K Gramsci North South Relations - Shell

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Gramsci Kritik Shell

A. Thesis - In Order To Maintain The Way Society Is Currently Made Up

With Powerful Capitalists Running The World The Elites In Power Grant

Small Concessions To Prevent the Masses From Becoming Too DiscontentWith Social Issues Like Global South Poverty

Katz, Department of Business Administration, Ben Gurion University of the Negev,

2006[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)

17:333348]

In hegemony, according to Gramscian thought, a certain way of life and thought isdominant, and is diffused throughout society to inform norms, values and tastes,

political practices, and social relations (Sassoon, 1982). It is based on a specific

organization of consent, which has an economic base but is not limited to it (Carroll,1992). It results from a combination of coercion and consent, the latter achieved

through the hegemonic cooptation of groups in civil society, resulting in coercive

orthodoxy (Persaud, 2001, p. 65). Elements of civil society are coopted by the stateand used to secure acquiescence of the dominated classes and identification with the

hegemonic world-order. In this state of affairs civil society becomes part of anextended state, utilized by the ruling class to form and maintain its hegemony by

transformismo, or cooptation, through which the ruling class assimilates ideas that itsees as potentially dangerous, and thus creates cultural and political consensus (Cox,

1993). It becomes an instrument ofpassive revolution, through which hegemonicforces allow limited (and to an extent, false) freedom of self-expression for the

dominated groups, thereby maintaining the continued consent to the current

relations of force.

B. Economic Assistance Derived from Engagement are Tiny Compromises

To Prevent People In Poverty From Becoming So Angry They Revolt Against

The Whole Economic Order

Xiang et al., Aabourg University, 2006

[ Li, "Understanding Global Capitalism: Passive Revolution and Double Movement inthe Era of Globalization"American Reivew of Political Science, Vol. 40, No 1/2

December 2006http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-

2/XingHersh.pdf]

Not to be discounted however is that notwithstanding the differences between the

strategies for overcoming the general crisis, it was the creative destruction

(Schumpeter , 1975) of the Second World War that gave capitalism a new impetus.In the post -war period of reconstruction, the ruling classes of Western democracies

accepted structural regulations and modifications in the economys mode offunctioning in order to defuse social contradictions and neutralize politicalmobilization and thus re-legitimize its rule. Seen in this light, the compromiseinvolved a trade-off: the establishment of a general consensus with regard to

maintaining the existing class stratification. Politically, social consent has sincecome to be regarded as a component of the system of democratic institutions andliberal ideology whereby the general interests of the population were to a largerextent taken into consideration by the state. This give-and-take strategy was

functional to the stability of the social structure. Simultaneously, non-state or semi-
http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdfhttp://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdfhttp://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdfhttp://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdfhttp://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdfhttp://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdf


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state institutions such as education, the media and the church exerted a significant

impact on peoples consciousness in influencing their ways of living thus contributing

to the maintenance of the position and legitimacy of the capitalist ruling class. Thispattern of social control, which was part of a truce in the ongoing war of position in

the post -World War II arrangements, revealed the potency embedded in bourgeoispolitical hegemony. Its skilful competence in winning the rule of legitimation

through the manufacturing of false consciousness(Gramsci, 1971) resulted in theacceptance of the perception of the capitalist political and economic system and

social structures as inherently rational and natural.


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Capitalism Kritik1NC


C. The Impacts:

1. The Affirmative Cannot Solve We Must Adopt New IdeasAbout Global North Economic Exploitation of the South To Truly Remedy It

Katz, Department of Business Administration, Ben Gurion University of the Negev,2006[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)

17:333348]

Hegemony and counter-hegemony are best seen as simultaneous double

movements that reciprocally shape one another (Persaud, 2001, p. 49), and a

change of hegemony is followed by the birth of new counter-hegemonic forcesamong the newly removed elites. Scholars of civil society often ignore this dialectical

nature of civil society, and prefer to look only on the bright side.The findings ofthis paper support this rereading of Gramsci, and can serve as a warning to those

who try to find a perfect counter-hegemony or a perfect hegemony in the real worldof global power relations and global civil society. What next? Strategic implications

for global civil society As Gramsci argued, all the subjugated groups must engage inthe historic bloc. The very low fragmentation found in the giant INGO network is one

precondition on the path to the emergence of a global bloc. Its integrated structure

provides a suitable infrastructure for a well-integrated historic bloc, one that is notfragmented as to allow the hegemonic elite to divide and conquer. Its integration

lays the foundation, once other conditions (namely adoption of a reformist ideology

and an action orientation) are fulfilled, from which a unified global movement can

emerge.

