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Jewish Education in Barranquilla: Assimilation Versus Group Survival*

by John K. Smith

Almost every Jewish community in the Diaspora has had to face at least one crucial problem: the perpetuation and survival of the cultural group versus its disintegration and disappearance. In those countries where antisemitism has not been a major factor, or where the state has taken only a limited interest in the outcome of the struggle, this problem has been particularly acute. Under these conditions it has rested with the individual Jews and with the Jewish communities as a whole to make the choice. Traditionally, of course, most Jews have chosen at least some degree of survival, and in doing so, they have placed great stress on formal education to reinforce the bonds joining them. As P. Y. Medding has noted,

The educational process is of crucial significance. This is the major medium through which the child is introduced to the beliefs and practices of the Jewish religion, and the literature, history, and the culture of the Jewish people. Jewish education, therefore, pro- vides the basis for perpetuating the heritage and ensuring continuity.

This study is concerned with the Jewish community in the Colombian city of Barranquilla, and how this community has responded educationally to this problem of group survival versus assimilation. The Barranquilla community, which numbers approximately 1100 in total population, is the result of three small immigrations- a Sephardi in about 1915, an Eastern European in the 1920's, and a Western European in the 1930's.** Although certainly their feelings toward Judaism were held with varying degrees of intensity, these immigrants all brought with them upon arrival a Jewish religion and culture. In Colombia they were confronted with a completely dif- ferent environment: an almost totally Catholic country and what may be called (albeit somewhat loosely) a Latin culture.

* The research for this article was done as a part of a larger project sponsored by a grant from the Midwest Universities Consortium for International Activities.

**The total Jewish population of Colombia is about 15,000. Of this total, 2300 live in Cali, 700 in Medellin, and 8000 in Bogota. The balance are spread out among the smaller urban areas. As such, they constitute .00075 percent of the total Colombian population and .0022 percent of Barranquilla's popula- tion. However, it must be noted that all of these figures are only approximations. None of the communities have an accurate record of their own population and the government census does not categorize by religion.

Medding, P. Y., From Assimilation to Group Survival (Melbourne 1963), p. 77.

239

240 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

Even though this new society was not actively hostile to them, there is little doubt that these early immigrants did not intend to stay in Colombia. Most of them hoped that this country would only be a transitional step toward a later immigration to the United States, or if conditions improved, a possible return to Europe. However, the highly restrictive U. S. immigration laws of 1923 effectively eliminated one alternative, and the rise of Nazism made a return to Europe out of the question. As a result, they remained in Colombia and began to develop businesses and industries, to raise families, and to generally build their individual and communal lives.

Jorge Michovnik, a leading Jew from Bogota and the publisher of one of the first Jewish newspapers in Colombia, has best summarized what he called this transitional period:

We have passed that epoch in America that could be called a transitory part in our lives. The great majority of the Jews established in the countries of South America do not have the desire to return to live in their old homes, and if they do it is more in the form of a platonic dream. The Jews are now rooted not only by economic ties, but also by sen- timental ties and at times by blood. There is a youth that has never known another patria than Latin America and that has no nostalgia toward the old inhospitable ghettos. When the recent immigrants have adapted to a new life, or when the old generation has died, we will have a new type of Jew: a Latin American Jew.2

Michovnik then went on to add a prescriptive comment and suggested a program for Jewish life in Colombia.

It is absolutely indispensable that we form a harmonious togetherness with the society in which we live. This is not possible on the one hand, without contributing our own forces, the best of us, to the public service. And this fundamental optimism of ours is not a native imitation, but the truthful, genuine us, what is necessarily Jewish ... this approach would allow us to enjoy a new life where we can affirm what is ours without breaking harmony with our neighbors.3

As Michovnik noted, the Colombian Jews have two principal desires. They wish to live in harmony with their Colombian and Catholic neighbors and to be partici- pants in the larger Colombian society and economy; and they want to protect at least some aspects of their Jewish religion and culture and to maintain their identity as Jews. In both cases, they have placed great emphasis on formal education to fulfill these desires.

A Brief Review of Community History and Contemporary Life The Barranquilla Jews are organized into two groups, each with its own social

club, society, and synagogue. The Ashkenazim have the Centro Israelita Filantropico which was founded in 1927, and the Sephardim have the Club Uni6n which was

2 Michovnik, Jorge, "Meditici6nes sobre nuestro camino en Suramerica, Nuestro Tribuna, (Novi- embre 1934), p. 34.

3 Ibid., p. 35.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 241

founded shortly afterward. Each group has its own rabbi and separate services- although both synagogues cooperate closely on all religious matters. The division between the two groups has been a prominent feature of life in the Barranquilla community. Until the middle 1950's, there was apparently little interaction between the two. Since that time, leaders on both sides have given a high priority to unity and they have been generally successful in their endeavors.

