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Jan Boer Libre

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123 The earliesT Possible DaTe of Greek ColonizaTion alonG The WesTern PonTiC CoasT Jan G. de Boer The early iron age settlements The western coast of the Black Sea was densely populated during the early Iron age (eIa) as can be concluded from the many settlements belonging to this period which have been discovered and sometimes excavated near the danube delta, the dobrudja and the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. Three eIa cultures on the western Pontic coast can be recognized. First the Babadag culture (named after the site at Lake Babadag, one of the string of lakes south of the danube delta and north of the later Greek town of Histria) in the northern part of the western Pontic coast. More or less from the danube delta in the north (sites at Girlita, Gura Canlei, razova, Cernovoda, Glindareshi, Hirsova, Tulcea and Murhigol) through the north-western dobrudja (the sites at Station Garvan and Mlajital Florito), central and coastal dobrudja (sites of Beidaud, Babadag, enisala, Cape dolojman and those near the later Greek towns of Histria and Tomis) (ig. 1), along the Black Sea coast (Sibioara, Pimanu, durankulak, Kranevo, Krapets and Topola) to the later Greek town of Mesambria in eastern Thrace. The Babadag culture can be divided in three phases, I–III. Babadag I in the Istro-Pontic zone was the successor of the Late Bronze age nuoa-Coslogeni culture in this area 1 while Babadag III belongs to Hallstatt B3–C 2 . The irst phase of Babadag I started in the 11 th century BC 3 while the second and last phase of Babadag III probably ended in the course of the 7 th century BC 4 . Babadag II and III material is often found together with the knobbed ware („buckelkeramik“) and the hand-made barbarian ware from Troy VIIb2 which was used from the 11 th century BC till at least the 7 th century BC 5 . This knobbed ware was probably produced in Troy VIIb2 during the eIa and is found at several places in South-eastern Thrace like nova Zagora, dyadovo and the upper levels of Gulubovo 6 (ig. 2). The site at nessebar on the place of the later Greek colony Mesambria was excavated since 1920 but most material is unpublished 7 . In 1980, however a part of the material was published by Ivan Venedikov 8 . The
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123

The earliesT Possible DaTe of Greek

ColonizaTion alonG The WesTern PonTiC CoasT

Jan G. de Boer

The early iron age settlements

The western coast of the Black Sea was densely populated during the early Iron age (eIa) as can be concluded from the many settlements belonging to this period which have been discovered and sometimes excavated near the danube delta, the dobrudja and the Bulgarian Black Sea coast. Three eIa cultures on the western Pontic coast can be recognized. First the Babadag culture (named after the site at Lake Babadag, one of the string of lakes south of the danube delta and north of the later Greek town of Histria) in the northern part of the western Pontic coast. More or less from the danube delta in the north (sites at Girlita, Gura Canlei, razova, Cernovoda, Glindareshi, Hirsova, Tulcea and Murhigol) through the north-western dobrudja (the sites at Station Garvan and Mlajital Florito), central and coastal dobrudja (sites of Beidaud, Babadag, enisala, Cape dolojman and those near the later Greek towns of Histria and Tomis) (ig. 1), along the Black Sea coast (Sibioara, Pimanu, durankulak, Kranevo, Krapets and Topola) to the later Greek town of Mesambria in eastern Thrace. The Babadag culture can be divided in three phases, I–III. Babadag I in the Istro-Pontic zone was the successor of the Late Bronze age nuoa-Coslogeni culture in this area1 while Babadag III belongs to Hallstatt B3–C2. The irst phase of Babadag I started in the 11th century BC3 while the second and last phase of Babadag III probably ended in the course of the 7th century BC4.

Babadag II and III material is often found together with the knobbed ware („buckelkeramik“) and the hand-made barbarian ware from Troy VIIb2 which was used from the 11th century BC till at least the 7th century BC5. This knobbed ware was probably produced in Troy VIIb2 during the eIa and is found at several places in South-eastern Thrace like nova Zagora, dyadovo and the upper levels of Gulubovo6 (ig. 2). The site at nessebar on the place of the later Greek colony Mesambria was excavated since 1920 but most material is unpublished7. In 1980, however a part of the material was published by Ivan Venedikov8. The

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Thracian eIa cultural layer was 0,2–2 m. thick and covered only a part of the peninsula. The line of Thracian walls was bow-shaped built of unhewn stones. It contained the remains of small apsis buildings with foundation of crushed stone. The ceramics which were found had analogies with Troy VIIb2, Hallstatt 1a and 1B, Troy VIII, Babadag II and III, so from 12 till 6th century BC9. The eIa material was not mixed with the earliest Greek material from the 6th century BC. Underwater excavations in 1962/3 by L. ogenenova–Marinova near the village of ravda, a few kilometers south of nessebre on the coast uncovered more but unpublished eIa material10. a new culture, the Basarabi culture appeared in the 8th century BC in Moldavia and the danube delta among the Babadag III sites11. The Basarabi culture can be divided into HaB2–HaB3 (late urnield) and HaC (eIa) phase12.

The third eIa culture on the western Pontic coast was the Psenicevo-razkopanica culture of which sites can be found in northern and south-eastern Thrace, near Cape Kaliakra, Kavarna in north-eastern Bulgaria (among sites of the Babadag culture), along several rivers to the Black Sea (dalgopol) and along the south-western Black Sea coast (Strandzja-Sakar mountains, along the Bay of Burgas, at attia, Sozopol and Malkoto kale), in the region of south-eastern Bulgaria including the valleys of the rivers Maritza and Tundja and to a certain extent the

Fig. 1. Map of the sites northern sites of the Babadag culture in Dobroudja (after Morintz 1964, 103)

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Fig. 2. Distribution of knobbed ware (after Todorova 1972, 68)

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eastern rhodopes, in european Turkey around Viza and Salmydessos and in north-eastern Greece. The Psenicevo–razkopanica culture existed uninterrupted from the 11th till the 8th century BC and the eastern rhopopes is the region with the greatest number of identiied EIA settlements of this culture (more than 120) with ceramics which are related to Babadag II in dobrudja and Troy VII b213. It differed from the Babadag culture through its burial practice of megalithic dolmens and rock-cut tombs which was a new development in Thrace. only in the Strandzja and Sakar mountains (south-eastern Bulgaria), 750 dolmen are found, all from 9th–8th century BC14. an interesting fact is that this area was also the original territory of Thracian tribe of odryssians who later became the most famous royal house in Thrace from the 4th till the 2nd century BC15. Unluckily, there are few sites at which regular archaeological excavations have been carried out and even fewer that are published, causing a lack of vertical stratigraphy16. It is however clear that during the second phase of eIa (from the 9th century till the 6th century BC) a remarkable change occurred in the eIa Thracian society. There were many rich burials by rulers of the Thracian tribes17 showing a deinitive social differentiation. an important cult-place, belonging to this second phase of the Psenicevo–razkopanica culture, was excavated on a hill in the Strandzja mountains called „Malkoto kale“ (ig. 3, 4), between 1973 and 197818. In nearby Sozopol some of the already mentioned „knobbed ware“ from Troy VIIb2 was found during the building of a house in the old Town19.

