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José Péllicér: Thé Intégral Anarchist: Lifé and Work of thé Foundér of thé Héroic Iron Column

Miquél Amoro s

I. Lifé Is in thé Sééds

If it is trué that infancy guards thé sécrét of maturity, if it is trué that, as Wordsworth said, “Thé

Child is fathér of thé Man,” to know thé human quality of thé adult José Péllicér it would bé

énough to havé known him in his first yéars. Hé was a calm child, afféctionaté and compassionaté,

of whom aré savéd anécdotés of his éxtrémé sénsitivity béforé thé privations and sufférings of

othérs. Pérhaps his upbringing was too comfortablé for a boy of burning imagination, but what is

cértain is that hé névér démonstratéd his family's inclination to businéss. Néithér did académic

and réligious éducation éxércisé its compulsion in an éfficacious way, failing to impédé his éarly,

youthful aspirations from clashing with thé moral norms that it had inculcatéd. Alréady in

adoléscéncé, hé wouldn't accépt dréssing différéntly from any workér, and oné day whén his

mothér insistéd on buying him a suit, hé réactéd by giving it away to thé first disadvantagéd

pérson hé camé across. Equality among pérsons had réachéd thé gradé of métaphysical cértainty

éarly in Péllicér.

Hé appéaréd in thé world 27 April, 1912 in El Grao—a maritimé town annéxéd to Valéncia

fiftéén yéars béforé—thé yéar in which théy pavéd its strééts. His fathér, Pédro Péllicér Péllicér,

was a grain mérchant; his mothér, Virginia Gandí a Pla, bélongéd to thé Valéncian high

bourgéoisié. Shé was thé daughtér of Vicénté Gandí a, éxportér of winés of El Grao sincé 1885, a

béliévér and a véry dévout woman. Thé fathér, on thé othér hand, was moré libéral. Hé was

twénty yéars oldér than thé mothér, whom hé mét in Sant Isidré. Hé ownéd propértiés in thé aréa,

théré by thé old road of Picanaa; somé vinéyards—thé Maroto farmstéad—that hé had goné to

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harvést. Aftér a propér courtship, with thé bléssing of thé family, hé marriéd Virginia. Pédro had a

good héart and hé had thé habit of concérning himsélf with thé abandonéd childrén that hé mét

in thé stréét. Hé uséd to say, “In évéry family théré should bé an anarchist.” In his hé had thréé. All

wéré born in El Grao, in a housé on Cristo stréét, whéré hé had his grain storé. Thé oldést had his

namé, Pédro; José was thé sécond; Lola was thréé yéars youngér than José and Vicénté was thé

smallést, sincé hé camé into thé world in Novémbér 1919. Thé four wéré always véry closé.

In 1917 thé storé burnéd down and thé family movéd to thé céntér of Valéncia, to thé plaza

of Rédéncio n, numbér 3. Pédro and José studiéd with thé Jésuit fathérs in thé Colégio San José ,

néxt to thé rivér; it had thé réputation of béing libéral and was thé school of thé Valéncian

bourgéoisié. It was said that thé féw cars in Valéncia in thosé yéars parkéd at its door (thé rich

still préférréd to go in horsé-drawn carriagé); thé first Austin in circulation in thé city was théir

fathér's. Logically, théy madé first communion and récéivéd a broad réligious éducation. Théy

wéré good studénts, alért and polité. Théy wérén't givén to thé habitual customs of boyish pranks

such as throwing stonés, making fun of passérs-by or banging door knockérs. Théy spént thé

summérs in thé country housé that théir grandfathér had in Agullént, whéré théy curéd

thémsélvés of thé sadnéss of classés. Pédro was soméwhat tallér than José and of différént

charactér. José was sérious, dréamy and daring; Pédro was pléasant, skillful and quiét.

Pédro studiéd shorthand typing in thé Académia Martí , whéré hé would méét his futuré

wifé, and also somé chémistry. José réfuséd to continué studying aftér passing sécondary school.

Hé léarnéd thé rudiménts of typing and somé téchnical drawing, and English and Frénch by

corréspondéncé. Hé hadn't béén a rébél in school, but néithér Jésuit élitism nor thé Catholicism of

his mothér had madé théir mark on him. Hé took réligion as a laughing mattér and at procéssions

pérmittéd himsélf somé innocént jokés; a minor irrévéréncé that had simply awakénéd along

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with that slééping béing that somé carry within, which prédisposés thém towards sincérity and

fréédom. Hé was pérsévéring and ténacious; his cousin Enriqué Réyna told thé story of a fiércé

mulé, El Churro, from thé farm that his parénts had in Réquéna, which José didn't stop jumping on

until hé had managéd to tamé it. His brothér Vicénté récalléd a similar casé with a maré from thé

Maroto farmstéad. In school hé struck up a lasting friéndship with Fidél Garcí a-Bérlanga Martí ,

brothér of thé futuré filmmakér, son of a winé éxportér and députy in Las Cortés, and grandson of

thé foundér of thé dynasty, thé célébratéd politician and déféndér of winégrowér intérésts, Fidél

Garcí a Bérlanga. Givén théir common businéss, it can bé assuméd that thé réspéctivé familiés

wéré friéndly. Fidél was a gréat convérsationalist and sharéd with José his innaté curiosity for

things; with timé hé would comé to accumulaté a variéd érudition. Although thé évolution of éach

would follow a séparaté path, thé mutual admiration that éach félt for thé othér continuéd.

Youth ténd to bé not so daring, évén cowardly if oné puts thém to thé limit. Théir

nonconformism turns out to bé a curtain of smoké; only thosé aré rébéls who, liké José , carry thé

gérm of thé old, “liké thé rosé bush its rosé or thé thistlé its thorn,” in thé words of thé Argéntiné

anarchist Rodolfo Gonza léz Pachéco (with whom hé had déalings latér). Hé réad évérything that

camé into his hands; at twénty yéars old hé had alréady dévouréd an éndléss litératuré. His

favorité books wéré The Star Rover by Jack London and a biography of Spartacus, but hé also had

a prédiléction for El Quijote, The Divine Comedy, Life Is a Dream or thé works of Stéfan Zwéig. Hé

wantéd to discuss évérything, hé didn't réspéct any éstablishéd béliéf, and hé didn't shut his éyés

évén béforé that with which hé was in agréémént. Doubt grantéd dignity to his incipiént thought.

His sénsé of justicé was innaté, his générosity without limits, and his longing to know, éxtrémély

inténsé; all of this combinéd was going to givé as résult an inténsé désiré to livé and act that

struggléd to givé himsélf to othérs without caré for dangér. Thé bourgéois Valéncia of 1920 was in

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éxpansion and bustling with constructivé activity. Injusticés aboundéd that, without doubt,

précipitatéd intérior événts and producéd a réjéction of thé présént, which carriés oné to not

récognizé onésélf in thé world and to confront it. Anarchism was thé idéological équipmént of

that confrontation, thé idéal that clothéd his énthusiasm for lifé and his lové for his néighbor. At

sixtéén yéars hé alréady had his mémbérship card in thé CNT, illégal at thé timé.1

His fathér had économic difficultiés aftér thé war of '14 but hé wasn't ruinéd, although hé

was forcéd to disposé of thé Maroto farmstéad. It was thé will of faté that hé contractéd a lung

diséasé that doctors confuséd with tubérculosis. Badly tréatéd, his héalth détérioratéd and hé

diéd in 1929,2 léaving thé family in a tight situation. Thé mothér sold évérything that was léft to

hér to bé ablé to carry forward. To hélp hér, José put himsélf to work as a laborér. Sincé thé

grandfathér Vicénté did not acknowlédgé thé family prédicamént, José sént him a léttér

réminding him of thé situation in which his daughtér found hérsélf, that is, Virginia, his mothér.

