John Timothy Wixted

8/2/2019 John Timothy Wixted

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Life Configurations:

Perceived Patternings in Premodern China

John Timothy Wixted

In premodern China, there were received ways of looking at the world that conditioned

attitudes towards everything in the universe. They informed understanding of the cosmos, the

world, the family, nature, the past, the future, daily life. Since they were usually taken for

grantedunexamined and unquestionedtheir effect on the perceptions, attitudes, beliefs,

expectations, and norms of most Chinese was all the more powerful.

Basic approaches to the universe included viewing it in terms of cyclical, linear, dialec-

tical, and other patternings. A cyclical view of the world is reflected, most notably, in the

Yijing (Classic of Change). The Yijing is a book of hexagram patterns, sixty-four in

number, that in their permutations account for the universe/world. They form and re-form in

diverse configurarions, a graphic symbolization of the process of intercourse between Yin

and Yang, whereby all things in the world are produced. (Fung 142) The sixty-four patterns

ring changes: all potentialities are already present in them. As an early appended commentary

to the work states, With the expansion of the use of the hexagrams, and the application of

them to new classes, everything that man can do in the world is there. (Fung 168-169)

Change is the only constant; yet the principle behind it, the Do (or Way), is unchanging.

All stages of the process are always implicitly present. Some scholars have referred to this

cyclical flux as constancy in change or standing movement. The genuine Chinese cos-

mogony is that of organismic process, meaning that all of the parts of the entire cosmos

belong to one organic whole and that they all interact as participants in one spontaneously

self-generating life processone of cosmic dynamism. (Mote 19)


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An upshot of this is the view that, literally, nothing is new. In China, the idea of a

Maker, of the kind so familiar in the West, is alien. There is no Maker. Instead of a uni-

verse controlled by spiritual beings, . . . we have a natural operation of forces. (Chan 263)

And this underlies attitudes about writing. The word for writing, wn meaning patterning

(originally tattoo), embodies the idea that writing is a pattern, one reflecting the patternings

in nature, in the world.1

The writer is not a creatornot a demigod, still less ( la Plato) one

possessed. Hence, original writing does not exist. And poetry, if one were anachronistically

to apply such terminology, is non-fiction. It reflects the world and does not make it. It tells

the truth. (And fiction, not surprisingly, is considered suspect.)

Calendars are based on cycles. In China, the sexagenary cycle, one of many, was per-

haps the most prominent. Sixty days, each with its own binome, followed one after another;

and one sixty-day cycle would follow another; so too, the course of the years, counted in

sixty-year cycles. On Chinese paintings, up through most of the twentieth century, the year of

composition, if noted in the accompanying calligraphy, would be indicated by the appropriate

two-character compound. One need only check to see which year falls in a painters adult life

(e.g., 1210 or 1270) to determine the date of composition. The sexagenary cycle itself was

formed by alternately joining the twelve earthly branches with the ten heavenly stems to

produce sixty. The twelve cycle is most familiar to us in the form of the Chinese zodiac

(see p. 17 [from Pas, between 130 and 131, fig. 17]), according to which those born in 1930,

1942, 1954, etc., are classified as being aligned with the year of the horse, etc.

Cycles are perceived in nature: most obviously, in the seasons. And there are activities

that are deemed proper to each season. The second-century work of Cui Shi (ca. 100-

170) on husbandry describes farm life. Note that the following formulation, like so much in

Chinese thought, is descriptive, prescriptive, and idealized, all at the same time:

1 Cf. the term for astronomy: tinwn xu, heavenly-pattern study.


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Heavy ground is broken up in the first month; good arable in the second; and

light sandy soils in the third; and in some of the fields this work might continue

right through to the seventh month. Hay is cut in the fifth and eighth months,

and the sixth month is the time for hoeing. For the first eight months of the year

there is usually some crop or vegetable to be sown; in addition to cereals there

are gourds, beans, or hemp, and the right time depends on seasonal conditions,

such as the rains of the third month or the summer solstice of the fifth month.