Fig. 3. Malkoto kale

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Trade in the early iron age

In the Mediterranean, the transition from the Late Bronze age to the early Iron age around 1000 BC followed the recession and ruptured communications of the mid-13th century BC and this resulted in a social and commercial transformation. economy after the Late Bronze age became more concentrated on local circuits with loose connections to others. The palace based command economies of the second millennium changed into a less centralized temple based or even private form which lessened the grip of the state on the high value trade (for instance slaves and metals). This caused a gradually rise of the mercantile city-state with its new forms of political power20. The area which recovered most rapidly in the 10th century BC from the 13th/12th century BC collapse and the dark ages that followed was the southern Levant (Philistia and Phoenicia). Phoenician activity is regarded on several aegean islands such as gold-bearing Thasos and Samothrace. Phoenicians at Thasos were probably involved in the exploration of Thracian mines (Herodotus VI. 47). The same could have happened at Samothrace as

Fig. 4. EIA cult place at Malkoto kale

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according to the legend, Kadmos himself discovered the Pangaion gold sources in Thrace (Strabo XIV 5.28). In the 9th century BC the northern Levant became more important and the 8th century BC growth of the assyrian empire led to the formation of secondary states on its immediate periphery, who drew trade and tribute from the Levant cities and pushed Phoenicians to the west and north. Soon other communities joined the western trail, inilling and leapfrogging along the route, probably already from the 9th century BC onwards like Carians, Thracians, Lydians and Pelasgians, Cypriots and Ionians21. regarding the Propontis, contrary to the Late Bronze age period, for the early Iron age there are indications that the site of Troy was involved in trade with the southern Black Sea coast and the Caucasus. The 400 year hiatus in the habitation of Troy between Troy VIIb2 (1100 BC) and Troy VIII (700 BC)22 is now replaced by a continuity from Troy VIIb3 to Troy VIII23. The discovery at Troy VII b2–3 of large amounts of protogeometric and subprotogeometric pottery24 of four groups, separated by several hundred years and from the inal phase of Troy VII b3, c. 1025–950 BC (Group I) till the 8th century BC25, supports this view. The protogeometric pottery at Troy VIIb3 was found together with the already mentioned knobbed ware and the so called „handmade inger-imprinted Barbarian Ware“26. The origin of the Trojan group I protogeometric ware was probably Kastanas at the river axios which acted in the early Iron age as one of the arterial routes linking the aegean with the Balkan hinterland27. Interesting is that one of the group I pots from Troy contained probably two early syllabic signs which were added after iring. a group I pot from Lefkandi also contained such a sign while an object with Cypro-sylabair signs was found at drama, together with Group I protogeometric pottery28. Contrarily to the LBa period, there is evidence of eIa trade between the western Black Sea coast and both Central europe and the eastern / southern Black Sea coast. overseas exploration in this period was probably initially directed at the acquisition of high value/low bulk materials29. There are several indications that the collapse of the Late Bronze age palace economies in the eastern Mediterranean did not affected Central europe and trade probably never stopped in this area in the period after the 13th century BC30. There is even evidence of an economic upheaval in dobrudja during LBa and eIa31 while as early as the irst half of the irst millennium BC, both Thracians and Getae formed separate and clearly deined populations, organized in tribal associations of considerable economic and political strength. This gave others the opportunities for trade32. Some of their settlements were characteristically situated on a small peninsula jutting into the sea and forming convenient bays. Further inland, near ovcharovo on the slopes of Sakar mountains near the Maritza river, there was probably an eIa metal production centre33. It is likely that the Pšeničevo culture here had contacts with Troy VIIb2,

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Troy VIIb3 and Troy VIII as LHIIIC, knobbed ware and protogeometric ceramics were also found in nearby drama34 but the lack of protogeometric pottery on the Black Sea coast makes it likely that contacts between drama and Troy went through the so-called “metal road” to the Mediterranean and further along the coast to the east35. other proof of eIa trade between the eastern and the western Black Sea coast are the Caucasian ibulae which are found in Thrace36 and the Caucasian type of „hache“ which was found in rumania37. Caucasian inluence on Basarabi culture can be detected in Transdanubian during second phase of eIa38. Trunnion or lugged axes and adzes are found at obrochishte (near the Black Sea), at Markovo in Bulgaria, in south-eastern rumania and in southern Moldova. The appearance of these axes and adzes was probably the result of sea-borne trade with northern anatolia. Fibulae discovered near Varna have parallels with those in central and south-eastern anatolia39. There are also relations between ibulae, belts and ceramics of the Koban culture and Thracian cultures between the 11th–7th centuries BC40. The Vulchitran treasure (probably used during the irst centuries of EIA) and found in the valley of the river Osum (Pleven region) originated from asia Minor regarding the tradition of its tore tics41. So far in the Balkans and more speciically in Thrace there are no amber inds earlier than the 9th century BC42.

Greek pre-colonial contacts

The relations between peoples of asia Minor, Greeks and the Black Sea area can probably be dated to the same time as the irst appearance of iron in what was later called the Hellenic world. The 10th, 11th and 12th book of odyssey are possible relections of the early voyages by Greek traders and privateers in the Pontus. Greeks were trading in the Mediterranean area probably already from 9th century BC onwards, long before colonization and it was mostly the euboeans who were involved in the metal trade43. Slight traces of Greek pre colonial contacts with the Black Sea can be detected in the ancient sources. Several Greek myths were possible connected to the Black Sea area like the myth of Iphigine and Jason and the argonauts (both with the southern coast), Prometheus (Hesiod Theog. 1.520) and Heracles and the Scythians (Herodotus) (both with the Caucassus). The 8th century Milesian poet Arctinus mentioned a White Island off the Danube mouth (Homeri opera 5p, 106,14–15) while in the 8th century Hesiod (he probably lived between 730-700 BC and c. 675 BC) knew already about the existence of both the Ister and Phasis river (Theoony 1.339–40). eumelus, a Corinthean poet of the late 8th century and a member of the a late 8th century Bacchiad family of Corinth

