxix–xl, xlii–xliii, xlviii,

lii, 5, 11, 17; Journal of a Tour to Corsica by,11, 17, 27, 31, 33, 35, 37, 38, 47, 89, 90, 91,103, 110, 113, 115–16, 124, 133–34, 208, 211

Burnett, James, later Lord Monboddo, 13, 125Burney, Fanny, 175Burns, Robert, 188Buttafoco, Antonio, 210Buttafoco, Matteo, xxxvi, 12, 162–63, 175, 208

Cadmus, 52Callimachus, 30Callista, 30, 52–53Calvi, 30–31, 66, 72, 93Cambridge, 13Campbell, John, Earl of Loudon, 136Campoloro, Leonardo Grimaldi da, Padre, 110Campo Loro, 35, 116Canari, 168Cancellotti, Father, 136

Candia, 67Capo Corso, xliii, 28, 33, 35, 115, 139, 140, 165,

179, 217, 218Caporali, 57, 108Capraja, 32, 139, 223Caprinton, 114Capuchins, 34, 38, 108, 171, 207Caraffa, Jean-Baptiste de, 213Carew, 201Carolina, 114Caroline, Queen, 75Carreto, Leopold del, Marquis de Gorzegno, 84Carthage, 116Carthaginians, 55, 59, 61Carthusians, 108–9Casinca, 91, 146, 148, 154, 163Cateau-Cambrésis, Peace of, 63Catiline, 194Cato, xlii, 181Cauro, 205Ceccaldi, Andrea, 69, 71Centuri, xviii, 30, 165Centurion, The, 164Champgrand, Jean-François Goury de.

See GouryChapelle, Claude-François Passerat de la,

212–13, 217Charlemagne, 57Charles V, 62, 63Charles VI, 70Chateau de Ferney, 210Chiaveri, 72Chittim, 46Churchill, Charles, xx, 178Cicereius, C., 55Cicero, Marcus Tullius, xxviii, 35–36, 44, 110,

120, 181Cicero, Marcus Tullius (son), 181Cincinnatus, 173Clarendon, Edward Hyde, Earl of, 63Claudius, Emperor, 28Clement VII, Pope, 61Clement XIII, Pope, 104Cluverius (Cluverii, Philippi), 31, 33Coilsfield, 114Colonna, Hugo, 57–58, 108Colonna, Pier Andrea, 58, 176, 186, 204,

216–17, 221Colonna, Pietro, 58Compiègne, Treaty of, 31, 92Constantinople, 63Contades, Louis Georges-Erasme de, 79 Cordone, 128‘Corn rigs are bonie,’ 188

index of proper names

244

Conuel, Mme, 193Corsa, 54Corsica, xvii–lii; physical features, 27–50;

historical-political survey of, 51–94; presentstate in government, religion, defence etc,95–142; State Papers of, 143–57

Corsican Gazette, 121Corte, xxxvi, 34, 37–38, 68–69, 83, 85, 90,

96–97, 99, 100, 106, 120, 134, 149, 153, 155,157, 168, 169–72, 205–7, 215–16, 218

Cortona, 58Crébillon, Claude-Prosper Jolyot de, 48Crena, Lake, 40Critical Review, 227–28Cromwell, Oliver, 229Cunninghame, Sir John, 114Cuttoli, 205Cyrnaeus, Petrus, xl, 12, 122–26, 133, 185, 197Cyrnus, 27, 54, 129Cyrus II, 25

Dalrymple, Sir David, later Lord Hailes, xxii,xlix, li, 13, 84, 86, 124

Damari, family, 139Dampier, William, xxxiiiD’Argens, Jean Baptiste de Boyer, Marquis

de, 48, 71Davies, Thomas, xxxix Day, Thomas, 12, 29. See also PatriciusDefoe, Daniel, xxxiiiDe l’Esprit des Lois, 65–66, 103Deleyre, Alexandre, xlvii, 92Delphos, 199Demetrius, 191Demosthenes, 192De Witt, Johan, 116Deyverdun, Georges, 231Dick, Sir Alexander, xlvi, 70, 212Dick, (Sir) John, xxix, xxxix–xl, xlix, 4, 5, 11,