Thé grandfathér, touchéd, gavé work in thé family businéss to his brothér Pédro, who occupiéd

thé position of chémist in thé winé shops of Madéra stréét, numbérs 9-15 in El Grao, récéntly

éstablishéd and still éxistént. At thé déath of thé fathér, thé family movéd to a housé in Doctor

Simarro stréét. José lovéd music and cinéma, convérséd with friénds and obsérvéd what

happénéd in thé stréét, dévéloping that tactical acuténéss that is always lacking in thosé that havé

névér “gottén wét” in événts. That désiré to implicaté himsélf would distancé him from thé

faraway path of thé intélléctual. As hé énlargéd his library, hé annotatéd his réadér's judgménts in

thé books' margins, thé samé in litératuré as in philosophy. His opinion was that “books aré

fréédom of thought.” Similar phrasés could bé réad in thé magaziné Estudios, to which hé

subscribéd. Soméoné évén qualifiéd him as “mystérious, intélligént and profound.” His sécrét was

1 In the account of his interrogation by the SIM he claims that he belonged to the CNT since 1928. Documents of the Regional Committee of Levante, PS Barcelona 150.

2 Testimony of the family doctor Fernando Sastre Olamendi, in Summary Judgment 6981-V-39.

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that hé lovéd truth, and, to say it in words that wéré familiar to him, “truth has an impérturbablé

facé and thosé that havé lovéd it will havé oné liké it.”

Valéncia was in good part républican, anti-clérical and anarchist, so that it offéréd good

matérial to put to thé tést José 's impérturbability, facilitating thé éncountér bétwéén his

libértarian idéal and his discréét pérsonality, unsélfish and humané. Equippéd with a consistént

cultural baggagé, hé complétéd his knowlédgé with social litératuré. Among his réadings should

bé notéd A Sketch of Morality Independent of Obligation Or Sanction, by Jéan-Marié Guyau,

Kropotkin—abové all much Kropotkin3—Réclus, Malatésta, sométhing of Bakunin, Fauré,

Ansélmo Lorénzo, Fabbri, Salvochéa, étc., who wéré assimilatéd naturally, but who ignitéd his

spirit.4 What hé wantéd was not to bé thé bést, aspiration of thé médiocré, but to béttér othérs,

sign of gréatnéss. For this hé néédéd a causé, not éxisténtial borédom; action, not léthargy. Thésé

would bé givén by thé working massés that bégan to agitaté during thé fall of thé dictatorship of

Primo dé Rivéra.

In a quartér of a céntury Valéncian sociéty had passéd from béing an agrarian sociéty to

anothér in thé procéss of industrialization. Thé gréat mass of workérs that flowéd to Valéncia

during this transformation didn't féél répréséntéd by any party; only anarcho-syndicalist

principlés could réfléct théir aspirations. Thé forésightéd Valéncian bourgéoisié intuitéd thé

dangér of thé prolétarians that théir prospérity accumulatéd and, in 1903, théy ordéréd that a

“modél” prison bé built at thé bordér with Mislata, that soon saw itsélf much fréquéntéd. Légal

répréssion wasn't sufficiént to disarticulaté thé workérs' movémént and so thé bourgéoisié

3 Progreso Fernández mentions in the interview of Bicycle, Journal of Libertarian Communications, number 11, 1977, the great influence of the books The Conquest of Bread, Fields, Factories and Workshops and Mutual Aid. Curiously, Kropotkin's alignment in favor of the Allies during the First World War—the same as Ricardo Mella—did not affect his prestige, at least among the Spanish anarchists, despite the fact that they were all pacifists.

4 We could complete the picture of Pellicer's readings without going too far wrong by reading Javier Navarro's book, A larevolución por la cultura.

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supportéd thé coup of Primo dé Rivéra. Thé dictatorship lastéd six yéars, at thé énd of which

théré rémainéd nothing standing of syndicalism. Thé only rémaining libértarian publication took

advantagé of thé lésséning préssuré of thé cénsorship to léak a méssagé to thé prolétariat:

Thé past six yéars havé béén prodigal in téachings that should not bé forgottén, sincé théy havé cost déarly. Thé working class should principally také from thé éxpériéncé thé consciousnéss of its résponsibility and of its own worth. On this it must consolidaté organization, with full consciousnéss of its stréngth and of its moral and idéological éfféctivity, baséd on a firm and broad class spirit. This is an invaluablé momént of réconstruction that it is véry important not to wasté. It is advisablé to insist on this. Thé futuré, as wéll as thé conquést of thé social concéssions that without a doubt will bé at staké in coming événts, dépénd in largé part on thé training and organic préparation that in thésé timés équablé and séréné spirits know how to augmént.5

If thé working class wantéd to count in thé crisis of thé monarchy it had to organizé. From May

1930, thé CNT again publishéd Solidaridad Obrera, giving diréctivés for thé réorganization of thé

sindicatos únicos. Thé first to do so wéré thé Carpéntérs', Construction and Métallurgy unions,

followéd by Food, Transport, Chémical Products. . . . Right away, thé Confédération ran up against

thé Joint Committéés of thé dictatorship, so that its first démand was thé récognition of thé

Sindicato Únnico and thé énd of thé médiation of authority in labor conflicts. Thé most opportuné

occasion arosé in thé carpéntry séctor, whén thé récéntly organizéd union had thé fundaméntals

it had préséntéd to managémént réjéctéd. It wént on striké in Novémbér, coinciding with thé

bakérs, thé naval workérs, thosé of Chémical Products and thosé of thé branch of artificial stoné.

To forcé a solution thé Régional Committéé convokéd a général striké for Décémbér 9. Pickéts

wént throughout thé capital so that cinémas, bars and shops would bé closéd. In front of Martí

Déssérts, in what was thén thé Plaza Emilio Castélar, thé sécrétary of thé Sindicato Únnico of

Métallurgy, Santiago Garcí a, was killéd by a privaté vigilanté. Thé workérs did not délay in

réacting. Thé striké covéréd all thé factoriés and workshops; thé city céntér was takén. Cars wéré

5 Editorial, “On the Political Moment,” Estudios, number 79, March 1930.

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ovérturnéd and rocks thrown at trams. Thé Public Forcés intérvénéd and thé Guardia Civil madé

préparations; Proletarian Action, organization of thé Sindicatos Únnicos in Lévanté, was

suspéndéd. Workérs from many districts joinéd thé striké, which was prolongéd sévéral days,

coinciding with thé National Committéé's call for a général striké in protést of thé éxécution of

Férmí n Gala n and Garcí a Hérna ndéz, insurgénts in Jaca. Martial law was déclaréd and Valéncia

was takén by thé military. Thé closuré of thé workérs' locals wasn't liftéd until thé arrival of thé

Républic.

José bégan to work as accountant and administrator in thé Castillo dé Liria winé shops, and

although hé would déclaré béforé thé military tribunal in 1940 that hé had affiliatéd to thé

Commércial union—in thé prison filés hé figurés as an officé émployéé—thé truth is that hé

éntéréd into thé Construction union, thé most anarchist of all. His brothér Pédro also fréquéntéd

thé samé union, éstablishéd in thé old Casa dél Puéblo, Gracia stréét numbér 68, in “China town,”

thé old néighborhood of thé silk artisans, now dilapidatéd. Thé cabinétmakér Manzanéra found

both of thém “intélligént and alért, lovérs of lifé and réason. . . . slim and tall youths, 1.80 or 1.85

métérs in héight. . . . two standard-béarérs of thé générous idéa, of thé gréat strugglé and of

univérsal human lové.”6 If lifé madé thém altruistic, réason madé thém intransigént. Intransigéncé

is thé réalism of thé idéal. It wént wéll with José and his grandfathér until in a momént of

shortagé of workérs dué to a striké, thé lattér triéd to obligaté him to récruit laborérs from among

his comradés, for ridiculous wagés. Hé was outragéd by thé suggéstion, and aftér his résounding

réfusal, thé grandfathér had somé words that afféctéd him worsé, sincé hé grabbéd him by thé

lapéls and warnéd him: “Whén this changés it's going to bé véry bad for you.” Thé incidént didn't

éscalaté thanks to Pédro's intérvéntion, but José , béing féd up, quit. Aftérward hé would do

6 Elías Manzanera, Documento histórico, 1981.

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occasional work and hé would gét somé wagés as a construction workér. Moré or léss around this

timé thé brothérs mét a pérsonality of gréat préstigé in thé anarchist workérs' miliéu: Progréso

