Jobs for young people: Is a wage subsidy a good idea?

jobs for young people

Is a wage subsidy a good idea?

number 17 · August 2011 CDE ROUND TABLE

edited proceedings of a round Table convened by the Centre for Development and enterprise

Published in August 2011 by The Centre for Development and Enterprise

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All rights reserved. This publication may not be reproduced, stored, or transmitted without the

express permission of the publisher. It may be quoted, and short extracts used, provided the source

is fully acknowledged.

The Round Table and this report were funded by Business Leadership South Africa.

The funder does not necessarily agree with the contents of this publication.

Cover: In September 2009, the Durban Metro Police invited applications for 200 learnerships.

Thousands of youths applied, some of them queueing overnight. The massive turnout

demonstrates the desperate need for jobs among young South Africans.

Picture: Reuters / Rogan Ward

The Centre for Development and Enterprise is a leading South African development think-

tank, focusing on vital national development issues and their relationship to economic

growth and democratic consolidation. Through examining South African realities and

international experience, CDE formulates practical policy proposals for addressing major

social and economic challenges. It has a special interest in the role of business

and markets in development.

Series editor: Ann Bernstein

This report summarises the proceedings of a Round Table hosted by CDE in November 2010.

It was written by Antony Altbeker and Ann Bernstein.

This document is available from CDE, and can be downloaded from www.cde.org.za.

Contents

Executive summary 2

Participants 8

Introduction 9

opening remarks 11

Why developing countries should maximise employment growth 15

singapore’s use of wage subsidies 19

The costs of existing regulation 28

Calculating costs and benefits 36

Key insights from the round Table 42

Concluding remarks 47

Endnotes 50

2 Centre for Development and Enterprise

ALMOST ThREE quarters (72 per cent) of South Africa’s

unemployed workers are younger than 34. The unem-

ployment rate of people younger than 25 is almost twice

the national average (49 per cent compared with 25 per

cent). And the 50 per cent of South Africans aged 15 to

24 who want jobs and actually have them is significantly

fewer than the 80 per cent which the OECD reports as

the norm in other emerging market economies. We have

a national crisis of youth unemployment.

The government has begun to acknowledge the se-

riousness of the situation, and has proposed a range of

interventions to address it. Some of these are of doubtful

merit or contradict other government policies or propos-

als. One initiative, proposed by the National Treasury, is to

introduce a wage subsidy for young workers. The logic of

this idea is that employers will be encouraged to employ

more young and inexperienced workers if the costs of

doing so are subsidised.

The Treasury has proposed that the wages of all work-

ers between the ages of 18 and 29 earning less than

R60 000 a year – the current tax threshold – should be

subsidised for a period of two years. Registered employ-

ers would receive the subsidy via credits on their PAYE

accounts.

In the first year, the subsidy would comprise 50 per

cent of monthly wages up to R2 000 a month, reducing to

nothing for wages of R5 000 a month or more. The value

of the subsidy would decline by 50 per cent in the second

year. Young people who are currently employed would be

eligible only for one year and at the lower rate.

The Treasury estimates that the programme would

subsidise 423 000 workers. Of these, 245 000 jobs

would be created in any case, and the remaining 178 000

would be created in response to the subsidy.

The Treasury estimates that some 45 000 workers

would drop out of the labour force after having benefited

from the programme, so the net result would be 133 000

more people employed by 2015, when the programme

would end. The programme would cost R5 billion over

three years. Each job would have cost an average of

R37 000, although the actual subsidies would be con-

siderably less.

In November 2010, CDE convened a Round Table of

senior economic policy-makers, economists, and leaders

from business and civil society to examine the key issues

surrounding this proposal. It was also attended by two

international experts: Professor Paul Romer, a renowned

growth economist from Stanford University, and Prof

hian Teck hoon of Singapore Management University, a

leading labour market economist and expert on wage

subsidies. Questions addressed included: Would a wage

subsidy raise employment levels, by how much, and at

what cost? Is this an appropriate response to the unem-

ployment crisis? And would it be sustainable?

While some issues of policy design were discussed, the

main focus of the Round Table was the feasibility, desir-

ability and possible impact of the proposed wage subsidy.

A job-centred approach to growthEmployment is vital for South Africa’s social, economic

and political development. It is the key mechanism for

addressing mass poverty. In addition, many other benefits

flow from higher levels of employment. Many of the skills

needed to improve a worker’s employability – punctuality,

discipline, the ability to work with others, and so on – are

most easily acquired on the job. This is especially impor-

tant in South Africa. Millions of people are the products of

South Africa’s dysfunctional education system and have

had few opportunities to acquire skills. For many, the

workplace is the institution in which they are most likely

to be able to acquire skills. Jobs also generate a sense of

accomplishment, dignity and participation.

While welfare grants can provide a modest income,

they cannot offer any of these other benefits, making

employment growth vital to creating a more inclusive

society.

As the National Treasury has stated, the proportion of

working age adults with jobs may be the best measure of

social inclusion in a modern society – far better in many

respects than the Gini coefficient. On this measure, Brazil,

where close to 70 per cent of adults have jobs, is a far

more inclusive society than South Africa, where barely 40

per cent of adults have jobs even though levels of income

inequality are similar.

If South Africa is to be more inclusive, far more people

must find jobs. But what kind of jobs?

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

3August 2011

Executive summary

South Africa’s labour laws mean that any job that is fully

compliant with the law is also, from an employer’s point

of view, a reasonably expensive job. This is especially true

when compared with the costs of employment in other

developing countries. Minimum wages in South Africa’s

clothing industry are two or three times higher than those

for similar jobs in Swaziland and Lesotho, let alone India,

Vietnam, Bangladesh and Pakistan. To justify this, levels

of productivity have to be high, resulting in employers’

offering fewer jobs but for more skilled workers.

In recent decades the South African economy has

generated fewer and fewer new jobs for every unit of

economic growth. While some of this reflects increased

productivity, much of the decline in job creation can be

attributed to rising wages and increased labour market

regulations, which have made employers more reluctant

to hire workers, particularly those who are young and

unskilled. Employers, who might be willing to incur the

costs of employing highly productive workers with signifi-

cant skills, are much more reluctant to do so for workers

whose lack of skills and experience mean they will be

less productive. This is a key reason why so many young,

inexperienced workers are unable to find work.

While South Africa has sought to ensure that jobs are

well paid and well protected, dynamic emerging econo-

mies in Asia have sought to expand the absolute number of

jobs as rapidly as possible. Many of these jobs do not pay

high wages or offer very good conditions of employment,

but they do pay better than almost any alternative form

of employment for unskilled people. Critically, they exist

in very large numbers. Experience in Asia and elsewhere

shows that once high levels of employment have been

reached, productivity gains and progress up the industrial

value chain lead to a rapid rise in workers’ incomes and

quality of life. It also leads to much higher rates of growth

for the economy as a whole.

This is the process that has lifted hundreds of millions

of people out of poverty over the past 40 years. And, apart

from the discovery of previously untapped natural re-

sources, it is the only process that has ever improved the

quality of life of large numbers of people in poor countries

both rapidly and sustainably.

The story of Singapore’s rapid development is instruc-

tive. There, economic growth has generated a rapid

change in its areas of comparative advantage. In the

1960s, shortly after independence, when unemploy-

ment was high, the country concentrated on attracting

manufacturing firms, particularly in the garment and

textile sectors. This was low-skilled work, but it lifted

the incomes of the poor. In the 1970s, Singapore began

to produce simple electronics, after which it began mak-

ing hard-drives and semi-conductors. Since then, it has

moved further up the value chain, with the country now

having a comparative advantage in bio-medical research

and development. Thus, over the decades, the country

has steadily moved up the ladder of comparative advan-

tage, with very positive implications for average wages as

well as economic growth.

The Treasury’s case for a wage subsidyIn response to the need to create jobs for young, unskilled

workers, the Treasury has proposed the introduction of

a wage subsidy for young workers at the bottom of the

pay scale. Such a subsidy would narrow the gap between

the costs employers incur when employing these work-

ers and those workers’ likely levels of productivity. The

Treasury argues that this would induce firms to employ

more young people.

The subsidy directly lowers the cost of employment to

the employer. And, by getting inexperienced young people

into jobs, it would enable them to acquire skills which

will raise their productivity. This is also why the Treasury

proposes that the subsidy would be offered for only the

first two years of employment. This is on the basis that

the beneficiary’s rising productivity reduces the need to

subsidise his or her employment.

The risks of implementing a youth employment subsidyThere is a strong case for instituting wage subsidies in

South Africa. Promoting employment would generate far

more inclusivity than increasing welfare payments. At an

appropriate level, these subsidies could also stimulate

significant employment creation. There is good evidence

from countries as diverse as the United States, Belgium

and Singapore that wage subsidies do encourage em-

ployment and help to reduce poverty.

Nonetheless, there were a number of concerns about

the introduction of a wage subsidy. These included:


Executive summary

• Cost and sustainability: The number of jobs created

by a wage subsidy depends on how many workers

it induces firms to employ. This depends on the size

of the subsidy, but larger subsidies raise issues of

affordability and sustainability.

• Waste: Wage subsidies can be more efficient than

other forms of public policy, but they can also gen-

erate wasteful spending when jobs that would have

existed in any event are also subsidised.

• Employer response: Many employers may feel that it

would be too risky to take on potentially unsuitable

(albeit subsidised) workers unless the process of dis-

missing them was made considerably less onerous.

• Opportunity costs: The funds devoted to a wage

subsidy might be better used for other government

initiatives.

• Sustainable jobs: The Treasury’s proposal assumes

that, after two years of subsidised employment, a

young worker will be productive enough for employ-

ers to keep him without the subsidy. Whether this will

happen is impossible to know.

• Creating new distortions: A wage subsidy could result

in the growth of businesses whose only rationale is

to absorb public money through subsidies. Employ-

ers might also replace unsubsidised workers with

subsidised ones.

Two of the most significant concerns were that a wage

subsidy would do nothing to address the current regula-

tory regime, which plays a key role in raising the costs

of employment, especially of unskilled and inexperienced

workers; and that the Treasury’s proposal was too small

to impact significantly on South Africa’s unemployment

crisis or on the politics of reforming the labour market.

The wage subsidy and the costs of employmentIn some respects, the Treasury’s proposal represents a sig-

nificant break from existing government policy. For the first

time, an intervention is being proposed that takes seriously

the negative impact of high employment costs on people’s

chances of finding work. It suggests that some policy-

makers have recognised that high and rising employment

costs are a key reason for South Africa’s unemployment

crisis. This injects a dose of realism into the debate about

the choices facing the country. however, this does not

necessarily mean that a wage subsidy is the best way to

create jobs.

Is a wage subsidy desirable in principle?Employment incentives are common across the world,

with OECD countries spending an average of about 0,15

per cent of GDP on programmes of this sort. In South Af-

rica, this would amount to R15 billion over three years, or

three times more than the costs of the programme that has

actually been proposed.

There are many reasons why governments subsidise

wages, and the relevant literature suggests that these

programmes are quite effective in relieving poverty or

increasing employment levels. In South Africa, however,

questions need to be asked about the desirability of intro-

ducing wage subsidies when it is existing labour market

regulation that has ensured that labour costs have risen

quickly over the past few decades. In these circumstanc-

es, a wage subsidy – which transfers some of the costs

of employment from employers to taxpayers – may not be

the most appropriate way to close the gap between em-

ployment costs and productivity. Instead, it may be more

appropriate to address directly the reasons for high and

rising labour costs.

Is government doing enough to reduce employment costs?In general terms, the outlook for labour market reform

that would reduce labour costs is poor. As recently as

December 2010, the government proposed amendments

to the Basic Conditions of Employment, Labour Relations

and Employment Equity Acts, and proposed a new law –

the Employment Services Bill – aimed at governing labour

brokers. There is widespread agreement that these pro-

posals would have increased the cost of employment and

resulted in more unemployment. As a result, the ‘social

partners’ represented in NEDLAC – national government,

organised business and organised labour – agreed in

April 2011 that the four bills should be re-drafted.

A process of consultation is currently under way re-

garding these bills. It is not yet clear what will emerge

from this. The fact that these bills were drafted at all,

however, suggests that key government institutions

5August 2011

Executive summary Executive summary

want to increase labour market regulation rather than

decrease it. It is especially telling that government pro-

posed these measures even after its own regulatory

impact assessment concluded that the changes would

reduce employment. It seems unlikely, therefore, that re-

forms will emerge from this process that will significantly

reduce the direct and indirect costs of hiring young, un-

skilled work-seekers.

There is no indication that the proposed wage subsidy is

part of an incremental strategy to reform the labour mar-

ket. If the wage subsidy is an isolated initiative, is it worth

implementing anyway?

Is the National Treasury’s proposal worth implementing?If the Treasury’s estimates are correct, and the subsidy

would increase employment levels by 133 000 at an over-

all cost of R37 000 per job, it would use public funds more

efficiently than some other interventions. In fact, to the

extent that these jobs would generate taxable profits for

employers, they would actually cost government less than

this estimate. By contrast, the Expanded Public Works

Programme creates short-term, low-wage jobs at an an-

nual cost to the taxpayer of R100 000 for the equivalent

of a full-time job. Similarly, the Industrial Development

Corporation’s newly announced fund, which will provide

concessionary finance to job-intensive investments, will

target projects that create jobs at an average cost of be-

tween R250 000 and R500 000 a job.

From the point of view of employment creation, the

proposal also appears to be far more efficient than other

subsidies, such as the estimated R18 billion that public

support for the automotive industry cost the economy in

2009/10. While there are other benefits associated with

having this industry, and while getting accurate figures

is not easy, one estimate suggests that this support costs

the economy between R200 000 and R600 000 per job,

depending on whether employment in upstream indus-

tries is included. Including down-stream workers as well

lowers the annual cost per job to R60 000. But, unlike the

estimated once-off R37 000 cost per job of the wage sub-

sidy, these costs are incurred by the economy every year.

An important advantage of the Treasury’s proposal is

that if new jobs are not created, the money would not be

spent. Furthermore, because the jobs created would be in

the private sector, they would probably be in areas of the

country (and sectors of the economy) in which sustain-

able employment is a more plausible outcome than is the

case with other proposals.

All this – and the fact that the programme is expected

to cost less than 0,2 per cent of anticipated government

spending over the next three years – suggests that, on

its own terms, the wage subsidy is a sound use of public

resources. There are, however, other issues to consider.

The proposal to subsidise the employment of young

workers whose salaries fall below the income tax thresh-

old is intended to increase the chances that people in this

demographic will find work. Subsidising their employers

is one option for achieving this. An alternative would be

to engage directly in the process of reforming the labour

market in order to reduce the costs of employment – in

general, or for this group of workers.

The proposed subsidy does not do this even though

there are ways in which the two kinds of intervention

could have been aligned. For example, when a proposal

to institute a wage subsidy was endorsed by the team

of harvard-based economists that advised the National

Treasury on South Africa’s economic strategy in 2006/7, it

was deemed ‘essential’ to link the subsidy to the creation

of a probationary period during which subsidised workers

could be dismissed on a ‘no questions asked’ basis.

No one has tried to calculate how many more jobs might

be created if the wage subsidy were linked to a probation-

ary period of this kind. This could be considerably more

than the 133 000 that the Treasury projects for a subsidy

on its own. By allowing employers to dismiss unsuitable

workers relatively quickly, a probationary period could in-

crease the number of jobs created, help target subsidies to

the most productive and capable workers, and increase the

likelihood that those employees who were retained by their

employers would be kept on when their subsidies expired.

Such a proposal might provoke political resistance.

however, if the government is serious about dealing with

mass unemployment, it will have to confront these sorts

of issues. As it stands, the Treasury’s proposals – as-

suming its projections are accurate – would have only a

modest impact on the crisis of unemployment.