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who were displaced around 657 BC, mentions Borysthenes, Sinope and Colchis in his works (Corinthiaca, fr. 2a). alcaeus (Fr. 14d) calls achilles around 620 BC already “Lord of the Scythian lands”. In Corinthiaca fr. 2a (Lycophr, alexandra 1924, Paus. II.3.10), Aeetas was irst ruler of Corinth and later king of Colchis, This could indicate an early Corinthean interest in Black Sea in the pre-colonial period. The Ionians knew of Thracian wine and horses before the colonization period (Mimnermus of Colophon fr. 88) and in Abdera the irst encounter of Greeks and Thracians must go back to long before the pre-colonization period44. The name Istrokles was found on a pot from 650 BC at the site of old Smyrna45. at Colchis a group of burials was excavated with 8th century Greek objects like the statute of a charioteer and nude female igures46. etruscan bucchero from the archaic period was found in the Black Sea47. according to Graham the only possible seamen in the Pontus around 700 BC were Greeks, a conclusion which can be seriously doubted. First of all, there probably was already a land route in the 8th century from Mesopotamia to the south coast of the Pontus and to Greece. Finds of bird-heads allocated to bronze cauldrons on the Greek mainland and the winged axes of iron in athenian graves around 900 BC also pointed at early contact with the nomadic world in the north48. Further on there are indications that the Greeks took over already existing Carian trade-routes as there are several Carian place names on the west coast of the Black Sea49. according to Plinius (nH VI.20), there were originally Carians near the Sea of azov at Tanais. In the area near Shabla, according to arrian, there was in his time still Carom Limen (harbor of the Carrians)50. Myths like the argonautic expedition were probably Carian legends and gave a poetic expression to half military, half commercial enterprises of Carians and other peoples of asia Minor. Several archaeological inds (although controversial) could indicate pre-colonial contacts on the western and northern Black Sea coast. on the northern Black Sea coast at Temir-gira a 640 BC Onochoe indicates pre-colonial contacts51. From Berezan a MG II attic hydra and some Cypro-archic ware (800–760 BC) were found and from the surroundings of Histria came a LG kotyle of Corinthean type (750–720 BC), Cypriotic White Painted IV from Cypro-Archaic I period. (740–660 BC) and a G 2–3 ware amphora from the last part of 8th or early 7th century52. discoveries made at argamum (orgame), situated on Cape dolojman, north of Histria, uncovered material belonging to phases II and especially III of Babadag culture. It appears to have been interfered with by the irst Archaic level, containing East Greek pottery and a fragment of a Rhodian bird-bowl datable to the irst half of the 7th century. This could be the irst and only proof of contacts between the pre-colonial native population and Greek traders on the western Black Sea coast53.

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The Cimmerian invasions

The origins of the Cimmerians, who invaded during the 7th century BC anatolia and the near east, is still vague. The Sabatinovka culture which represented a loret of the Pontic Late Bronze Age civilization with large-scale agricultural activity, sophisticated metallurgy and analogies of metalwork in Ha a 1–2 could have been the origin but there is no strong tradition that the Cimmerians really came from the north-Pontic area but there is ample archaeological evidence that the Cimmerians can be identiied with the pre-Scythian Novocherkassk and Chernogorovka cultures in the northern Pontic area. These cultures had close cultural ties with both the western Thracians and the eastern Koban culture in the northern Caucasus, perfectly itting in the picture of EIA trade in the Black Sea area54. Some scholars suggested that the already mentioned knobbed ware and the Basarabia culture are connected with a Thraco-Cimmerian horizon and the Cimmerian movement along the west coast of the Black Sea55. others see a strong Thracian inlux in the north Pontic area from 8th till 6th century BC resulting in a Thraco-Cimmerian ethnos56. There are two groups of literary sources on the Cimmerians: akkadian cuneiform and contemporary (assyrian) and later classical Greek ones. The information of Herod about the Cimmerians probably came from Hecataios of Miletus, who probably in turn had his sources with Pontic Greeks at Tyras and the Cimmerian Bosporus, recording a Scythian tradition. It is possible that Strabo had a different source about the Cimmerians than Herod57. according to Herodotus and Strabo Thrace and Scythia still retain traces of the Cimmerians (Hdt. IV.12.1; Strabo XI.2.5). The Cimmerians were probably no nomads or a mixed group of agriculturists and nomads as according to Herod, the Scythians had contrarily to the Cimmerians no cities or agriculture (Hdt. IV.11) and that the Cimmerians discussed about ighting the invading Scythians for their land or moving to the south (Hdt. IV 11,2.3). Herod gave a description of the Thracians (Hdt. V.3, Hdt. V.4–6,8) but not of the Cimmerians, indicating that they were no longer existing as an ethnic group in his days. according to Stephanos from Byzantium (Steph. Byz. 501,13–16; 502,1–3), the Cimmerian capital at Pantikapaion was founded by a son of aietes, the mythological Thessalian king of Colchis, indicating an early relation between Cimmerians and Greeks. The fast movement of the Cimmerians from the northern and western Black Sea coast to anatolia and the near east and the attack on Sardis and the Ionian cities shows the mobility of the Cimmerians who probably had turned to nomadic life and the use of horses (Kallimachos. artem. 251–258). a large group of Cimmerians entered anatolia through Thrace and over the Bosporus together with the Thracian kings Treres and edoni at the end of the 8th century BC (Strabo I.1.10, I.3.21, VII.11

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and 36). It is possible that this group already contained both the nomadic pre-Scythian novcherkassk and Chernogorovka cultures and the agricultural Babadag and Basarabia cultures as their settlements in Thrace were deserted at almost the same time58. It is unlikely that the early-Greek traders and colonists were the ones that destroyed these settlements but neither is there any sign of Scythians presence or inluence in the northern Dobrudja that could be dated to the beginning of the 7th century BC59. Babadag III can be compared with middle Hallstatt Ha B3–C (8th–7th century BC) but the only material a.o. at Histria village which was mixed with archaic Greek material was Ha d60. The same situation was found at the site of Mesambria were the only late Hallstatt material which was mixed with the 6th century BC Greek material was Ha d, not Babadag III Ha B3–C61. The Cimmerian raided the near east at least between 714 and 617 BC and the turmoil into which Anatolia was thrown irst by the Assyrians, then by the Cimmerian and the Treres invasion and inally by the Scythian invasions during this period between the late 8th and the 7th centuries BC, must have made the caravan routes across asia Minor overland to the west highly precarious62 and must have had a paralyzing effect on any development of all trade routes by land in this area63.