There are a number of herbs to be collected and drugs to be compounded in the

fifth month, . . . (as summarized by Loewe, 178; modified)

The most common linear view in China is the inverse of the modern one of progress in

the West. In premodern China, in philosophical and most other discourse, the world is nearly

always perceived to be in decline. It is inferior to the idealized past of remote antiquity, and

getting worse. Confucius voiced the formulation twenty-five centuries ago, in effect saying,

If only we could get back to Zhou times (1029771 B.C.)! In the Tang dynasty (618907),

people looked back to the Han (206 B.C.-A.D. 220). And in the Song (960-1279), to the

Tangand all looked back to antiquity. Many modern Chinese view with longing the Han,

Tang, or Songfor the different idealized qualities of each. It is telling that movements to

change things, to improve things, to overturn thingsall intended to effect a kind of pro-

gress, as it werehave invariably been presented as a recuperation of the past, a return to

antiguity, a reversion to an older collectivity. And if effected, the new was [not] accorded a

priority of whatever sort over the old. The new in the cycle was newer than the old immedi-

ately preceding it, but was also older. And precisely because it was still older, its claim to a

return to power could be justified. The new thus became renewal, and revolution became

restoration. (Bauer 71, slightly modified)


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Instructive in this regard is the Shipin (Poetry Gradings), a work by the Six Dyn-

asties critic Zhong Rong (469-518). More than any other, it influenced critical views in

the arts for the next millenium. The Shipin was the first work to provide critiques of a large

number of individual poets (well over 100) and a framework of gradings (upper, middle,

and lower) in which to place them. The approach employed, that of characterizing a poet in

language that could (and generally did) refer both to (A) the personality/character of the

writer and (B) the writings of the authoras well as sometimes (C) the response, i.e., the

feeling or impression that the poetry engendered in readersbecame common. The confla-

tion of the two (or three) axes of reference has been common in discussions of literature in

Chinese criticism to this day.

The terminology used in the Shipin especially lent itself to such dual (or tripartite)

reference. This is particularly true when terms such as fng (air) and q (life-breath

or vital force) are used. For example, in Zhong Rongs formulation, Liu Zhens (d.

217) noble air (gofng) surpasses the common run, the expression noble air can

refer to Liu Zhen, his work, and/or the feeling the latter is said to inspire in his readers. Dual

and occasionally triple reference is suggested by other compounds as well, such as ydng

(unrestrained and unencumbered) and yunfng (profound and untrammeled),

even in contexts that clearly refer to writing. Although some of the terminology used by

Zhong Rong was original, his work developed out of a characterological tradition that had

been common since the third centuryone issuing from the need to rank officials.

In some respects, the Shipin represents another way of constructing change: one in

which there are punctuated (ever smaller) bursts of literary flourishing, on a plane that is

ever-declining. For example, there is a major early burst (major, in part, because it is early):


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In the Jianan period (196-220), Cao Cao (155-220) and his sons (Cao Zhi

, 192-232, and Cao Pi , 187-226) sincerely loved polite letters. These

twothe Duke of Pingyuan and his brothergloriously became beams in the

house of literature. Liu Zhen and Wang Can (177-217) became their at-

tendant wings. Then there were those clinging to the dragon and phoenix

who brought up the rear, numbering in all more than one hundred. An abun-

dance of wonderful writing came to completion in this age.

But the words that immediately follow point to the more general vector of deterioration:

Thereafter, continuing into Jin times (which began in 265), literature fell into

decline.

That stage is followed by another positive burstone, tellingly enough, couched in terms of

recuperation or restoration.

In the Taikang reign-period (280-289), the three Zhangs, the two Lus, the

Pan pair, and the single Zuo,2 suddenly rose up and followed in the wake of

the Jianan-period sovereigns. The earlier poetic legacy was not yet at an end.

There was truly a restoration of belles lettres.