Executive summary

Could this proposal be scaled up?In principle, a subsidy would have a greater impact if it

were larger. This could be accomplished either by making

each subsidy larger or by extending the length of time for

which beneficiaries are eligible. Doing this would increase

the costs per job and the overall costs of the programme.

While this raises questions of affordability and sustain-

ability, it may be that a programme costing R15 billion

over three years but which also created significantly more

jobs would be worth having. South Africa would then be

spending as much as OECD countries spend on wage

subsidies, but it would still be less than 1 per cent of the

national budget. If 350 000 new jobs were created, the

subsidy programme would more than double the chances

of a young person finding work in the next three years.

One reason for framing the issue in these terms is the

sense that 133 000 new jobs are simply too few to make

a meaningful difference to the employment prospects of

the jobless. Equally important, this number may also be

insufficient to shift the debate about labour market policy.

In practice, a much larger programme could help change

the terms of the debate and start convincing those who

would like to increase regulation of the labour market that

creating more jobs actually requires lowering the costs of

employment.

Concluding remarksThe government has announced or introduced a large

number of proposals, policies and programmes with the

stated aim of creating more jobs. Some of these would

create a small number of relatively high-skilled and

capital-intensive jobs for which the majority of the unem-

ployed are not unsuitable. Others have created a larger

number of temporary ‘make-work’ jobs that offer transi-

tory and modest relief from poverty with little prospect of

a sustained improvement in the beneficiaries’ quality of

life. Both approaches are expensive, and neither offers

a realistic long-term solution to South Africa’s crisis of

unemployment.

The Treasury’s wage subsidy proposal is also not a

comprehensive response to the crisis of unemployment. It

is, nonetheless, a step in the right direction and should be

introduced. It would be preferable, however, if it formed

part of a series of initiatives.

One option would be to introduce a national wage

subsidy and to encourage and support a variety of policy

experiments at the provincial, municipal, or even sub-

municipal levels. Another would be to subsidise wages

in some sectors or areas and introduce other initiatives in

others, so that the impact of different approaches could

be assessed. Such policy experiments could include:

• Allowing employers to offer young people jobs at

wages lower than the established minimum wages;

• Allowing young people to opt out of employment

regulations altogether as a part of their employment

contract; and

• Establishing special economic zones with different

rules and regulations aimed at promoting low-cost,

export-oriented manufacturing firms.

These are all potentially useful initiatives. Perhaps the

most straightforward and appropriate policy change to

link with the institution of a wage subsidy is the one origi-

nally proposed by the harvard-based team advising the

Treasury: any new hire who benefits from a wage subsidy

should be subject to a ten-week probationary period dur-

ing which employers can dismiss them on a ‘no questions

asked’ basis. If this were implemented, employers would

be less concerned about being stuck with unsuitable em-

ployees, while new hires would have every incentive to

show that they are suitable. The results would be that only

those people who are most likely to be suitable would

be subsidised, dramatically improving the efficiency and

effectiveness of the wage subsidy itself.

Locating wage subsidies in a wider programme of la-

bour market reform and experimentation could extract far

greater value out of government spending. The key is to try

to leverage as many jobs as possible from policy initiatives

of this kind, and to shift the policy debate to the fundamen-

tal reasons for South Africa’s high and rising labour costs.

There is merit in the Treasury’s proposal, but South

Africa could do better. First prize would be to address di-

rectly the high costs of employment, especially of young,

unskilled and inexperienced workers. While this would be

politically difficult, the benefits could be significant.

Even if political circumstances effectively rule out more

fundamental labour market reform, serious questions re-

main about the current Treasury proposal. Chief among

these is why it is so modest. If the Treasury is confident

7August 2011

Executive summary Executive summary

about its projections, why it is not pushing for a more ambi-

tious programme? Is it concerned that it would cost too

much? Is it seeking to avoid a more serious political battle?

That said, there is also an argument that the modesty

of the proposal is a virtue. The success and affordability of

a wage subsidy is not guaranteed. If there is some chance

of failure, the relative modesty of the proposal insulates it

from incurring significant costs.

Whether or not the proposed wage subsidy succeeds,

questions need to be asked about what government will

do next. If the programme does succeed, will more re-

sources be devoted to subsidising employment, or will a

new debate about addressing the costs of employment be

instigated? And if the proposal fails to increase employ-

ment, what lessons will government (and others) draw

from this experience? Will efforts to tackle the costs of

employment be expanded and enhanced, or will there be

a retreat from any reform at all?

These are vital questions because, even if it achieves

its stated goals, the Treasury’s proposal will make no

more than a modest dent in South Africa’s massive chal-

lenge of unemployment.

Addressing unemployment is South Africa’s most press-

ing national priority. As the Treasury itself recognises, a

relatively small wage subsidy programme would not have

a very significant impact. Nonetheless, this proposal – if

seen as a learning experiment with vital policy implica-

tions – does seem a sound use of public funds. It certainly

holds more promise than many other government initia-

tives costing considerably more. It would be a tragedy if

this modest experiment was defeated or abandoned.

The Treasury’s proposal is premised – rightly – on

the recognition that for South Africa to become a more

inclusive society, much more needs to be done to help

unskilled and inexperienced young people to get jobs.

This is an important first step.


PA RT I C I PA n TS

Dr Justine Burns, Associate professor: school of economics, university of Cape Town

Dr Fuad Cassim, special Advisor to the Minister of finance, national Treasury

Dr Kenneth Creamer, lecturer, Wits school of economics & business

Rudi Dicks, executive Director, national labour and economic Development Institute

Andrew Donaldson, Deputy Director-general: budget office, national Treasury

Monet Durieux, senior economist, national Treasury

Dr Greg Farrell, Head: Monetary policy research unit, south African reserve bank

David Faulkner, Director: growth policy, national Treasury

Brandon Fuller, Director and strategist, Charter Cities

Thandabantu Goba, Commissioner, national planning Commission

Prof Hian Teck Hoon, Associate Dean: school of economics, singapore Management university

Lesetja Kganyago, Director-general, national Treasury

Alex Liu, Chairman, newcastle Chinese Chamber of Commerce

Ian Macun, executive Manager: skills Development, Department of labour

Shibu Mamabolo, Deputy Director-general, Department of economic Development

Dawie Maree, economist, Agri sA

Mike McDonald, economic and Commercial executive, seifsa

Setepane Mohale, Director: Macro economic policy Development, economic Development Department

James Motlatsi, Chief executive officer, Teba ltd

Dr Neil Rankin, Associate professor: school of economic & business sciences, Wits university

Prof Paul Romer, senior fellow, stanford Institute for economic policy research

Lester Satram, Manager: reward and employee benefits sA, sasol ltd

Loane Sharp, labour economist, Adcorp Holdings ltd

Prof Charles Simkins, Head of school: Commerce, philosophy, st Augustine College of south Africa

Mike Spicer, Chief executive officer, business leadership south Africa

Dr Le Roux van der Westhuizen, Chief executive officer, Millennium Trust

Dr Milan Vodopivec, lead economist: HD sector leader, Human Development network, The World bank

Antony Altbeker, research and project executive, Centre for Development and enterprise

Ann Bernstein, executive Director, Centre for Development and enterprise

Thembi Dladla, researcher, Centre for Development and enterprise

Prof Stefan Schirmer, senior research Manager, Centre for Development and enterprise

I n T E R n AT I O n A L PA RT I C I PA n TS

Prof Paul Romer

paul romer is a senior fellow of the stanford Centre for International Development and the stanford Institute for economic policy research. His work led to the development of new growth Theory, an influential branch of macroeconomics. In 1997 Time Magazine named him one of 25 most influential people in the united states, and in 2002 he received the Horst Claus recktenwald prize in economics. He is a research Associate of the national bureau of economic research, and a fellow of the econometric society. before moving to stanford, he taught economics at the university of California at berkeley, the university of Chicago, and the university of rochester. He received his doctorate in economics from the university of Chicago.

Prof Hian Teck Hoon

Hian Teck Hoon is a professor of economics and Associate Dean of the school of economics at singapore Management university (sMu). He has worked at sMu since 2001. prior to this he taught at the national university of singapore in various positions. His research interests relate to labour market theory, and he has worked extensively with edmund phelps, a nobel prize-winning economist. He is the author of numerous publications, including the book Trade, Jobs and Wages (2000). He received his master’s and doctoral degrees from Columbia university and his bachelor’s degree in science from the national university of singapore.

9August 2011

In 2010, Pravin Gordhan proposed that a wage subsidy be introduced in order to reduce the cost of hiring young, inexperienced work-seekers

Introduction

ALMOST Three quarters (72 per cent) of South Africa’s 4,4 million unemployed workers

are younger than 34. For people under the age of 30, unemployment rates are almost twice

the national average (49 per cent compared with 25 per cent). At the outset, it is worth set-

ting out some basic facts about South Africa’s crisis of unemployment. And the 50 per cent

of South Africans aged 15 to 24 who are in the labour market and actually have jobs is a

significantly smaller proportion than the 80 per cent which the OeCD reports as the norm

in other emerging market economies. We have a national crisis of youth unemployment.

In his budget speech in 2010, the Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan, spoke of the gov-

ernment’s intention to rapidly create more jobs for young people. Noting that ‘employers

are reluctant to hire inexperienced work-seekers’, and that ‘our bargaining arrangements

push up entry-level wages, pricing out inexperienced work-seekers’, he proposed that a

wage subsidy be introduced in order to reduce the cost of hiring young and inexperienced

work-seekers.

In November 2010, CDe hosted a round Table to examine some of the key issues sur-

rounding this proposal. These included: Would a wage subsidy raise employment levels,

by how much, and at what cost? Would this be an appropriate response to the unemploy-

ment crisis? And would it be sustainable? Participants included some of South Africa’s

most senior economic policy-makers, business leaders, leaders from civil society, and

academic economists. Also in attendance were two international experts: Professor Paul

romer of the Stanford Institute for economic Policy research, and Professor hian Teck

hoon of Singapore Management University.

The issues involved are complex, and sometimes quite technical (see box, page 12).

The workshop sought to address them as systematically as possible by addressing, first,

the central importance of employment growth in shaping South Africa’s long-term devel-

opmental prospects. Next, it dealt with the international experience of wage subsidies. It

then analysed the effect of South Africa’s existing labour market policies on employment

levels. Finally, it examined the results of a number of attempts to model the impact of

wage subsidies on the South African labour market and to estimate the costs and benefits

of such a policy. While some issues of policy design were discussed, the main focus of the

round Table was the feasibility, desirability and possible impact of the proposed wage

subsidy. This report summarises the presentations and discussions, followed by conclud-

ing comments.


Only 41 per cent of adults have a job. In

Brazil, Indonesia and China, more than

60 per cent of adults work

u n e M p loyM e n T I n Co M pA r AT I v e p e r s p e C T I v e

The beST indicator of the scale of unemployment is that only 41 per cent of adults have a

job, a figure that is almost uniquely low in the developed and developing worlds (see figure

1). In brazil, Indonesia and China, more than 60 per cent of adults work. Similar rates are

also achieved by the world’s richest countries.

Figure 1: The employment rate in SA and selected countries, 2008

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%

South Africa

Lower half of OECD countries

Chile

Israel

Slovenia

India

Estonia

Russia

Upper half of OECD countries

Indonesia

Brazil

China

Source: OECD, Economic Survey: South Africa, 2010 and OECD, Economic Policy Reforms: Going for Growth,

2010.

Figure 2: Unemployment by age group, 2010

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80%

Total

60–65

55–59

50–54

45–49

40–44

35–39

30–34

25–29

20–24

15–19

Source: Statistics South Africa Quarterly Labour Force Survey, September 2010.

11August 2011

Jobs for young people

At less than 15 per cent, employment levels for South Africa’s youngest workers are lower than those of any other country with recorded statistics

The burden of South Africa’s crisis of unemployment is shared unequally. Men are more

likely to be employed than women (48 per cent to 35 per cent) and white people are more

likely to be employed than Africans (66 per cent to 37 per cent).1 Levels of youth unem-

ployment are astronomically high (see figure 2).

In fact, at less than 15 per cent, employment levels for South Africa’s youngest workers

are lower than those in any other country with recorded statistics (see figure 3).2

Figure 3: Youth and adult employment-to-population ratios in SA and selected emerging market economies, most data from 2009

South Africa

Turkey

Hungary

Poland

Chile

Czech Republic

Taiwan

India

Russia

Mexico

Korea

Philippines

Malaysia

Indonesia

Colombia

Brazil

Peru

China

Thailand

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

■ Aggregate employment ratio ■ Youth employment ratio ■ Adult employment ratio

Employment-to-population ratio

Source: ILO (Key indicators of the Labour Market, 6th Ed.), Statistics S A Quarterly Labour Force Survey, June 2010.


CDE Round Table no 17

Is a wage subsidy the best way of getting more young people

into jobs?

opening remarks

Ann bernsteinExecutive Director, CDE

The SUGGeSTION by the Minister of Finance that South Africa should consider intro-

ducing a wage subsidy for young people has opened the door to a rational discussion of

a set of issues which – given the extent of unemployment – are vital to the economy and

indeed the future of our country. Central among these are the cost of employment, and its

impact on job creation and economic growth.

Many questions arise, but the most important is this: is a wage subsidy the best way

of getting more young people into jobs? Will it displace other workers, and how might it

affect the costs of employing them? Will it create jobs at the scale the country needs? Can

K E Y T E R M S

While we have sought to restrict the use of technical language, we need to introduce and define

a few key terms.

Governments around the world subsidise the full costs of employment in many ways. One

could argue that almost any business subsidy or tax concession is a mechanism for lowering

production costs, and that it is, therefore, a form of employment subsidy. A wage subsidy,

however, can be defined as a direct contribution by government to the income (whether before

or after tax) of an employee of a private company.

Wage subsidies may be either general or marginal. A general subsidy applies to all workers,

while a marginal subsidy is paid only to workers hired in the course of expanding an existing

workforce.

Wage subsidies can be more or less closely targeted. A targeted wage subsidy applies only

to workers of a certain class, defined in terms of income, age, geographic location, employ-

ment in a particular industry, or some combination of these. For example, a wage subsidy could

target workers earning less than R50 000 a year, who are younger than 25 and are working in

the manufacturing sector. Although this would be a targeted subsidy, it would still be a general

subsidy because it would apply to all workers of this particular class. It would be a marginal

subsidy, however, if it applied only to newly hired workers who met the other criteria.

There are many different ways of introducing a wage subsidy, each of which creates differ-

ent incentives and administrative burdens. One common approach is to provide tax credits to

individual taxpayers. These are designed to boost the after-tax income of people earning small

salaries. Another approach is to provide job-seekers with vouchers to be cashed in by their new

employers. A third approach is to provide tax credits to the employers of low-wage workers.

In addition, some training subsidies – including those offered to support learnerships in South

Africa – operate as de facto wage subsidies in that employers can earn back some or all of the

value of an employee’s salary if that employee is provided with training.

CDE 2011

13August 2011


Once we accept that employment costs matter, we need to ask whether wage subsidies are the best way of reducing them

low-wage jobs not be created without subsidies? What will this cost taxpayers? Should

public money not be spent in other ways?

We also need to establish whether it would make sense to spend a lot of money on a

wage subsidy for young people while persisting with other policies that raise the risks and

costs of employing them.

The government’s proposal is a tacit admission that employment costs matter; that the

more expensive it is to employ people, the fewer people will be employed. The argument

is that a wage subsidy, by reducing the costs firms incur when they employ someone,

might induce them to employ more people. This is one of the reasons why CDe supported

the idea of such a subsidy in our 2008 project on how the country might create five mil-

lion new jobs.3 We said the country should – amongst other initiatives – experiment with

the impact of such a subsidy to assess how employers and new investors respond to this

method of reducing the cost of employment (see box, this page).