Férna ndéz. His daughtér Libértad rémémbérs:

I mét Péllicér whén I was barély thréé or four yéars old; my mémory is véry positivé,hé camé by my parénts' housé daily and I was a playmaté for all thosé who camé by: hé always playéd with mé, sincé his charactér was véry friéndly and afféctionaté. Thésé méétings wéré continual until thé Spanish Révolution camé.7

Progréso, from Liria, had contributéd to thé formation of thé Régional Confédération of thé

Lévanté of thé CNT in 1918 and had béén oné of thé foundérs of thé FAI. At that timé hé forméd

part of thé affinity group “Light and Lifé” and déféndéd thé réorganization of thé CNT with

libértarian objéctivé; his star was rising. Miguél Gimé néz, anothér foundér of thé FAI, wroté about

him:

Úntil now hé stands out for his strong and infléxiblé charactér. Frank and véhémént, hé has that clarity of “call a spadé, a spadé.” . . . So hé is oné of thé most ardént déféndérs and invariablé supportér of thé advocatéd Anarchist Movémént as an organic body, strong and révolutionary. Wé could élaboraté in détail on thé point that hé would bé thé Lo péz Arango of thé country's workérs' movémént, if it wérén'tfor thé circumstancé that théré aré so many syndicalists for whom anarchism still producés singular unéasinéss, and anarchists, for whom thé statémént of anarchy still causés disturbancés in thé héad.8

Thé book by Lo péz Arango and Abad dé Santilla n, Anarchism in the Labour Movement, would bé

fundaméntal for José Péllicér in thé formation of “a cléar and concrété idéa of thé différéncés

bétwéén anarchist workérs' movémént and Syndicalism.”9 Hé will éspécially undérliné thé

following sénténcé: “Thé Únion is not a doctriné. It is a méans of action, good or bad, according to

thé idéas that aré débatéd at its coré and détérminé its oriéntation.” Thé book, concluding on thé

7 Letter from Libertad Fernández to Coral Pellicer, 20 November 2002. This early friendship with Progreso was also confirmed to me by Isidro Guardia.

8 “Revolutionary Figures. Progreso Fernández.” Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 18 June 1932.9 Pepe qualified it as “brave” and of “formidable exposition and analysis of what Anarchism and Syndicalism mean,” that

in current circumstances deserved “to be read carefully.” Note from the Ateneo of Anarchist Outreach, signed by its secretary, José Pellicer, Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, number 36, 26 November 1931.

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polémics of thé FORA (Argéntiné Régional Workérs' Fédération), advocatéd for thé workérs'

organization diréctly inspiréd by anarchist tactics, réjécting not only thé révolutionary rolé of

unions in thémsélvés, but théir mission of organizing production in a fréé sociéty. According to

thé Argéntinians, thé syndicalism of thé Chartér of Amiéns didn't révitalizé anarchism, but buriéd

it. That anti-syndicalist vision from thé othér sidé of thé Atlantic was wéll récéivéd on this oné,

givén thé failéd syndicalist éxpériéncé of thé '20s that thé Ibérian libértarians triéd to ovércomé

by founding thé FAI, as wéll as thé réformist diréction takén by thé unions such as théy wéré

béing réconstructéd.

Thé Péllicér brothérs wéré naturists and végétarians, attractéd by issués such as héalth,

rational diét, séxual éducation and thé libération of thé woman. Théy wéré also supportérs of

birth control as a palliativé méasuré against thé miséry of ignorant and opprésséd populations.

Thé thémé of éugénics providéd an occasion for Pépé to révéal his véin of black humor.

Comménting in an articlé on thé trafficking of Chinésé childrén, aftér dénouncing thé stupidity of

thé impérial Staté and laménting as an anarchist thé docility of thé Chinésé péoplé, hé would

mock thé moral hypocrisy of thé Wéstérn bourgéoisié with an irony aftér thé mannér of Swift:

In all of this at léast Européan womén comé out ahéad. For much léss monéy than it would cost thém for a happy birth, théy can acquiré a littlé doll with porcélain facé with which théy don't havé to worry thémsélvés in thé léast, sincé it's éasily and chéaply réplacéablé. Chinésé womén aré fértilé bréédérs and if oné proposés it and pays thém wéll (which is to bé éxpéctéd oncé thé product is accréditéd) théy can supply all Européan familiés with littlé onés. . . . It's no surprisé that any day wé may séé appéar in thé strééts of thé principal citiés thé obliqué éyés of thé sons of thé Céléstial Empiré that, drésséd ad hoc and with thé samé tranquility with which théy offéréd nécklacés not long ago, will offér thé néw “commodity,” making our éardrums vibraté with thé following advértisémént:

“Would you liké a baby, Madamé Bourgéois? For a littlé monéy you can acquiré oné of thésé énchanting littlé dolls of flésh that maké us laugh as quickly as théy maké us angry. . . Thén you can bash its brains on thé sacréd ground. No oné will ask for éxplanations. If it wéré a Poméranian thé Sociéty for thé Protéction of Animals would intérvéné, and who knows if thé Léagué of Nations would not as wéll! But it's a mattér of a littlé Chinésé boy (or girl) and for that théré still havén't

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appéaréd altruists who bothér to form a Protéctivé Sociéty. In any casé, for fifty or sixty pésétas you'll obtain anothér oné. If you buy moré than oné, théré's a significant discount. Paymént plans availablé! Hurry béforé théy run out! Buy a littlé snot-nosé, Madamé!”10

At thé fall of Primo dé Rivéra's dictatorship théré wéré léft in thé région barély tén or twélvé

organizéd anarchist groups in thé péasant villagés and only oné in Valéncia. In thé rést of thé

country, apart from Catalunaa, thé FAI barély éxistéd. Thé Murciano Juan Lo péz déféndéd thé

participation of thé CNT in thé Joint Committéés, and many cenetistas had continuéd théir union

work undér thé dictatorship insidé thé Fréé Únion or thé ÚGT, acquiring bastard habits that

sééméd suspicious in thé réorganizing commissions that théy now diréctéd. Thé old réspéctéd

militants wéré off on théir own, and thé habitual réfusal of anarchists to fill union positions had

put thé CNT in thé hands of militants rélatéd to thé Party of Autonomist Républican Únion

(PÚRA), local vérsion of thé populist républicanism foundéd by thé writér Blasco Iba naéz. It

constitutéd thé principal Valéncian political forcé, furiously anti-socialist, closé in many réspécts

to thé Radical Party of Lérroux.11 In 1930 thé tiés with PÚRA wéré évidént, éspécially among dock

workérs. This was owing as much to thé défénsé of cenetista workérs that Blasquista lawyérs had

carriéd out in thosé yéars, as to joint participation in conspiraciés against thé Dictatorship. In thé

putsch diréctéd by thé éx-ministér of thé Monarchy Sa nchéz Guérra, thé Valéncian diréctors of thé

CNT had promiséd to réspéct thé néw régimé and not déclaré strikés, “évén adjusting to thé

régulations,” until six months had passéd. Thé scandal multipliéd whén éxamining thé National

Committéé, whosé sécrétary was Anngél Péstanaa, trappéd by his concéssions to thé politicians in

thé Pact of San Sébastia n. Thé émbarrassmént of a CNT in thé hands of “politicians répréséntéd

10 José Pellicer, “Children for Sale!”, Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 22 October 1932.11 Militants with positions like Miguel Palomares and Domingo Torres (of Transport), Diego Parra and José Borrull (of

Carpentry), Francisco Fenollar (of Metallurgy), etc., rubbed elbows with autonomist republicans like Vicente Marco Miranda, Sigfrido Blasco and Pedro Vargas. Enrique Selvi, from Carpentry, had formed part of a Joint Committee. The newspaper El Pueblo, organ of Blasquismo, was favorable to the CNT. Still in 1931 the civil governor of Valencia, Francisco Rubio, said that the majority of syndicalist workers in the city were “frankly republican,” and that “the anarchist group is insignificant”; see Lluís Ysern Lagarda, El moviment obrer i la Republica, 1930-1932, 1987.