The irst references on the Cimmerians date from 712–3 as Sancherib wrote about them to his father Sargon II. In 709 BC the assyrian king Sargon II died in battle against the Cimmerians in the Taurus mountains. The Cimmerians reached the Urartian frontier around 707 BC. and the Urartian king rusa I who marched with his army against them was defeated. during the reign of the assyrian king Sancherib (705–681) the Cimmerians attacked asia Minor and destroyed the Phrygian empire, King Midas committed suicide (Herod. I.6.15) as the Phrygian capital Gordion was sacked between 696 and 676 BC (696 BC according to eusebius and 676 BC according to Julius africanus). during the excavations of Gordion, a Corinthean helmet was found in a destruction layer attributed to this Cimmerian attack. This could indicate that Greek mercenaries already fought for king Phrygian king Midas in the beginning of the 7th century BC. during the reign of the Urartian king rusa II between 685–645 BC assyrians and Urartu fought together against Cimmerians but already ca. 678 BC during an attack on assyria from Urartu, it was supported by Cimmerians (probably as mercenaries). according to Herod (Hdt IV.12.2), the Cimmerians settled at Sinope and esarhaddon records an assyrian victory over them in 679 BC64. The Lydian king Gyges sought aid against the Cimmerians from the assyrian king assurbanipal but in 652 BC, the Lydian capital Sardis was sacked and Gyges killed as an inscription from asshurbanipal tells the story of Gugu of Luddi killed around 650 BC65. First however Gyges tried to stop the inlow of Thraco-Cimmerians by the foundation

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of abydos in the Troad (Thucydides VIII.61, Strabo XIII.1.22) by Milesian and Carian mercenaries to protect Lydia from them crossing the Hellespont, probably in the irst quarter of 7th century BC66. Before the Greek and Carian mercenaries and traders settled there, abydos was populated by Thracians (Strabo XIII 1, 22) and it was already mentioned as a Thracian city by Homer (Hom. Il. IV 500). earlier Ionian expansion inland and to the Propontis had always been blocked by the Lydian king Gyges67. We know practically nothing of Lydia before the time of Gyges but its development of connections with Phrygia were certainly cut short by the Cimmerian invasion68. at daskylion (a Lydian place name) near Cyzicus, Protocorinthean and East Greek pottery from irst half of 7th century was found. during the reign of Gyges, who ruled between 687 and 652 BC, there was an increase in trade and growth of wealth which brought both Lydia and Ionia into the centre of Mediterranean economy till this development was stopped by the Cimmerian invasion. The mining industry in Lydia was a monopoly of king and its metal was used to mint coins to pay for Ionian and Carian mercenaries69. However the foundation of abydos was to no avail as the Thracian king Treres swept into asia Minor and occupied antandrus in the Troad, earlier controlled by Gyges70. According to Strabo (and conirmed by Assyrian archives), the Cimmerian leader Lygdamis was killed in between 637 and 625 BC and the Lydian king alyattes, son of Gyges, destroyed the last remains of Cimmerian power in the near east somewhere between 611 and 592 BC. around 620 BC anatolia and the near east were again invaded, this time by the Scythians who raided asia for 28 years and even participated in the destruction of assyria in 612 BC. Contrary to the Cimmerians, the Scythians probably moved east of the Caucasus. Traces of the Thraco-Cimmerian invasions can be detected in the later descriptions of several people living in Cappadocia from the 4th century BC onwards. Xenophon mentions the Thyni as natives of Thrace (in europe), “supposed to be the most dangerous of all the tribes, especially at night ighting” (Xenophon VII.2). However, Strabo writes that the Thynians also lived in the anatolian Thrace. „Many writers claim that, the Bithynians were earlier called “Mysians” and that later they took their new name from the Thracians. Thracian Bithynians and Thynians-who had settled in the land; and, as a proof, they indicate that even today some people in Thrace are still called “Bithynians”; and for the Thynians, they claim that the coastal area near apollonia and Salmydessos (towns along the Black Sea coast between Bosphorus and the Sangarius delta) is called Thynia” (Strabo XII.3.3). There is an island off the coast which is also called Thynia (modern Kefken, west of the Sangarius)

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The earliest Greek

colonisation of the black sea area

Greek colonisation in the Black Sea area would never have been possible without primary colonisation in the Propontis. The problem of the settlements along the south shore of Hellespont and in the Propontis is dificult through lack of literary sources and excavations. There is only the eusebian chronology according to which the colonization started in irst half of the 7th century BC. as already discussed, in order to stop the Thraco-Cimmerians invading Lydia, Gyges permitted Greek mercenaries to settle in Abydos in the Troad in the irst quarter of the 7th century BC. It is doubtful if abydos was a Milesian colony as mercenaries of many Ionian and mainland Greek states were probably involved in its foundation. The other colonies in Propontis were certainly not earlier than abydos. all towns and harbors around it such as Cyzicus, artake and Prokonnesos have foundation dates around 675 BC71. In the latin version of eusebios von Hieronymus two dates are given for the foundation of Cyzicus, 756 and 679 BC. archaeological material (mostly east-Greek ceramics) supports this later date72. The pattern of these settlements in the Propontis from the early part of the 7th century is quit clear. The comparative attractiveness of sites and attitude and strength of natives however is not very clear. For instance, it is a mystery that Chalcedon was earlier settled than the splendid site of Byzantium73. a possible reason maybe that Chalcedon was founded with permission and protection of the Lydian king while the site of Byzantion was still open to attacks from the hostile Thracian tribes on the european side. Calchedon on asian site and Byzantium on european side of the entrance of Thracian Bosporus were founded by Megara74. This point was extremely important as was later shown during the Ionian revolt when it was possible to stop trafic through the Bosporus with 8 triremes (Hdt. VI 5,3) and the fact that darius built bridge over the Bosporus at Calchedon during his campaign against the Scythians (Hdt. IV. 85,1). The conclusion can be that Byzantium and Calchedon could control the trade to the Black Sea and were founded when this trade already lourished75. according to eusebios, Calchedon was founded in 685 BC and Byzantium in 659 BC and according to Herodotus Byzantium 17 years after Calchedon (Hdt. IV 144,2). another group of Propontis colonies from abydos to Kios had an Ionian origin with sometimes Phocacean intrusion. on the, north shore, all colonies were Megarian and Samian. Both Megarians and Ionians occupied pre-existing settlements76. as already mentioned, Troy probably still had some importance as a trading town in this period. one of the main sources for antique geography in the Black Sea area and the foundation dates of its colonies is the Periplus Ad Nicomedem regem, written by the Ps-Scymnus between 2nd and 1st century BC.