The Jews of Barranquilla have done quite well economically. There are no poor Jews by Colombian or U.S. standards. Approximately 28 percent are owners or are in the upper management of large businesses and industries. Another 44 percent own small businesses and industries that employ less than ten people, and 28 percent are in the professions-particularly as doctors, architects, and engineers. This latter group of professionals seems to be growing the most rapidly, and since the goal almost every father has set for his children is a professional career, this group will most likely continue to expand.*

While the Jews have been strong participants in the economic system, they have only recently begun to participate in politics and political affairs. Although no one contributes or belongs to a political party, there are signs that indicate the political profile of the Barranquilla Jews is changing. First, all of them vote in the various public elections and 12 percent said they discuss politics frequently. Second, two Jews have recently been elected to the fourteen-man city council. These men were not elected as representatives of or by the Jewish community; they ran as individuals on their own merits and each had to have a wide non-Jewish constituency to be elected.

One reason the Jews have not been more active in politics is associated with their lack of acceptance in the upper social circles. Colombian politics has almost always been dominated by an oligarchy and political recruitment has generally been from this group. Although a number of Jews have had the financial requisites and have made applications, they have only recently been allowed into the better social clubs.

There is no evidence of official antisemitism, and in fact, the government has always been quite forceful in denouncing those who would promote these kinds of attitudes. While every Jew interviewed stated that he had experienced some anti- semitic action, these were almost always in face-to-face contacts. This absence of any serious antisemitism and the generally good living conditions the Jews have expe- rienced is reflected in the fact that almost everyone felt he had been "accepted" by the Colombians. Acceptance in this context was defined by a number of criteria such as being able to pursue a career, lead a normal family life, use public facilities, and partic- ipate in secondary relations groups such as business clubs.

On the other hand, this acceptance has not generally led to the building of

* All of the following data on the community were gained through a series of interviews with fathers who had children in the Jewish school. There were twenty-five interviews, which amounted to 25 percent of the list of fathers offered by the school officials. It would have been preferable to randomly sample all of the adults in the community, but this was impossible since no complete list of their names was available to the author.

242 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

primary relationships outside of the community. Only about 30 percent of the respon- dents could name at least one non-Jewish friend whom they felt close to. The other 70 percent said while they had friends outside the community, they did not consider them close friends. Along these same lines, 88 percent of the fathers are opposed or strongly opposed to intermarriage.

One of the most interesting things about the community is that it is not very active religiously. It has best been described as "non-practicing Orthodox." Although the Barranquilla Jews generally identify themselves as Orthodox, only a very few follow the rituals associated with Orthodox Judaism. While 90 percent either hold or attend a Seder during Passover, only 6 percent make any serious attempt to keep a Kosher home. Only 4 percent strictly observe the Sabbath; 48 percent make some effort such as lighting candles, and 48 percent do not observe the day with any special notice. Synagogue attendance is relatively high, however, with 48 percent attending weekly and 12 percent going at least once a month. This apparent inconsistency will be explained later in terms of the school's influence.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla-History and Founding The establishment of a permanent school in Barranquilla was preceded by two

short-lived attempts, the first in 1935 and the second in 1936, which were unsuccessful due to financial problems and limited community support.4 In 1946 a new school was started using the facilities of the Centro Israelita Filantropico. Although there were numerous problems and only mixed community support, the new school managed to survive and in 1958 a new building was constructed. In the next year the high school section was initiated and the first class graduated in 1964. Since that date, the school has offered a complete program from kindergarten to high school. The following table gives student enrollment data from 1954 to 1958 and from 1964 to 1970.5 Unfortunately, no breakdown of the number of Jewish versus Catholic students is available for the earlier years.

The process of establishing the school was neither a smooth nor a steady one. Even when the community had the potential to adequately finance a school, many of the fathers were unwilling to entrust their children's educational future to a school whose own future was uncertain. The school had to prove it could provide the children with a secular education that was equal, if not superior, to the education they might receive elsewhere.

The best example of this testing process was in the years 1954 to 1958 when the number of students enrolled dropped by almost 30 percent because many parents felt the school was offering a substandard education. Probably the only two factors

4 Deparatment6 de Educacion, Barranquilla, Acta de Vista, 1965, pp. 4-6, and Colegio Hebreo Union, Anuario, 1958, pp. 1-2.