Once we accept that employment costs matter, we need to ask whether wage subsi-

dies are the best way of reducing them. Are there other ways to reduce costs? Is shifting

some of the costs of employment from employers to tax-payers the best approach? And if

employment costs matter enough to justify subsidising them, shouldn’t we reject out of

hand any policies (current or new proposals) that raise these costs?

Some argue that a wage subsidy is preferable to other ways of reducing labour costs

because it is undesirable and politically impossible to introduce reforms that would

reduce workers’ take-home pay. but the hostile reception that has greeted the Treasury’s

WAg E S U b S I dY P R O P O S A L S I n S O U T h A f R I C A

In an attempt to find ways of dealing with growing unemployment, President Jacob Zuma

announced a proposal for a youth wage subsidy in his state of the nation address in 2010. In

February 2011, the National Treasury released a discussion document which set out the terms

of a wage subsidy to be implemented from April 2012.4 The proposal envisages a wage subsidy

that will:

• run through the Pay as You Earn system operated by SARS (which means that it will only be

available to registered employers and will be implemented through the provision on credits

on their PAYE accounts);

• be available for young people aged between 18 and 29 earning below the personal income

tax threshold R60 000; and

• be available for a maximum of two years.

The subsidy will be worth 50 per cent of a beneficiary’s wage up to a monthly wage of R2000.

Beyond that, the value of the subsidy will fall until it is worth nothing for indiviuals earning

R5000 per month or more.

The Treasury estimates that such a programme will subsidise 423 000 workers, of which

178 000 will be jobs that would not have existed without the subsidy. This is projected to cost

R5 billion over three years.5 It also estimates that of the 423 000 subsidised workers, some

45 000 will drop out of the labour force after having benefited from the programme. The net

result will be 133 000 more people employed in South African in 2015 than would have been

the case in the absence of the wage subsidies. Each new job will have cost R37 000.



If employment costs matter enough to justify subsidising

them, shouldn’t we reject out of hand

any policies that raise these costs?

proposals in certain circles – and which may result in long delays in the possible imple-

mentation of such a wage subsidy – raises doubts about whether introducing a wage

subsidy will be any easier. Given this, should we not try to address the roots of the

unemployment crisis head-on rather than by subsidising the wages of unskilled and inex-

perienced workers?

In a country like ours, in which debates are so heated, we need to find ways of breaking

through the logjam. One way of doing this would be to conduct a series of experiments to

establish which measures work and which don’t. We could introduce a wage subsidy in

one region of the country and other measures – such as reducing the regulatory burden on

employers, or exempting firms from bargaining Council agreements in which they were

not participants – in another. In this way, we could establish what the practical effects of

these approaches are, and which could and should be applied on a national scale.

In 2009, as part of its Five Million Jobs initiative, CDE proposed a number of policy experiments,

including implementing a combination of tax breaks and labour law exemptions for firms hiring

first-time employees between the ages of 18 and 24.6 The report was supported by Business

Leadership South Africa, while James Motlatsi, deputy chairman of AngoGold Ashanti and former

president of the National Union of Mineworkers of South Africa, and Jayendra Naidoo, former chief

executive of Nedlac, spoke at the launch of the report and helped to promote its ideas.

In 2006 the International Growth Advisory Panel, commissioned to advise the National

Treasury, and consisting largely of economists from harvard University, proposed a two-year

subsidy of between R700 and R1 000 a month that would subsidise the cost of hiring 18 to

24-year-olds.7

Responses to these proposals have been mixed:

• COSATU rejected direct wage subsidies, claiming they would create a two-tier labour mar-

ket in which some employees would be protected by labour law and others not.8 COSATU

appears to be concerned that the wage subsidy will displace full-time employees in favour

of cheaper labour, and will encourage employers to get rid of workers when the subsidy

falls away. These sentiments have been shared by the National Union of Metalworkers of

South Africa as well as the Young Communist League.

• FEDUSA, a federation of trade unions, has come out in support of a training-based youth

employment subsidy for employers which implement apprenticeship and learnership

programmes.9

• The official opposition, the Democratic Alliance, has expressed support for a youth wage

subsidy, and proposed that the country implement a pilot project.

• The idea has also drawn cautious support from some private sector economists – some

of whom expressed concern that the subsidy could increase the administrative burden on

businesses – and, previously, from the OECD.10

CDE 2011

15August 2011


Having a job is central to living a satisfying life

Why developing countries should maximise employment growth

prof paul romerFellow, Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research

everyONe AGreeS that the goal of development is for everyone to live a satisfying life.

The real debate is about the means of getting to this goal. And, in thinking about the

means, we have to recognise that some people are much further away from this goal than

others. A key policy goal, then, must be to try and address the needs of those people who

are furthest from this goal.

What I want to argue is something which notable economists like edmund Phelps and

hian Teck hoon have emphasised: that jobs in a market economy are central to living a

satisfying life. The most important reason why this is so important is that jobs generate

wages and income. but jobs do more than that: they also generate skills. The skills learnt

on the job, especially by young people who haven’t worked before, are a vital part of the

way in which jobs raise the lifetime satisfaction of individuals.

you can see that by thinking about schooling. you could think of education as being like

a job. In fact, it’s a pretty demanding job. Cognitively, it’s not easy. It takes up a lot of time.

It’s frustrating for many people. And, worst of all, it is unpaid. yet it’s a job we want every-

one to have; in fact, we compel people to have it. The skill–formation role of jobs could be

seen as just as important as this.

everyone knows that many people have been poorly served by South Africa’s education

system. Unfortunately, most adults who have endured this can’t go back to school. So, as

important as it is to improve the effectiveness of the school system for the next generation,

you also have to help people who are beyond school-going age. For them, the skills forma-

tion aspect of employment is even more important than usual.

besides skills and income, jobs also provide a kind of a dignity and satisfaction that is

quite subtle and difficult to measure. The mere fact of accomplishing something at work,

producing something, even in difficult work environments, brings with it a sense of dig-

nity and accomplishment.

Then there is the social dimension, particularly the sense of inclusion that comes with

having a job. This is not an easy concept to define, but it has something to do with eve-

ryone feeling as if they are playing the same game by the same rules. In many countries,

there are social and statutory rules that are deliberately exclusionary. In Dubai, for exam-

ple, temporary workers are treated very differently from permanent residents, and are

really second-class citizens. In many countries, the same could be said about women.

This is bad for the people treated in this way. Arguably, it is also bad for the people who

are most advantaged.

In South Africa, the problem now is not that the laws explicitly discriminate against peo-

ple; it is that some of your laws implicitly discriminate against people who are dealt the

worst hands. It’s as if the rules say, ‘you can only participate fully in the game if you have

been dealt a good hand.’ That’s about the same as having rules that say some people don’t



The proportion of adults who have work is a

much better measure of participation

and inclusion than inequality or

unemployment levels

get to play at all. It’s not a question of rules excluding people explicitly. They do, however,

have the implicit effect of marginalising or excluding some of your most vulnerable people.

A key measure of inclusion is the extent to which people are able to get work. having a

job is the sign that one is allowed to play in the game of the market economy. That’s why

I think the proportion of adults who have work is a much better measure of participation

and inclusion than inequality or unemployment levels. Thinking about inclusion in this

way has important implications. brazil, for example, is very unequal when one uses the

Gini coefficient, but almost 70 per cent of people of working age have a job. South Africa

is just as unequal, but only 40 per cent of adults have jobs. by this measure, brazil is much

more inclusive than South Africa.

In principle, it’s possible to try to reduce inequality in South Africa through cash trans-

fers from rich to poor. This could address the lack of income from employment. but I doubt

whether it would deal with the extent to which so many people are denied an opportunity

to participate in the economy.

A comparison with brazil also shows the extent of South Africa’s challenge. Five million

new jobs, which is what the New Growth Path promises, would be an enormous achieve-

ment. but it still wouldn’t get you to the same level of employment per capita as brazil.

So how could a society approach the issue of employment and income growth? essen-

tially, there are two broad approaches: one is to insist on creating only high-quality jobs,

and to make quality the focus of one’s policies. This is the ‘decent work’ agenda. The sec-

ond is a ‘quantity first’ strategy in which you start by maximising the ratio of employment

to population, after which productivity growth raises wages.

One way to understand the Asian model of development is to say that its main charac-

teristic has been the aggressive pursuit of large numbers of jobs. These have often been

low-paying, but they have gone after employment growth first, and allowed productivity

and income gains to come later.

The big problem with the ‘quality first’ approach is that higher wages usually lead to

fewer jobs. This isn’t always true: in some sectors, such as mining, in which resource rents

can be shared between business and labour, wages can sometimes be raised without

reducing employment. As a general rule, though, higher wages will preclude a given soci-

ety from generating certain kinds of jobs, and many, many employment opportunities.

high wages may be less harmful in mining because producers can’t really go anywhere

else. however, if a society insists on paying similar wages in other sectors, some of them

will not exist at all. It’s not possible, for example, to attract garment manufacturers and

also insist that they pay wages similar to those in mining.

Importantly, slightly lower wages than those paid in mining will probably not generate

many jobs because they are still well above the levels that will attract light manufactur-

ing. That might explain why studies of your labour market report very low elasticities

of demand for labour. but if the wage adjustments were large enough, you might get a

significant employment response. In fact, millions of jobs could be created in light manu-

facturing if conditions were made attractive enough for firms to relocate to South Africa.

This is vital because it would help South Africa deal with one of the areas in which it has

struggled, namely exports. export growth has been a real problem here, but there are no

economic reasons why you couldn’t aspire to the same export levels as China. And a wage

subsidy could play an important role in helping to expand the tradable goods sector.

A subsidy could be used to attract firms that could rapidly expand exports and employ-

ment, while keeping the take-home pay of workers relatively high. It could help grow

employment without lowering wages too much. but it might have to be a large subsidy.

17August 2011


It is important to promote effective urbanisation, which is an investment that pays a very high return

The problem with a small subsidy might be that the employer’s costs might remain too

high. A larger one, however, could end up being very expensive, especially if it was offered

across all sectors of the economy and to all workers. but you could reduce the fiscal costs

of the subsidy by targeting it at young people or at the tradables sector (ie, the economic

sector which produces goods that can be exported or replace imports). Or it could be a

marginal subsidy aimed at new employees in the tradables sector. This will come up in the

discussion later, but targeting something like manufacturing, and even targeting exports

only, might make the programme significantly more cost-effective.

In fact, you could even apply a wage subsidy only to new investors that manufacture

exclusively for export. For them, wage subsidies might be a very attractive proposition,

akin to other kinds of generous investment promotion schemes. At the same time, there

might be important complementary policies that you could think about. For example,

better infrastructure might raise the wages a manufacturing firm would be willing to pay

because other costs would be lower. One important aspect of this approach might be to

promote effective urbanisation, which is an investment that pays a very high return. That

is part of the story of the success of both brazil and China. Getting urbanisation right is a

vital supporting policy that could improve the effects of a wage subsidy.

To conclude: it’s very important to increase inclusion, defined by per capita employ-

ment levels. There are many reasons for saying this, but one of the most important is that

there are other benefits associated with high levels of employment, including the acquisi-

tion of skills across the workforce. This is crucial for growth down the road.

pA n e l I s T

lesetja KganyagoDirector-General, National Treasury

DeveLOPMeNT economists, myself included, often take simple concepts and compli-

cate them. So when people talk about growth, we add adjectives to it such as ‘inclusive’,

‘job-creating’ or ‘participative’. Developing an economy is already complicated, and the

more adjectives you add, the more complicated it becomes.

South African policy-makers have tried to grapple with the concept of inclusion. We

say we want ‘inclusive’ growth. but how do we understand this? Usually, we approach it

from the point of view of trying to deal with inequalities with respect to asset ownership.

So when we talk about inclusion, we say, ‘Let’s change the ownership structures of the

economy’. but South Africa has a very skewed distribution of income, because we have too

few people who work. That being so, if South Africa is to deal with the issue of inclusion,

we had better talk about creating jobs.

A core challenge we face is the division between insiders and outsiders in the economy.

you can see how important this division is in our tax collection: in the past year, South

Africa has shed jobs, but the personal income tax take has gone up. Why? because those

who are still employed are earning more.

even in the period of rapid growth, we didn’t raise the ratio of employment to popula-

tion as much as we could have. but we did create jobs. And this created a controversy,

because some people said, ‘Oh, but what kind of jobs were they?’ My view was that it’s a



We have shed jobs, but we insist that we

want to create only ‘decent jobs’

very important discussion to have, but mainly because in the period before that, no jobs

were created. So debating the quality of jobs at least reflected the improved performance

of the economy.

Using the ratio of employment to population as a measure of inclusion would help

to change the way in which we make public policy. At the moment, South Africans are

obsessed with the Gini coefficient. We can’t measure it properly, but we have included it

in ministers’ delivery agreements.

The current public policy discourse has made a difficult task even more difficult. We

have shed jobs, but we insist that we want to create only ‘decent jobs’, which means there

are some kinds of jobs we don’t want. The example of Newcastle is quite striking – particu-

larly because it was workers who rebelled, saying, ‘you are not going to take our jobs away

even though they don’t pay minimum wages’.

The debate about a wage subsidy has raged for months. One issue that arises is whether it

will help create a second tier of the labour market. I don’t understand this view. All a subsidy

does is enable a firm to employ more people or to pay them more. having said that, a wage

subsidy cannot be a panacea. We will need other interventions, such as public works pro-

grammes. A wage subsidy wouldn’t exclude this, but could play a very helpful role.

g e n e r A l D I s C u s s I o n

The DISCUSSION focused largely on the extent to which it was appropriate for South

Africa to focus on expanding the number of jobs irrespective of their quality, with quality

defined in terms of both wage levels and job security. Some participants argued that it

would be better for South Africa to create better-paying, higher-quality jobs, and that it

could do so by adopting the right set of policies. Questions were also raised about the

viability of a low-wage growth path. Key points included:

• employment growth before the recession consisted largely of low-quality jobs, many

of which simply evaporated when the economy stopped growing. This is characteristic

of these kinds of jobs.

• vulnerable, low-paying jobs did not build significant, portable skills.

• Jobs in which people did not feel secure and which offered little prospect of fur-

ther training or career progression would inevitably create a class of workers whose

productivity would not improve, and whose employment would therefore end the

moment a wage subsidy were withdrawn.

Some participants questioned whether a wage subsidy would boost investment. Other

cost-related incentives, including tax incentives, had been offered to investors in the past,

but did not result in new investment. A wage subsidy was a similar form of ‘tinkering’, and

it would be a mistake to expect better outcomes.

by contrast, others argued that the reason why businesses did not create more jobs were

the disincentives implicit in the laws regulating the labour market. These encouraged

employers to retrench workers and adopt more capital-intensive production techniques.

A wage subsidy would have to be very large to offset these factors.

Others noted that a wage subsidy would not address the most important cause of the

lack of jobs, namely low levels of economic growth. If the main reasons for this were poor

19August 2011


Trying to accelerate growth by improving productivity would ignore the enormous gains that could be made just by putting unused resources to work

infrastructure (especially transport and electricity) and the lack of skills, a wage subsidy

would do nothing to increase employment growth. Therefore, it might be better for South

Africa to spend its resources on infrastructure and other constraints on growth rather than

on a wage subsidy.