2. Without Rejecting The Current Order Of Society We Risk ManyCatastrophic Impacts

Landy, Distinguished Professor of English/Film Studies at University of Pittsburgh2008[Marcia, "Gramsci, Passive Revolution, and Media" boundary 2, 35:3 (2008)]

The last decades of the twentieth century have witnessed a restructuring of capitaland the redistribution of wealth to the top of the economic pyramid on an

international scale. The era of neoliberal economic and cultural reform has involvedthe abandonment of various versions of the welfare state, the increased relegation ofthe employed and unemployable to the bottom of the economic pyramid, and theinstitution ofperpetual warfareon national and global fronts. This passive

revolution has been greatly aided by academic and public intellectuals via the mediaof film, television, and journalism. Antonio Gramscis analysis of the realignment ofruling and traditional social and economic forces seems particularly cogent for thepresent conjuncture. Gramscis conceptions of hegemony and his concept of passive

revolution are critical to an analysis of the unprecedented increase in social


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inequality and an intensification of exploitation of both people and nature in an

increasingly naked pursuit of profit.Political, cultural, and economic organization

have been characterized by new shifts of power, effected through coercion andconsent in a familiar and cynical language of creating a just and democratic world

come into being through the restoration of capital. Judging by the number of books,articles, and even films that continue to appear on the life and writings of Gramsci,

his work continues to be germane to cultural and political texts concerned with thesecond coming of fascism.


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Capitalism Kritik1NC


D. Alternative: In Order To Help Global South People EscapeExploitatation and Poverty Without Giving In To The Global North Elites, We

Advocate A More Holistic Struggle Against Capitalism


2006[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)17:333348]

Just as hegemony at the global level is produced by a dominant mode of productionwhich is forwarded by dominant states and institutions, and permeates other states

and institutions; so counter-hegemony needs to be a complex international social

relationship by which the social classes in the different countries get connected,forming a global counter-hegemonic historic bloc. INGOs are the avant-garde in

this slow process of consciousness, organization, and protest (Cox, 1993). AdjustingGramscis thought to our era, Cox argues that counter- hegemony to the dominance

ofglobalcapital can only be developed within the auspices of aglobalcivil society(Cox, 1993; 1996; 2002). How is change obtained? Gramscis concept of hegemony

pertains to the condition in which the dominant classes utilize the state to bothcoerce and at the same time achieve consent to their dominance within civil society.

Since this marginalizes the interests of some of the subordinate groups, they

organize in the only space available to themcivil society. For Gramsci, socio-economic changes merely set the conditions in which transformation becomes

possible. What is crucial for change to take place, are adjustments in the relations

of force at the political level, affected by the degree of political organization and

aggressiveness of the rival forces, the strength of the alliances they manage tomobilize, and their level of political consciousness (Forgacs, 1988).


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Capitalism KritikLink - Crisis

Link - Crisis

1. The Use Of Crisis Rhetoric Such As Claiming War Is Imminent Is UsedBy The Powerful To Manipulate Society

Landy, Distinguished Professor of English/Film Studies at University of Pittsburgh

2008

[Marcia, "Gramsci, Passive Revolution, and Media" boundary 2, 35:3 (2008)]

Not innate aspects of the medium, these characteristics are endemic to the late

capitalist society of the United States, where crisis is produced and assimilated

directly to the circulation of commodities__ and multiplied through repetition,selection, and censorship. The control of the medium was evident in the reportage

surrounding 9/11 and then of the Iraq War, increasingly buttressed by the

governmental restructuring of social and political life via the PATRIOT Act passed inthe name of the peoples home- land security.The adoption of the terminology of

safety for repressive measures is a familiar instance of the triumph of coercion inthe language of assumed consent. The viewer is also increasingly barraged by a

plethora of images of events ranging from domestic crises, criminality, subversion ofinstitutions, extended and repetitive displays of all forms of violence identified

under the rubric of the threat of the catastrophe of terrorism.With very littlecontrol over the production of this information, the viewer is enlisted through the

mobilization of anxiety, the menace of annihilation, governmental corruption, the

threat of natural disasters, and the peril of domestic outbreaks of lawlessness.Therepetition of images of disasters and commodities, including cures for physical and

psychic ailments, bombards the viewer as well. (However, the Internet has been

touted as having a different, possibly more investigative, access to events, a

hypothesis that requires further analysis.)