5 Colegio Hebreo Unidn, Libro de Matricula, 1954-1958 and 1964-1970. For the years 1959 to 1963 the enrollment records were not available.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 243

Table I Student Enrollment in All Grade Levels,

Colegio Hebreo Uni6n

Year Jews Catholics Total % Jewish

1954 94 1955 72 1956 81 1957 62 1958 121

1964 178 72 250 71% 1965 193 81 274 70% 1966 194 99 293 66% 1967 197 116 313 63% 1968 203 160 363 56% 1969 197 165 362 54% 1970 197 153 350 57%

that saved the school were the construction of a new building and an intensive campaign by community leaders to convince the parents of the need for supporting a Jewish school.

The question arises as to why the schools were founded. Certainly, behind the entire process lies that characteristic of almost all Jews and Jewish communities: the desire for a quality secular education combined with solid instruction in Jewish religion, history, and culture. However, there were also a number of very important and specific considerations related to Jewish life in Colombia.6

It was recognized very early in the community's history that if the children were to have any systematic instruction in Judaism, professional help would be needed. A large number of the fathers admitted to having little knowledge of the subjects mentioned, and they had little free time to spend with their children at a time when they were struggling to become financially established.

There were two other compelling arguments for having the community found a school. A "grouping" of the students in one school, it was contended, would help prevent them from developing friendships outside the community and therefore lessen the possibilities of intermarriage. Some of the more perceptive in the com- munity also noted that by having most of the children in one school, another bond would be forged among the adults. In fact, the school was named Union precisely to symbolize this desire for a closer relationship among the individual adults and between the Ashkenazi and the Sephardi groups.

Of course, no matter how compelling the above arguments were, they did not

6 The data on the problems the community had with founding a school were gathered in formal inter- views and in informal talks with various community leaders.

244 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

automatically lead to a total agreement that a complete school system was the best way to handle the educational problems. Especially in the early years, many fathers felt that a secular education could be obtained elsewhere and that the community should concentrate on having only afternoon or evening classes in Hebrew language and Judaism.

However, in the final analysis this argument could not prevail. First, the Colom- bian public school system has a reputation, which was justified until recently, of being of inferior quality to the private schools. Second, almost all the private schools that provide a high quality secular education are run by various Catholic religious orders. While there is no evidence of any overt antisemitism in these schools, there were apparently a number of incidents that were interpreted as being discriminatory toward Jews. Especially during the 1930's and 1940's it was often required that a Jewish child attend chapel in the Catholic schools, and on occasion a school would not accept a Jewish child for the following year-even though he had successfully completed the past year.

At any rate, as of 1958 the school finally became firmly established with two goals in mind. As the president of the school board summarized it,

The school is to educate the finest of our youth, for the good of Colombia and Israel, the latter our ancestral patria, the former our adopted patria.7

The School as a Bicultural Institution

According to the goals stated above, Colegio Union is attempting to inculcate in its students what might be called a "Jewishness" and a "Colombianness." The school's attempt to transmit a "dual" culture can best be demonstrated by discussing the organization, curriculum, atmosphere, and teaching staff of the school.

First, the daily administration of the school is not solely in the hands of Jewish educators. The director of the school is a Spanish immigrant and a Catholic. There is one important reason why a non-Jew was selected for the top administrative position. The community has expressed the desire to provide their children with a good secular education, to have the school officially approved, and to have the studies and diplomas recognized by the educational authorities. The feeling is that an especially well-qualified and well-known man in Colombian educational circles will develop a strong general studies program and thereby help the school receive and maintain official approval.

Even though the director is not Jewish, the subdirector, who is also the head of Hebrew studies, is an Israeli who has been with the school for over seven years. In reality he is the school's codirector, and all policy decisions of major importance are made in consultation between him and the director.8 As such, this situation is a case of what could be called "bicultural administration."

7 Colegio Hebreo Uni6n, Anuario, 1964, p. 8. 8 Interviews with the director and subdirector of the school.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 245

Second, the complete program of studies offered by the school also has this bicultural characteristic. The school has a Hebrew department and a department of standard curriculum studies. The former department presents a minimum of five hours a week of Hebrew subjects-including language, religion, and history. The latter department, in accordance with Colombian educational law regulating private education, follows the official curriculum like all other public and private schools in Colombia (see Chart I).9

The largest single block of classwork is taken up by what is called "coprogram- ming and intensification," open hours that a school's director may use to give addi- tional course work in any area he feels will most benefit the students. In the Jewish schools these hours are overwhelmingly devoted to "hard" sciences. Most inter- estingly, there is no evidence that the time has ever been asked for or given to the Hebrew department for additional study in that area.