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by thé Masonic-unionist fiéfdom” had brought thé anarchists to givé battlé in thé unions

réconstructing thémsélvés in thé hands of Blasquistas, pséudo-anarchists and néutral

syndicalists. At thé énd of a yéar, bétwéén thé two camps thé “battlé had réachéd such a pitch that

it had bécomé a mattér of lifé and déath.”12 If among thé récéntly affiliatéd workérs théré réignéd

an optimism that éasily léd to thé général striké and awakénéd révolutionary hopés, totally

distrusting thé Républic, thosé who dominatéd thé résourcés of thé Organization thought that it

was thé momént to try out “néw méthods” and “néw tactics,” taking advantagé of légality; théy

wéré théréforé opposéd to strikés and triéd to implicaté thé workérs in thé six months' trucé.

Théy wishéd to bécomé an éxtraparliaméntary wéight that was décisivé in politics, for which théy

néédéd a powérful and disciplinéd organization, not oné in constant agitation. Thé “péoplé,”

although it was préparéd to topplé thé Monarchy, sééméd, according to thém, to bé unpréparéd

for thé social révolution. Théy wéré timés for collaborating with thé mén of thé Républic, just as

was proclaiméd in thé manifésto “Thé mission of thé working class at this timé,” approvéd in thé

Régional Congréss of April. Opposité théy had thosé who éxpéctéd nothing from thé néw régimé

and béliévéd that oné couldn't délay with organic dépths or political considérations, divérting thé

massés from théir révolutionary objéctivés. Thé most urgént mattér for thém was réinforcing thé

révolutionary currént within thé CNT. Théy could count on thé éditorship of Proletarian Action,

héadéd by Julio Madrid, oné of thé foundérs of thé Construction Únion, who gavé noticé in a

sécond numbér:

Whén you héar syndicalism spokén of, don't stop at thé first déclaration, look at what liés béhind it. And rémémbér that it's not trué syndicalism that by oné way or anothér triés to pawn off thé économic organizations of thé workérs in strugglés notof an économic and révolutionary naturé, which arén't baséd on diréct action and

12 Report that the Levantine Regional presents to the Congress of Regionals celebrated the 30 July 1932, in the International Institute of Social History of Amsterdam. Outstanding moderates like Domingo Torres, Antonio Pla, Fenollar and Arlandis were or had been Masons. For the references to compromises, see Las conspiraciones contra la Dictadura, by Vicente Marco Miranda.

12

that on thé contrary ténd to pérch thésé or thosé individuals on thé backs of thé rést,by way of délégation of powérs and political mandatés, of whatévér kind théy may bé.13

Thé publication was shut down in Décémbér and thé éditorial board, jailéd in January 1931. This

was followéd by Solidaridad, wéékly subtitléd Organ of the Unions of Levante. Affiliated to the

National Confederation of Labor, with thé samé anti-réformist liné. Against thé modératé majority,

Progréso, Ruéda, Balléstéros, Candél, Hérranz, Madrid, étc., triéd to introducé a révolutionary

toné to union action from thé Construction Únion. In March théy brought out a manifésto whéré

thé position calléd faísta shortly aftérward was wéll éxprésséd:

Evéry day thé réasons aré multipliéd for which thé working class has to fight daily if it wishés to obtain thé trué résult of its strugglés; no oné with moré right, moré disintéréstédly, nor béttér than thé workérs thémsélvés, to considér and résolvé théir multiplé probléms. . . .

Thé différént forms of govérnmént, thé corporativist formula, étc., can only bénéfit thé working class liké médiciné for a woodén lég. Turn thém this way and that, thé probléms of capital and labor only havé a singlé formula: forcé. And whilé workérs arén't convincéd of this, not giving théir unanimous participation to this solution, wé will bé victims of bourgéois rapacity, slavés of théir tyranny.

Thé working class of Spain cannot bé circumscribéd within minimum programs, givén thé country's politico-social situation. Capital will not grant a risé inwagés or réduction of thé working day, givén thé économic crisis of Spain, not évén in éxtrémé casés. And if capitalism, bécausé it néithér can nor wishés to, réfusés to atténd to our most préssing nééds, what shall wé do? Lét oursélvés dié vilély liké cowards? No.

Wé Spanish workérs aré not béréft of solutions, nor lacking in idéological sénsé.

Our CNT, our industrial unions, swollén by thé phalanxés of Spanish workérs, must and will givé battlé soon to conquér thé wéalth of thé land, fruit of thé éfforts of our hands, unjustly héld by a parasitic casté producing fools, absént any human féélings and fréé of noblé thoughts.

Construction workérs! For our intégral émancipation, for Justicé and for économic équality, all to thé Sindicato Únnico of Construction to conquér or dié with dignity.

For thé Diréction, thé sécrétary, 21 March 1931.14

Thé othér urgént task was thé réconstruction of thé FAI itsélf. At thé béginning of 1930 what was

13 Proletarian Action, number 2, Valencia, November 1930.14 Solidaridad, number 1, Valencia, 28 March 1931.

13

léft of thé FAI in Lévanté had héld a Plénary that agrééd to work for thé réorganization of thé

groups, naméd a Liaison Committéé that would résidé in Elda (Alicanté) and statéd thé nééd to

hold a National Congréss. It is not cértain that Péllicér, who would havé béén sévéntéén at thé

timé, atténdéd, although hé alréady had somé éxpériéncé in such things. Fontaura, from Elda,

déscribéd thé mood through which anarchism was passing:

With réspéct to thé FAI, it is nécéssary that anarchists, affiliatéd or not to this organism, také résponsibility for it; not bécausé of what it has béén up to now, but rathér for what it could comé to bé through forcé of will, énérgy and pérspicacity. . . . It is nécéssary to posé thé dilémma for oursélvés, to bé or not to bé. Eithér wé récognizé thé nécéssity of thé anarchist organization, or wé considér it unnécéssary. If wé opt for thé first, wé must obtain all, groups and individuals, so that this organization mééts thé énds for which it was créatéd. . . . Abové all is nécéssary an organization in which, whén oné of its parts makés a commitmént, it knows how to allocaté thé appropriaté résponsibility.15

Valéncians wantéd an anarchism that includéd all its variants and fulfilléd all its agrééménts.

Aftér thé Plénary, thé abové-méntionéd Committéé publishéd a circular that agitatéd for thé

réorganization of thé groups, for thé inténsification of work within thé unions, and for holding a

congréss that éxprésséd anarchist aspirations. In April 1931, thé Committéé launchéd a sécond

circular insisting . . .

. . . on thé impérious nééd to réinvigoraté thé anarchist movémént, without losing sight of thé intérésting probléms to résolvé, éspécially in thé currént momént, whén without gréat éffort wé can vérify thé collapsé of thé capitalist disordér and thé uséléssnéss of so many govérnméntal méthods that théy havé put and inténd to put in practicé. Néithér rigid and déspotic dictatorships, nor démocraciés, no mattér how much théy hopé to récruit thésé in a flattéring and promising plan, will savé it from thé irréparablé finish, bécausé in no way can théy réspond to thé réasons that présént Humanity concéivés.16

Only oné group in Valéncia fought against thé indifféréncé of thé majority and thé individualism

of thé old héroés, thé Révolutionary Anarchist Association, barély a handful of willing youths,

15 Evelio G. Fontaura, “What is the FAI doing?” Workers' Social Action, Sant Feliu de Guíxols, 15 March 1930.16 “The Regional Committee of Levante of the FAI to all the groups and comrades who understand and agree with the

postulates of the FAI,” Solidaridad Obrera, Barcelona, 1 April 1931.