Zhong Rong assigns a filiation to lyric poetry (shi ) that, directly or indirectly, goes

back to the Shijing (Classic of Song) or Chuci (Lyrics of Chu). As a rule, the more

removed a writer is from these fonts of the poetic tradition, the poorer the rank he is likely to

be assigned. Zhongs model here is one found in historical biography, the family saga in

which, starting from an ancestral family head, generation begets generation, good forebears

are followed by descendants who can be recognized by family resemblances (but who often

carry the features in a coarsened form). (Robertson 12) So the writing of lyric poetry, which

2The three Zhangs are Zhang Zai (fl. 285), Zhang Xie (fl. 295), and Zhang Kang (fl. 307).

The two Lus are Lu Ji (261-303) and Lu Yun (262-303). The Pan pair are Pan Yue (247-

300) and Pan Ni (d. 311)). The single Zuo is Zuo Si (d. 306?).


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had newly developed over the preceding three centuries, could be legitimized by being

anchored in the canonical Classic of Songs and the by-then hallowed Lyrics of Chu. And the

enterprises of belles lettres writing and literary criticism, both of which were on shaky theo-

retical ground until the sixth century (for not being sufficiently didactic), could be better

justified.

The most common marriage of cyclical and linear development is the vegetal cycle.

Things first come into existence, then grow, mature, age, wither, and diepresumably to be

carried on in following cycles. One can find the vegetal metaphor in seemingly unexpected

places: for example, with the word sincerityan example that opens up the universe. The

word for sincerity, chng, is cognate with chng, which means to be complete, not to

have anything missing, to have all of the parts in place, and for none of them to be fake; it is

the real. As such, integrity would probably be a better translation than sincerity for the

first chng. The metaphor of a plant is used in the latter chngs early definition. Something

that has blossomed is chng: that is to say, it has completed a process such that there is a

beginning and an end, and every natural stage has been gone through. Thus, chng or integri-

ty, sincerity, can be used to refer to a man, to an acorn, or to a star, because, as the

Zhongyong (Doctrine of the Mean) says, Sincerity means the completion of the self. .

. . It is the beginning and end of things. . . .

The organic metaphor for chng is reminiscent of Aristotles use of biological meta-

phors in his formulations. An important contrast to be kept in mind, however, is that whereas

for Aristotle teleology is especially importantthat is to say, the goal is especially im-

portantfor Chinese, every state is intrinsically important; it is not just a means to an end.

Thus, for example, filiality is not only important because it leads to loving ones parents, it is

also important in its own right.


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Operative here is the fact/value fusion so frequently evident in Chinese thought. A

descriptive claim, such as the one bound up with chng, that there are processes, becomes an

evaluative and normative one: it is good that things go through a process; hence, the norma-

tive duty that things become complete.

A cyclical view can be united with a linear one. One modern Chinese scholar, for ex-

ample, has perceived in the Yijing, which is basically cyclical, a kind of development:

In certain respects, the perpetual activity of the universe takes the form of

cycles, as in the Yin Yang School. But the far more important aspect of the in-

teraction ofyn and yng is its progressive direction leading to the devel-

opment of society, morality, and civilization. In the beginning there is the Great

Ultimate (Tij). It engenders yin and yang, which in their turn give rise to

the four forms. These refer to major and minor yin and yang. But the word for

form (xing) also connotes symbols, patterns, and ideas. This means that out

of the interaction of the two cosmic forces, all patterns, ideas, systems, and cul-

ture are evolved. (Chan 263, modified; italics added)

Conversely, a linear view can be united with an implied cyclical one. Zong Tingfu

(b. 1825) speaks of poetic development as an organic process. But what is noteworthy in

his formulation is that, rooted in the peak growth of a development, is its demise:

As the Ming writer He Jingming (1483-1521) in his Letter in

Reply to Li Mengyang (1475-1531) wrote, Prose writing was in de-

cline in the Sui dynasty (581-618), and Han Yu (768-824) vigorously re-

vived it; but old-style prose technique began to die out with Han Yu. Poetry be-

came weak under Tao Qian (365-427), and Xie Lingyun (385-


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433) vigorously revived it; but the technique of old-style poetry began to die

out with Xie Lingyun.