Chart I The Official Curriculum for Public and Private Secondary Schools in Colombia, with the Hebrew Studies Additions Made in the Jewish Schools.

Hours per year by grade level

Subject I II III IV V VI

Religious and moral education 90 90 90 90 90 90 Spanish and literature 150 150 150 150 90 90 Social sciences 150 210 210 210 - 60 Mathematics 150 120 150 210 - - Languages, English and French 90 90 90 90 150 150 Industrial arts and home economics 60 60 60 60 - - Aesthetic education, music and art 60 60 60 60 - - Physical education 60 60 60 60 60 60 Psychology - - - - 60 - Philosophy - - - - 90 120 Physics - - - - 120 120 Chemistry - - - - 120 120 Coprogramming and intensification 270 270 210 210 300 300 Hebrew language 60 60 60 60 60 60 Hebrew history 60 60 60 60 60 60 Hebrew religion 30 30 30 30 30 30

The social studies courses, in particular Colombian history and civics, are really the key features of the "Colombianness" present in the curriculum. The textbooks used in the Jewish school for the social studies courses are generally the same as those used in other Colombian schools. These courses are all taught by Colombians who have had the same basic teacher preparation as their colleagues in other schools.

9 The secondary program was established by Decree No. 45 of 1962. See Ministerio de Educaci6n Nacional, Regimen de Enseflaza Media (Bogota, 1968), p. 363.

246 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

In interviews with a selected group of these teachers, they indicated that they are sensitive to, and respectful of, the fact that they are teaching Jewish students, but that they also see them as being Colombian citizens and consider it essential that the students develop a knowledge and pride in Colombia as well as a knowledge and pride in being Jewish. 0

One difference in these courses, when compared to public and other private schools, is that the subdirector has worked with a number of Colombian teachers in an attempt to have them mention Jews and Jewish contributions when pertinent. As the subdirector has noted,

I have tried to do a number of things in this area. For example, we teach various Jew- ish writers in Spanish translation and I have tried to balance the world history courses. When they talk about Martin Luther I have asked the teachers to include a brief, but specific discussion of his effect on Jews in Europe. The attempts have been successful, and I think the key to this success in this area has been the high degree of cooperation I have received from the teachers.1 The final point about the official curriculum concerns what is taught under the

title of "religious and moral education." Since the school enrolls a number of Catholic students, this course deals with the same materials taught in public and other private schools. The course centers on the history, philosophy, and rituals of Catholicism and is taught by a Colombian (although not necessarily a priest) who must be approved by the local bishop. Since it is often the case that the necessary preparations for the First Communion are considered a part of this program, the school has made space and time available for these classes.

While the Catholic students are taking their classes in religion, the Jewish students have classes in Hebrew history and religion. As noted, the school offers an average of five hours a week of Hebrew subjects. The time is generally divided into two hours of Hebrew language, two of history, and one of religion. The Catholic students are also required to take the two hours of Hebrew language and the subject is officially recognized by the educational authorities as one-half credit toward graduation.

It is apparent that the Jewish schools are actually presenting two separate curriculums; each is designed to fulfill different goals. The secular curriculum is not only to provide an education for a career, but to develop what the Ministry of Education refers to as, ". .. a knowledge of the national reality, its possibilities for development, a love for this country, and a desire to serve it."'2 The Hebrew studies are designed to inculcate in the Jewish children a knowledge of, and an identity with, Judaism and the group.

As with organization and curriculum, the atmosphere of the Jewish school has bicultural characteristics. The school board has recognized that if the school is to

10 Interviews with the social studies teachers in Colegio Hebreo Uni6n. 11 Interview with the subdirector of Colegio Hebreo Union. 12 Decree No. 91 of 1942, in Ministerio de Educacion Nacional, Educaci6n Colombiana (Bogota

1959), pp. 290-291

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 247

succeed in transmitting a Jewish heritage, instruction must be supplemented with other activities. At the same time, Colombian educational law requires that a number of additional activities outside the classroom should take place in all public and private schools.

While clearly a concept as amorphous as "bicultural atmosphere" is difficult to define and examine in specific terms, a number of different activities that comprise it can be examined, such as the celebration of various Jewish and Colombian holidays, a series of extracurricular activities, and the flag ceremony.