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Capitalism KritikAlternative Works

Alternative Can Work

1. The Alternative Solves Action At The Local Level Can Have World-WideConsequences NGOs Are A Perfect Example


2006

[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)17:333348]

Though seldom directly applying Gramscian concepts, and invariably focusing on a

specific issue or subdivision of global civil society, various studies provide anecdotalindications of counter-hegemonic movement. Most notably, Keck and Sikkink (1998)

show that the lever- age politics typical of NGO diplomacy, utilizes network links to

influence more powerful actors, using them to promote the networks goals.Southern NGOs use indirect pressure by northern ones to affect policies in their

region. For this to be possible, networks incorporate northern and southernorganizations, among the latter especially those that are capable of reaching IGOs

and have sufficient import in their own countries. Also, Diani (2003) notes thatnetwork diversity is multiplicative, as it opens channels of communication to varied

pop- ulations of organizations, and issue diversity is also linked with strategicdiversity, flexibility, and adjustment to change.


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Capitalism KritikImpacts

Impact The Affirmative Cannot Solve Poverty

1. The Affirmative Is Not Enough We Need Resistance Outside Of Just An

Economic Sense

Katz, Department of Business Administration, Ben Gurion University of the Negev,2006


The concept of the historic bloc is central to the conception of social change in

Gramscian thought. For the subaltern element tono longer [be] a thing

[objectified, reified] but an historical person they need to be an agent, necessarilyactive and taking the initiative (Gramsci, 1971, pp. 144, 332337). The alliances

developed in mobilizing counter-hegemony must extend beyond classes, to includevarious social forcesan alliance of class and social- democratic groupings. Thisalliance prefigures a new order, a convergence of labor and new social movements,

through different means of linkage or bridge building (Carroll, 1992, p. 12). In this

vein, Bocock (1986) argues for a new, radical, and moral hegemonic outlookinvolvement of all the major radical groups. Bocock lists labor, womens movement,

the peace movement, religious groups, environmentalists, and ethnic organizations,

among others. This is a radical-pluralist conception that locates the forging ofcounter-hegemony in the multiplicity of antagonisms evolving in and by way of the

social relations of civil society (Ratner, 1992, p. 235). For a historic bloc to be

effective it needs to be a coalition of forces, that does not duplicate powerdisparities inherent in the existing world-system, that avoids localism or nationalism,and promotes global solidarity through networking that links the local and the global

(Amoore et al., 2000; Gills, 2000)a unifying, non-homogenizing, and indigenizingstrategy of resistance.

2. Without True Social Adjustments Poverty Is Inevitable This Means The

Affirmative Cannot Solve Their Case

Katz, Department of Business Administration, Ben Gurion University of the Negev,2006

[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)

17:333348]

The critics argue that the policies and practices of neoliberal globalization increase

the wealth and power of the few on the expense of the many. International financialinstitutions and transnational corporations have gained substantial political influence,which allows them to shape policies in their favor (Pollin, 2000), and undermine the

political capacity of the poor while empowering the new network elite (Castells,

1989). Their power reduces governments freedom to conduct their own monetaryand fiscal policies, and their policies delegitimize social spending and expansive


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welfare arrangements (Esping-Andersen, 1996), and often cause mass

impoverishment (Taylor et al., 2002).


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Capitalism Kritik2NC Answers

AT: Other Causes of Passive Resistance

1. The Alternative Can Solve We Need To Begin Political Activism In OrderTo Overcome All Causes Of Passive Resistance


2006


But the first thing that needs to happen is that we recognize the potential of

networks and what still has to be done to achieve this potential. Therefore, theactivism needed most is that of research to build better knowledge of global civil

society. More databases on global civil society and the actors that operate within it

should be developed, and those that already exist should be more open for research.It is the role of researcher-activists to undertake research that considers civil society

as a global political project, and study it on a truly global level.