Some were startled by He Jingmings words. But Su Shi (1036-1101)

as well said, For beauty of calligraphy, there is none equal to Yan Zhenqing

(709-785); yet the decline of calligraphic technique started with Yan.

For beauty in poetry, none is equal to Han Yu; yet the transformation of poetic

style started with Han. These words appear in the Shiren yuxie

(Jade Splinters of the Poets [i.e., valuable gleanings about them] by Wei

Qingzhi , fl. 1240-1244); they are precisely the idea found in Hes let-

ter.

In premodern China, artistic style had ethical as well as aesthetic value; in fact, the

ethical had always been primary, accomodation with the aesthetic only being formulated

during the Six Dynasties (220-589), when (s)tyles and style models had become more com-

plexly referential, carrying moral, philosophical, and social implications; . . . (Robertson 8,

modified) Indeed, an attack on a mans literary work, or on the literary models or styles he

favored or emulated, could be tantamount to a personal or political attack. And a moral

failing, personal or political, could affect the estimation of an artists work for centuries,

down to the present. For example, the calligraphy of Zhao Mengfu (1254-1322),

among the greatest over three millenia, is by some considered tainted by his conduct: for

Zhao agreed to serve under a new, alien dynasty, one that displaced sovereigns who shared

his surname.

An organic view similar to the one cited above by Zong Tingfu had earlier been voiced

by Yuan Hongdao (1568-1610). It, too, is dialectical in the sense that there is cyclical

movement and linear development. But in it, development and decline are couched in terms


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of literary stylestyle being understood as potentially having ethical overtones of the sort

just noted.

Artistic models (f) have as their cause some deficiency, and end by produc-

ing some kind of excess. Those who reformed the Six Dynasties habit of splen-

did, artificial arrangements and elaborate, empty displays used a free-handed

ornamental beauty (lil) to overcome it. Without question, elaborated and

empty display was the basis for the freehanded beauty; however, the latters

excess lay in triviality and over-refinement (chngxin), and so the vari-

ous figures of High Tang (713-766) used a wide-ranging and grand (kud

) manner as a remedy. But having achieved the wide-ranging, they went on

to produce from it the vague and confused (mng). Thus it was that those

who succeeded to High Tang remedied the excess with actualities (qngsh

). They were true to the facts all right, but also out of this realistic approach

they produced the pedestrian (l). Thus, those who came after the writers of

mid-Tang used the strange and eccentric (qp) as a remedy. When they

did so, their poetic settings were necessarily too narrowly limited and idiosyn-

cratic and each one labored to produce something unprecedented so as to outdo

the others. As a result, by late Tang (ninth century) the way of poetry was

greatly diminished. When Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), Su Shi, and their

peers emerged in Song, they brought about a major transformation of the man-

nerisms of the late Tang. With respect to things (w ), there was none they

failed to include in their verse; in the matter of models or methods, there was

none they did not have; as for feelings (qng ), there was none they failed to

express; in regard to settings (jng), they made use of every kind. . . . People


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at present notice only that the Song poets do not write with Tang methods; they

do not realize that Song poets methods have their basis in the Tang. For exam-

ple, what is bland and neutral (dn) is not richly flavored (nng), and yet

rich flavor actually depends upon the existence of blandness. (Robertson 19-20,

modified)

As both of the preceding passages illustrate, the focus is on process, on the flow

from one state to another, rather than on isolating or determining blocs of time. And as

they and other citations in this paper illustrate: if one is to generalize, the vast majority of

Chinese thinkers display the same predilection for concepts by intuition rather than by

postulation, for suggestive rather than for explicit language, for similitude rather than

syllogism. (Mote 70)