43, 66, 87, 128, 139, 217Dilly, Charles, xlvi, 4Dilly, Edward, xxxix, 4Diodorus Siculus, xxiv, xli, 32, 36, 47, 55, 122,

123–24, 130, 133Dissertation on the Numbers of Mankind, A, 137Dodsley, Robert, 77Doge of Genoa. See Lomellini, A.Dominicans, 108Dryden, John, 114Doria, Andrew, 62–63, 179Douglas, house of, 212Dublin Society, 119Du Bos, Jean Baptist, Abbé, 90Du Contra[c]t Social, 209

Dudley, Sir Robert, 32–33D’Urfey, Thomas, 188

Earl/Lord Marischal. See Keith, GeorgeEdinburgh, xxii, xxiv, 13Edwards, Richard, xxxixEgeria, 199Eleazar, 190Elisha, 179Encyclopédie, xix, 92, 130England, the English, 42, 74, 115, 121, 168,

169, 173, 177, 197, 212 Enquiry into the Nature of the Human Soul,

An, 198–99Epaminondas, 6, 94, 133, 229Epicurus, 104, 180Erbalonga, 139Ersa, 36Erskine, Andrew, xxix, xlviii–xlix Essai de Critique sur le [Examen du]Prince de

Machiavel, 130 Etruscans, 34, 55, 59Eugene, Franz, Prince of Savoy, 70Eupolemus, 190Europa, 52Eurysthenes, 53Evander, 201

Felltham, Owen, 199Filippini, Antonio Pietro, xviii, 61Fiumorbo, 40, 148Florence, xxix, 11, 49, 162, 222Florus, Lucius Annaeus, 30, 55Fog’s Weekly Journal, xviiiFontenoy, 213Forbes, Duncan, 199Foulis, Andrew and Robert, 4Fox, Henry, Lord Holland, xxxvii, 232 France, the French, xxxvi, lii, 25, 33, 44, 46,

59, 61–64, 74, 76, 78–82, 91–94, 117, 165,211–15

Francis I, 61Francis, Philip, 212Franciscans, 34, 38, 134, 170–71, 206, 207Franklin, Benjamin, liFrederick II, 130, 161Frescati, 203Frontignac, 115Furiani, 10, 115, 140, 184

Gaffori, Francesco, 82–83Gaffori, Gian Pietro, 82–83, 84–85, 106Galgacus, 82Garrick, David, xvii, 188


245

Gaul, 179General account and description of Corsica, A,

xviii, 21General Historie of the Turkes, The, 62Gentleman’s Magazine, 228 George III, xviiiGermany, the Germans, 25, 37, 63, 70, 115,

131–32, 161, 185, 192Gherardi, Signor, 215Giaccomini, Signor, 165–66 Giafferi, Luiggi, 70–71, 74, 79, 81, 128Gibbon, Edward, xxvii, 179, 231 ‘Gideroy’s last Farewel,’ 188Giulio, padre, 170Giustiniana, Pietro Maria, 147Golo, 40Gordon, Thomas, 178Gorregne. See CarretoGoths, 41, 56, 59, 120, 179Goury de Champgrand, Jean-François, xxxix,

10, 28, 30, 41, 49, 55, 57–58, 64, 66–67, 70,74, 76, 79, 81, 99, 128

Graevius, Joannes Georgius, 48, 126Graham, James, Earl of Montrose, 219Grand Atlas, Le, 114Gravonne, 40Gray, Thomas, xlvi, lii, 227 Great Britain, 37, 77, 83–85, 116–17, 176, 178,

189, 190, 219Great Chancellor, 98, 172–73. See also

Massesi, G. M.Great Events from Little Causes, 69Greece, the Greeks, 24, 27, 30, 35, 39,