The Colegio presents an organized series of observances for basically the same set of holidays every year. Among the more important of these are the Jewish holidays of Hanukkah, Passover, Purim, and the Israel Independence Day, and the Colombian holidays of the anniversary of the birthday of Bolivar and Colombian Independence Day.

The Colombian holidays, which are organized by the school's director, are observed the day before the holiday in school with a brief ceremony. The activities generally involve the singing of the national anthem, the raising of the flag, and a series of patriotic speeches. There is no participation on the part of the parents (either Colombian or Jewish); these are not community celebrations. Often these in-school celebrations take on a bicultural character. A survey of the school's yearbooks indicates that about one-half of the time a talk is given that attempts to link Colombia and Israel together.

The Jewish holidays, which are organized by the Hebrew department, do not generally have this bicultural characteristic, since the majority of the days celebrated are religious holidays. The only exception is the celebration of Israel's independence, which always begins with the raising of the Colombian and Israeli flags, the singing of the national anthems, and a series of speeches about the brotherhood of the two countries. Plays, songs, etc. highlighting Israel's independence and struggle for survival are presented by the students. The Barranquilla community invites the mayor, the governor, the local bishop, and other high officials from the area, who attend every year.

As with the Israel Independence Day, the observances of the Jewish religious holidays are a total community affair. Organized by the Hebrew department, the celebrations involve as many students and community members as possible. Almost every student in the high school section (both Catholic and Jewish) belongs to either the choir, dance, or drama groups, which practice the year around specifically for the above celebrations.

Announced well in advance, the celebrations are always held in the social club at night when the fathers are not working. A written program, a letter urging the parents to attend, and a booklet explaining why the day is celebrated, the history of it, and the basic instructions on how to observe the day in the home are sent with the children and mailed to community members who have no children in the school.

The active and thorough preparation for these holidays has produced some very clear results. The subdirector estimated that attendance runs between 85 and

248 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

90 percent of the adults-including adults who do not have children in the school. At the same time, the celebrations have become institutionalized. That is, they are an established community event, an integral part of community social life, and the community has come to expect these activities to take place every year.

A variation on this theme of religious celebrations is the prayers and other religious services the students have in school. The most important of these, the Friday afternoon Kabalat Shabat service, is attended by both Catholic and Jewish students. At the traditional service two Jewish students are chosen to say the prayers and lead the others. Daily morning prayer sessions include a prayer in Hebrew and a Catholic prayer in Spanish. All the students are encouraged to say both.

The presence of non-Jewish students in the school has had a significant impact on the question of biculturalism. The general atmosphere of the school established by the director and the subdirector allows for and even encourages the development of contacts between the two groups.13 For example, by having complete integration of all the students in various extracurricular activities such as the choir, dance groups, and athletic teams, contact has been sustained beyond formal class hours. The dual prayers and the attendance at Bar Mitzvah by the Catholic students and at First Communion by Jewish students (led by the director and subdirector who always attend both) have contributed to these mutual contacts.

Although the various Jewish holiday celebrations are optional for the Catholic students, they are encouraged to participate in all the celebrations and their parents receive the same invitations and handouts explaining the holiday as do the Jewish parents. The Catholic students' representation in the choir and the dance groups is about 32 percent of the total as compared to 43 percent of the total school enrollment. Both the director and subdirector said that the contacts between the two groups have contributed to the bicultural atmosphere in the school. 14

One of the most interesting of all of the events in the school is the Izada de la Bandera-the "raising of the flag." By law, this patriotic act must take place in every school in Colombia at least once a week.15 The Ministry of Education has granted permission to the Jewish school to include not only the Colombian flag, anthem, and pledge, but also the Israeli flag, anthem, and pledge. The ceremony is often followed by a short talk by either the director or a student, which occasionally deals with a prominent Colombian or Jew. It is not unusual to find talks referring to the brotherhood of the two countries.

As noted, the staff in the standard curriculum are all Colombians and generally among the best teachers to be found in the Barranquilla area. The Jewish school pays well by Colombian standards and working conditions are as good as in the better private schools in the area. As a result, the staff is very highly qualified and compe- tent.16 The staff of the Hebrew department, however, presents a different picture.