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It was preserved as a part of Anonymous Periplus Ponti Euxini which was written in second part of 6th century ad. It is a description of the world which is based on synchronism between the foundation of several Greek cities in the Black Sea area and certain events in the Persian history. This work is probably based on ephoros of Kyme, a historian of the 5th – mid 4th century BC and for the Pontic area on demetrios of Callatis, a geographer of the late 3rd century BC who wrote a history in geographical order, not a periplus (FgrHist 85 F1-6). only the west and south coast were described by him. other sources, especially for the foundation dates, could have been a book of dionysios of Chalchis called Ktiseis (Foundations), anaximenes of Lampsacus (c. 380–20 BC), Polemon of Illion’s (c. 190 BC) book Ktiseis poleon en Ponto (Foundations of cities in the Pontos) which probably made use of local inscriptions regarding the foundations, Glaucus on places on the western coast, alexandres Polyhistor (c. 80 BC) on the euxine Pontus, Timosthenes, on harbors, diophantus (c. 100 BC) on the cities in the Pontus and andron of Teos (Periplus des Pontus, FgrHist 802 F 3)77. Most sources of Pseudo Skymnos are from a period before end 3rd and beginning 2nd century BC because his chronology was sill based on a system before the olympics. other sources on Black Sea colonisation are Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus, Thucydides, Strabo, eusebius, arrianus and Stephanus of Byzantium78. The Ps-Scymnus describes for the Pontic area 12 Milesian colonies of which the foundation of two is closely connected to the Cimmerians79. There are several indications that the north-western coast of the Black Sea was the earliest part of it which was colonized by the Greeks. The currents in the Black Sea make it much easier from the mouth of the Bosporus to reach the west coast of the Black Sea than the southern coast (ig. 5).

This idea is supported by the fact that the periploi from the 4th century but probably based on 6th century predecessor told the sailors to turn left (so to the west coast) when entering the Black Sea80. although it is generally agreed that Histria was the irst among Miletus’s colonies on the west coast of the Black Sea, it is still unresolved whether the date of eusebius of 656 BC is preferable to that given by pseudo-Scymnus who places it at the end of the 7th century BC. The earliest settlement at Histria is now underwater. The coastal area were Histria was founded is in the west connected with the fertile valley of the nuntasi and Kunan rivers, bordered in the west and the south by a lat hill. From city a distance of 15 till 20 km could be guarded. This was nucleus of future chora. 30 km northwest of Histria hill at Kintepe, copper can be found near the surface which made its mining relatively easy. There was also iron at Sinoe, also near the town of Histria. The Danube bordered the chora of the town and there was plenty of ish

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in nearby lagoons. Trade of all kind of products could come along the danube. In Histria, there was no pre-colonial level. The oldest ceramics found were Middle Wild Goat style I, Samian and Milesian pottery. This makes Histria the oldest Milesian colony at west coast as the rhodian and common east Greek pottery can be dated to 630–575 BC81. Other early inds were an aryballos with sharp bottom 640–25 BC, an early Corinthean skyphos 625–00 BC and an attic fragment 625–00 BC. Wine amphora’s from a belly type which were found at Histria were from end of 7th century82. A Middle Wild Goat II from Histria can be dated to 620 BC83. according to Ps-Scymnus (767–70) Histria was founded by Miletos when the Scythian horde pursued the Cimmerians out of the Bosporus into asia, so around 627 BC (Hdt. 1.103). Herod also tells that Histria was a Milesian foundation at the mouth of the danube (Hdt. II.33.4). eusebios dates the foundation of Histria to 657 BC. The earliest archaeological material from Berezan dates to the late 7th century84. The archaeological material from Olbia is dated to the irst half 6th century BC85. discoveries made at argamum, situated on Cape dolojman, north of Histria uncovered east Greek pottery and a fragment of a rhodian bird-bowl datable to the end of the 7th century. So Histria and orgame were the oldest Milesian colonies in the west, founded close to the middle of the 7th century. according to Hecateus of Miletus, known through a fragment by Stephanus of Byzantium (fr. 172) Histria was already a polis in 6th century BC86. The necropolis of orgame was near Cape dolojman and existed from the 7th till 3rd century BC. Its earliest inds are from mogila T.a95 which contained two amphora’s from Chios and Samos type a2 Villard-Vallet pottery from 650-630 BC87.

Fig. 5. Currents in the Black Sea

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Conclusion

The conclusions of this paper can be summarized as follow. First of all around the Black Sea lived developed and civilized eIa age people with whom trade was possible and who were interesting for the new city-states in the Mediterranean area. Greek traders were probably active in the Black Sea area from the irst half of the 7th century BC onwards. Second that there are strong indications that the origin of the Cimmerians was both on the northern and the western coast of the Black Sea area and that they can be identiied with the both the inhabitants of the north Pontic novcherkassk and Chernogorovka cultures as well as the west-Pontic Babadag III, Basarabi and Psenicevo cultures.

It is even possible that the name Gamirra (Cimmerians) was used by the assyrians for a multi-ethnic group like the name Sea People used by the egyptians in the 12th century BC88.

If we are to keep the Greek synchronisms of the foundations of Histria and olbia with the Median empire and the Scythian raids, we must scale down the Greek dates from 656 and 646 at least to a date within the last quarter of the 7th century. This implies that the earliest Greek colonies in the north-western area of Black Sea could not have been founded before the destruction of Cimmerian power, which means not before 630 BC. Finally that the Cimmerian and Scythian invasions weakened or destroyed several of the existing anatolian empires and opened the way for the hard pressed Ionian Greeks to found colonies in the Propontis and the Black Sea.

1 a. laszlo. on the origin, development and Chronology of the First Iron age at the Lower danube. – In: G. Simion et al. (eds). Premier age du fer aux bouches du danube et dans les regions autour de la mer noire. Tulcea, 1997, p. 68.

2 M. irimia. die mittlere und spate Hallstattzeit auf dem Gebiet der dobrudscha im licht neuerer Entdeckungen. – In: Dritter Internationaler Thrakologischer Kongress Bd. II. Soia, 1984, S. 92.

3 G. Jugănaru. Manifestation precoces du premier age du fer en dobroudja. – In: G. Simion et al. (eds). Premier age du fer aux bouches du danube et dans les regions autour de la mer noire. Tulcea, 1997, p. 99.

4 M. Coja. Greek Colonists and native Populations in dobrudja (Moesia Inferior). The archaeological evidence. – In: J-P. descoeudres (ed.). Greek Colonist and native Populations. oxford, 1990, p. 158.

5 s. Morintz. Quelques problèmes concernant la période ancienne du Hallstatt au Bas danube à la lumière des fouilles de Babadag. – dacia nS, 8, 1964, pp. 101–118.

6 h. Todorova. Über einige Probleme der süd-osteuropäischen Früheisenzeit. – Thracia, 1. Soia, 1972, S. 67–77; r. katincharov. relations culturelles entre la Thrace, la Grece et

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l’anatolie du nord-ouest a l’age du bronze moyen et recent. – In: J. Best, n. de Vries (eds.). Thracians and Myceneans. Leiden, 1989, pp. 68–85; J. G. de boer. a Bronze age ‘Metal-road’ to Eastern Thrace? – In: Ancient West & East, Vol. 1, nr. 2. Leiden, Boston, 2002, p. 448.

7 M. lazarov. notizen zur griegischen Kolonisation am westlichen Schwarzen Meer. Schriftquellen und archäologische denkmäler. – In: G. r. Tsetskhladze (ed.). The Greek Colonisation of the Black Sea. Stuttgart, 1998, pp. 85–96.