66–69, 104Gregory I, Pope, 174Gregory VII, Pope, 57–58Gregory, John, 182Griffiths, Ralph, 229Grimaldi, Capt., 223Grimaldi, Don Filippo, 148, 150Grisons, 78Guastalla, battle of, 70Guelfucci, Bonfiglio da Belgodere, Abbé, 130,

186, 194Gulliver’s Travels, 178

Hague, The, 166Hailes. See Dalrymple, D.Hänni, Jacob, 166, 205 Hannibal, 220Hanno, 55Harrington, James, 178Harrison, Thomas, Commodore, 164, 221‘Hearts of oak . . . ,’ 188

Hellespont, 198Helvia, 28Henry II, 62, 64Herbert, Henry, 10th Earl of Pembroke, liiHercules, 122–23, 204Herodotus, xxvi, 52–53Hervey, Frederick Augustus, 4th Earl of

Bristol, 11, 38, 84Hervey, George William, 2nd Earl of Bristol, 84History of St. Kilda, The, 120Hobbes, Thomas, 125Holcomb(e), Essex, Captain, 84Holland, 74, 76, 96, 98, 101, 116, 119Holland, Lord Henry. See Fox, HenryHome, Henry, Lord Kames, 90Home, John, 48Homer, xlii, 36, 49, 200Horace, xxviii, xlii, 173, 177, 212Hume, David, li, 24, 196Huns, 179

Idler, The, 196Iliad, The, 200–1Ino, 40, 49Inquiry into the Principles of Political

Oeconomy, 12, 102–3, 141Interest of Holland, 116Ireland, the Irish, 119, 132, 177, 201Isidorus, 54Isola Rossa, 30–31Italy, the Italians, 42, 62, 67, 89, 119, 120, 122,

165, 199, 201, 221, 228Ithaca, 35–36, 46, 49, 50

Jachone, 206James. King of Aragon, 107Jaussin, Louis-Amand, xxxix, 10, 34, 57, 59,

62, 64, 66, 70, 79–81, 103, 108, 118Jesuits, 108, 217Jews, 76, 115, 189–91Joab, 108Johnson, John, xxiiJohnson, Samuel, xvii, xxi, xxiv, xxix,

xxxiii–xxxiv, xliv, xlix, 14, 17, 119, 178,193–94, 195–96, 207–8, 230

Journal of a Tour to Corsica; and Memoirs ofPascal Paoli, 161–219

Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, xxixJudas Maccabeus, 79, 86, 190–91Julia, 28Juvenal, 41

Kames, Lord. See Home, HenryKeith, George, 161, 163, 180


246

Kenrick, William, 230Knolles, Richard, 62Knowles. See KnollesKoran, 67

Lacedaemon, 38–39, 52–54, 66, 102Landulf, Bishop, 58La Fontaine, 71La Marc, 74La Rochefoucauld, Duc de, 193‘Lass of Patie’s Mill, The,’ 188Latium, 46Le Brun, Charles, 214Leghorn, xxix, 4, 11, 27, 32, 72–73, 74, 115, 121,

164–66, 168–69, 221 Leicester, Earl of, 32–33Leonardo Grimaldi da Campoloro, Padre,

110, 207Leonidas, 66Lewis XIV. See Louis XIVLiarmone, 40Ligurians, 54–55, 70, 105Lituus, 114Liutprand, 179Livy, xli, 17, 38–39, 47, 51, 55, 63, 112, 123,

195, 201 Locke, John, 22Lofft, Capel, 231–32Lombards, 179Lomellini, Agostino, Doge, 146London, 27, 77, 84, 121, 222London Chronicle, The, 121, 221–25Loudon, Earl of. See Campbell, JohnLouis XIV, 213Louis XV, 212Lucca, the Luccese, 116, 121, 132Lucan, xlii, 180–81Ludlow, Edmund, 229Luiggi, 207Lycurgus, 39, 102, 199Lyons, 206, 212Lyttleton, George, Lord, xvii, 5–6, 18