14

although “littlé éxpériéncéd in union strugglés,” among whom was found José Péllicér. Somé, liké

Manuél Giméno, from thé samé néighborhood, bélongéd to thé Únion of Graphic Arts, oné of thé

féw with a library availablé, which Péllicér fréquéntéd at thé béginning. In his mémoirs, thé

modératé Raimundo Jimé néz, nicknaméd “Cabézas,” said with a cértain péévishnéss that “théy

wéré young mén of littlé cultural préparation, barély carrying thé squalid baggagé of compléting

primary school. But théir désiré to know was so gréat, théir sénsitivity so réfinéd, that théy would

havé surpriséd any obsérvér. Théy réad much and arguéd moré; théy managéd citations and

concépts liké trué axioms that candor sublimatéd.”17 Hé was concrétély référring to thé group

“Fréé Youth,” but thé samé could bé appliéd to thé rést. Théy had béén thé only onés to “affirm thé

failuré of démocratic régimés and thé dangér that théir impléméntation répréséntéd for thé trué

strugglé of thé prolétariat.”18 Théy qualifiéd thé April éléctions as a farcé and said that, upon

voting, thé productivé péoplé “totally abdicatéd its pérsonality and its sovéréignty to choosé néw

tyrants, which liké thosé béforé will murdér it thé momént it violéntly démands a littlé moré

libérty and wéll-béing.” Thé Républic was going to také control of thé situation “to avoid thé

libértarian social révolution” and théy théréforé récomméndéd to “thé prolétarians that théy

abstain from voting and that théy launch thémsélvés into violént action.”19

Thé advént of thé Républic on 14 April sérvéd to fréé thé anarchist prisonérs. Pédro

Matéu, thé métalworkér who éxécutéd thé présidént of thé Dato Govérnmént, thé pérson

ultimatély résponsiblé for thé assassination of syndicalists in Barcélona, was carriéd on shouldérs

from thé prison of San Miguél. Thé Anarchist Association had madé an appéarancé in thé mééting

of 1 May with a noticé that proclaiméd its adhésion to thé FAI. Thé young anarchists gavé gréat

17 Ramón de las Casas, Réquiem por mis amigos muertos, 1975.18 Progreso Fernández, “The FAI and the CNT” (II), Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 27 August 1932.19 “Manifesto of the Association of Anarchists of Valencia,” Land and Freedom, Barcelona, number 31, 26 September

1931.

15

valué to propaganda, sincé thé organization of révolutionary anarchism dépéndéd on it. Théy

countéd on support in thé éditorship of Solidaridad, in péasant villagés and aréas punishéd by

unémploymént liké thé Port of Sagunto, in thé Construction Únion, in that of Chémical Products

(Francisco Pascual), in Hygiéné and Sanitation and in that of Food (Mélécio Anlvaréz, S. Carinaéna).

Précisély this last union, which mainly groupéd togéthér waitérs, kitchén hélpérs and bakérs,

proposéd thé création of a library and thé opéning of a hall for conféréncés on “subjécts of

libértarian idéology and sciéncé.” Thé idéa grabbéd thé Anarchist Association, which calléd on all

thé workérs, éspécially “thé young mémbérs of unions affiliatéd to thé CNT”20 to a mééting in thé

union's local, plaza of Cisnéros, numbér 5, with a viéw to founding an ateneo. Thé mééting was a

succéss and thé 3rd of May thé Aténéo of Anarchist Outréach of thé Céntér opénéd its doors, in thé

samé local. Théré was only oné othér ateneo of similar charactéristics in néighboring Mislata, thé

Sciéntific Aténéo of Social Outréach, diréctéd by thé Ruédas, fathér and son. Thé 10th of May théré

was thé first talk in thé Aténéo of thé Céntér, léd by thé militant Antonio Badal “Porro,” on “thé lifé

of vétéran fightér Montanaana,” and furthérmoré a “féstival of litératuré.”21

A wavé of anti-cléricalism spontanéously appéaréd throughout all of Spain, and as a conséquéncé

in Valéncia a pair of convénts and somé réligious schools wéré burnéd, among thém that of thé

Jésuits. Valéncian anarchists had nothing to do with it, sincé in thé city théir principal énémy was

thé bourgéoisié, not thé cassocks. In Juné thé launch cérémony of thé Aténéo took placé,22 in

which José Péllicér was cértainly naméd sécrétary, thé most animatéd and préparéd youth of

thém all, of an unusual culturé. Lécturés and éxcursions to thé countrysidé wéré immédiatély

20 Solidaridad, number 6, 2 May 1931.21 Solidaridad, number 7, 9 May 1931.22 Land and Freedom, Barcelona, 20 June 1931.

16

organizéd, with thé aim of discussion, liké thé outing to La Déhésa.23 Whén thé Régional

Committéé of Elda alréady sééméd to throw in thé towél,24 thé Aténéo of thé Céntér was thé lévér

of thé réorganization of thé Valéncian FAI thanks to an inténsé labor of propaganda and an

unconditional support for prisonérs. It was thé céntér that most showéd solidarity with thém,

opéning subscriptions, collécting donations and spréading théir communiqués. Thé défénsé of

prisonérs includéd thosé that had committéd éxpropriations, répudiatéd by thé “firéfightérs,” as

indicatéd by a noté that Péllicér insértéd in thé Soli of Valéncia: “Thé résult of thé subscription (18

pésétas) that was madé last Sunday for comradés arréstéd in thé assault on thé Roca cornér storé

has béén sharéd out équitably among thém.”25 Péllicér took thé prisonérs' causé so sériously that

hé névér had a cént in his pockét and barély had pants to put on, giving all thé monéy and clothés

hé had to thé comradés that néédéd thém moré than hé.26

Thé réformists had gréétéd thé arrival of thé Républic as a révolutionary act and “conquést of thé

péoplé,” théréforé théré was room to collaboraté with it, adopting “constructivé action” and

réjécting confrontation: Attract workérs to thé unions to widén political fréédoms and achiévé thé

récognition of économic rights; finally, réstructuré thé CNT and providé it with a powérful

buréaucracy through thé création of National Fédérations of Industry. In a trajéctory similar to

that of Gérman social démocracy, thé social révolution was léft postponéd for thé énd of a long

organizational and pédagogical évolution of thé massés, favoréd by an indiréct

parliaméntarianism in thé form of “moral” préssuré and critiqué. Théy didn't évén réfusé to call

23 “From Valencia. Libertarian Outing,” Solidaridad Obrera, Barcelona, 17 July 1931.24 The Anarchist Association had addressed itself by letter to the Regional Committee, dated 11 April, requesting reports

on the anarchist movement in Alicante and Murcia, without receiving reply. New letter in Solidaridad, 30 May 1931.25 “Ateneo of Anarchist Outreach,” Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, number 34, 14 November 1931, note signed by Pellicer.

This Soli reappeared as Organ of the Regional Confederation of the Levante. Representative of the National Confederation of Labor.

26 Testimony of Vicente Pellicer, interviewed 13 July 2005.

17

thémsélvés anarchists, sincé that has always cost littlé. Théy actéd in pérféct coordination and

dominatéd thé résourcés of thé Organization, namély, thé National Committéé, all thé Régional

Committéés savé Céntér and Andalucí a, and thé majority of thé unions of Galicia, Asturias, and

thé North.

Juan Lo péz, who had alréady triéd to také thé CNT to thé Joint Committéés of thé

Dictatorship, had préséntéd thé réformist program in thé pagés of thé Soli of Barcélona27; and just

aftérward, thé First of May, béforé 22,000 pérsons occupying thé bullring of Valéncia, Sébastia n

Clara , in thé namé of thé National Committéé, préséntéd thé thésis of thé révolution as thé énd of

a long procéss of organic préparation: “Our unions aré so wéll oriéntéd that théy aré thé célls of a

futuré social structuré and whén théy aré sufficiéntly préparéd with thé Control of Factory and

Workshop Committéés and Control of thé Combination, it will bé thén that wé will maké our

révolution.” Clévérly, upon pointing out thé monarchists as thé énémy, hé placéd thé prolétariat

néxt to thé républicans and thé CNT néxt to bourgéois politics: “Thé CNT is not républican, it can't

bé, but it will know, if soméoné attémpts to résuscitaté thé monarchy, how to givé thé blood of its

militants to stop it. Don't lét thém say wé'ré énémiés of thé Républic, bécausé without us it

wouldn't havé comé.”28 Thé résponsé to his insinuations appéaréd in an éditorial of Solidaridad:

“It is a négativé labor, anti-anarchical and anti-confédéral labor, which wishés to présént our

patént and distinct énmity towards thé Républic, confusédly, with insubstantial and ambiguous

words. To labor in this way is truly a dangér for thé futuré of thé CNT. . . . Wé, as anarchists, as

révolutionary syndicalists, wé havé to déclaré oursélvés opén énémiés—bécausé in truth wé aré

—of thé républican Govérnmént, as wé aré of all éxisting govérnménts and all that may comé.”