While many participants agreed that growth was a crucial variable in determining how

much employment would be created, one suggested that this was not a reason to dismiss

a wage subsidy for low-wage workers: ‘It is correct that a wage subsidy won’t work with-

out addressing the structural impediments to growth. but the opposite is also true: that a

growth strategy will not work without a wage subsidy. The reason for this is that I would

add one more factor to Prof romer’s list of the good things delivered by employment –

skills, dignity, income, inclusion – namely economic growth. Unemployed people are by

far the largest unused resource in our economy. We have to have a growth strategy that

brings more people into work, otherwise our growth is going to fail. So it is wrong to set

up growth strategies in opposition to wage subsidies. In fact, by getting people into work,

and helping them acquire skills, a wage subsidy might be needed to bring people into

employment.’

responding to some of these arguments, Prof romer agreed that putting unused

resources to work presented South Africa with a big opportunity to grow quickly. but this

was not the only growth effect that a wage subsidy could have. If a wage subsidy succeeded

in getting unemployed and inexperienced people into real jobs, it would also improve the

skills profile of the South African workforce. From this point of view, a wage subsidy would

not just create jobs and stimulate growth, but would also improve productivity and, in that

way, South Africa’s growth potential. however, trying to accelerate growth only by improv-

ing productivity would ignore the enormous gains that could be made just by putting

unused resources to work. because unemployed people also tended to be unskilled, they

were most suitable for low-skill, light manufacturing industries. Trying to improve their

skills to make them suitable for other industries would be costly, slow and ineffective.

singapore’s use of wage subsidies

prof Hian Teck HoonAssociate Dean, School of Economics, Singapore Management University

SINGAPOre comprises 700 square kilometres against South Africa’s 1,2 million, and we

have 4,8 million people while you have ten times as many. These differences in scale may

have important consequences for economic policy, but Singapore’s experience with wage

subsidies may still be helpful for you.

singapore’s wage subsidies

Singapore has implemented two kinds of wage subsidies. In 2007 we introduced what is

today called a Workfare Income Supplement (WIS), in terms of which the government

boosts the income of 20 per cent of workers who earn the least by up to 20 per cent if they

work for at least six months a year. This subsidy is designed to encourage people to work.



In order for South Africa to close the

gap between living standards here and

those in the developed world, it will need

a long period of ‘catch-up growth’

In 2009, in response to the global recession, we implemented a second kind of wage

subsidy, which quickly rose to consume about 2 per cent of GDP. It sought to increase the

demand for labour by providing that employers who did not retrench anyone would be

entitled to a subsidy for low wage workers. This could amount to 12 per cent of payroll.

In this way, government hugely subsidised employment, and, despite negative economic

growth in 2009, employment levels did not fall much. This programme – which was

intended to be countercyclical – is now being phased out, with the value of the subsidy

falling through 2010.

Of the two programmes, the WIS is more structural in character. It is not welfare because

recipients have to work, but it has encouraged low-skilled workers to look for work. If they

do, they enjoy higher incomes.

Unskilled workers in Singapore tend to be our older workers – people like my father who

missed school and entered the workforce early. They don’t benefit from the salaries paid

to high-skill workers. This is why the scheme applies only to workers older than 35 who

earn less than $1 700 a month. The programme has recently been expanded so that all

those who qualify for income support also qualify for training support, which is paid to

employers to cover workers’ absence while they are attending training programmes. The

effect is to help people who would be paid very little by the market because of the skills bias

in our economy, especially because many low-skilled industries have moved to vietnam

or China. This has resulted in increased wage inequality, which the wage subsidy helps to

reduce.

Catching up to the us in three decades

In order for South Africa to close the gap between living standards here and those in the

developed world, you will need a long period of ‘catch-up growth’. This is something Sin-

gapore managed in three decades. One of the prerequisites was that all interest groups in

our society agreed on how this should be done.

People often say that Singapore’s only resource is its people. We don’t have mining. We

don’t have agriculture. At independence in 1965, there were two things that bothered the

new prime minister. The first was the number of people without jobs, which was about 14

per cent, but might have risen further when the british, whose troops contributed 30 per

cent of our GDP, pulled out. The second was housing: Singapore is a very densely popu-

lated island, and many people lived in slums.

This was the context in the 1960s. but, by the 1980s, unemployment was down to 3 per

cent. Now, if one makes the appropriate adjustments to the exchange rate, living stand-

ards are higher than those in the United States.

This process of catch-up has really been one of shifting comparative advantage. In the

1960s, employment rose because manufacturing firms (textiles at first) started to base

their operations in Singapore. This was low-skilled work, but it lifted the incomes of the

poor. In the 1970s, we began to produce simple electronics. Then we moved to making

hard drives and semi-conductors. Now the semi-conductors have moved out. And so, in

each decade, Singapore moved up the ladder of comparative advantage, with very posi-

tive implications for average wages even for the unskilled. recently, globalisation and

skills-biased technological change have put pressure on the wages of low-skilled workers.

but the broader trend has been one of rising wages and a shrinking wage gap.

21August 2011


When unemployment in Singapore spiked in 1986, the policy response was to reduce the costs of employing people

Three key factors for success

In the 1960s the conventional wisdom in the development literature was that developing

countries needed to adopt an import substitution strategy. Singapore rejected this. We

realised that the only way in which a country of 3 million people could thrive was to woo

multinational corporations. The policy was very unpopular: we were a newly independ-

ent nation, and the prime minister was acting like a salesman trying to attract foreign

companies. Then, bit by bit, companies came, and we established a reputation for reliable

infrastructure, secure electricity supplies, good roads, and so on. And growth followed, so

that today we export capital.

This lesson remains valid: catch-up growth can be attained by integrating your econ-

omy into the world economy. Today, production is broken into multiple supply chains,

and there is a lot of potential to produce something for companies whose headquarters

are elsewhere but which want to manufacture where labour costs are low.

This ties in well with the idea of a wage subsidy. you want a wage subsidy both to boost

employment as much as possible, and for a large portion of it to be passed on to workers.

Singapore’s experience is that a wage subsidy does boost take-home pay if labour demand

is elastic, which it is in export-oriented light manufacturing.

The second important strand in the story of Singapore’s development has been the role

of the labour unions. In the 1960s there were lots of strikes, which is not conducive to

attracting multinationals. In response, the prime minister sought to build greater trust

between trade unions, business and government. An example of the importance of this

was the recession in 1986, when unemployment spiked. The policy response was to

reduce employers’ costs of employing people, which is exactly what a wage subsidy does.

At the time, employers contributed 25 per cent of a worker’s pay to a retirement fund,

with the employee contributing a further 25 per cent. The key response to the 1986

recession was a 15 percentage point cut in the employer’s contribution. As a result, unem-

ployment dropped rapidly (see figure 4).

Figure 4: Unemployment in Singapore, 1966–2008

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

20072003199919951991198719831979197519711967

Aver

age

annu

al u

nem

ploy

men

t rat

e

Source: Ministry of Manpower, Labour Force Survey except for June 1995 and 2005

(General household Survey) and June 2000 (Census of Population).



There is a serious misalignment between employment costs and

productivity among young people.

The vital point is that it was workers who paid for this. The government did not make up

the difference, so cutting the employer’s contribution meant that there was less money

going to an individual’s retirement fund. Workers accepted this only because they under-

stood that reducing employment costs would save jobs. This was why they were willing to

sacrifice some future income.

That is the second part of Singapore’s story. We have created a social consensus of give

and take in dealing with economic shocks, which we often address by lowering the costs of

employment. We did this in 1986 and again in 1998, when employers’ contribution to retire-

ment funds was cut once again. At the time their contribution was 20 per cent of salaries,

and that was cut in half. Something similar happened in 2003. The big difference between

these events and the introduction of a direct wage subsidy in 2009 is that, until then, reduc-

tions in wage costs had effectively been paid for by workers themselves. Only in 2009 did

the government pay the bill for lowering employment costs through subsidies. Still, we have

always fought recessions by reducing the cost of employment, not by other kinds of fiscal

stimulus.

The final element has been government. right from the beginning, the government

understood that even if it supported industry, it should not try to protect existing firms

and workers at the expense of inhibiting industrial restructuring. If we did that, we would

not move up the value chain. So, even when particular firms and jobs were lost, the gov-

ernment did not try to help save them. What it did do was to help on the supply side.

One example is the story of the last decade, which has seen the emergence of bio-med-

ical firms. The government has aided this by providing scholarships for gifted students to

study at the best universities overseas. The government has also been very good at talking

to business and making sure that it understood its needs, so that we could attract new

industries and open up new markets.

pA n e l I s Ts

David faulknerDirector: Growth Policy, National Treasury

The TreASUry’S view is that we should be looking at a youth-targeted wage subsidy.

We know that unemployment levels in that group are 50 per cent and more. We also know

that 20 per cent of young people who had jobs lost them over the past two years. These are

significance challenges.

There is a serious misalignment between employment costs and productivity among

young people. Whether it is productivity that is too low, or costs that are too high, this is

the challenge. One or the other must be addressed, either by raising the productivity of

young workers, or adjusting the cost of employing them.

In this regard, consider that minimum wages in OeCD countries are typically about 40

per cent of the median wage. In South Africa, they are 62 per cent. This leaves very little

room for employers to reduce wages to reflect the much lower productivity levels of inex-

perienced workers. Other countries also have age-related minimum wages, so that young

workers can be paid less. South Africa doesn’t make this concession.

23August 2011


The essential idea is that a subsidy will help young people access jobs and gain experience so that their skills develop

It’s not easy to fix a misalignment of employment costs and productivity, but a youth-

targeted wage subsidy could be an important tool. The essential idea is that a subsidy

will help young people access jobs and gain experience so that their skills develop. The

subsidy would be temporary to reduce cost, but long enough – two years – so beneficiaries

gain the skills. At that point their productivity will be higher, and the misalignment will be

addressed so that firms can hire them at full wages.

A wage subsidy is just one facet of a much larger set of policies that have to be imple-

mented. by itself, it could have a large impact on employment. but we have 2,5 million

unemployed people between the ages of 15 and 29, so we will either have to run a wage

subsidy for a very long time, or we are going to need a plethora of interventions. These

would include the expanded Public Works Programme, youth brigades, skills develop-

ment, and improved employment services that assist in job search and matching. We have

to find a way for all these interventions to work together to create jobs in the most cost-

effective and sustainable way. This means getting young people on to schemes that create

permanent, full-time employment, primarily in the private sector.

prof Charles simkinsHead of School, St Augustine College of South Africa

The rOLe and impact of a wage subsidy depends on the context in which such a policy

is implemented. Its impact would depend on how it articulates with reform of the labour

market regime, as well as education and social policies. There are other factors, but I will

only deal with the issues of how a wage subsidy should fit in with labour market and with

educational and social policies.

A wage subsidy and education reform

how a wage subsidy articulates with education policy is an important issue, especially if it

is targeted at new entrants to the labour market and young workers. The first development

that may be relevant to the design of a wage subsidy is the reform of the senior certificate

– the exit qualification from Grade 12.

Under the old system, one could pass either with or without an endorsement for university

study. This has been replaced by a three-level classification: you can pass with permission to

go to university, permission to study for a diploma, or permission to study for a certificate.

each category receives roughly a third of all those who pass the senior certificate exams.

Government plans to expand further education and training colleges. These enrol about

550 000 people today, but the aim is to double this by 2014. This will not be easy, and may

worsen the already bad ratio of students to educators.

Then there is the question of the responsiveness of the higher education institutions

to these changes. This varies: Wits University, for example, is much more interested in

undergraduate and postgraduate degrees, while the University of Johannesburg has a

bigger trade in certificates and diplomas. but there may not be sufficient diploma pro-

grammes for those who qualify.

So there is a lot of uncertainty about how these changes will play out in the medium and

long term, and what they will mean for the skills profile of the unemployed. We also don’t

know how these qualifications will impact on the ability of young people to find work.



Trade unions are concerned that a wage

subsidy might be the thin edge of the wedge

for lowering wages across the system

reform to the labour market and social policies

An important factor in designing a wage subsidy and assessing its impact is what else

is being done in and to the labour market. There is, for example, talk about the possible

implementation of a grant to support job search. That wouldn’t necessarily be a wage sub-

sidy, but it could impact on employment.

Another issue is the possible impact of a more generous unemployment insurance

scheme, which might involve increasing the costs of unemployment insurance paid by

employers even as wage subsidies come on stream. Similarly, we need to think about

the impact of changes in social insurance. If, for example, it becomes mandatory for all

employed people to save for their retirement, the system would probably require a wage

subsidy for low-wage workers. This would seek only to protect take-home pay for current

employees, but it might impact on the design and affordability of a wage subsidy aimed at

boosting employment.

Then there are institutions such as Sector education and Training Authorities. In princi-

ple, these could be disbursing large sums for training and, in the process, subsidising the

wages of people on learnerships. but success has been mixed. The wage subsidy would

also have to articulate with the expanded Public Works Programme.

Finally, there are the trade unions. South African trade unions are very concerned that

a wage subsidy will result in subsidised employees displacing existing workers. They are

also concerned that a wage subsidy might be the thin edge of the wedge for lowering

wages across the system. Whether these are reasonable concerns depends on the particu-

lar form of wage subsidy.

The fact that our product market is dominated by large firms is also an issue that design-

ers of a wage subsidy need to think about. If there were more competition, it is doubtful

that wages in the formal sector could be as high as they are. Greater competitiveness in

our product market would change the landscape for trade unions, whose bargaining

power would be reduced.

The bottom line is that there are many uncertainties in the policy and economic envi-

ronment, and it’s not clear that a wage subsidy will articulate well with what emerges

from these dynamics. One concern, for example, is that a wage subsidy might result in the

growth of firms that are not economically viable in the absence of a subsidy.

Milan vodopivecLead Economist: HD Sector Leader, Human Development Network, The World Bank

There IS something fundamentally wrong with a growth path that has generated as few

jobs as South Africa’s. by itself, this kind of growth will not take care of unemployment.

but South Africa can and should adopt policies that will help to do so. A wage subsidy is

an option. Whatever policy is chosen, however, it is important not to lose sight of existing

labour market imperfections, which must also be addressed. Another issue that must be

addressed is skills-biased technological progress.

Post-apartheid South Africa has created 3 million jobs, but employment creation has

been much faster for workers with degrees than for people with general education and

training. In fact, since 1994 South Africa has lost jobs for people with incomplete general

education and training. While jobs for people with degrees have grown by about 6 per

25August 2011


While jobs for people with degrees have grown by about 6 per cent a year over the last 15 years, they have fallen by 3 per cent a year for people without a matric

cent a year over the last 15 years, they have fallen by 3 per cent a year for people without

a matric (see figure 5).

Figure 5: Average employment growth by education level in South Africa, 1995–2009

-4% -3% -2% -1% 0% 1% 2% 3% 4% 5% 6% 7% 8%

Total

Degree

Dipl/Cert

Matric

Complete GET

Incomplete GET

Source: h Bhorat and N Mayet, Labour demand trends and the determinants of unemployment in South Africa,

DPRU, 2010.

Then there is the question of union power and the associated wage premium. Figure 6

shows that wage premiums are highest at the lower end of the wage scale. This must be

addressed. These premiums go a long way to explaining why the labour market doesn’t

clear, leaving so many people unemployed, especially young people.

Figure 6: Union wage premiums in South Africa, 2001 and 2007

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

Mean90th75th50th25th10th

■ 2001■ 2007

Source: h Bhorat and N Mayet, Labour demand trends and the determinants of unemployment in South Africa,

DPRU, 2010.

Would a wage subsidy help to fix this? In the United States, a wage subsidy implemented

between 1979 and 1994 enrolled 9 per cent of eligible youths, and created 13 to 30 per cent

more jobs than would have been created otherwise. belgium’s experience also shows that



In Singapore, workers were willing to forgo

their rights in the 1960s because they knew that ten or 15 years later they would be

much better off

wage subsidies can improve prospects for employment. however, a wage subsidy may be

just one response to youth unemployment. Other promising options include providing

training opportunities together with employment services such as job search assistance.

rudi DicksExecutive Director, National Labour and Economic Development Institute

PrOF hOON has correctly emphasised the importance of trust between social partners.

In Singapore, workers were willing to forgo their rights in the 1960s because they knew – or

trusted – that ten or 15 years later they would be much better off. but that kind of trade-off

is not realistic in South Africa. If unions gave up their rights, they would wind up being

worse off than before.