2. There Are Existing Networks Of People To Mobilize And Cause True Social

Reform



17:333348]

The findings provide mixed support to both parts of the Gramscian dialectical view ofcivil society. Thus, one could argue that global civil society is undergoing a slow

process of counter-hegemonic formation. This explains why the network is so well

integrated but is still underdeveloped, as well as why disparities and hierarchy in itare still present. Only time will tell what direction it will take in the future. The

current well-integrated structure of global civil society networks, from which a

counter-hegemonic historic bloc might emerge, is a positive sign for those who favorsuch a development. It can provide a comprehensive global infrastructure for afuture comprehensive global movement, on condition that other factors such as

awareness, ideology, and agency will follow.

3. Gathering Support At The Local Level Has Empirically Been Shown ToWork


2006[Hagai, "Gramsci, Hegemony, and Global Civil Society Networks", Voluntas, (2006)17:333348]


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The importance of diverse networks for a successful progressive NGO initiative is

demon- strated by Khagram (2002), who argues that the successful coalitions

around the Narmada Valley dams in India show the effectiveness of a localglobal,grassroots-elite assemblage; as well as a mix of organizations with different

ideologies and action strategies. Similarly, in his analysis of the Zapatistas, Castellsshows how resistance identities converge to form project identities, aiming at the

transformation of society, in accordance with values of resistance to the dominantinterests enacted by the global flows of capital and power. This is done through

expanding campaigns into global networks, and thus elevating them from operationin the space of places to operation in the space of flows, making them visible where

it really counts (Castells, 1997).


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Capitalism Kritik2NC Answers

AT: Link Is Non-Unique

1. Other Economic Programs Do Not Matter In The World Of The

Alternative We Would Reject These Kinds Of Global North EconomicPlanning As Well In Order To Seek A More Holistic View Of Global South

Poverty.

2. This Is About How We Form Policy Not About What The World LooksLike Now. The Alternative Creates A Break In The Status Quo Ways Of

Dealing With the Global South Only The Affirmative Can Derail The

Movement.

3. A True Holistic View Of North/South Hegemonic Relations Not An

Incremental Policy Approach Is Necessary To Confront The EconomicInequalities In The World



17:333348]

But civil society a-la Gramsci is also where leadership and movement from below can

emerge, when deprivation is mobilized through consciousness, and a revolution canbe attempted. Hegemony necessitates counter-hegemonyhegemony and

counter-hegemony are best seen assimultaneous double movements that

reciprocally shape one anotherhegemony in- forms counter-hegemony, and

counter-hegemonic efforts cause hegemonic forces to re- align and reorganizethemselves (Persaud, 2001, p. 49). Civil society, and not the state as in Hegel, is the

active and positive moment of historical development. It is the creative space, where

subaltern groups, encouraged by intellectuals, can coalesce, form a his-toric bloc,and engage in a counter-hegemonic war of position to alter society (Sassoon,

1982).


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Capitalism KritikLink Extensions

Policy Demobilizes Resistance

1. Capitalism Reshapes Itself Through Minor Concessions Although TheAffirmative May Improve A Small Group's Conditions They Further The

System That Creates Poverty


2008[Marcia, "Gramsci, Passive Revolution, and Media" boundary 2, 35:3 (2008)]

Gramscis Prison Notebooks, published in 1948, influenced many Italian and postwar

European intellectuals and filmmakers of the Left by providing a means for rethinkingthe politics and culture of fascism. His writings were a critical reservoir for strategies

in the critical years of transition from the fascist regime to democracy, a time when

many individuals and groups were struggling to create a new vision of society in theaftermath of fascist regimes, the war, and the struggles of the Resistance. Even with

the disillusioning victory of the Christian Democrats in the late forties and early fifties,Gramscis writings were a reminder of the tendencies of capitalism to rejuvenate

itselfthrough innovation and the restructuring of class relations. His work was tobecome more widely disseminated throughout Europe and in the United Kingdom in

the 1960s and 1970s, giving rise to new forms of cultural analysis directed torethinking prevailing forms of Marxist analysis and traditional left forms of political

organization.