Macaulay, Catharine, xviiMacaulay, Kenneth, 120Maccabees, Book of, 79Macdonald, Sir James, 203Machiavelli, 130Macinajo, 30, 32, 140Macpherson, James (‘Ossian’), 196Madden Samuel, 119Madrid, 207Mahomet, 66Maina, 66–67

Maillebois, Jean-Baptiste François Desmarets,Marquis de, 10, 80–81, 86, 214

Malaga, 115Mallet, David, 121Malmesbury, 125Malora. See MeloriaMann, Sir Horace, 73, 78, 135Mantua, 72Marboeuf, Louis Charles René, Comte de,

xxxvi, 31, 43, 93, 207, 211–15, 222Marboeuf, Yves-Alexandre de, Abbé, 215Mariana, 28, 30, 34, 40Mariani, Padre, 207 Marinis, Hieronymus de, 48, 126Marius, Gaius, 28, 78Marius, Marius Gaius, 199Marseilles, 94, 222Martel, Charles, 57Martial, 47Martinetti, 148, 151Maso, Papyrius, 56Massesi, Giuseppe Maria, 151, 155, 157, 171,

206–7Massesi, Luigi, 171Matilda, Countess, 72Matra, Alerio, 82–85, 223Matra, Antonio (Antonuccio), 73, 140Matra, Emanuele, 73Mattei, Paul, 139–40Maurice, Hermann, Comte de Saxe, 192Maximilian, Emperor, 72Mazarini, Louis-Jules, Duc de Nivernais, 117Medici, Hypolitus de, 61Melancthon, 207Meloria, 59Membleareus, 52Mendicant Friars, 108Metello, Michael, 64Michel, M., 215Milton, John, 229Minden, 79Minorca, 117, 212Minyae, 53–54Missionaries, 108Molesworth, Robert, Lord, xli, 22Monboddo. See Burnett, J.Montague, Mary Wortley, Lady, xxxiiiMontesquieu, Charles Louis de, xli, 65, 92,

103, 132Montgomerie, Margaret, 114Montgomery (Montgomerie), Archibald,

Colonel, 114Monthly Review, 229Montrose, Earl of. See Graham, J.


247

Moors, 56–58Morato. See MuratoMore, Sir Thomas, 201Morea, 66Morelli, Ignazio Francesco, xxxix, 211, 213Morison, Colin, xxviiMorsiglia, 166Mountstuart, John Stuart, Lord, xxix, lii Muffoli, 42–43Murati, Achilles, 139Murato, 169Muratori, Lodovico Antonio, 122–23, 125, 133,

185, 197

Naples, 6, 33, 40, 44, 62, 75, 81, 86, 177, 193,201–2

Naso. See Maso, PapyriusNassau, The, 8 Nebbio, 35, 140, 217–18Nebuchadnezzar, 105Nepos, Cornelius, 94, 133Neuhoff, Théodore von, Baron, King of Cor-

sica, 48, 74–78, 81, 227Neuhoff, Baron (nephew), 81New Survey of the Globe, A, 49Nicea, 34Nivernais, Duc de. See Mazarini, L.-J.North Briton, xx, 178Nonza, 35Numa, 199Numidians, 201

Odyssey, The, 36, 50, 200–1 Oletta, 72–73, 169Oltre, Baron, 139Ornano, 174Ornano, Alphonso di, 64Ornano, John Baptist (Giovanni Battista)

di, 64Ornano, Luca di, 79Ornano, Michael Angelo di, 64Ornano, Vannina, 61, 64Orsini, Domenico, Cardinal, 105 Ortierni, Erasmo, 130Ottoman, 66Ovid, 195Oxford, 203

Padri del Commune, 95, 99Padua, 155Paoli, Clemente de, 133–35, 208Paoli, Hyancinthe (Giacinto), 5, 10, 71, 79, 81,