Singapore’s unions accepted the sacrifice in the context of other major interventions

in economic policy, including significant investment in light manufacturing, shifts to a

hi-tech economy, and so on. There was a package of reforms, and they could support that

package. Is this true in South Africa? What is our package? Which industries are we going

to build?

South Africa is already on a low-wage economic trajectory. Data from the Labour Force

Survey shows that about 19 per cent of workers in the formal sector earn less than r1 000

a month, while about 50 per cent earn less than r2 500. These people are predominantly

in domestic service (which employs around about a million people), agriculture (which

employs somewhat less), and business process outsourcing, including private security.

This is a serious problem. In fact, the expanded Public Works Programme – which pays

between r60 and r75 a day – is now paying more than the minimum wages in agriculture

and domestic services. The bottom line is that income is at crisis levels.

The big question is whether or not a wage subsidy will help to raise incomes and

inclusion. One concern is that a wage subsidy targeted at young people might create a

significant substitution effect. Older workers are part of unions and have negotiated better

rights and wages. employers would be happy to replace them with younger workers who

qualify for wage subsidies because this would reduce costs.

There is also an idea that a wage subsidy should be tied to changes in the regulatory

environment, and even the exemption of young workers from their statutory rights. This

would exacerbate the insider/outsider problem because older workers would then have

more rights than younger ones.

setepane MohaleDirector: Economic Policy Development, Economic Development Department

We DON’T know how much we spend on developing young people, so we don’t know

how much we already target them. We do know that if you’re an unemployed, under-

skilled young person, the longer you’re unemployed, the less likely you are ever to become

employed. So, targeting young people through various measures is necessary. but we also

need to worry about displacing older workers.

One issue to think about is how we ensure the quality of that training. We now have a lot

of money going to training, but the quality and impact are questionable.

27August 2011


The idea that we will encourage employment by shoe-horning extra people into existing capital-intensive firms is a complete misconception

A wage subsidy has to be linked to a growth strategy, and that needs a social compact.

Government cannot do it alone. This is at the centre of our thinking about the New Growth

Path: that we need a social consensus and a common vision for growing the economy.


MUCh OF The discussion revolved around the idea of linking skills-formation and the

wage subsidy. views diverged on this. One view was that a wage subsidy had to articulate

well with existing policies. These did not always work optimally – for instance, learner-

ships (which operate like a wage subsidy) had not been taken up very widely, but did

generate recognised, portable skills. The danger with a system in which skills-formation

was unstructured is that it would produce fewer skills and provide less mobility.

Against this, some participants warned against attempting to align too many objectives,

which could lead to paralysis. It was also argued that the skills generated by employment

were not the kinds for which certificates could be issued, but rather softer, work-related

skills like punctuality and reliability. These skills were valued by employers and were

learnt simply by having a job and an employer who imposes reasonable workplace dis-

cipline. They did not require training programmes, but were nonetheless essential. This

being so, a wage subsidy that actually got people into work would generate valuable skills

irrespective of any other policies or reforms that might be instituted.

Participants also discussed the relevance of the Singaporean experience to South Africa.

One noted that Singapore’s story was one of progressive movement up the industrial value

chain, while the introduction of a wage subsidy for unskilled and inexperienced workers

in South Africa could be interpreted as encouraging a move down the value chain. This

could have two implications. The first was that, because a high-wage sector would con-

tinue to exist side by side with a low-wage one, some workers would continue to look

for jobs only in the high-wage sector, thereby reducing the impact of the policy. A sec-

ond issue was more political: some people might be resisting the idea of a wage subsidy

because they believe this would mean that South Africa would not progress as smoothly

up the value chain as Singapore had, and that our industrial and economic development

would be discontinuous. This may explain some of the resistance to the idea of having the

state support the expansion of low-wage work.

Other participants agreed that a wage subsidy could cause some discontinuity, but

argued that this was desirable and inevitable. According to one, ‘the idea that we will

encourage employment growth by shoe-horning extra people into existing capital-inten-

sive firms and industries is a complete misconception’. The mining sector, for example,

had accepted as long ago as the 1980s that it could not continue on the basis of low-skill,

low-wage labour, and that its workforce would become progressively smaller, better

skilled and better paid. existing industries could not absorb all the unskilled and inexpe-

rienced workers who had no jobs, so the challenge was to build new firms and industries

that would be significantly more labour-intensive in their choice of product and produc-

tion technique.

Another noted that it was precisely because the unemployed were unskilled and inex-

perienced that the emergence of new industries should be encouraged. This implied that

the mix of firms would change, and that, on average, South African industry would be



Employers are enormously

wage-sensitive

further down the value chain. but for individuals who had no prospect of employment by

high-skill, high-wage firms, these more labour-intensive firms would actually represent a

progression up the value chain. In fact, it is only in this way that further productivity and

wage gains could be secured.

One participant noted that Singapore ‘always subjected itself to the market test’. This was

achieved simply by asking multinationals what was needed to get them to invest in Singa-

pore, and listening to the response. South Africa could also attract multinationals involved

in light manufacturing. however, it would then have to ask Chinese and other firms about

what it would take to bring them here. In the beginning they might say things that South

Africans would not want to hear, but this might help to change the terms of the policy debate.

The costs of existing regulation

e x p l A I n I n g u n e M p loyM e n T

loane sharpLabour Economist, Adcorp

ADCOrP IS South Africa’s largest employment agency. Our main role is finding work for

people, which we do for about 200 000 people a year. Of these, 92 per cent are African,

85 per cent are younger than 24, and 50 per cent have never worked previously. So our

employees closely fit the profile which the wage subsidy is intended to address.

There is no definitive answer to the question of how sensitive employment is to wages,

but over the past eight years an entry-level employee in our organisation has earned

the same nominal wage. So an 18-year-old employed by us today earns the same as

an 18-year-old with equivalent qualifications did eight years ago. Why is this? because

employers are enormously wage-sensitive. We can’t raise the charge-out cost of providing

people to them. And the rise in the costs of employment is precisely the reason why firms

like mine have grown so quickly over the last eight years. We’re one of the ways in which

businesses try to keep costs down.

A wage subsidy is a potentially important intervention because it helps to reduce

employment costs. but it does have defects. One is that it may keep other important policy

issues off the table. It’s a bit like the debate about skills shortages. At Adcorp we can con-

vert an unskilled person into a skilled person in five to eight weeks. That is why we don’t

think the skills shortage is the fundamental cause of youth unemployment. however, by

exaggerating the skills shortage in discussions of public policy, some of the most impor-

tant issues – like the escalation of wages in our collective bargaining system, and the level

of conflict and militancy in our labour relations – are kept off the table.

If youth wage subsidies do materialise, they will raise levels of youth employment only

if they make a meaningful difference to South Africa’s competitiveness. At the moment, if

you look at data about the competitiveness of our labour, you get a mixed bag of results.

by international standards, non-wage benefits are very low as a proportion of wages. The

professional merit of our management is ranked in the world’s top 20. We pay very low

29August 2011


We score very low in the category of co-operation in employer-employee relations, largely because of trade union militancy

severance packages. On the other hand, we score very low in the category of co-operation

in employer-employee relations, largely because of trade union militancy. We fare just as

badly when it comes to the flexibility of our wage determination process and the regula-

tory burden associated with hiring and firing.

Mixed bag though it is, you can see the net effect of changing regulations in the work-

place by looking at the relationship between economic growth and employment growth

(see figure 7).

Figure 7: SA economic growth and levels of employment, 1940–2009

0

100

200

300

400

500

600

700

800

200820021996199019841978197219661960195419481942

GDPEmployment levels

Source: Reserve Bank data, processed and adjusted for anomalies by Adcorp, 2011.

between 1940 and 1977 there was a close relationship between the economy and the

labour market; economic growth generated good employment growth. Then, in 1978,

the Wiehahn Commission proposed sweeping changes to the labour relations landscape.

From that point on, the economy’s trajectory and the trajectory of employment diverged.

The same thing happened after the introduction of the new Labour relations Act in

1995. This was supposed to modernise South Africa’s labour relations framework, but it

widened the gap between rates of growth and rates of employment creation. Of course,

this is just the flip side of rising labour productivity. What’s interesting is the sharp falls in

labour intensity in the three or four years after the Wiehahn Commission, as well as the

Labour relations Act. Those are the most obvious regulatory impacts we have had over

the past 15 years.

Another key issue is that, since 2002, remuneration per worker has increased dra-

matically while productivity per worker has dropped (see figure 8). This is not an ideal

employment creation scenario.

by way of conclusion, it’s worth thinking about the consequences of present trends. To

my mind, Julius Malema is not a historical accident. he has emerged because millions of

people younger than 35 are not employed. his rhetoric gives one a sense of the direction

our policies will take if we don’t solve this problem.

If you want to be really afraid, think about this: according to StatsSA, 6,2 million peo-

ple are currently unemployed or discouraged. There are 5,6 million more people in the

secondary and tertiary education systems who will look for work over the next five years.



Broadly defined, unemployment could exceed 45 per cent in

eight years’ time

Our estimate is that we will have jobs for no more than 2 million of them. If that happens,

unemployment – broadly defined – could exceed 45 per cent in eight years’ time.

Figure 8: Labour productivity and remuneration, 1990–2010

-6%

-4%

-2%

0%

2%

4%

6%

8%

10%

20102008200620042002200019981996199419921990

■ Labour productivity■ Remuneration per worker (inflation adjusted)

Annu

al p

erce

nt c

hang

e

Source: South African Reserve Bank

e M p loyM e n T T r e n D s I n Ag r I C u lT u r e

Dawie MareeEconomist, Agri SA

AGrICULTUre accounts for about 2,9 per cent of GDP, but its linkages to other sectors

raise its overall contribution to more than 15 per cent. That’s why 1 per cent growth in

agriculture leads to more than 1 per cent growth in the rest of the economy. but the sector

has gone through a lot of changes which have affected its impact on the economy.

In 1996 there were 60 000 farms; today there are 40 000. The sector is also very much less

labour-intensive than it used to be. It still employs about 640 000 people – or 5,1 per cent

of workers – even though the absolute number in 2010 is about 20 000 less than the same

time last year.

Labour costs are among the most significant of the sector’s input costs. These include

wages – the minimum is about r1 300 a month – as well as housing, transport support,

training, health benefits, and recreation facilities. There are also some indirect costs of

labour regulations which are very difficult to measure but can have a significant impact.

For example, SArS has instituted new Pay-As-you-earn regulations which require that

every employee must be registered for tax purposes. This is an additional administrative

burden on farmers. Then there are other additional costs like the proposed retirement,

medical and funeral funds. There are also employment equity and skills development

policies that must be considered. These labour costs are hard to control, so farmers look

for other production methods such as increased mechanisation.

31August 2011


Labour costs are hard to control, so farmers look for other production methods such as increased mechanisation

The South African agriculture sector receives less state support than those in most other

countries with which we trade (see figure 9). In South Africa, farmers receive state support

amounting to about 3 per cent of the value of our production. In the european Union, the

figure is 24 per cent, and some countries provide even more. by that measure, there is

definitely space for wage subsidies to help support agriculture.

Figure 9: Support to agriculture in selected countries, 2009

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

New Zealand

Australia

South Africa

United States

Mexico

Canada

OECD

EU

Turkey

Iceland

Japan

Kora

Switzerland

Norway

Source: OECD, Agricultural policies in OECD countries, 2010.

n e WC A s T l e’s C loT H I n g fAC To r I e s

Alex liuChairman, Newcastle Chinese Chamber of Commerce

I WOULD like to compliment you for inviting a criminal to be a speaker. I represent the

Newcastle Chinese Chamber of Commerce. With 180 other alleged criminals, we employ

about 18 000 workers, mostly in the textiles business.

Since the sewing machine was invented 100 years ago, the nature of the work of putting

garments together has stayed the same. The operator has to take two pieces of fabric, line

them up, and put them through the sewing machine. It’s a unique industry, and it creates

lots of jobs because you cannot replace the operator with a machine. No matter how good

your machine is, you still need an operator.

This is what the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation has said about

our industry: ‘The South African textile and clothing industries constitute an important

sector of South Africa’s economy. It is the most labour-intensive sector of manufacturing,



South Africa’s textile and clothing

industries are the most labour-intensive manufacturing sector.

The operators are predominantly

female and black

and the operators are predominantly female and black. Therefore, this sector has a signifi-

cant impact on gender equality, social inclusion and poverty reduction.’11

Foreign investment in Newcastle took off in 1985 when the previous government pro-

vided incentives and land for foreign investors. Today, there are 24 000 workers employed

in the manufacturing sector. The clothing sector alone has 8 000 workers.

but the South African clothing sector is in trouble. In 2003 it employed 206 147 workers;

in 2006 the figure was down to 142 000. Today, we think the figure is between 80 000 and

120 000. We’re uncertain of the exact number because many employers have gone under-

ground as a result of the legal action instituted by the bargaining Council. We know, for

example, that in 2004 there were 1 488 companies registered with the bargaining Council.

In 2006 the figure was 1 270 companies. Of those, 60 per cent were deemed to be non-

compliant with bargaining council decisions. Now there are 1 058 registered factories, 385

of which are being targeted by the bargaining Council. In KwaZulu-Natal, 80 per cent of

factories are non-compliant.

So who formed this bargaining Council? And who sets and enforces its policies?

When the bargaining Council started it comprised seven employer associations and one

trade union, SACTWU. Today it comprises only one employer association – the Apparel

Manufacturers of South Africa (AMSA) – while SACTWU is still the only trade union.

Interestingly, AMSA’s members employ only about 40 000 workers, and SACTWU has a

membership of about 50 000 or 55 000. Many, perhaps even most, of SACTWU’s members

work in non-compliant factories. even so, it only represents about half the workforce.

Non-compliant factories are not permitted to participate in wage negotiations or pol-

icy-making. So we are unrepresented. Sometimes, we are not even informed of decisions

– like the one in 2006 to implement a provident fund contribution in factories located

outside the metropolitan areas.

When the bargaining Council started to take legal action in Newcastle, our stand was

that if they closed down one factory, we would all close down together, because we feel we

are not part of this game. It’s hard for us to be part of this law.

On 31 August 2010 the Free State MeC of economic Development met with the bargain-

ing Council. A 30-day moratorium on legal action was agreed. We had another meeting in

Pretoria on 6 September, where we agreed that the non-compliant factories must submit a

proposal to resolve the current situation. A new wage model was proposed on 20 Septem-

ber. We had only two requests: first, a wage model that is more flexible and better able to

create incentives for increased productivity; and second, a moratorium on all inspections

by the bargaining Council, because its procedures are flawed.

A new wage model is needed if the industry is to survive. The only reason we can’t com-

pete with imports is because of high wage costs. According to ILO data, in 2006 average

labour costs in South African manufacturing were 3,5 times higher than in China. Local

manufacturers could be competitive, however, if we were allowed to introduce production

incentives. We are hoping that we can persuade the bargaining Council to let individual

employers negotiate wages and incentives, rather than letting those be decided in Cape

Town. Maybe this is why wage costs have gone up so quickly. In 2005, the minimum wage

for qualified machinists was r272 a week; today it’s r479. Our view is that this makes us

uncompetitive.

In cut, make and trim operations, which are the simplest, labour costs are about 40 to

60 per cent of all costs. If they double, we are uncompetitive. Our proposal is that the

minimum should be r280 a week, but again with performance bonuses. It sounds like a

33August 2011


We know we are uncompetitive because South Africa imports almost all its clothing – 357 million pieces in 2006

little, but remember China. And China is not our only competitor: in in Lesotho they pay

r160 a week, and in Swaziland, r120.

We know we are uncompetitive because South Africa imports almost all its clothing. In

2006 we imported 357 million pieces of clothing, or 88 per cent of all clothing sold in the

country. With more flexible wages, we could produce much more clothing locally.

pA n e l I s Ts

Ian MacunDirector: Collective Bargaining, Department of Labour

I WOULD like to touch very quickly on three points relating to issues of institutions and

policy.