13 Interviews with the director and subdirector of Colegio Hebreo Uni6n. 14 Ibid. '1 Decree No. 2229 of 1947, see Educacion Colombiana, op. cit., p. 403. 16 Ministerio de Educaci6n Nacional, Acta de Visita, 1965, p. 24.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 249

At the core of the problem is the fact that there are almost no pedagogically qualified Colombian Jews willing to teach in the Jewish school. The salaries of teach- ers are very poor compared to those in areas such as business or industry. Second, training in Hebrew studies must be taken in Argentina, the United States, or Israel, requiring a considerable investment of time and money compared to other fields of study that can be pursued in Colombian universities. As a result, teaching in the Jewish schools holds no particular attraction that would induce Colombian Jews to go to the necessary expense or trouble.

Since the community has been unable to recruit local personnel for the schools, they have had to obtain their teachers from either Argentina or Israel. For a number of reasons this solution has presented problems. First, for the Israeli teachers there is a language problem. Since they do not speak Spanish, they have initially had problems both in teaching and in integrating with the community. Second, often these teachers (from both sources) are not particularly interested in their jobs and even less interested in the more general community problems, since they come for only a short-term contract (two years).

Fortunately, this problem seems to have been resolved for Colegio Union. Al- though the school has had problems in the past, the subdirector, who has been with the community for the last seven years, is a dynamic man who has not only developed a strong program in the school, but has also been involved in numerous other community affairs.

The School and the Community In attempting to fulfill this bicultural role, the school has supplemented its

directly educational activities with other, more communitywide activities, from holiday celebrations to adult education. As such, the school (along with the social club) has become the most important institution in the community. As the school's subdirector states, ". . . to whatever extent there are community projects going on, they are organized through the school... the school is involved in all community affairs." 7

As noted, one of the main communitywide activities of the school is the holiday celebrations. Since participation by the parents is estimated to run at about 90 percent, these celebrations have become important events in the community's life.18 The lecture series and adult education have been less successful. In that Hebrew classes require continuous attendance and homework, the classes have always begun with great enthusiasm but were terminated only a month or two later. Community involvement with the lecture series, while not broadly based, has been fairly steady among a small group.

One of the most interesting questions examined in the area of school-com- munity relations was that of the support given the school-that is, how large a

17 Interview with the subdirector of Colegio Hebreo Union. 18 Ibid.

250 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

percentage of the Jewish children of school age is enrolled in the Jewish school. It is estimated that 68 percent of the children attend the Jewish school and the other 32 percent attend other private schools, particularly the American-sponsored school. 9 In an attempt to find out why some fathers chose not to support the Jewish school, a number of exploratory interviews with this group were undertaken.*

Certainly this group of fathers does not show any greater tendency toward assimilation into Colombian society. Their religious profiles are basically the same as those of other fathers; they are no more active in Colombian politics; they are strongly opposed to intermarriage; and they all said being Jewish meant something to them and that this feeling should be transmitted to the children. However, a number of other characteristics differentiate them from the other Jewish fathers.

They are all in the upper levels of the community's economic structure; many of them have attended school in the United States; and they speak English fairly well. While these fathers admit that the Jewish school is of high academic quality, they feel the American school is better because it is organized like a U.S. public school, uses American teachers in many of the subject areas, and almost all the classes are taught in English, a language the fathers feel is essential for advancement in any professional career.

Finally, one other important factor should be mentioned. Although the school was founded by the Ashkenazim, it was named " Uni6n" to symbolize the goal of many community leaders to further unite the two groups. While community divisions between the Ashkenazim and Sephardim have been reduced every year, one of the carry-overs from the past has been a differential rate of enrollment between the two groups. Among the Ashkenazic children of school age, 85 percent (153 children) are enrolled in the Jewish school, compared to slightly over 40 percent (44 children) of the Sephardic children. 2

The Colombian Government and the School Since the Jewish fathers have chosen to have their schools approved by the

Colombian Ministry of Education and to have the degrees granted recognized, they must comply with Colombian educational laws, which are enforced by the Inspection Department of the Ministry.

Interestingly enough, the Jewish school has not been forced to totally comply with all the government's regulations. In many cases the Colombian government and the Ministry have granted the Jewish community and school officials special permis- sion to modify regulations dealing with matters of most concern to the community. The relationship between the government and the community on these questions can

* These interviews were exploratory because they were not based on a random sample. No complete list of these fathers was available and it was generally more difficult to set up interviews with this group. Thus only five fathers out of 35 were successfully contacted.