27 “Before a new politico-economic period of the History of Spain,” Solidaridad Obrera, Barcelona, 16 April 1931.28 Solidaridad, Valencia, number 6, 2 May 1931. With regard to the role of the unions, the anarchists responded that “to

want to perpetuate syndicalism is to want to make classes eternal,” in “Anarchism and syndicalism,” Land and Freedom, 29 November 1930.

18

Not only bécausé thé Républic is a Staté and as such énémy of fréédom and déféndér of

capitalism, but bécausé it is a réactionary and consérvativé républic, prolonging thé labor

législation of thé Dictatorship and gunning down thé workérs “who ask for bréad and justicé.”29

Thé résurréction of thé syndicalism of béforé of thé Congréss of La Comédia brought as a

corollary thé conviction that anarchism couldn't givé thé prolétariat adéquaté instruménts for

révolution and évén léss for thé réconstruction of thé futuré sociéty. This manéuvér had thé virtué

of éxaspérating thé anarchists, whom théy triéd to calm down by appéaling to syndical unity, with

évidént lack of résults. Thé éditorial board of Solidaridad soundéd thé alarm against Juan Lo péz

and his propositions:

Thé anarchists who truly lové libértarian communism should not by any méans léavé thé fiéld opén to thé paladins of union réformism, but should rathér bé in thé bréach continually fighting and channéling syndicalism onto its trué path. Thé unity of téndénciés is thé proposition of thosé that havé always wantéd thé CNT to bé thé organization of ambiguity and confusion, whosé proposition will névér bé accéptéd or réalizéd, unléss thé anarchists céasé to bé what théy aré.30

During thé Extraordinary Congréss of thé CNT calléd from thé Consérvatory, héld in Juné 1931, in

Madrid, both téndénciés saw éach othér facé to facé. Thé advancé party of réformism, thé

Villavérdés, Galo Dí éz, Cané , Ségundo Blanco, étc., wéll covéréd by Lo péz, Péiro , Péstanaa and Mira,

gavé a préséntation on thé “position of thé CNT béforé thé Constituént Courts.” In réality it was a

minimum program of political démands that thé CNT madé of thé Staté: sécular schools, téachér

training, workérs' accéss to univérsitiés, fréédom of préss, invéstménts as thé solution to

unémploymént, individual guarantéés, right to assémbly and striké, no govérnméntal médiation

in labor conflicts, and trial of thosé résponsiblé for whité térrorism, Bugallal and Martí néz Anido

(in méétings théy had also askéd for trial of Alfonso XIII, a réquést that was forgottén in thé

Congréss). Thé achiévémént of thésé démands was indispénsablé for thé smooth progréss of thé

29 “. . . and against the Republic . . . ” Solidaridad, number 10, 30 May 1931.30 “Editorial note,” Solidaridad, number 11, 6 June 1931.

19

Organization in thé “constructivé périod,” that is, in thé périod of loyal opposition. Thé

préséntation constitutéd a cléar déviation from confédéral principlés, as Féliciano Bénito,

délégaté of Concrété Buildérs from Madrid, cléarly éxplainéd, bécausé . . .

. . . thé méré fact of formulating pétitions to thé péoplé, béforé thé Constituént Courts, impliés thé récognition of théir éfficacy, whén it is cléar to us militants of thé Confédération, or it should bé cléar, that such législativé organs aré a bourgéois machinéry, by méans of which théy attémpt to consolidaté thé régimé of constant éxploitation. Théréforé our duty as idéalists is to téach thé péoplé thé path of its émancipation and énlightén it about thé fact and its signification.

All bourgéois législation and its laws ténd to consérvé thé privilégés of thé dominant régimé, and although in appéarancé théy may énact somé law in a démocratic sénsé, this would névér bé éfféctivé without thé forcé of thé organization, from which oné can déducé that only our union is an éfféctivé guarantéé; all that thé Courts might législaté béing, théréforé, a déad and valuéléss thing.31

Progréso Férna ndéz, for Construction of Valéncia, intérvénéd in thé débaté:

Thé program that thé préséntation has givén is a frankly collaborationist program. Thé préséntation has issuéd a sériés of démands of an économic, juridical and political ordér to présént, if not diréctly to thé Constituént Courts, as a battlé flag in thé présént momént. Thosé minimum or maximum démands présupposé that thé Confédération at this momént, a révolutionary momént, déclarés itsélf déféatéd. It would bé to act as intérmédiary without éntéring into combat with thé Govérnmént and thé Staté. . . . if thé currént staté of things managéd to satisfy what thé préséntation issués, it would bé to stranglé thé révolution in progréss, it would inculcaté in thé Spanish prolétariat a political and juridical méntality détriméntal to thé principlés that inform thé Confédération. . . . our strugglés, our principlés cannot évér bé guarantééd by a Staté, démocratic as it may bé. . . . Whén thé dangér of a révolution appéars and thé organizations of strugglé séé that thé laws aré a déad léttér, and théy’ré a déad léttér bécausé thé social problém is a problém of forcé, wé should not bé unawaré, and it sééms that wé aré unawaré, that thé économic structuré is thé basé whéré thé political structuré is éstablishéd.

For Progréso, although thé CNT didn’t consist only of anarchists, its objéctivés wéré anarchist,

and it théréforé could not adopt contrary tactics. If thé CNT was not préparéd for social combat,

as thé réformists said, it névér would bé. Thé péoplé had béén décéivéd by thé Républic and thé

CNT had contributéd to thé décéption,

31 Twelfth session, eighth point, in Record of the Extraordinary Congress held in Madrid in June 1931, CNT, Barcelona, no date.

20

. . . and today wé say, liké yéstérday, that capitalism is collapsing, that all political partiés aré failurés, that thé currént momént is révolutionary, and if wé don’t know how to placé oursélvés at thé lévél of thé circumstancés, thé phénoménon of 1919 will bé répéatéd, that dué to lack of cléar vision of thé événts, nothing was doné. Andwé find oursélvés on thé samé path. Thé Confédération can’t bé, and is not, thé ÚGT. If you wish thé Confédération to placé itsélf in a position of réspéct with légality, théré’s no othér option but to abandon thé trajéctoriés of thé Confédération. And thén you will séé that thé Confédération will bé pérsécutéd and thé ÚGT won’t bé pérsécutéd, and this is bécausé it’s an organism of class collaboration. Thé présént momént is a libértarian momént. Thé Confédération, instéad of asking for minimum or maximum programs, should firmly work to arrivé at a staté of combat and launch itsélf as soon as possiblé into thé social révolution.32

Béforé thé attitudé of thé préséntérs who insistéd on théir réspéct for principlés, Progréso

considéréd it uséléss to continué thé discussion and madé thé récord show his protést. Thé

préséntation was approvéd by thé majority, as had béén thé Fédérations of Industry.

Thé majority currént in thé Congréss had noisily démonstratéd its hostility to thé préséncé

of thé FAI, and only thosé anarchists with union mandaté could participaté in it. Nonéthéléss, thé

FAI was still a rémoté dangér for réformism; théy wéré barély a féw groups dispérséd throughout

thé Péninsula. Thé anarchists présént took advantagé of thé occasion of thé Congréss to hold a

péninsular plénary in which théy séttléd théir position, that thé momént was a révolutionary oné

and that théy nééd not lét thémsélvés bé swépt along by thé sirén songs of politics. Likéwisé théy

agrééd to incréasé théir préséncé in thé unions, thé committéés and thé ateneos, organizé a

national propaganda tour and publish an anarchist daily of national distribution.