• Labour rights. To my mind, we are a moderately and fairly benignly regulated econ-

omy. There are certain rights and obligations that go with this. We could seek legal

changes governing the conditions of employing young people, but I’m not sure that

that is the best way to take this debate forward because, as in the case of Singapore, we

need to win over the unions and social partners in a policy debate of this sort.

• What kind of employment do we want? I think we want employment that has as much

security as possible. We do not want to perpetuate the growth of insecure, short-term

employment. Apart from anything else, low-wage, insecure jobs don’t generate much

consumer demand. So, we need to look at the issue of employment security and how

the wage subsidy might affect this.

d E V E LO P M E n TS I n n E WC A S T L E

This Round Table was hosted on 2 November 2010. At that time, a moratorium on the enforce-

ment of Bargaining Council wage minimums was in place while the Ministers of Labour and

Economic Development reviewed the position and decided on a future course of action. That

moratorium was lifted in January when it was decreed that all garment factories would have

to be 70 per cent compliant with Bargaining Council agreements by 31 March 2011, 90 per

cent compliant by 1 January 2012, and 100 per cent compliant by 1 April 2012. This would be

enforced by the Council’s inspectors.

According to local employers, some 29 factories employing 1 200 people closed their doors

between 1 January and 29 April 2011 as a result of this. Media reports suggest that some fac-

tory owners are planning to move their operations to Lesotho or Swaziland.

In May 2011, two factories deemed to be non-compliant – one of them belonging to Mr Liu –

were closed on the orders of the inspectors. Some 90 factories downed tools for two days in a

gesture of support. SACTWU threatened them with legal action for the so-called ‘illegal lockout’.

CDE 2011



If you’re hiring a hot-shot scientist, you’re prepared to incur all the regulatory costs,

but not if you’re hiring somebody for R2 500 a

month

• Newcastle. Discussion of a wage subsidy raises the issue of the cost of employment, as

well as competitive wage levels. We do need to talk about a wage policy for the country.

The story of Newcastle seems to be about a problem in the wage determining mecha-

nism in that particular bargaining Council, and this is something we could debate. but

the real issue is the degree of flexibility within sectoral bargaining arrangements. There is

a way forward in clothing, but we may need to look at the role of sectoral determination.

Dr neil rankinProfessor Department of Economics, Wits University

The issue of labour regulations is more nuanced than people often think. There are issues

about how the constitution and the regulations were framed, and how they are actually

implemented. There are issues about the institutional framework, including the bargain-

ing Councils, and about the differential impact of wage agreements on different kinds of

firms, both across sectors and industries. Four points are worth making.

• Are these regulations as bad for firms as they say? Well, it depends on whose research

you read. bhorat and Cheadle suggested that they are not so bad in an international

context, though the firing provisions are out of line. Jeremy Magruder’s work, on the

other hand, suggests that institutions like bargaining councils restrict the growth of

firms, especially small firms. My own work suggests that the impact of labour regu-

lations differs depending on the type of firm, and particularly its size. The costs for

smaller firms are proportionately higher than they are for big firms. big firms can

afford hr departments whose officers can go to the CCMA. For a small firm, it’s the

managing director or owner who must go.

• The costs of regulations are proportionately higher for unskilled workers. If you’re hiring

a hot-shot scientist, you’re prepared to incur all the regulatory costs. That may not be

true if you’re hiring somebody for r2 500 a month.

• How do firms react? regulations can shape a firm’s strategic choices. One response

is to stop growing to avoid employment equity and bee regulations that kick in at

thresholds defined by the number of people employed. Those regulations can keep

firms small. Then, because they are small, they don’t reach the size needed to achieve

the economies of scale needed to compete in export markets.

• Who do firms employ? because employers don’t know who is worth hiring and who

isn’t, they often hire through people they already employ. This means that people who

live in households where no one is employed have much less chance of finding work

than people who live in households where someone else is already employed. This

perpetuates the insider/outsider divide. A wage subsidy may be one way of levelling

the playing field for those people who are outside the labour market with no links to it.

35August 2011


Though the economy shed a million jobs in two years, this was not the result of large-scale retrenchments


PArTICIPANTS focused on whether a wage subsidy would help businesses to become

more competitive and to employ more people.

Prof romer proposed the following thought experiment using figures provided by Alex

Lui. Suppose, he said, a competitive salary for a qualified machinist was r280 a week. Now

suppose it was decided that garment manufacture in Newcastle could expand significantly,

but only if firms paid wages of about r280 a week, with some variation for productivity. If

r280 per week was too low, but workers would accept r400, then government could pay the

extra r120 a week. The wage subsidy, then, could close the gap between an expectation of

what people should take home and the business reality facing firms. In these circumstances,

a wage subsidy could be the difference between expansion or shutting down.

An immediate question arose as to whether a wage subsidy, instead of closing the gap

between wage expectations and business realities, would be used simply to raise wages.

In response, Prof hoon said in theory there was no reason to think a wage subsidy would

push up wage levels. Much depended, however, on whether the subsidy was paid to work-

ers or employers. If a system of binding minimum wages existed, as it did in South Africa,

and workers earned a minimum of r400 a week, then a subsidy to workers who got jobs

would allow them to make r520 a week unless the statutory minimum that firms had

to pay was lowered to r280. If, on the other hand, the r120 a week went to the firms,

their out-of-pocket costs would be r280 even if they paid workers r400. It would therefore

make a huge difference if the subsidy went to the worker or to the firm.

Other insights included:

• Wage costs are not the only source of pressure on South Africa’s competitiveness. The

cost structure of South African manufacturing is both high and rising. Labour costs

are important, but other costs – including logistics, electricity, and municipal rates

and taxes – are rising quickly too. One response by companies to these rising costs is

increased mechanisation which, while not reducing non-labour cost pressures, has

the merit of reducing pressure on payroll costs.

• To see the Wiehahn Commission only in terms of its impact on labour costs is a mistake.

Wiehahn was necessary largely because the 1970s was a period of labour shortage,

and the Commission and its recommendations was a vehicle used to mitigate this: by

improving employment conditions for black workers, more would be induced to look

for work. In addition, the rights acquired by black workers played a key role in driving

South Africa towards democracy, and the latter would not exist without the former.

• The ILO rated South Africa’s policy response to the financial crisis as among the best

in the world, but found that the impact of the crisis on employment was among the

worst in the world.

• Though the economy shed a million jobs in two years, this was not the result of large-scale

retrenchments. The number of people leaving existing jobs during the recession was

not exceptional, and matched existing patterns in the labour market. What changed

during and after the recession was that the number of new hires fell off dramatically.

The result was considerable net job losses, but this happened without a significant



It is in young workers’ interests for their

employers to have the right to fire them

increase in the number of people losing their jobs in any given period. The loss of

these jobs does not, therefore, show that the labour market is flexible.

• It is in young workers’ interests for their employers to have the right to fire them. Giv-

ing firms a no-questions-asked right to dismiss young workers helps ensure that they

learn the discipline needed to make the most of their potential.

Calculating costs and benefits

Dr justine burnsEconomics Department, University of Cape Town

AT LEAST four papers have been written by economists at various universities and at

the World Bank, each seeking to model the costs and benefits of a wage subsidy in South

Africa.12 CDE asked Dr Burns to analyse the similarities and differences among the models

used, as well as the resulting estimates of costs and benefits. Dr Burns’s presentation was

quite technical, and space restrictions mean we cannot present all of it.13 Instead, we have

retained the core of her conclusions, while a box (facing page) sets out some issues that arise

when comparing the costs and benefits of wage subsidies as projected by different models.

by how much might a wage subsidy increase employment?

The models show a wide range of employment effects. If the subsidy is tightly targeted,

there are lower employment effects than if one assumes that a wider range of workers

and employers will be eligible. The spectrum of results runs from 88 000 additional jobs to

740 000. The bulk of results, however, lie in the range of 320 000 to 520 000 new jobs, the

majority of which will be for unskilled people.

Assumptions matter. One of those is about the degree to which the economy can create

unskilled jobs if it lacks either capital or skilled workers. In one model – which assumes a

general subsidy offered to employers in most sectors of the economy – the modellers run

through a number of different simulations. In one, where these constraints do not mat-

ter much, the wage subsidy generated about 700 000 more jobs. If these constraints were

assumed to matter more, however, the employment effect fell by half or even more.

The impact of complementary policies

One of the models asked what would happen if a wage subsidy coincided with a five per

cent increase in skilled workers – perhaps through increased immigration. Surprisingly,

the increased number of skilled workers actually reduced the employment effect of the

subsidy on unskilled workers. The authors argue that this is because skilled workers and

unskilled workers are poor substitutes for one another, and that capital constraints mean

that South Africa cannot expand production in such a way that it employs all the new

skilled workers and more unskilled workers. however, when capital is increased by 5 per

37August 2011


All the models project that a wage subsidy will have a positive effect on GDP

cent, the wage subsidy together with the increase in skilled workers leads to a further

increase in the employment effect for unskilled workers.

Comparing economic costs and benefits

The models help to estimate the effect of wage subsidies on GDP. Again, estimates differ

depending on assumptions. All suggest that there will be some positive impact, ranging

from 0,2 per cent to about 2,4 per cent, depending on what they assume about the design

of the subsidy and about the economy’s ability to employ more unskilled workers without

M O d E L L I n g T h E CO S TS A n d b E n E f I TS O f WAg E S U b S I d I E S

There have been a number of attempts at modelling the costs and benefits of a wage subsidy.

The conclusions depend on the assumptions made by the modellers, so it’s important to under-

stand the nature of the models used and the differences between them.

• The models only predict the once-off benefits and costs of a wage subsidy. Essentially,

they compare the economy today with a hypothetical economy in which a wage subsidy

has been implemented.

• how the models compare these two situations depends on how the current economy is

modelled as well as assumptions about the value of the subsidy assumed to be imple-

mented, who it targets, and the extent to which it is taken up.

• Although assumptions about the value of a wage subsidy were reasonably consistent

across the models under review, assumptions differed about whether the wage subsidy

would apply to all young workers (a general subsidy targeted at the youth), to all young

workers in particular sectors (a more narrowly targeted general subsidy), or only to young

new hires (a marginal subsidy targeted at young people).

• Given its assumed value, the fiscal costs of a wage subsidy increase the larger the number

of people that receive it. This means that marginal subsidies are cheaper than general

ones, and the narrower the set of beneficiaries, the lower the cost. On the other hand, the

more narrowly a subsidy is targeted, the smaller its employment impact will be.

• A key variable in determining the employment effect of a wage subsidy are assumptions

about whether there is enough capital and skilled workers available to accommodate

the employment of more unskilled workers, or whether unskilled workers could be used

efficiently even in the absence of more capital and more skilled workers. Modellers’

assumptions about this varied a great deal, with important consequences for the projected

impact of a wage subsidy on employment levels.

• All the models assume ‘perfect pass through’ of a wage subsidy to its beneficiaries. This

means that the wage subsidy is not used to increase wages currently being paid, and is

not treated as a windfall profit by businesses.

• Because the models only compare the present economy to a hypothetical economy in

which a wage subsidy is being paid, they cannot make predictions about any long-term

costs (such as higher tax rates, if that is how the subsidy is funded) or benefits (such as

raised productivity as a result of employment-related skills-formation).

CDE 2011



Wage subsidies seem to help when

unemployment is wage-induced, and the cost of

labour is too high

acquiring more capital or more skilled workers. At the same time, the programmes also

have fiscal costs, which, again depending on assumptions, are projected to be between

r1,3 billion and r20 billion a year (or between 0,01 per cent and 0,8 per cent of GDP).

Perhaps the most helpful way to look at the projected costs of the programme is to look

at projected costs per job. A lot depends on how many jobs are estimated to be created,

which depends on targeting and other assumptions. So, again, there’s a range – this time

a wide one – from about r15 000 per job (which assumes very tightly focused targeting)

through to about r98 500 (where all workers get a subsidy). but most of the models predict

a cost per job of r25 000 to r30 000.

Conclusion

So is a wage subsidy worth introducing? Part of the answer is that it depends on whether

one is talking about a general subsidy or a marginal one, and whether it is targeted at spe-

cific sectors or not. The wider the subsidy, the more it costs, and the more it costs per job.

Wage subsidies seem to help when unemployment is wage-induced, and the cost of

labour is too high. They are less helpful when unemployment is structural in the sense

that the economy requires workers with a profile that differs from the profile of people

who are actually available to work: if the economy cannot make use of unskilled labour,

for example, because of the absence of skilled people with whom they can work, then a

wage subsidy will not significantly increase the employment of unskilled people. To the

extent that the problem in South Africa is the lack of skills, wage subsidies will not drive up

employment unless they are accompanied by extensive complementary policies relating

to training, infrastructure development, and so on.

pA n e l I s Ts

Dr greg farrellHead, Monetary Policy Research Unit, SARB

GIveN The magnitude of the unemployment problem, policy intervention is required.

Monetary policy is not well-suited to this; a wage subsidy seems more appropriate.

The models discussed in the paper generate interesting results, but they should be

treated with caution. One reason for this is that the cost estimates generated by the models

come from studies that use similar methods. This makes them more comparable, but the

approaches may not be sufficiently diverse to really estimate the possible cost of a wage

subsidy. It may be better to compare these results against a totally different approach.

before we can really assess the costs and benefits of a wage subsidy, we also need to get

a sense of dynamics, of what happens over time. These models are a form of comparative

statics, so they do not tell us what happens to costs and benefits as the circumstances

underlying the models change. Overall, the models suggest that the effects on employ-

ment and GDP will be relatively small. They mostly predict a positive impact on GDP of

only about 1 per cent.

39August 2011


By increasing employment, a wage subsidy would also help address high levels of inequality

Andrew DonaldsonDeputy Director-General, National Treasury

I ThINK The most compelling case for a wage subsidy has nothing to do with its costs

and benefits. It simply flows from the idea of justice.

A broad range of theories of justice suggest that when human capital endowments are

very unequally distributed, society should tax progressively those who are well endowed,

and use the proceeds to distribute income more fairly through social assistance pro-

grammes. We do this already, and the effect of a wage subsidy is similar. That is why almost

all OeCD countries use this tool, and their reasons have more to do with justice than with

economic efficiency. So I think there is a case for a wage subsidy even if it has no dynamic

impact on employment.

having said that, one of the huge benefits of anything that brings more people into

employment is that it increases economic output, with the result that programmes that

grow employment have the potential to be comparatively costless. by increasing employ-

ment, a wage subsidy would also help address high levels of inequality.

The reasons for high levels of inequality are embedded in history, especially in our

unequal education system. There are other factors: conventions that determine remu-

neration, the monopoly rents that accrue to the concentrated parts of the economy, and

so on. Interventions that have the effect of broadening employment are appropriate for

dealing with this, especially if they increase output, productivity and growth. This is why

a wage subsidy can be comparatively costless from the point of view of the level of overall

economic activity.

None of this is captured in these models. This is an economy in which a very large part

of the productive capacity is unemployed. We want to intervene to encourage its employ-

ment because this has some redistributive effects, but also because it has the potential of

creating dynamic gains over time. Models can only deal with these issues quite crudely

when estimating costs and benefits.

An example of what models cannot capture is that a youth subsidy would help get young

people into employment. One benefit is that young people spend a few months rather

than a few years finding their first job. This is enormously desirable because of the huge

trauma that every family goes through when a young person, who has been fully occupied

for 12 years, is suddenly left completely unoccupied. The social and economic costs of this

are huge. young people who get into jobs quickly are much more likely to stay employed,

and much more likely to have a stable career. So even if we don’t know what difference a

wage subsidy will make to their prospects, we do know that if you get into a job quickly,

you learn more and faster, and that this feeds into productivity improvements over time.