In his magisterial history of Chinese science, Joseph Needham, compares early

Chinese thought to what he calls the Whiteheadian preference for reticular relationship,

or process, whereas Western man has been deeply influenced by the Newtonian prefer-

ence for particulate, catenary causal explanation; that is, Whitehead describes the

cosmic process as a netlike interweaving of events, while Newton conceives of it as a

series of discrete events linked in a causal chain. (Mote 27; per Needham 2:289)

Let us proceed to discussion of correlative thought in China. From early times,

correspondances were perceived between the heavens and the earth, between similar orders

or classes of things in the world. And items in correspondance were thought to mutually

affect each other. For example, a geographical area on earth would have its correlate in the

heavens. A disturbance in the one would affect the other. The concept is not unfamiliar in the

West: According to the principle like knows like [of Pythagoras], the soul responds joyful-

ly to the harmonious vibrations that affect and move kindred elements among the circling

worlds. (Gilbert and Kuhn 8)


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Part of the cosmic dynamism we spoke of earlier became more clearly articulated in

Han times as Five Phases theory. The defining elements or agents of the Five Phases were

Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, and Water. (See the upper left of p. 18, noting the complementary

sets of arrows.) As initially formulated, one element would conquer another, in a set cycle.

Hence, not unlike the rock, paper, scissors hand-game familiar to us in the West (which, by

the way, comes from China), where Paper covers rock; scissors cut paper, and rock breaks

scissors, in early Five Phases thought: Wood parts Earth; Earth absorbs (or dams) Water;

Water quenches Fire; Fire melts Metal; and Metal chops Wood. (So not surprisingly, a new

dynasty would identify itself with the agent that trumped the one identified with the preced-

ing dynasty.)

But this view of conquering was matched by a complementary cycle that became more

dominant, that of generation. In this configuration, each of the five elements melds into,

gives way to, produces the next: Wood feeds Fire; Fire creates Earth (ash); Earth bears

Metal; Metal generates/bears Water (by condensation, or by being carried in a metal contain-

er); and Water nourishes Wood.

An ever greater variety of things came to be classified into fives: five seasons, five direc-

tions, five colors, five animals, the pentatonic musical scale, etc. Shao Yong (1011

1077) developed thirty such categories. Hence, per the chart on lower right of p. 18 (from

deBary and Bloom 348), Metal was seen to be in correlation with autumn, the West,

white, dogs, and the shng musical mode. All were viewed, in some sense or another,

as being of the same class. This led to, or went hand in hand with, the devising of series of

correlations in China that are probably the most familiar to us, traditional Chinese medicine

and geomancy (fngshu practices).

In this regard, note the chart on p. 19 (from Unschuld 87). It graphically represents the

cycles of mutual generation and of mutual destruction in Chinese medicine. Heat corre-


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sponds to fire and so does the heart. Hence evil influences of heat can enter the organism only

through the heart. Similarly, both wind and the liver correspond to the phase of wood; hence

wind will always harm the liver first. Humidity and the kidneys are associated with the phase

of water; hence humidity will always harm the kidneys first. Cold and the lung are associated

with the phase of metal; hence cold will always harm the lung first. And, finally, the evil

influences associated with unrestrained eating and drinking, weariness, and exhaustion, as

well as the spleen correspond to the phase of soil. Hence such influences will always harm

the spleen first. (Unschuld 87, slightly modified) It is true that other systems of thought were

operative in Chinese medicine as well. Nevertheless, [a]lthough the paradigm of cause-and-

effect relationships between non-corresponding phenomena was well represented in China

too as a basis for an explanation of the onset of events, or of change, the holistic and induc-

tive type of thinking associated with the notion of systematic correspondence of all phenom-

ena certainly played the major role as far as Chinese medicotheoretical literature is con-

cerned. (Unschuld 54, italics added)

Other numerological series of classifications developed into systems. The most common

number other than five was nine. But other numbers were also used as the base. Yang