2. The Affirmative Is A "Cloak Of Openness" In An Attempt To Remove

One Aspect Of Poverty They Prevent People From Taking A Holistic

Approach



17:333348]

The political project of neoliberalism has seen the convergence of states and globalactors, including transnational corporations (TNCs) and international governmental

organizations (IGOs), around the neoliberal creed, and resulted in the establishment

of a new orthodoxy (Tickell & Peck, 2003). This reasoning relates directly to thecurrent hegemony of neoliberalism, with the backing of the United States as the

dominant state, as well as a host of other states, interstate, and non-state actors(such as the European Union, World Trade Organization, World Bank, andInternational Monetary Fund) forming a historic bloc, which inevitably coopts themajor organizations in global civil society, and uses them to promote its agenda

under a cloak of openness.


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3. Helping Improve A Small Section Of Poverty Makes People Passive And

Unwilling To Challenge Larger Problems Contributing To Poverty

Riley, Professor of Sociology at the Univesrity of California, Berkeley, 2007,

[Dylan J. "The Passive Revolutionary Route to the Modern World: Italy and India inComparative Perspective ", Comparative Studies in Society and History2007;49(4):815 847]

Passive revolutions resemble social revolutions in the types of organizational actorsthat carry them out, but are similar to revolutions from above and autocratic

modernization in their consequences. As in social revolutions, political organizations

rather than bureaucrats and notables are the main actors. Yet, like revolutions fromabove and autocratic modernization, passive revolutions leave intact, and may even

strengthen, the social and political power ofpre- existing dominant classes.Thus they do not issue in rapid, basic transformations of a societys state and class

structures (Skocpol 1979: 4). Distinctively passive revolutions are instances of theuse of revolutionary means of organization, rather than bureaucratic power, to

achieve conservative modernization.


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4. Compromises Prevent Confrontations Within Society And Maintain The

System Of Poverty


[ Li, "Understanding Global Capitalism: Passive Revolution and Double Movement inthe Era of Globalization"American Reivew of Political Science, Vol. 40, No 1/2December 2006http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-

2/XingHersh.pdf]

In other words, the hegemony of the bourgeoisie is identified as political

consentwhereby extra-economic modes of domination serve to enforce a dominant

ideology favorable to the reproduction ofcapitalist relations of production (Martin,1997, p. 51). At times of potential confrontations, the bourgeoisie has shown a

capacity to go beyond narrow immediate short-term interests by makingcompromises (within certain limits) with a variety of allies, united in a coalition of

social forces called historical bloc(Gramsci, 1971). In this way, the societal order,which the bourgeois ruling class has created and nurtured through a web of

institutions, social relations and ideas, represents a basis of consent (Bottomore,1983: 201).

5. Social Welfare Programs Are Used To Create "Passive Revolutions" By

Splitting Up And Demobilizing Movements


[ Li, "Understanding Global Capitalism: Passive Revolution and Double Movement in

the Era of Globalization"American Reivew of Political Science, Vol. 40, No 1/2December 2006http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-

2/XingHersh.pdf]

Thus while not abandoning the structural analytical level, the attempt is made in thethrust of these two approaches Gramsci and Polanyi - to surmount the dichotomy

between structure and agency and emphasize the role of politics in the evolution of

capitalism. The combination of both insights is useful to the analysis of the turmoil ofthe 20th century with its alternation of revolution and counterrevolution, reform and

contra-reform as well as war and peace. Following the Great Depression, capitalismworldwide underwent a transformation based on the rejection of laissez-fairecapitalism in favor of a more regulated macro-economic system of controlled andrationalized production. This process can be identified as a passive revolution which

found expression in the reorganization of capitalism in the 1930s and the postwarera through the adoption of the New Deal, Keynesianism and Fordism12 in theUnited States and Western Europe. A motivating influence on the ruling elites wasthat the war of position was not going well as capitalism experienced a

protracted crisis following World War I and the victory of socialist forces in the
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Russian war of movement following the Bolshevik revolution in 1917. The

establishment of the Soviet Union put socialism as a viable alternative socio-

economic system on the agenda even though a revolutionary wave was defeatedthereafter in parts of Central and Eastern Europe.