The cost per job of wage subsidies needs to be compared with other programmes that

generate jobs, such as skills programmes and public works. For various reasons, our pub-

lic works programme is quite expensive, with each job costing about r100 000 a year. by

that comparison, the numbers that emerge out of these studies look good. I will ask my

colleague, David Faulkner, to tell you something about our estimates of the wage subsidy

proposal we have tabled.

There are a couple of important advantages to a youth-focussed wage subsidy. One is

that it is easier to do as a first step, as a way of piloting the possible impact on employ-

ment of subsidising wages through employers. The second is that it is forward-looking

– focusing on getting young people into work is about taking the future seriously. here

the contrast with Singapore is instructive. In Singapore, 30 years of extraordinary growth



Hopefully, after two years, beneficiaries

will be more productive and their employment

no longer has to be subsidised.

has left the older generation behind, so the state introduced a subsidy to help them find

employment. We are at exactly the other end of that trajectory. Perhaps in 30 years’ time,

we may need to do something similar for those who have been left behind now.

David faulknerDirector: Growth Policy, National Treasury

TreASUry hAS tried to model a youth-targeted wage subsidy using a similar method to

that used to estimate the costs of social security policy proposals. In effect, we are using

the current income distribution for young people aged between 18 and 29, and applying

a phased 50 per cent subsidy for those who earn r2 000 a month or less. We then assume

that the subsidy will get smaller as income rises, and will vanish completely if people earn

enough to qualify to pay income tax. each individual’s subsidy would last for two years,

with the second year being of a lower value than the first. The idea is that you give a larger

subsidy when people have no experience, and a smaller one after they have acquired a

year’s experience. hopefully, after two years, beneficiaries will be more productive and

their employment no longer has to be subsidised.

When we cost this, we have been assuming that it will be a marginal subsidy, not a gen-

eral one, so it will apply only to new hires. This is intended to prevent employers from

retrenching existing workers who don’t qualify for a subsidy and replacing them with sub-

sidised employees.

We have assumed a medium level of substitutability so that employers can use some

unskilled labour even in the absence of new sources of skilled workers and capital, and we

are also assuming some new employment that would have been created in the ordinary

course of things through economic growth.

In the end, we are looking at costs of about r5 billion over three years. We think we will

end up subsidising about 420 000 jobs, of which 170 000 or 180 000 would not have been

created without the subsidy. even that may be an overestimate, however, because young

people enter and leave the labour market all the time, so some people whom we subsidise

won’t stay in employment. In effect, we think we will create 130 000 jobs at about r40 000

per job.


MUCh OF The discussion centred on the vital question of whether the proposed

wage subsidy would be worth the money, with participants emphasising both the pro-

posal’s costs and benefits, as well as its potential impact on the national debate about

unemployment.

Costs and benefits

Some participants expressed concern about the relative modesty of the programme that

Treasury had described. A programme that cost r5 billion over three years but generated

41August 2011


A wage subsidy could only lower GDP if it required substantially higher taxation and if this reduced economic activity

only 130 000 new jobs was felt to be too small to change the employment outlook of the

country, since the economy needs about 6 million more jobs.

A number of points were made by way of qualification. One was that the 130 000 jobs was

an estimate of all the jobs that would exist after some of those who got work experience as

a result of the wage subsidy left the labour market – whether to start families or to acquire

further training. In fact, 180 000 additional young people would obtain some work experi-

ence during the three years of the programme. In addition, a further 250 000 jobs would be

created for young people in those three years. Therefore, projected employment growth,

particularly from the point of view of young people who face terrible prospects in the

labour market, was not as trivial as it might seem. Thus, the wage subsidy, should it work

as projected, would increase the odds that a young person would find work by more than

50 per cent, with larger increases for unskilled young people. While this growth was off a

low base, the social and economic consequences of improving young people’s chances of

employment would be important and might shift expectations among young people.

how realistic is the prediction of the creation of 130 000 jobs? Some saw the figure as

overly pessimistic because it was premised on estimates of the wage elasticity of demand

for labour that assume an industrial structure similar to the one that exists now. If the

wage subsidy was able to make South Africa competitive in light manufacturing (such as

garment assembly), many more jobs could be created than present predictions would sug-

gest. but, to achieve this, the subsidy would have to be large enough to make South African

labour costs competitive. If it did that the employment response might be very large.

Participants highlighted the difference between a wage subsidy and other kinds of trans-

fers, such as welfare payments. because wage subsidies are paid only when someone is

employed in the private sector, every new job that was subsidised raised GDP. This was not

true of other forms of redistribution. And, even if each job cost the fiscus more than the

value that the job created – because of the deadweight cost of subsidising jobs that would

have existed anyway – the effect would not be to reduce GDP. All that would happen is

that some spending power would be redistributed. There would be no net loss to society.

A wage subsidy could only lower GDP if it required substantially higher taxation and if this

reduced economic activity. Treasury’s proposal was too small to have this effect.

It was suggested that it would be more effective for the Treasury to fund job search subsi-

dies, which a participant said had wide success internationally, rather than wage subsidies.

‘Informational asymmetries in the job search are extraordinary for unemployed people.

They don’t have any idea where to find jobs. They’re not in connection with anyone who

has a job. They’ve left school, typically at age 15 because they don’t anticipate finding work.

So I don’t know why the wage subsidy was pulled out and a search subsidy omitted.’

In response, an official from the Treasury said job search subsidies were administratively

much more complicated because it was much harder to track what was being done with

the money. A wage subsidy, by contrast, is administratively straightforward because it is a

simple rule creating clear entitlements and could be administered through the tax system.

The political consequences of a wage subsidy

A key issue in thinking about the desirability of a wage subsidy is its ability to help change

the nature of the debate about economic and labour market policy in South Africa. Some

participants took the view that the wage subsidy would be worthwhile if it helped open

up debate about the desirability of more extensive labour market reform, particularly if it



The failure to link wage flexibility to the wage

subsidy proposals ignored ‘the elephant

in the room’

helped show that millions of unskilled, inexperienced workers could get jobs if the cost of

employing them were lowered.

To have a chance of doing this, the wage subsidy would have to create a large enough

number of jobs to shift the balance of public and political opinion. Much, therefore,

depended on the scale of the programme.

For many participants the failure to link wage flexibility to the wage subsidy propos-

als ignored ‘the elephant in the room’. They expressed disappointment that Treasury did

not intend to link wage subsidies to the relaxation of labour regulations, something that

would make expanding employment even more attractive to potential employers. While

this was beyond the Treasury’s policy remit, attention had to be paid to addressing labour

market reforms if millions of jobs were to be created.

events in Newcastle’s clothing industry suggested that large numbers of unsubsidised

jobs had been created and could be created, and that, if there were some change in the

rules governing minimum wages, this would be entirely legal. One participant stated: ‘It’s

possible that if we freed up the labour market, entrepreneurs would be able to generate

large numbers of jobs without a subsidy. We shouldn’t just accept that a wage subsidy is

desirable without thinking about the potential that might exist in simply changing our

labour laws.’ While it was recognised that it might be politically difficult to achieve those

kinds of reforms, she added that the same was true of getting a wage subsidy accepted. ‘If

there’s going to be a political battle, then why not have a political battle over more signifi-

cant reforms rather than over a small programme of wage subsidies?’

Key insights from the round Table

ALMOST Three quarters (72 per cent) of South Africa’s 4,4 million unemployed workers

are younger than 34.14 The unemployment rate of people younger than 25 is almost twice

the national average (49 per cent versus 25 per cent). And the 50 per cent of South Africans

aged 15 to 24 who want jobs and actually have them is significantly less than the 80 per

cent which the OeCD reports as the norm in other emerging market economies.15 South

Africa has a national crisis of youth unemployment.

employment is vital for South Africa’s social, economic and political development.

It is the key mechanism for addressing mass poverty. In addition, many other benefits

flow from higher levels of employment. Many of the skills needed to improve a worker’s

employability – punctuality, discipline, the ability to work with others, and so on – are

most easily acquired on the job. This is especially important in South Africa. Millions of

people have been poorly educated, and have had few opportunities to acquire skills. For

many, the workplace is the institution in which they are most likely to be able to acquire

skills. Jobs also generate a sense of accomplishment, dignity and participation.

While welfare grants can provide a modest income, they cannot offer any of these ben-

efits, making employment growth vital to creating a more inclusive society.

As the National Treasury has stated, the proportion of working age adults with jobs may

be the best measure of social inclusion in a modern society – far better in many respects

than measures of inequality such as the Gini coefficient.16 On this measure, brazil, where

close to 70 per cent of adults have jobs, is a far more inclusive society than South Africa,

43August 2011


South Africa has sought to ensure that jobs are well paid and well protected, while dynamic emerging economies in Asia have tried to expand the absolute number of jobs

where barely 40 per cent of adults are employed. This is despite the fact that levels of

income inequality are similar.

If South Africa is to be more inclusive, far more people must find jobs. but what kinds

of jobs?

South Africa’s labour laws mean that any job that is fully compliant with the law is also,

from an employer’s point of view, a reasonably expensive job. This is especially true when

compared with the costs of employment in other developing countries. Minimum wages

in South Africa’s clothing industry are two or three times higher than those for similar jobs

in Swaziland and Lesotho, let alone India, vietnam, bangladesh and Pakistan.

If only expensive jobs are permitted, fewer jobs will be created. They will also tend to be

filled by people with the most skills and experience, as they are most productive. This is a

key reason why so many young, inexperienced workers are unable to find work.

In recent decades the South African economy has generated fewer and fewer new jobs

for every unit of economic growth. While some of this reflects increased productivity, much

of the decline in job creation can be attributed to rising wages and more onerous labour

market regulations which have made employers more reluctant to hire workers, particu-

larly those who are young and unskilled. employers who might be willing to incur the costs

of employing highly productive workers with significant skills are much more reluctant to

do so for workers whose lack of skills and experience mean they will be less productive.

This is a key reason why so many young, inexperienced workers are unable to find work.

While South Africa has sought to ensure that jobs are well paid and well protected,

dynamic emerging economies in Asia have sought to expand the absolute number of

jobs as rapidly as possible. Many of these jobs do not pay high wages or offer very good

conditions of employment, but they do pay better than almost any alternative form of

employment for unskilled people. Critically, they exist in very large numbers. experience

in Asia and elsewhere shows that once high levels of employment have been reached,

productivity gains and progress up the industrial value chain lead to a rapid rise in work-

ers’ incomes. It also leads to much higher rates of economic growth.

This is the process that has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty over the

past 40 years. And, apart from the discovery of previously untapped natural resources,

it is the only one that has ever improved the quality of life of large numbers of people

both rapidly and sustainably.17 by contrast, high levels of long-term unemployment may

have undermined South Africa’s growth potential because so many work-seekers lack

these vital skills, while some of the human capital they may have acquired at school has

decayed. rectifying this means getting the unemployed into jobs – any jobs. This, then,

must be a central feature of any strategy aimed at increasing productivity.

In this regard, the story of Singapore’s rapid development is instructive. There, economic

growth has generated a rapid change in its areas of comparative advantage. In the 1960s,

shortly after independence, when unemployment was high, the country concentrated on

attracting manufacturing firms, particularly in the garment and textile sectors. This was

low-skilled work, but it lifted the incomes of the poor while education levels improved.

In the 1970s, Singapore began to produce simple electronics, after which it began making

hard-drives and semi-conductors. Since then it has moved further up the value chain,

with the country now having a comparative advantage in bio-medical research and devel-

opment. Thus, the country has steadily moved up the ladder of comparative advantage,

with very positive implications for average wages as well as economic growth.



A wage subsidy would narrow the gap

between the costs employers incur when

employing workers and those workers’

level of productivity

The national Treasury’s case for a wage subsidy

In response to the need to create jobs for young, unskilled workers, the Treasury has pro-

posed a wage subsidy for young workers at the bottom of the pay scale. Such a subsidy

would narrow the gap between the costs employers incur when employing these work-

ers and those workers’ likely levels of productivity. The Treasury argues that this would

induce firms to employ more young people.

The subsidy would directly lower the cost of employment to the employer. And by get-

ting inexperienced young people into jobs, it would enable them to acquire skills that

would raise their productivity. This is also why the Treasury proposes that the subsidy be

offered for only the first two years of employment. This is on the basis that beneficiaries’

rising productivity would reduce the need to subsidise their employment.

Issues and questions

Participants raised the following concerns about the introduction of a wage subsidy.

• Cost and sustainability: The number of jobs created by a wage subsidy depends on

how many additional workers it induces firms to employ. because larger subsidies

means greater inducement, stimulating very large numbers of jobs might require a

very substantial subsidy. The larger the subsidy, though, the greater the cost per job.

An overly generous subsidy could give rise to issues of affordability and sustainability.

• Waste: Although wage subsidies may be more efficient than some other forms of pub-

lic spending, they can also generate wasteful spending. The Treasury’s calculations

indicate that most of the jobs that would end up being subsidised are jobs that would

have been created even if no subsidy were offered. The larger the subsidy for each

worker, the more unnecessary spending will occur, both because more newly created

jobs would have been unnecessarily subsidised, and because the average subsidy per

job would be higher.

• Employer response: Although the costs of taking on new employees would be subsi-

dised, employers may feel that unless it is made easier to dismiss workers, the risks of

taking on new staff who may be unsuitable still outweigh the likely gains.

• Opportunity costs: The funds devoted to a wage subsidy might be better used for other

government policy initiatives.

• Sustainable jobs: The Treasury’s proposal assumes that, after two years of subsidised

employment, a young worker would be sufficiently productive for employers to keep

him or her without the subsidy. Whether this will happen is impossible to know.

• Creating new distortions: A wage subsidy could result in the growth of businesses

whose only rationale is to absorb public money through subsidies. employers might

also replace unsubsidised workers with subsidised ones.

besides these issues, participants raised two fundamental concerns. The first was that a

wage subsidy would do nothing to improve labour market regulation, which plays a key

45August 2011


The absolute number of jobs projected by the Treasury’s models is small relative to the six million people who are unemployed or who have given up looking for work

role in raising the costs of employment. Labour market regulation is the ‘the elephant in

the room’, and the continued failure to address it is the main reason why South Africa faces

such a daunting employment crisis. The second concern related to the modest scale of the

Treasury’s proposal.

According to the Treasury, the wage subsidy programme would generate about 130 000

new jobs over three years. This would increase the number of jobs created for young peo-

ple by almost 50 per cent. That number would also amount to about 30 per cent of the jobs

in the mining industry, and about 20 per cent of jobs in agriculture. If these jobs could be

created with a subsidy costing less than 0,2 per cent of the national budget, these results

would be impressive. While the base is low, the fact that young people’s odds of finding

work would be nearly 50 per cent higher with the subsidy than without might also spark

some hope among the young and unemployed.

At the same time, the absolute number of jobs projected by the Treasury’s models is

small relative to the six million people who are unemployed or who have given up look-

ing for work. Accordingly, it will not make much difference to their bleak employment

prospects. Nor will it do much to change the destabilising impact of unemployment on

South African politics.

Thus, while the lives of the 130 000 beneficiaries would be considerably improved,

participants expressed doubts about the scale and ambition of the Treasury’s proposal

relative to the country’s needs.

The wage subsidy and the costs of employment

In some respects, the Treasury’s proposal represents a significant break from existing gov-

ernment policy. For the first time, an intervention is being proposed that takes seriously

the negative impact of high employment costs on people’s chances of finding work. It sug-

gests that some policy-makers have recognised that high and rising employment costs are

a key reason for South Africa’s unemployment crisis. This injects a dose of realism into the

debate about the choices facing the country. however, this does not necessarily mean that

a wage subsidy is the best way to create jobs.

Is a wage subsidy desirable in principle?

employment incentives are common elsewhere in the world, with OeCD countries spend-

ing an average of about 0,15 per cent of GDP on programmes of this sort. In South Africa,

this would amount to r15 billion over three years, or three times more than the costs of

the programme that has actually been proposed.