8 iv. Venedikov. La Mesambria Thrace. – In: Nessebre, II. Soia, 1980, pp. 7–22.Nessebre, II. Soia, 1980, pp. 7–22.9 iv. Venedikov. op. cit., pp. 8–22; V. Velkov. Pontic Thrace and its relations with

the Greek World in the 12th–4th Centuries. – In: O. Lordkipanidze (ed.). Местные этно-политические объединения Причерноморья в VІІ–ІV вв. До н. э.: Материалы ІV Всесоюз. Симпозиума по древней истории Причерноморья. Тбилиси, 1988, p. 272; iv. karayotov. The Coinage of Mesembria, Vol. I. Silver and Gold Coins of Mesambria. Sozopol, 1994, p. 13; M. lazarov. notizen zur griegischen Kolonisation…, p. 90.

10 Хр. Ангелова. 40 години подводна археология в България. – ИНМБ, 3, 2000, с. 43.11 a. Vulpe. en marge de PsSCYMnoS 766–770. – In: G. Simion et al. (eds). Premier

age du fer aux bouches du danube et dans les regions autour de la mer noire. Tulcea, 1997, p. 184.

12 J. lichardus. Südostbulgarien zwischen Ägäis und Pontikum in der frühen Vorgeschichte. – In: A. Fol. et al. (eds.). Thrace and the Aegean. Soia, 2002, S. 22.

13 M. Cičikova. nouvelles donnees sur la culture Thrace de lépoque du Hallstatt en Bulgarie du sud. – In: Thracia, 1. Soia. 1972, pp. 79–100; M. Cičikova. Habitats et fortresses Thraces du 1er millenaire av. N. ere. – In: Pulpudeva, 1. Soia, 1976, pp. 18–20; M. Cičikova. La civilisation Thrace dans les regions Pontiques avant la colonisation Grecque. – In: Thracia, 11. Soia, 1995, p. 131; G. Tončeva. Chronologie du Hallstatt ancien dans la Bulgarie de nord-Chronologie du Hallstatt ancien dans la Bulgarie de nord-est. – Studia Thracica, 5. Soia, 1980, p. 19; Б. Димитров. Контактите на Черноморска Тракия с басейна на Източното Средиземноморие (ХVІ–VІІ в. пр. н. е.). – В: А. Фол (ed.). Тракийски паметници, т. 3. Мегалитите в Тракия. Част 2. Тракия Понтика. София, 1982, с. 463–464; n. sandars. north and South at the end of the Mycenaean age: aspects of an old Problem. – oxford Journal of archaeology, 2 (1), 1983, p. 62.

14 P. Delev. La Thrace Pontique et la culture mégalithique Тhrace. – In: Thracia Pontica,In: Thracia Pontica,: Thracia Pontica,Thracia Pontica,, I, 1982, pp. 125–127 1982, pp. 125–1271982, pp. 125–127; P. Delev. The Cult of the dead in Thrace and Mycenaean Greece. – In: Contributions au Ive congres international de Thracologie. Soia, 1984, p. 188.

15 P. Delev. La culture megalithique Thrace. – In: dritter Internationaler Thrakologischer kongress, Bd 2. Soia, 1984, p. 38.

16 a. Gotzev. Characteristics of Settlement System during the early Iron age in ancient Thrace. – In: H. damgaard andersen et al. (eds). Urbanization in the Mediterranean in the 9th to 6th centuries BC. Copenhagen, 1997, p. 407.

17 a. Gotzev. op. cit., p. 408.18 M. Domaradzki, iv. karaiotov, a. Gotsev. L’habitat du premier âge du fer de „Malkoto„MalkotoMalkoto

kale“. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 119.“. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 119.. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 119.: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 119.Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 119., ІV, 1991, р. 119. ІV, 1991, р. 119.ІV, 1991, р. 119. 1991, р. 119.р. 119. 19 b. Dimitrov. Sosopol in den Jahrhunderten. Soia, 1987, p. 11.20 a. sherratt, s. sherratt. The Growth of the Mediterranean economy in the early First

Millennium BC. – World Archeology, Vol. 24 No 3, 1993, pp. 361–363. 21 J. l. Myres. on the “List of Thalassocracies” in eusebius. – JHS, 26, 1906, p. 88.22 C. W. blegen. et al. Troy IV, The Settlements Troy VIIa, VIIb and VIII. Princeton, 1958,

pp. 146–148.

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23 D. hertel. Schliemann’s These vom Fortleben Troias in den “dark ages” im Lichteneuer Forschungsergebnisse. – Studia Troica, 1, 1991, pp. 131–144; D. hertel. die Mauern von Troja. Mythos und Geschichte in antiken Ilion. München, 2003, p. 213.

24 D. lenz. et al. Protogeometric Pottery at Troia. – Studia Troica, 8, 1998, p. 190.25 r. W. V. Catling. The Typologie of the Protogeometric and Subprotogeometric Pottery

from Troia and its aegean Context. – Studia Troica, 8, 1998, pp. 151–176.26 D. lenz et al. op. cit., pp. 190, 195.27 r. W. V. Catling. op. cit., p. 159.28 J. lichardus, a. fol, et alii lichardus, a. fol, et aliilichardus, a. fol, et alii fol, et aliifol, et alii. Forschungen in der Mikroregion von drama Forschungen in der Mikroregion von drama

(Südostbulgarien). Zusammenfassung der Hauptergebnisse der bulgarisch-deutschen. Zusammenfassung der Hauptergebnisse der bulgarisch-deutschen Zusammenfassung der Hauptergebnisse der bulgarisch-deutschen Grabungen in den Jahren 1983–1999. Habelt, Bonn, 2000, SS. 159–161;Habelt, Bonn, 2000, SS. 159–161;, 2000, SS. 159–161; 2000, SS. 159–161;, SS. 159–161; J. G. de boer. a Bronze age ‘Metal-road’ to eastern Thrace? …, p. 451.

29 a. sherratt. Fata Morgana: Illusion and reality in Greek-Barabarian relations. – Cambridge archaeological Journal, 5.1, 1995, p.145.

30 J. G. de boer. a double Figure-headed Boat-type in the eastern Mediterranean and Central Europe During the Late Bronze Ages. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 47.– In: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 47.: Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 47.Thracia Pontica, ІV, 1991, р. 47., ІV, 1991, р. 47. ІV, 1991, р. 47.ІV, 1991, р. 47. 1991, р. 47.р. 47.

31 Х. Тодорова. Добруджа през праисторическата епоха. – В: А. Фол, Ст. Димитров (eds). История на Добруджа. София, 1984, с. 70.