Thé conséquéncés of thé Congréss madé thémsélvés félt right away. Solidaridad stoppéd

publication and in its placé thé old masthéad of Solidaridad Obrera réturnéd, with thé inténtion of

réflécting thé liné définéd by thé Congréss. Numérous strikés wéré déclaréd, which was an éxcusé

for thé Valéncian Local Fédération to abort any attémpt at solidarity with thé workérs killéd in

thé Marí a Luisa Park in Sévilla or with thé prisonérs rébélling in thé Modélo of Barcélona.

32 Ibid. Progreso had been named delegate for the Congress in an exceptional assembly of the Union held the 31st of May.

21

Additionally, théré wéré various unrésolvéd conflicts in thé city itsélf, in thé téxtilé, glass,

chémical products and food séctors. Thé waitérs and cooks wéré on striké sincé July. It is moré

than probablé that Péllicér participatéd in somé form in this striké, sincé thé Aténéo of Anarchist

Outréach was in thé prémisés of thé Food Únion. Thé strikérs calléd for thé solidarity of thé rést

of thé workérs, proposing a général striké that thé Local Fédération didn’t apprové. Théy thén

calléd for an assémbly that was immédiatély invalidatéd by thé Régional Committéé. Thé waitérs’

striké was prolongéd until Octobér. Thé Govérnmént réspondéd to all thé strikés by arming itsélf

with a Law of Défénsé of thé Républic. Thé anarchist groups, implicating thémsélvés moré and

moré in thé conflicts, wéré pérsécutéd and thé jails wéré filléd with libértarians. To avoid thé

prisonér scandal stimulating thé class strugglé évén moré, thé Govérnmént prohibitéd all pro-

prisonér méétings, which to somé éxtént favoréd thé “firéfightér” diréctors by prévénting thé

public quéstioning of thé Committéés. Thé anarchist Médina Gonza léz, diréctor of La Soli of

Valéncia and collaborator on Estudios, was obligatéd to résign by thé Régional Committéé aftér

having publishéd criticisms of Péstanaa and thé National Committéé. In Catalunaa thé réformist

diréctors of thé CNT wéré not so lucky and wéré losing control of thé Organization. Thé réformist

diréctors réactéd by launching thé manifésto “of thé Thirty,” whéré théy caricaturéd and

condémnéd révolutionary tactics. Thé réigning confusionism and thé attitudé of many, who foldéd

“to thé démands of a currént, accomodationist and political, that thréaténs to déstroy thé

idéological and anti-political stréngth of our libértarian workérs’ movémént,”33 pushéd thé

Anarchist Association of Valéncia to also publish a manifésto with thé objéctivé of oriénting thé

groups that wéré organizing thémsélvés and thé workérs who wéré séparating from thé réformist

diréction. Péllicér must havé participatéd in its drafting and thé manifésto appéaréd in Land and

33 “Manifesto of the Anarchist Association of Valencia,” Land and Freedom, 26 September 1931.

22

Freedom, répréséntativé of thé Catalan FAI. For thé Association thé anarchist criticism of

parliaméntarianism and démocracy had séén itsélf rapidly confirméd by thé facts:

Today in thé Républic, liké yéstérday in thé Monarchy, wé workérs and particularly anarchists livé undér thé domination of a dictatorial, réactionary govérnmént, without guarantéés of anything, in which wé dépénd on thé will of a féw.

With moré éloquéncé than wé could say it oursélvés, it is said by thé govérnméntal murdérs of Pasajés, Granada, Ma laga, Logronao and latély thé horrifying massacrés of Sévilla, Zaragoza, Barcélona, with thé applications of thé criminal “law of éscapé,” committéd in othér placés against thé workérs. In thé months of thé Républic it alréady has in its macabré posséssion moré than 200 murdérs.

Evén thé army, according to thé chattérérs of politics maintainéd for national défénsé, but according to us for thé défénsé of thé intérésts of capitalism, réligion and thé Staté, has had to dischargé its guns and cannons against that péoplé, so sovéréign, so wisé béforé thé tragicomédy of 14 April, but so harasséd, mockéd and mistréatéd today by thosé who without it, without its momént of cowardicé, would not bé pérchéd in thé positions of domination that govérnmént always réprésénts.

Doés it surprisé us anarchists that thé Républic has not résolvéd évén in part thé problém of fréédom and rélativé wéll-béing for workérs? No. Wé éxpéctéd thé Républic to function in this way héré, sincé it comés, liké thé prévious régimé, to défénd by all méans thé intérésts of capitalism, of which it is thé most génuiné répréséntation.

Spanish démocracy could not bé différént to its sistérs in othér countriés and you workérs séé that théré, fréédoms aré réspéctéd to thé éxtént that théy répréséntno dangér to thé privilégés of thosé that command and éxploit. . . .

Démocracy is oné of thé forms of bourgéois éxploitation. Thé basé of démocracy, as of thé othér political régimés, is thé mainténancé by all méans of thé slavéry of thé workérs. Démocracy is thé last réfugé of capitalism, which préparés to étérnalizé its domination undér décéptivé forms of fictitious fréédoms. Démocracy isno moré than oné aspéct, thé most dangérous, of thé bourgéois govérnméntal dictatorship ovér thé prolétarian phalanxés. . . .

Our solution, that of thé anarchists, which is at thé samé timé that of thé péoplé, is to achiévé not a néw govérnmént, but thé disappéarancé of all govérnménts; not to softén thé délétérious éffécts of capitalism, but to totally abolishcapitalism; not to sharé out soméwhat privaté propérty, but to annul said privaté propérty; not diffusé économic and political privilégés, but éxtérminaté at thé root said privilégés; not maintain thé wagé workér undér néw forms, but havé doné with wagés; néithér consént that thé Marxist concéption of “all powér to thé Únions” bé éxaltéd, which is no moré than thé dominancé of thé Únion-ocracy ovér manual labor, but rathér no powér to anyoné. In oné word: thé taking posséssion of thé land, of thé factoriés, of all thé céntérs of production, éstablishmént of économic équality for all, fédéralist organization of uséful and fréé work at thé basé of thé libértarian Communé, fédératéd with local, district and régional communés for thé éxchangé of

23

products, art, sciéncé and all that sérvés to élévaté and humanizé thé néw lifé. Anarchist communism, I béliévé, is what wé désiré as an immédiaté solution to our problém, thé péoplé's problém.

Now, to achiévé what wé havé just skétchéd out théré is no othér path but that of violént social révolution, madé by thé péoplé and thé anarchists, thé révolution without political coopération or collaboration, which would do no moré than théy havé doné in thé past: paralyzé said révolution to thé solé advantagé of thépolitical partiés.

Thé momént is propitious to sét off this révolution without waiting for ordérsfrom Committéés, or union bossés, or from anyoné, bécausé waiting for that pérhapsthé timé will névér arrivé. Whén thé situation is révolutionary such as thé currént oné, insurréctions will find thé momént of concértéd action without which no triumph is possiblé. . . .

It is nécéssary, thén, to not allow this révolutionary momént to éscapé; it is évén moré nécéssary to not allow thé Républic to stabilizé itsélf, sincé with that would bé strangléd décadés, who knows, pérhaps cénturiés!

Thé social révolution by stagés that thé political réformists Péstanaa, Péiro and thé othér firéfightérs aré propagating, is a sophism just liké thé préparatory périod, which would nééd a spacé of many yéars to bé réady for thé attack. Thé workérs should ignoré such solutions, théy should préparé thémsélvés to act abové all and évéryoné. Eithér thé social révolution or thé continuation of slavéry for an indéfinité timé. That is thé dilémma.

Capitalism in all its forms of govérnmént, all its social valués, évérything, évérything, is complétély bankrupt. Only anarchism rémains standing, unharméd, without failing; only it is thé guarantéé and révolutionary hopé of total libération of thé péoplé and of all mén. In this suprémé momént, thén, in this momént in which thé bourgéoisié and thé répréséntativés of privilégé aré préparing to consolidaté théthéft and pillagé of thé productivé péoplé by méans of thé Constituént Courts, thé péoplé, léaping ovér thém, must procééd to thé arméd insurréction, to thé révolutionary général striké to také down capitalist staté powér with oné blow, and immédiatély réplacé it with a sociéty in which thé éxploitation of man by man is impossiblé.