Xiong (53 B.C.-18 A.D.) built his system on three and its multiples, Shao Yong based

his on four, and Sima Guang (10191086) opted for ten. (Henderson 57, slightly

modified)

But to get some further idea of the range of classification involved, let us look at the

number nine. Many geographical terms are referred to in early classical texts in terms of

nine: the nine rivers, the nine marshes, the nine mountains, the nine branches of the Yellow

River, the nine fields of the heavens, and the nine provinces of the realm. And a canonical

Han medical text speaks of the nine orifices, nine viscera, and nine divisions of the human

body. (Henderson 62)


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We see three graphic representations of nine on pp. 20-22 (from Henderson 67, 79, and

83): (A) the nine domains of Zhou in the first (where, the further removed from the center a

region is, the more barbaric it is); (B) the nine chambers of the Luminous Hall in the second

(correlated with eight trigrams from the Yijing); and (C) the so-called River Diagram (Ht

) in the third (imprinted here on the side of a horse), representing nine (at least four

times), eight, and other numerical combinations cosmically significant.

Of course, systems of classification are not unique to China. Galen (A.D. 129-199?)

grounded his physiology on correspondences, matching the four elements with the four hu-

mors, and the three main faculties of the soul (rational, spiritual, and appetitive) with the

three major organs of the body (brain, heart, and liver). (Henderson 55) Renaissance systems

of correspondance were common, based especially on the numbers three, seven, and

nine. And medieval Islamic thinkers developed systems of correspondence, especially

numerological ones. For example, Islamic medical cosmologists correlated the seven cervical

and twelve dorsal vertebrae of the human body with the seven planets and twelve zodiacal

signs of the heavens, as well as with the seven days of the week and twelve months of the

year, thus meshing the measures of the human body with those of astronomical space and

calendrical time. They also paired the twenty-eight discs thought to be in the vertebrae with

the twenty-eight letters of the Arabic alphabet and the twenty-eight stations of the moon.

(Henderson 55-56)

But the point here is to emphasize (1) how pervasive correlative thought was in China,

(2) how consistent its main features were over time (notwithstanding some variation), (3)

how much this thinking continues until modern times (especially in geomancy, medicine, and

prognostication), and (4) how powerful the thinking is for being mostly taken for granted

the perceived patternings that permeate a culture may be identified and elaborated by literate

thinkers, but are not necessarily dependent on them.


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One could add (5): how interrelated correlative thought is with other kinds of thought. As

illustrated by alchemy, a given alchemical text might be read as a description of laboratory

operations, of cosmological processes, of sexual or yogic disciplines, of spiritual cultivation

or religious redemption. . . . The alchemists world of meaning, unlike that of the modern

chemist, united every aspect of experienceempirical, sensual, symbolic, estheticin a

single whole. (Henderson 48)

These modes of thought had all manner of concrete application. For example, when [in

the nineteenth century] it was proposed to construct a telegraph between Canton and

Hongkong, the ground of the opposition against it was as follows: Canton is the City of Rams

or Sheep, the mouth of the river is known as the Tigers Mouth; the district opposite

Hongkong is the Nine Dragons (Kowloon). What more unfortunate combination could

be founda telegraph line to lead the Sheep right into the Tigers Mouth and amongst the

Nine Dragons! (Ball 269, slightly modified)

Geomancy can take into account multiple systems of correspondance. The geomancers

compass, which incorporates as many as thirty-eight circles of symbol sets, including the tri-

grams and hexagrams of the Change, the ten heavenly stems and the twelve earthly branches,

the five phases, yin and yang, the twenty-eight lunar lodges, the twenty-four solar periods,

and the four seasons and directions, is a good emblem of the cosmological comprehen-

siveness of geomancy in traditional China. (Henderson 49, underlining added)

Interestingly, when confronted with proof that patterns in the cosmos did not follow the

earlier prescribed view, many Qing (1644-1911) scholars regarded such anomalies not so

much as departures from a predictable order as themselves constitutive of the fundamental

order, or disorder, of the cosmos. (Henderson 249)

This points to the weakness of correlative thinking, especially once it became ossified.