There are many reasons why governments subsidise wages, and the relevant literature

suggests that these programmes are quite effective in relieving poverty and increasing

employment levels. In South Africa, however, questions need to be asked about the desir-

ability of introducing wage subsidies when it is existing labour market regulation that has

ensured that labour costs have risen so substantially over the past few decades. In these

circumstances, a wage subsidy – which transfers some of the costs of employment from

employers to taxpayers – may not be the most appropriate way to close the gap between

employment costs and productivity. Instead, it may be more appropriate to address the

reasons for high and rising labour costs directly.



On its own terms, the wage subsidy is a sound use of public resources

Is government doing enough to reduce employment costs?

In general terms, the outlook for labour market reform that would reduce labour costs

is poor. As recently as December 2010, the government proposed amendments to the

basic Conditions of employment, Labour relations and employment equity Acts, and

proposed a new law – the employment Services bill – aimed at governing labour bro-

kers. There is widespread agreement that these proposals would have increased the cost

of employment and resulted in increased unemployment.18 As a result, the ‘social part-

ners’ represented in NeDLAC – national government, organised business, and organised

labour – agreed in April 2011 that the four bills should be re-drafted.

A process of consultation is currently under way regarding these bills. It is not yet clear

what will emerge from this. The fact that these bills were drafted at all, however, suggests

that key government institutions want to increase regulation of the labour market rather

than decrease it. It is especially telling that government proposed these measures even

after its own regulatory impact assessment concluded that the changes would reduce

employment.19 It seems unlikely, therefore, that reforms will emerge from this process

that will significantly reduce the direct and indirect costs of hiring young, unskilled

work-seekers.

There is no indication that the proposed wage subsidy is part of an incremental strategy

to reform the labour market. If the wage subsidy is an isolated initiative, is it worth imple-

menting anyway?

Is the National Treasury’s proposal worth implementing?

If the Treasury’s estimates are correct and the subsidy would increase employment levels

by 133 000 at an overall cost of r37 000 per job, it would use public funds more efficiently

than some other interventions. In fact, to the extent that these jobs would generate tax-

able profits for employers, they would actually cost government less than this estimate. by

contrast, the expanded Public Works Programme creates short-term, low-wage jobs at an

overall cost to the taxpayer of r100 000 for the equivalent of a full-time job for a full year.

Similarly, the Industrial Development Corporation’s newly announced fund which will

provide concessionary finance to job-intensive investments will target projects that create

jobs are an average cost of between r250 000 to r500 000 a job.20

From the point of view of employment creation, the proposal also appears to be far

more efficient than other subsidies, such as the estimated r18 billion that public support

for the automotive industry cost the economy in 2009/10.21 While there are other benefits

associated with having this industry, and while getting accurate figures is not easy, one

estimate suggests that this support costs the economy between r200 000 and r600 000 per

job, depending on whether employment in upstream industries is included.22 Including

down-stream workers as well lowers the annual cost per job to r60 000, but unlike the

estimated once-off r37 000 cost per job of the wage subsidy, these costs are incurred by

the economy every year.

An important advantage of the Treasury’s proposal when compared to other state-led

job creation programmes is that if new jobs are not created, the money would not be

spent. Furthermore, because the jobs created would be in the private sector, they would

probably be in areas of the country (and sectors of the economy) in which sustainable

employment is a more plausible outcome than is the case with other proposals.

47August 2011


By allowing firms to easily dismiss recently hired workers, the risk is borne by the worker (who has every incentive to prove his or her abilities) rather than by the firm

All this – and the fact that the programme is expected to cost less than 0,2 per cent of

anticipated government spending over the next three years – suggests that, on its own

terms, the wage subsidy is a sound use of public resources. There are, however, other

issues to consider.

The proposal to subsidise the employment of young workers whose salaries fall below

the income tax threshold is intended to increase the chances that people in this demo-

graphic will find work. Subsidising their employers is one option for achieving this. An

alternative would be to engage directly in the process of reforming the labour market in

order to reduce the costs of employment – in general, or for this group of workers.

The proposed subsidy does not do this even though there are ways in which the two

kinds of intervention could have been aligned. For example, when a proposal to institute

a wage subsidy was endorsed by the team of harvard-based economists that advised the

National Treasury on South Africa’s economic strategy in 2006/7, they regarded it as essen-

tial to link the subsidy to a probationary period during which subsidised workers could be

dismissed on a ‘no questions asked’ basis. At the time, James Levinsohn argued that:

‘A targeted wage subsidy will encourage a bit more risk-taking, but a much

more direct policy response is to tie the targeted wage subsidy to revised

rules for dismissal for those workers receiving the subsidy. For this reason, it

is essential that the targeted wage subsidy entail a probationary period dur-

ing which a “no questions asked” dismissal policy is in effect. … by allowing

firms to easily dismiss recently hired workers, the risk is borne by the worker

(who has every incentive to prove his or her abilities) rather than by the firm.

Current regulations make it too cumbersome to dismiss a new worker and

this puts the risk on the firm. by giving firms the ability to dismiss new hires,

employment is likely to increase for exactly that group of South Africans who

are currently most shut out of the formal labour market.’23

No one has tried to calculate how many more jobs might be created if the wage subsidy

were linked to a probationary period of this kind. This could be considerably more than

the 133 000 that the Treasury projects for a subsidy on its own. Such a proposal might pro-

voke political resistance. however, if the government is serious about dealing with mass

unemployment and achieving far higher levels of employment growth, it will have to con-

front these sorts of issues. As it stands, the Treasury’s proposals – assuming its projections

are accurate – would have only a modest impact on the crisis.

Could this proposal be scaled up?

In principle, a subsidy would have a greater impact if it were larger. This could be accom-

plished either by making each subsidy more valuable or by extending the length of time

for which beneficiaries are eligible. Doing this would increase the costs per job and the

overall costs of the programme. While this raises questions of affordability and sustain-

ability, it may be that a programme costing r15 billion over three years, but which created

significantly more jobs, would be worth having. South Africa would then spend as much

as OeCD countries on wage subsidies, but this would still be less than 1 per cent of the

national budget. If 350 000 new jobs were created, the subsidy programme would more

than double the chances of a young person finding work in the next three years.



The Treasury’s wage subsidy proposal is

not a comprehensive response to the crisis

of unemployment. It is nonetheless a step in

the right direction

One reason for framing the issue in these terms is the sense that 133 000 new jobs are

simply too few to make a meaningful difference to the employment prospects of the job-

less. equally important, this number may also be insufficient to shift the debate about

labour market policy. In practice, a much larger programme could help change the terms

of the debate, and start convincing those who would like to tighten the regulation of the

labour market that creating more jobs actually requires lowering the costs of employment.

Concluding remarks

The GOverNMeNT has announced or introduced a large number of proposals, poli-

cies and programmes with the stated aim of creating more jobs. Some of these would

create a small number of relatively high-skilled and capital-intensive jobs for which the

majority of the unemployed would not be suitable. Others create a larger number of tem-

porary ‘make-work’ jobs that offer transitory and modest relief from poverty with little

prospect of a sustained improvement in the beneficiaries’ quality of life. both approaches

are expensive, and neither offers a realistic long-term solution to South Africa’s crisis of

unemployment, especially among young, unskilled and inexperienced workers.

The Treasury’s wage subsidy proposal is also not a comprehensive response to the crisis

of unemployment. It is nonetheless a step in the right direction, and should be introduced.

It would be preferable, however, if it formed part of a series of initiatives.

One option would be to introduce a national wage subsidy and to encourage and sup-

port a variety of simultaneous policy experiments at the provincial, municipal, or even

sub-municipal levels. Another would be to subsidise wages in some sectors or areas, and

introduce other initiatives in others, so that the impact of different approaches could be

assessed. Such policy experiments could include:

• Allowing employers to offer young people jobs at wages lower than the established

minimum wages;

• Allowing young people to opt out of employment regulations altogether as a part of

their employment contract; and

• establishing special economic zones with different rules and regulations aimed at

promoting low-cost, export-oriented manufacturing firms.24

These are all potentially useful initiatives. Perhaps the most straightforward and appro-

priate policy change to link to a wage subsidy is the one originally proposed by James

Levinsohn: new hires who benefit from a wage subsidy should be subject to a ten-week

probationary period during which employers can dismiss them on a ‘no questions asked’

basis. If this were implemented, employers would be less concerned about being stuck

with unsuitable employees, while new employees would have every incentive to show

that they are suitable. The results would be that only those people who are most capable

would be subsidised, dramatically improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the wage

subsidy programme.

Locating wage subsidies in a wider programme of labour market reform and experi-

mentation could extract far greater value from government spending. The key is to try to

leverage as many jobs as possible from policy initiatives of this kind, and to shift the policy

debate to the fundamental reasons for South Africa’s high and rising labour costs.

49August 2011


It would be a tragedy if this modest experiment was defeated or abandoned

There is merit in the Treasury’s proposal, but South Africa could do better. First prize

would be to directly address the high costs of employment, especially of young, unskilled

and inexperienced workers. While this would be politically difficult, the benefits could be

significant.

even if political circumstances effectively rule out more fundamental labour market

reform, serious questions remain about the current Treasury proposal. Chief among these

is why it is so modest. If the Treasury is confident about its projections, why it is not push-

ing for a more ambitious programme? Is it concerned that it would cost too much? Is it

seeking to avoid a more serious political battle?

That said, it could also be argued that the limited scope of the proposal is a virtue. The

success and affordability of a wage subsidy is not guaranteed. If there is some chance of

failure, the relative modesty of the proposal insulates it from incurring significant costs.

Whether or not the proposed wage subsidy succeeds, questions need to be asked about

what government would do next. If the programme does succeed, would more resources

be devoted to subsidising employment, or would a new debate about addressing the costs

of employment be instigated? And if the proposal fails to increase employment, what les-

sons would government (and others) learn from this experience? Would efforts to tackle

the costs of employment be expanded and enhanced, or would there be a retreat from any

reform at all?

These are vital questions because, even if it achieves its stated goals, the Treasury’s pro-

posal would make no more than a modest dent in South Africa’s massive challenge of

employment.

Addressing unemployment is South Africa’s most pressing national priority. As the

Treasury itself recognises, a relatively small wage subsidy programme would not have a

very significant impact. Nonetheless, this proposal – if seen as a learning experiment with

vital policy implications – does seem a sound use of public funds. It certainly holds more

promise than many other government initiatives costing considerably more. It would be a

tragedy if this modest experiment was defeated or abandoned.

The Treasury’s proposal is premised – rightly – on the recognition that for South Africa

to become a more inclusive society, much more needs to be done to help unskilled and

inexperienced young people to get jobs. This is an important first step.



endnotes1 Figures from National Treasury, budget review 2010.

2 National Treasury, Confronting youth unemployment: Policy options for South Africa, 2011.

3 CDe, Five Million Jobs: how to add five million jobs to the South African economy over the

next five years, 2009.


5 Ibid.

6 CDe, Five Million Jobs: how to add five million jobs to the South African economy over the

next five years, 2009.

7 http://www.spii.org.za/agentfiles/434/file/youth%20Wage%20Subsidy%20report1%20(2).pdf.

8 http://www.cosatu.org.za/docs/shopsteward/2011/feb-march.pdf

9 http://www.fedusa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/budget-submission-Draft-1-20111.

pdf.

10 OeCD, economic Surveys: South Africa, 2010.

11 UNIDO, http://www.unido.org/index.php?id=6045, undated.

12 J burns, L edwards, and K Pauw, Wage subsidies to combat unemployment and poverty:

Assessing South Africa’s options, SALDrU Working Paper No 45, University of Cape Town,

2009; D Go, M Kearney, v Korman, S robinson and K Thierfelder, Wage subsidy and

labour market flexibility in South Africa, Policy research Working Paper 4871, World bank,

Washington D.C, 2009; K Pauw and L edwards evaluating the general equilibrium effects of

a wage subsidy for South Africa, South African Journal of economics, 74:3, September 2006;

National Treasury, employment, wages and social security, draft paper, 2007.

13 J burns, What will a wage subsidy cost, and is it worth it?, CDe background research, 2010.

The paper is available from CDe.

14 This figure reflects the number of people officially deemed to be unemployed. If discouraged

workers are included, the number of unemployed rises to 6,4 million. StatsSA does not

provide details about the age profile of discouraged workers.

15 National Treasury, Confronting youth unemployment: Policy options for South Africa, 2011

and OeCD, economic Surveys: South Africa, 2010.


17 Ann bernstein, The case for business in developing economies, Penguin, 2010.

18 bUSA, Submission on the Labour relations Amendment bill, basic Conditions of

employment Amendment bill, employment equity Amendment bill, employment Services

bill, 2011; business Leadership South Africa, Submission of comments to the department of

labour regarding the proposed amendment bills, 2011.

19 Paul benjamin, haroon bhorat, Carlene van der Westhuizen, SbP, regulatory Impact

assessment of selected provisions of the Labour relations Amendment bill, basic Conditions

of employment Amendment bill, employment equity Amendment bill, and employment

Services bill, 2010.

20 Loni Prinsloo, IDC unveils details of r10bn jobs scheme, Engineering News, 22 February 2011.

21 National Treasury, budget review, 2011.

22 Greg Mills, economy needs a big dose of tough love, Mail & Guardian, 17 June 2011, at http://

mg.co.za/article/2011-06-17-economy-needs-a-big-dose-of-tough-love.

23 ames Levinsohn, Two policies to alleviate unemployment in South Africa, 2007, www.

treasury.gov.za.

24 CDe, Five million jobs: how to add five million new jobs to the South African economy over

the next five years, 2009.

The Treasury’s proposal is premised – rightly – on the

recognition that for South Africa to become a more

inclusive society, much more needs to be done to help

unskilled and inexperienced young people to get jobs.

This is an important first step.

previous publications in this series

A nation’s health in crisis: International experience and public-private collaborationCDE Round Table no 16, November 2010

poverty and inequality: facts, trends, and hard choicesCDE Round Table no 15, August 2010

Water: A looming crisis?CDE Round Table no 14, April 2010

south Africa’s public service: learning from successCDE Round Table no 13, November 2009

Managing migration in south Africa’s national interest: lessons from international experienceCDE Round Table no 12, October 2009

Accelerating growth in tough timesCDE Round Table no 11, March 2009

south Africa’s electricity crisis: How did we get here? And how do we put things right?CDE Round Table no 10, July 2008

farmers’ voices: practical perspectives on land reform and agricultural developmentCDE Round Table no 9, February 2008

going for growth: Are AsgisA and jIpsA bold enough?CDE Round Table no 8, March 2007

local government in south Africa: priorities for actionCDE Round Table no 7, September 2003

Why is south Africa failing to get the growth and jobs that it needs?CDE Round Table no 6, March 2001

local government reform: What’s happening and who is in charge?CDE Round Table no 5, November 2000

The future of south African universities: What role for business? part TwoCDE Round Table no 4, September 2000

The 1996 Census: Key findings, problem areas, issuesCDE Round Table no 3, August 1999

The future of south African universities: What role for business? part oneCDE Round Table no 2, July 1998

getting into gear: The assumptions and implications of the macro-economic strategyCDE Round Table no 1, April 1997

produced by Acumen publishing solutionsprinted by lawprint, johannesburg

This CDe round Table was funded by business leadership south Africa

CENTRE FOR DEVELOPMENT AND ENTERPRISEInforming South African Policy

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C Coovadia, M Cutifani, B Figaji, F hoosain, S Maseko, I Mkhabela,

W Nkuhlu, S Ridley, A Sangqu, E van As

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATE

Peter L Berger

5 Eton Road, Parktown, Johannesburg, South Africa

P O Box 1936, Johannesburg 2000, South Africa

Tel 27 11 482 5140 • Fax 27 11 482 5089

[email protected] • www.cde.org.za

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Jobs for young people: Is a wage subsidy a good idea?

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