32 M. Coja. Greek Colonists and native Populations in dobrudja (Moesia Inferior) …, p. 157.

33 V. Velkov. Pontic Thrace and its relations …, pp. 267–269; a. Gotzev. Characteristics of Settlement System …, p. 411.

34 J. lichardus. Südostbulgarien zwischen Ägäis und Pontikum …, pp. 19–20.35 J. G. de boer. a Bronze age ‘Metal-road’ to eastern Thrace? …, pp. 448– 452.36 J. bouzek. Les Contacts entre la Grece et la Thrace objets en bronze et céramique,

VIIIe–VIe s. av. n. e. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 22.– In: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 22.: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 22.Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 22., ІII, 1986, p. 22. ІII, 1986, p. 22.ІII, 1986, p. 22. 37 M. irimia. Unele consideratii privind topoarele de tipul Baniabic in lumina descoperirii

de la Izvoarele. – Pontica, 31, 1998, p. 47.38 M. fekete. Beiträge zu den Pontischen Kontakten des Früheisenzeitlichen

Transdanubien. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 297.– In: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 297.: Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 297.Thracia Pontica, ІII, 1986, p. 297., ІII, 1986, p. 297. ІII, 1986, p. 297.ІII, 1986, p. 297.39 T. Стоянов. Контакти на Североизточна Тракия c Анатолия, Кавказ и Близкия Из- Анатолия, Кавказ и Близкия Из-Анатолия, Кавказ и Близкия Из-

ток през Ранножелязната епоха преди гръцката колонизация. – ИНМБ, 3, 2000, с. 60–61.3, 2000, с. 60–61.с. 60–61.. 60–61.–61..40 D. Gergova. Contributions to the problem of Thraco-Caucasian relations in the early

Iron Age. – Pulpudeva, 3. Soia, 1980, pp. 297–298.41 i. Venedikov. The Vulchitran Treasure. Soia, 1987, pp. 7–8; D. Gergova. The Treasure

from Vulchitran and the amber route in the Balkans. – In: The early Hallstatt Period (1200– 700 BC) in South-eastern europe. alba Iulia, 1994, p. 71.

42 D. Gergova. The Treasure from Vulchitran …, p. 71.43 J. n. Coldstream. Geometric Greece 900–700 BC. London, 1968, p. 221.44 G. l. huxley. The early Ionians. London, 1966, p. 65.45 o. D. lordkipanidze. The Golden Fleece: Myth, euhemeristic explanation and

archaeology. – oxford Journal of archaeology, Vol. 20, no 1, 2001, pp. 13–14.46 a. J. Graham. Pre-colonial Contacts; Questions and Problems. – In: J. P. descoedres

(ed). Greek Colonists and native Populations. oxford, 1990, p. 59.47 a. J. Graham. Patterns of early Greek Colonisation. – JHS, 91, 1971, p. 36.48 J. bouzek. Greece, anatolia and europe: Cultural Interrelations during the early Iron

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age. Jonsered, 1997, p. 205.49 V. besevliev. Die Westküste des Schwarzen Meeres. – Klio, 63, 1981, p. 266; b.

Dimitrov. Sosopol in den Jahrhunderten …, p. 21.50 V. Velkov. Pontic Thrace and its relations …, p. 266.51 a. i. ivantchik. La notions Grecques les plus anciennes de la mer noire et le problème

des contacts entre ses littoraux et l’Egéide avant la colonization. – In: Thracia Pontica, ІV,– In: Thracia Pontica, ІV,: Thracia Pontica, ІV,Thracia Pontica, ІV,, ІV, ІV,ІV, 1991, p. 29.

52 P. alexandrescu. Histria IV. Bucharest, Paris, 1978, p. 63; a. J. Graham. Pre-colonial Contacts …, p. 53.

53 s. Morintz. Quelques problèmes concernant la période ancienne du Hallstatt au Bas danube …, p. 161. The existence of these inds however is denied by Roumenian scholars working at Tulcea (oral information from a. Laslo in 2005).

54 See for different views on this problem:See for different views on this problem: r. M. Cook. Ionia and Greece in the eight and Seventh Centuries B.C. – JHS, 66, 1946, p. 72: s. Tokhtas’ev. die Kimmerier in der antiken Überlieferung. – In: Hyperboreus. Studia Classica, Vol. 2.1, 1996, S. 11; J. bouzek. Greece, anatolia and europe …, p. 194; n. a. Gavrilyuk. native and Borrowed Components of Cimmerian culture. – aCSS, 6, 2000, pp. 235–253; А. И. Тереножкин. Киммерийцы. Киев, 1976, с. 200; s. l. Dudarev. The Mastering of Iron-working by the Peoples of the Northern Caucasus in the Early Iron Age. – AWE, 3.1. Leiden, Boston, 2004, p. 5.

55 s. Tokhtas’ev. die Kimmerier in der antiken Überlieferung …, S. 24; J. lichardus. Südostbulgarien zwischen Ägäis und Pontikum …, S. 21.

56 С. Крыкин. Фракийский субстрат в античых колониях Северного Причерно-морья. – Thracia 8. Soia, 1988, pp. 60; r. abramischwili. neue angaben über die existenz des thrako-kimmerisch ethnischen elements und des sog. Skythischen reiches im osten Transkaukasiens. – archaologischen anzeiger, 1995, pp. 37–38.

57 a. i. ivantchik. The Current State of the Cimmerian Problem. – aaCSS, 7, 2001, pp. 307–323.

58 M. irimia. die mittlere und spate Hallstattzeit auf dem Gebiet der dobrudscha …, S. 92– 94.

59 M. Coja. Greek Colonists and native Populations in dobrudja (Moesia Inferior) …, p. 158.

60 M. irimia. die mittlere und spate Hallstattzeit auf dem Gebiet der dobrudscha …, S. 92–95.

61 M. lazarov. notizen zur griegischen Kolonisation…, p. 90.62 r. D. barnett. Ancient Oriental Inluences on Archaic Greece. – In: S. Weinberg (ed.).

The agean and the near east. new York, 1956, p. 22763 C. roebuck. Ionian Trade and Colonization. Chigago, 1984, p. 59.64 J. bouzek. Greece, anatolia and europe …, p. 195.65 a. r. burn. dates in early Greek History. – JHS, 55, 1935, p. 132.66 C. roebuck. Ionian Trade and Colonization …, p. 112.67 C. roebuck. op. cit., p. 105.68 C. roebuck. op. cit., pp. 43–44.69 G. radet. Lydie et le monde Grec au temps des Mermnades (687–546). Paris, 1893,

p. 225.70 C. roebuck. op. cit., p. 51.71 C. roebuck. op. cit., pp. 112–113.