The tendency to always see a uniformly functioning organism in the cosmos, in society, and


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in history, and the associated, pernicious compulsion to incessantly weave a network of

correspondences which not only failed to result in new insights but actually prevented them,

also turned conceptions of an ideal state into frozen clichs. . . . [The scientific basis] was

the duality of Yin and Yang, the trinity of heaven, earth and man, the fivefold nature of earth,

wood, metal, fire and water, and similar rigid models. (Bauer 120-121)

It is an open question how prevalent the above perceived patternings in premodern China

are today (160 years after the beginning of modern China, as conventionally dated). It is an

open question: which patternings, to what extent, and among which classes of people, are

operative. And further, to what degree the patternings are unconsciously present, when there

is no awareness of them or when they are consciously denied.

March 22, 2012

Works Cited

Ball, J. Dyer, Things Chinese ([1903] 5th ed., rev. by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925; rpt. Singa-pore: Graham Brash, 1989). [J.D.B., 1847-1919; E.C.W., 1864-1954]

Bauer, Wolfgang China and the Search for Happiness: Recurring Themes in Four ThousandYears of Chinese Cultural History, Michael Shaw tr. (New York: The Seabury Press, 1976).[Trans. of China und die Hoffnung auf Glck (Mnchen: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1971)] [W.B.,1930-1997]

Chan, Wing-tsit, comp. and tr., A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1963). [= Chen Rongjie, 1901-1994]

de Bary, Wm. Theodore, and Irene Bloom, comp., Sources of Chinese Tradition, Vol. 1:From Earliest Times to 1600 (2nd ed., New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).[W.T.deB., 1919-; I.B., d. 2010]

Fung Yu-lan, A Short History of Chinese Philosophy, Derk Bodde ed. (1948; New York: TheMacmillan Company, 1960). [= Feng Youlan, 1895-1990; D.B., 1909-2003]

Gilbert, Katharine Everett, and Helmut Kuhn, A History of Esthetics (1939; 2nd ed., 1953;rpt. New York: Dover Publications Inc., 1972). [K.E.G., 1886-1952; H.K., b. 1899]

Henderson, John B., The Development and Decline of Chinese Cosmology (New York: Co-lumbia University Press, 1984). [J.B.H., 1948-]


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Loewe, Michael, Everyday Life in Early Imperial China (New York: G.P. Putnams Sons,1968; New York: Harper & Row, Perennial Library, 1970). [M.L., 1922-]

Mote, Frederick W., Intellectual Foudations of China (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971).[F.W.M., 1922-2005]

Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 2: History of Scientific Thought(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956). [J.N., 1900-1995]

Pas, Julian F., Religious Motifs in Chinese New Year's Greeting Cards, Journal of ChineseReligions 20 (Fall 1992), pp. 117-134. [J.F.P., 1929-2000]

Robertson, Maureen, Periodization in the Arts and Patterns of Change in Traditional Chi-nese Literary History, in Theories of the Arts in China, Susan Bush and Christian Murck ed.(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 3-26. [M.R., ca. 1945-]

Unschuld, Paul U., Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1985). [P.U.U., 1943-]

Wixted, John Timothy: for bibliography, see www.JohnTimothyWixted.com [J.T.W., 1942-]


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THE M E D I C I N E OF S Y S T E M A T IC C O R R E S P O N D E N C E 87Hit byWind HarmedBy Heat

H it ByH umid i ty

Sequenceof Mutua lGeneration

Sequenceo f Mutua lDestruct ion

Ha rmed By(Unrestrained)Dr ink ing , Eat ing,Weariness,Exhaus t i on

Ha rme d ByCold

Figure 1


20/22


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22/22

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five andendorseit

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Geometrical Cosmography in Early China S3

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Figure 8. The forms of the Ho-t 'u an d Lo-shu, th e former imprinted on the side of

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