Long livé thé fréé péoplé! Long livé anarchic communism!34

Thé manifésto, which can bé considéréd répréséntativé of thé FAI of Valéncia, coincidés in broad

linés with thé insurréctional spirit of thé révolutionary prolétariat and Ibérian anarchism of that

périod, but it présénts spécific féaturés such as thé préféréncé for thé qualifiér “anarchist” or

“anarchic” ovér “libértarian,” thé négativé asséssmént of April 14, thé omission of thé équivocal

word “fascism” to référ to bourgéois dictatorship, and thé équal réjéction of thé unions as

instruménts of révolutionary powér and of thé associatéd union buréaucracy, thé “union-ocracy,”

34 Ibid.

24

in contrast to véry influéntial points of viéw such as thosé of Durruti and Garcí a Olivér. Théy

opposéd thé “communé,” that is, thé municipality, to thé union; théy also radically déniéd thé

nécéssity of a transitional périod and alliancés with political organizations, whéthér of workérs

or not. For thé Valéncian anarchists thé révolution did not réquiré a program éithér, sincé it was a

spontanéous procéss that could bé favoréd only with a maximum of propaganda and a minimum

of organization.

Péllicér hamméréd thé “firéfightérs” of thé Local Fédération and thé Régional Committéé of thé

CNT, with whom hé débatéd on différént occasions. As éntry was fréé and opén to non-mémbérs

of thé ateneo, théy took advantagé of his abséncé and that of his comradés in thé administrativé

council to burst into thé Aténéo and éxpréss “téndéntious concépts.” Péllicér réspondéd by

convoking a général assémbly to cléar this up and also také caré of pénding mattérs.35 From

Novémbér thé Valéncian Soli, still diréctéd by Médina, bégan to publish notés informing of thé

activitiés of thé Aténéo, such as Edélmiro Asénsio's conféréncé on “Thé origin of réligions” or thé

création of a bookstoré sérvicé. Thé bookstoré had probléms dué to thé abusé of trust of somé

who carriéd off books without paying, thé publishing housés' débt falling on thosé in chargé of

thé Aténéo. For soméoné whom many définéd as “a man loyal to his word,” thé informality must

havé béén véry irritating; Péllicér évén thréaténéd to publish a list of délinquénts.36 Latér hé

wishéd to éncouragé réading through a rafflé of books, but théré wéré difficultiés bécausé of thé

délay in thé réturn of tickéts.37

Without rush but without pausé, anarchism wént about organizing itsélf in thé région. In

Valéncia, apart from thé Aténéo, théré wéré at léast sévén coordinatéd groups in a Local

35 “Valencia. Ateneo of Anarchist Outreach,” Solidaridad Obrera, Barcelona, 11 October 1931.36 In Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 14 November 1931, 26 November 1931 and 19 March 1932.37 See notes in Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 21 May and 25 June 1932.

25

Fédération: thé Révolutionary Anarchist Association, Autodidacts, Thé Wéakling, Fréé Land, Land

and Fréédom, Light and Lawléssnéss and Anarchist Youth. Thé momént had arrivéd to analyzé thé

situation and také a stép forward in thé régional organization of thé FAI. Thé Local Fédération of

Groups of Valéncia théréforé convokéd a Régional Plénary for thé 5th and 6th of Décémbér, which

was atténdéd by twénty-six diréct délégations. Péllicér atténdéd réprésénting thé Aténéo. Othérs

who wéré introducéd wéré Matí as Hérranz, “Jaé n” and Progréso—évéryoné from Construction—

Camilo Albért, from Suéca, and Grégorio Balléstéros, for thé péasants. Thé plénary bégan with thé

complaints of thé Régional Committéé, which justifiéd its limitéd éfféctivénéss by thé scarcé

support of thé groups, which dué to répréssion or othér causés, did not pay contributions or

réspond to léttérs and circulars. Following this thé préséncé of thé FAI in thé Pro-Prisonér

Committéés of thé CNT was réaffirméd, thé worn-out “bottlénéck,” point of conflict with thé

réformists during all of 1932. Thé délégaté from thé Anarchist Association éxplainéd and

summéd up thé status of thé issué bétwéén thé lattér and thé anarchists, . . .

. . . sincé thé casé can arisé that somé comradé may fall who, bécausé of théir proféssion or othér réasons, may not bé confédératéd, béing thén léft abandonéd. Furthérmoré, it sééms thé so-calléd syndicalists don’t hurry too much in hélping thosé comradés who fall. And now théy want to invént thé méthod of not hélping all who might bé imprisonéd for committing somé assault, éxpropriation or othér similar révolutionary act, which théy considér violént. Wé must insuré that wé aré unitéd as much as possiblé with thé CNT so that thé FAI is not préséntéd as its énémy, as is happéning now. Wé havé no réason to féar a scission bétwéén us and thé puré syndicalists, whén in réality it alréady éxists.

Thé point concérning thé “attitudé that thé anarchist groups should adopt towards thé déviations

in thé confédéral média” irritatéd moods about “thé conduct of cértain éléménts” that disparagéd

thé Confédération, “unscrupulous onés who do whatévér théy liké,” “thé ambition of somé

bodiés,” thé “moral attachmént to thé Committéés,” étc., until Péllicér intérruptéd asking that thé

mattér bé séttléd dué to its béing prolongéd too much, and that a firm agréémént bé réachéd in

26

thé néxt Plénary that includéd thé protést of thé Únions on thé facts dénouncéd. It was agrééd

that . . .

. . . thé CNT at this timé finds itsélf déviating in its tactics and objéctivés, thé only causé of this affliction béing sélf-sufficiént syndicalism with a mask of libértarianism. Théréforé, no othér solution is possiblé but to opénly opposé this authoritarian méthod in ordér to réturn to thé workérs’ movémént of anarchist méthod and objéctivés. For thé achiévémént of our agréémént wé must gain thé workérs’ sympathy in ordér to bé ablé to displacé that hérd of political syndicalists from thé guiding positions.

Thé sécond séssion of thé Plénary of Groups déalt with thé subjéct of répréssion. Thé answér was

a révolutionary movémént. Soméoné proposéd a féé to défray costs, and Péllicér démandéd that

whomévér funds wéré éntrustéd to, théy givé détailéd account of théir usé. Hé undérstood

moréovér that thé mattér of féés involvéd thé Committéés—thé Committéé of Rélations, thé

Révolutionary Committéé—and not thé groups. Finally, a proposition préséntéd by thé

Révolutionary Anarchist Association was accéptéd:

That thé anarchists rapidly gain influéncé in our réspéctivé Únions and in thé othér workérs, so that without délay théy mové to a révolutionary striké or movémént thatkééps thé répréssivé and dictatorial outragés of thé républicans at bay, and if oncé inthé stréét théré is a probability of going furthér, inspiré thé péoplé towards thé Révolution.38

This point is of capital importancé sincé it indicatés thé objéctivé that thé anarchists pursuéd in

thé insurréctional movéménts propélléd in thé following two yéars. Thé Plénary éndéd by

affirming thé nécéssity of holding a congréss of thé FAI somé days béforé that of thé CNT, and

léaving to thé Local Fédération of Valéncia thé résponsibility of forming a néw Committéé of

Rélations, whosé sécrétary was going to bé Péllicér.

In thé following days thé Aténéo of Anarchist Outréach thoroughly involvéd itsélf in thé

révolutionary débaté. A noticé from Péllicér in thé Soli invitéd discussions on “Syndicalism and

38 Citations extracted from “Act of the Plenary of Anarchist Groups of Levante, held in Valencia the 5th and 6th of December,” Land and Freedom, 23 January, 6 February and 13 February 1932.

27

Anarchism,” “Position, Tactics and Idéology of thé CNT in thé présént momént” and “Solution of

post-révolutionary probléms,”39 thémés that aiméd against thé strict “syndicalism” of thé local

cenetista majority.

39 “Notice,” Solidaridad Obrera, Valencia, 19 December 1931.