19 These figures were taken from records compiled by the subdirector of the school. 20 Ibid.

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 251

be characterized as one of give-and-take based on mutual respect and goodwill. For example, successful completion of courses in Hebrew language, not being

part of the official curriculum prescribed by law, was not required for graduation and a degree. Before 1969 many of the students (both Jewish and Catholic) were doing the minimal amount of work in these courses. In that year, the Department Secretary of Education approved a request by school officials to recognize Hebrew language as a subject valued at one-half credit. Now students cannot legally receive a degree if they continually fail Hebrew language.

A second example of cooperation has been the flag-raising ceremony. While the law requiring this ceremony (Decree No. 2229 of 1947) could be interpreted to mean that the incorporation into the ceremony of the Israeli flag, anthem, and pledge is prohibited, the Ministry has not chosen to interpret the law in this way. In some instances, this tacit permission has been coupled with encouragement and respect for the bicultural nature of the ceremony.21

The Students

Through its bicultural character, the school is attempting to inculcate in the students the elements of both a Colombian and a Jewish culture. As such, the most significant questions become: To what extent has the school been effective in incul- cating this dual culture? And if it has not been successful, has this lack of success resulted in a tendency on the part of the students toward 1) assimilation into Colom- bian society, 2) withdrawal into the Jewish group and isolation from that society, or 3) neutrality toward the Colombian society and the Jewish group?

Based on questionnaires administered to all the students (N=45) in the last three years of high school, their attitudes toward various topics such as social interaction with non-Jews, religion, and their opinions about Colombia and Israel were ex- amined.*

The religious profile of the students was drawn from three questions-how frequently they attend synagogue and their opinions about keeping a kosher home and observing the Sabbath. Fifty-five percent attend synagogue at least once a week and 75 percent go at least once a month. This relatively high percentage can be attributed to the efforts of the school's subdirector. Since he is a leader in the synagogue, he has used his dual position to involve a large number of the older stu- dents in conducting the services. For the younger children he has devised a system of rewards, given by the school, for those who attend with a set degree of frequency. These efforts have also brought about a higher rate of attendance (48 percent weekly) on the part of the fathers (see p. 243).

Responses on the other two questions indicate no difference between students

* The following data are taken almost exclusively from this source.

21 These comments of encouragement appear in the various Acta de Visita reports filed by the edu- cational inspectors of the Ministry of Education.

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and fathers in the actual frequency of keeping kosher and complying with the Sab- bath laws. However, the students showed a distinct idealism about these rituals in both cases. Whereas 12 percent of the fathers claimed to keep kosher, 24 percent of the students expressed a preference for it. Second, although 52 percent of the fathers comply or at least take note of the day, 85 percent of the students desired that at least some ceremony take place. While these figures do not necessarily imply that a revival of rituals is underway, certainly a degree of idealism has been instilled in the students. With the exception of a few more religious homes, the school is the only place where the children learn about the history, practice, and significance of their rituals.

A substantial percentage of the students (66 percent) indicated that they had at least one "close" friend who was not Jewish. In this case, "close" was defined as someone with whom the respondent regularly socialized and with whom he or she felt intimate. This high percentage is not surprising since the school is the primary point of sustained contact between the Jewish and non-Jewish children and school officials have promoted the development of these friendships. The Jewish children generally belong only to Jewish clubs, the Jewish families tend to live in the same neighborhood, and the children generally maintain a relatively "closed" pattern of activities. As such, there is still little reason to predict that the high percentage of children with non-Jewish friends will lead to intermarriage. Studies in the United States indicate that Jewish children tend to lose many of their non-Jewish friends as they grow older. Also, even though no longitudinal data are available, it is known that intermarriage has never been more than one or two percent in the Barranquilla community.

Possibly the two most important questions asked the students concerned what they thought of, and about, Israel and Colombia. The responses provided some valuable insights into the questions of biculturalism and bicultural identities on the part of the students. The answers to the Israel question were coded into four cate- gories.

Only two percent of the students said that they felt Israel was their homeland and that they intended to move there in the near future. The second category, which included 33 percent of the responses, was labeled "an identification with Jewishness and Israel." Basically what is implied here is that Israel is thought of as a kind of "second country." That is, the respondent sees Israel as very significant to his life as a Jew, feels that he is part of that country and that Israel should have the same mean- ing for all Jews. This attitude, however, does not include a declared intention to move to Israel.