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72 J. boardman. Kolonien und Handel der Griechen von späten 9. Bis zum 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. München 1981, S. 283; The proposal of John Hind (J. hind. The Colonisation of Sinope and the South-East Black Sea Area. – In: O. Lordkipanidze (ed.). Местные этнополитические объединения Причерноморья в VІІ–ІV вв. До н. э.: Материалы ІV Всесоюз. Симпозиума по древней истории Причерноморья. Тбилиси, 1988, рр. 213–214) that the date of the foundation of Trapezus in 756 BC is a corruption in the text is probably true but his conclusion that in reallity, eusebius is giving a foundation date of Cyzicus in 756 BC is extremely unlikely given the political situation in this period. The supposition of G. Huxley (G. huxley. eusebios on the Founding of Trapezous. – In: o. Lordkipanidze (ed.), ritsernomor’e v VII–V bb. do n. e. Tbilisi, 1990, p. 198.) that in this text the foundation of Cyrene is meant is much more likely.

73 a. J. Graham. Patterns of early Greek Colonisation …, p. 39.74 f. bilabel. die ionische Kolonisation. Leipzig, 1920, pp. 53.75 r. M. Cook. Ionia and Greece in the eight and Seventh Centuries B.C. …, p. 72;

J. boardman. Kolonien und Handel der Griechen von späten 9. Bis zum 6. Jahrhundert v. Chr. …, p. 284.

76 C. roebuck. Ionian Trade and Colonization…, pp. 110–113.Ionian Trade and Colonization…, pp. 110–113.77 J. hind. The Colonisation of Sinope and the South-east Black Sea area …, p. 210:

J. hind. The dates and Mother Cities of the Black Sea Colonies (Pseudo-Scymnus and the Pontic contact zone). – In: o. Lordkipanidze et al. (eds.). La mer noire, zone de contacts.(eds.). La mer noire, zone de contacts.. La mer noire, zone de contacts. La mer noire, zone de contacts.. Paris, 1999, pp. 26–27;–27;7; a. i. ivantchik i. ivantchiki. ivantchik. die Gründung von Sinope und die Probleme der anfangsphase der griegischen Kolonisation des Schwarzmeergebietes.– In:G.r.Tsetskhladze. – In:G.r.Tsetskhladze– In: G.r.Tsetskhladze r.Tsetskhladzer. Tsetskhladze (ed.). The Greek Colonisation of the Black Sea area. Stuttgart, 1998, pp. 301–304.. The Greek Colonisation of the Black Sea area. Stuttgart, 1998, pp. 301–304. The Greek Colonisation of the Black Sea area. Stuttgart, 1998, pp. 301–304.The Greek Colonisation of the Black Sea area. Stuttgart, 1998, pp. 301–304.

78 M. Coja. Greek Colonists and native Populations in dobrudja (Moesia Inferior) …, p. 157.

79 C. roebuck. Ionian Trade and Colonization …, p. 119.80 a. baschmakoff. La synthèse des périples pontiques: Méthode de précision en paléo-

ethnologie. Paris, 1948, pp. 14–16; D. braund. Georgia in antiquity: a History of Colchis and Transcaucasian Iberia 550 BC – ad 562. oxford, 1994, p. 17.

81 M. Coja, Greek Colonists and native Populations in dobrudja (Moesia Inferior) …, pp. 160–161.

82 P. alexandrescu. Histria in archaischer Zeit. – In: W. Schuller und P. Alexandrescu (eds.), Histria, eine Griechenstadt an der rumänischen Schwarzmeerküste. Konstanz, 1990,Konstanz, 1990, S. 47–55.

83 r. Vulpe. en marge de PsSCYMnoS 766–770 …, p, 182.84 M. Treister, Y. G. Vinogradov. archaeology on the northern Coast of the Black Sea. –

aJa, 97, 1993, p. 538; V. Velkov. Pontic Thrace and its relations …, pp. 264–280. 85 M. Treister, Y. G. Vinogradov. archaeology on the northern Coast of the Black

Sea …, p. 534; J. Vinogradov, s. kryzicky. olbia, eine altgriechische Stadt am nordwestli-chen Schwarzmeerraum. Leiden, 1995, S. 15.

86 V. lungu. La tombe d’un ���� et l’organisation de la n�cropole d’ine cité MilésienneLa tombe d’un ���� et l’organisation de la n�cropole d’ine cité Milésienne���� et l’organisation de la n�cropole d’ine cité Milésienne et l’organisation de la n�cropole d’ine cité Milésienne�cropole d’ine cité Milésiennecropole d’ine cité Milésienne de Pont euxin: le tumulus T-a95 d’orgamé. – In: G. r. Tsetskhladze, J.G. de Boer (eds.). TheThe Black Sea in the Greek, roman and Byzantine Periods. 2000/1, p. 171.

87 V. lungu. op. cit., pp. 171–173.88 s. Tokhta‘ev. die Kimmerier in der antiken Überlieferung…, S. 3.

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Jan G. de Boer • THe earLIeST PoSSIBLe daTe oF GreeK CoLonIZaTIon...

НАй-рАННАТА верояТНА ДАТИровКА НА гръцКАТА КолоНИзАцИя по зАпАДНоТо

КрАйБрежИе НА ЧерНо мореЯН Г. Де БоеР

През ранножелязната епоха западният бряг на Черно море е бил гъсто населен. Някои археологически находки от селища по Западното Черноморие и от вътрешността са доказателство за контактите, които тези области са имали с южното Черноморско крайбрежие и района на Кавказ.

За разлика от контактите със Средиземноморието, контактите между Цен-трална европа и Кавказ не са прекъсвали през така наречените Тъмни векове и продължили в по-голяма или по-малка степен чак до VIІ в. пр. Хр.

Гърците вероятно са били добре запознати с река Дунав още преди за-селването си по Западното Черноморие. Най-късно през втората половина на VII в. пр. Хр. те вече са имали контакти с този район. По това време по-вечето от селищата, създадени там през ранно-желязната епоха, вече са били изоставени. Напускането им вероятно е било причинено от движението на трако-кимерийските племена, които преминали по западното крайбрежие на Понта, за да нападат териториите на Близкия изток.

около 713–712 г. пр. Хр. владетелят на Лидия – Гигес, позволил на йоний-ски наемници да основат на източния бряг на Хелеспонта град Абидос. Целта му била те да спират кимерийското нашествие в Западна Мала Азия, тъй като в същото време в Кападокия – източната част на Мала Азия, дей-ствали активно други кимерийски племена. Това събитие открило пътя на йонийските гърци към Пропонтида и Черноморското крайбрежие – нещо, което по-рано било възпирано от кашките, фригийците и лидийците и създало възможност за гръцка колонизация на Черноморското крайбрежие. Процесът бил предизвикан от редица вътрешни и външни фактори и довел до ново заселване на някои места около делтата на Дунав и по западния бряг на Черно море, където през ранножелязната епоха са съществували селища. Гръцката колонизация в този черноморски район би могла да започне най-рано няколко десетилетия след окончателната победа на лидийците над кимерийците през 637 г. пр. Хр.

Превод от английски език Миглена Плетньова


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