86, 128, 134 Paomia, 67

Papal States, 152Paris, 206, 208, 215Parma, 92‘Patricius,’ 12, 223–24Patrimonio, xxxvi, 169, 217–18Patroclus, 200Pausanias, 38Pavia, 62Peloponnesus, 66Pembroke, Lord. See Herbert, H. Penn, William, 203Pennsylvania, 203Penrith, 212Pepin of Herstal, 57Peraldi, Signor, 205Peres (Pérez), Jean-Baptiste de, Conte, 115 Pericles. See Pitt, WilliamPeter, Czar, 90Philip V, 73Phoenicians, 52, 54, 59Piedmont, 85Pinarius, 55Pinello, Augustino, 140Pino, 127Pisa, 58–59, 104, 109, 155 Pitt, William, Earl of Chatham, xlv, 33, 117,

190, (Pericles) 219Plato, 121, 199Pliny, 27–28, 47, 56Plutarch, xlv, 195, 199, 219Podestà, 95, 99–100, 102Polybius, xxiv, 28, 43–44, 114Pomponius Mela, 28Ponte Nuovo, 6Pope, Alexander, 36, 50, 178, 200–1Pope, The, 4, 57, 59, 107–8, 173Porto Vecchio, 30, 32, 35–36Porto Vitilo, 67–8Postlethwayt, Malachy, 31Pride: A Poem, xli, 135–36Priestley, Joseph, xxiPringle, Sir John, 170Prior, Thomas, 119Procles, 53Procopius, 41, 43, 56Procuratour, 96–8Prunella, 40pseudo-Aristotle, 55Ptolemy, 44

Quakers, 203

Racine, Jean, 134Raffalli, Domenico, 70–71


248

Rambler, the. See Johnson, SamuelRambler, The, 110, 194Raphael, 166Resolves, 199Restonica, 37, 40Retz, de, Cardinal, 219Rhodes, 24Richard, Jérôme, Abbé, 138Richer, Adrian, 69Riperda (Ripperda), Johan Wilhelm, Duke

of, 74Ristori, John Baptist, 140Rivarola, Antonio, Count, 11, 72–73,

164–65, 175Rivarola, Domenico, Count, 72–74,

83–84, 169Rivarola, Francis, Count, 72Rivarola, Nicholas, Count, xxxvi, 73, 169Rochefoucault(d), Duke de, 193Roman Catholicism, 103 ffRome, the Romans, xxvii–xxviii, 23, 30,

40–41, 46–47, 49, 55–56, 59, 82, 90, 96,104, 112, 123, 137, 155, 173, 175, 179, 183, 189,194, 202, 213, 221–22, 232

Rossi, 72Rostini, Carlo, Abbé, 12, 176, 185, 210Rostino, 134, 208Rota Civile, 98Rotondo, Mt., 39Rousseau, Jean Jacques, xxv–xxvi, xxx–xxxi,

xxxvi, xxxviii, xliii, 12, 92, 130, 163, 175,197–98, 208–10

Rowe, Nicholas, xlii, 181Russia, the Russians, 90, 110Ruvida, 67

Saguntines, 85St. Anne’s Church, Westminster, 77St. Basil, 68St. Catharine of Siena, 167St. Francis, Order of, 108St. George, bank of, 62St. Kilda, 120St. Luke, 86St. Peter, 107; Congress of, 151Sallust, 104, 194, 227Salogna, 67Sampiero di Bastelica (Ornano), 61–64, 79,

174, 213San Fiorenzo, xlii, 30–1, 35–6, 47, 83–4, 93,

154, 169Saracens, 56–7, 59, 108Sardinia, 27, 33, 45, 55, 72, 83–5, 119, 122,

132, 164

Sardo, 148Sartene, 12Savona, 71Saxe, Comte de. See Maurice, H.Scaliger, 46Scanderbeg (Scandenberg), Georges

Kastrioti, 66Scipio, Lucius Cornelius, 55, 201Scotland, 4, 42, 119, 125, 131, 136, 171,