A typical example of what has been categorized as a"positive-descriptive" attitude is, "Israel is an admirable country that fights only for itself and is a very hardworking and honorable country." What distinguishes this category from the previous one is the strength of identification with Israel; the respondent does not directly feel a part of the accomplishments of Israel. Also, Israel is not necessarily an organizing factor in his life. A "neutral-descriptive" answer is one that implied no

Jewish Education in Barranquilla 253

strong feeling for Israel in either a positive or a negative direction. In these last two categories the percentages were 60 percent and 5 percent respectively.

The students were asked a similar question dealing with Colombia. About 29 percent said they consider Colombia to be their homeland and they specifically stated they were Colombians. The second category, "positive-descriptive," contained 61 percent of the responses. In this category are answers such as, "Colombia is a country that is constantly progressing and is one of the best countries in Latin America." A "neutral-descriptive" response (10 percent) attributed neither positive nor negative characteristics to the country and included answers such as, "Colombia is a country like any other country." Finally, no one responded with what might be called a "negative-descriptive" answer, which would have included a series of negative adjectives to describe Colombia and an expressed dislike for that country.

While the answers to these two questions, when taken individually, are signif- icant, the responses given by each student were paired to provide additional insight into their thinking (Table II).

Table II Paired Students' Responses on the Colombia and Israel Questions

Identi- Positive- Neutral- Israel Patria fication descriptive descriptive

Colombia Patria - 16% 12% 6% Positive- 2% 16% 42% 2% descriptive Neutral- - - 8% 2% descriptive Negative- - - descriptive

N = 43

The most striking thing about these figures is the high percentage of students who had high levels of identification with both Israel and Colombia. For example, reading across the patria category for Colombia, 16 percent combined it with identi- fication for Israel and another 12 percent combined it with a positive description. Or, reading across the positive-descriptive for Colombia, 16 percent responded at the identification level and 42 percent at the positive-descriptive level for Israel. In general, the above data indicate that a substantial portion of the students have been able to integrate a positive identification for both countries.

The students' responses to listing the three contemporary persons they most admired support this finding of dual identification. About 64 percent of the students listed at least one Colombian and at least one Israeli or Jew among their three choices. Most often the Colombian choice was ex-President Carlos Lleros Restrepo and the Israeli choice was Moshe Dayan. In all the remaining cases, the students listed either

254 JEWISH SOCIAL STUDIES

one or two Jews combined with the name of an American (particularly one of the Kennedy family), or a movie star or sports figure of international renown.

Both the fathers and the students were asked what it meant to them to be Jewish. While the question evoked a variety of responses, certain broad tendencies are distinguishable. The majority of the fathers tended to reply in one of two ways. First, approximately 15 percent said that being Jewish was the central focus of their lives. Second, 50 to 60 percent said being Jewish was important in terms of a "group belonging." The emphasis here was on a sense of peoplehood and group identifi- cation. The balance of the fathers gave answers that revolved around the day-to-day practical aspects of the religion such as "following the rules," or "attending syna- gogue regularly."

When these responses are compared to those of the students, at least one major difference is immediately apparent. The majority of the students tend to define their Jewishness in terms of a religion or in terms of tradition. For example, as one student said, "Being Jewish means following a set of religious precepts that are different from those followed by other religions. But it also means that we should protect these differ- ences." Finally, while there was a wide variety of responses that dealt with birth and tradition, it is important to note that not one student said being Jewish meant nothing to him.

Summary As with Jewish communities in other countries, the Jewish community in Barran-

quilla has been faced with at least one crucial problem-that of charting a course be- tween the extremes of a complete isolation of the group from the larger society and a complete assimilation into that society. With few exceptions, almost all the individ- ual Jews and certainly the community as a whole have chosen to be participants in the larger Colombian society and economy and to live in harmony with their Colombian and Catholic neighbors. Yet they also want to protect at least some of the more important aspects of their Jewish culture and to maintain a group life and identity. To fulfill its goals the community has turned to and come to greatly depend upon its own system of formal education.

Based on the data from the students' questionnaires, it is apparent that the educa- tional program of the Barranquilla school has met with a degree of success. The school has been run as a bicultural institution in terms of its administration, curriculum, teaching staff, and atmosphere. The students, reflecting the influence of this situation, have shown a strong tendency to reflect bicultural attitudes. On the one hand, the students seem to have maintained an identity with the community. They are idealis- tic about religion, attend synagogue frequently, and have expressed a strong identity with Israel. On the other hand, they also identify with Colombia. They have little reluctance about having non-Jewish friends and many of them identify strongly with prominent Colombians. As such, the Barranquilla community has established the goal of biculturalism and, in part through their own system of private schools, has had substantial success in reaching this goal.