188, 228Scythians, 132Segni, 105Seine, River, 211Seneca, 12, 28, 40, 60, 167, 223–25Servites, 108Shugborough Hall, 43Sicily, 72, 172–73Sidney, Algernon, 178Siena, xviii, xxvi, xxx, 25, 72, 164Skye, 203Smith, Adam, xxviii, 200Smollett, Tobias, xxxiii, xlii, 10, 74, 85Socrates, 199Solenzara, 216, 218Sollacarò, xliv–xlv, 58, 170, 174, 197, 204,

216–17Solon, 210Solyman, Emperor, 62Somerville, James, Lord, xxii Spain, the Spanish, 33, 42, 48, 63, 71–73,

115, 152Sparta, the Spartans, 39, 53, 67, 82, 102–3,

169, 183Spectator, The, 178Stagyrite. See AristotleStanisla(u)s I, King, 212Stanley, Hans, 221Stefanopoli, Giovanni, 12, 67, 69Sterne, Laurence, xxxii–xxxiiiSteuart, Sir James, xlii, 12, 102, 140–41Stewart, John, liiStewart, Keith, Hon, 164Stoics/Stoicism, 180, 199, 223Strabo, xli, 55, 122–25, 130Stretta di Morosaglia, 5Stuart, Chevalier (Prince) Charles, 222–23Sulla, Lucius Cornelius, 28, 78Suzzoni, Signor, 185Swift, Jonathan, xxxiii, 178Switzerland, the Swiss, 24–25, 37, 78, 161 Sydon, 116Sylla. See Sulla, L. C.Symonds, John, lii, 5, 222Syndicatori, 99


249

Syphax, 201Syracuse, 115

Tacitus, xxvi, xli, 56, 82, 131–32Talavo, 40Tatis, Domenico Maria, 147Tatler, The, 178Tavagna, 74Tavignano, 37, 40Telemachus, 200Temple, William Johnson, xvii, xlvi, l, 9, 13Templeman, Thomas, 49Thebes, 24, 37, 183, 203Themistocles, 192, 194Theodore. See Neuhoff, T. vonTheophrastus, 46Thera, 53Theras, 52–53Thermes, Paul de la Barthe de, 38, 62Thou, Jacobus Auguste de, 38, 62, 64, 185Thuanus. See ThouTimoleon, 6Tokay, 116Tomasi, Damiano, 167–68Tomino, xliii, 33Tortona, 201Totilas, 56Toulon, 94, 117, 232Trenchard, John, 178Trevelyan, George Otto, 232Triton, 114Trajan, 113, 202Troy, 50Tunis, 74Turin, 73, 84, 164Turkey, the Turks, 33, 62–63, 67, 164Tuscany, the Tuscans, 33, 62, 118, 121, 139,

152, 164Tyler, Wat, 77Tyre, 116

United Provinces, 116University, 90, 120, 155–57, 171Ursins, Jourdain des, 62Utrecht, xxiii–xxiv, 116

Valentini, Leonardo, Abbé, 171Valinco, 40Vatican, 57Vaucelles, Truce of, 63Venice, 116, 122Versailles, 79, 92, 214Vescovato, 91, 116, 151, [Vescovado] 162–63, 208Vico, 45, 68 Vienna, 70Virgil, xlii, 22, 24, 42, 45, 47, 67, 114, 133, 177,

201, 203–4Vitolli, 64Voltaire, François Marie, xxv, xxxi, xliv, 74,

163, 175, 210

Wachtendonck, General, 70Wallace, Robert, 137Walpole, Horace, xvii, 77–78, 135, 227Warton, Joseph, 47, 133, 201, 204Wentworth, Thomas, 84Wesley, John, li, 229World, The, 77Wilkes, John, xx, xxii, 18, 131, 136, 178Willison, George, xxixWirtemberg (Wurtemburg), Eberhard-

Ludwig, Duke of, 70–71Wyvill, Christopher, l, 13

Xenophon, 25Xerxes, 66

York, Duke of, 221Young Arthur, xxxiii

Zuylen, Belle de, xxiv


250

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