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6. By Offering Bargaining Chips To People Living In Poverty The Existing

Social Order Can Maintain Its Position Of Power



2/XingHersh.pdf]

While some countries reacted to the crises and potential revolutions in the first half

of the 20th century through socio-economic measures whereby preserving

parliamentary democracy, the political elites of catching-up countries such asGermany, Italy and Japan resorted to Nazism and Fascism characterized by ultra-

nationalism, militarism and contra-imperialism. Nonetheless, the commondenominator for the reaction of all industrialized countries to the worldwide crisis of

capitalism can be grasped in Polanyis double movement, i.e., the attempt to shieldsocieties from the ravages of the world market and pre-empt the consummation of

the war of movement into revolutions and class wars through retrenchment fromthe international economy and the implementation of protectionism and self-

centered economic policies.

7. Minor Concessions Are Used To Prevent Larger Social Revolutions

Xiang et al., Aabourg University, 2006[ Li, "Understanding Global Capitalism: Passive Revolution and Double Movement in


2/XingHersh.pdf]

The transformation of global capitalism denotes a conceptual difference between

internationalization and transnationalization(globalization). The former refers to theextension of trade and financial flows across national borders, whereas the latter

implies that the globalization of production has entailed the fragmentation anddecentralization of complex production chains and the world-wide dispersal and

functional integration of the different segments in these chains (Robinson and Harris,

2000, p. 18-19). Globalization has brought about some fundamental conversions inthe modus operandi of the capitalist world system in which the systems

constitutive rules and regulative capacities are in the process of restructuring and

generating new social constellations of actors and agencies. This process can beanalyzed by looking at a number of societal relationships: Labor relations Thesituation and status of the working class has, since the indust rial revolution, been

related to the position of the individual country on the international scene. From its

genesis, capitalism developed unevenly in different parts of the world creating asystem of dominating and dominated nations. When conditions of capital mobility are


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geographically limited within the nation-state boundary, it is possible for organized

labor to compel capital into allowing it a certain participation in societal

rearrangement, and not necessarily remain in a state of passive submission. InGramscian terms, this path of passive revolution is negotiated by unequal forces in

a complex process through which the subordination and the resistance of theworkers are created and recreated (Simon, 1982, p. 64).


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8. Redistributing Wealth And Providing Services Disarms Movements And

Prevents Radical Questioning Of The Existing Structure Of Society



2/XingHersh.pdf]

Within the formation of national capitalism, the hegemony of capital lies in a

recurrent process ofpassive revolution and double movement in which the state

neutralizes emerging contradictions by implementing mechanisms of redistribution,reorganization and arbitration. The state plays a key role in mediating relations

between productive forces and production relations. Under crisis circumstancespolitical and economic elites as well as organic intellectuals begin to initiate state

interventions to deal with the situation on two fronts: 1) taking-over of themanagement and enforcement of negotiations in the controlling of society on behalf

of the ruling group; 2) intervention in the economy in order to regenerate productiveforces and relations of productions.

9. Social Welfare Programs Are Used To Help Cement Current CapitalistPractices


[ Li, "Understanding Global Capitalism: Passive Revolution and Double Movement inthe Era of Globalization"American Reivew of Political Science, Vol. 40, No 1/2

December 2006http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-

2/XingHersh.pdf]

During the post-Second World War era, the welfare states in Western Europe

characterized by full employment tipped the balance of political power in favor oforganized labor. Following the collapse of the Bretton Woods system and theAmerican-initiated oil price rise of 1974 (Kissinger, 1982), capital began to regain

control over policy-making in many Western nations under the sway of the ideology

and practices of neoliberalism. Since then, economic globalization, especiallyfinancial and capital market liberalization, has systematically increased the process

of the transnationalization of state autonomy in favor of global capital over nationalwelfare social policies. Consequently, neoliberal globalization not only intensifies theglobal process of the disembedded economy- disembedding the market fromsociety (Polanyi, 1944), but also further integrates and assimilates non- capitalist

elements as well as non-market societies in its realm.


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Capitalism Kritik2NC Extensions

AT: Strengthen Movements

1. Compromises In Capitalism Like Providing Social Services Is A Way OfCo-Opting Movements And Preventing A Larger Remedy To Poverty



the Era of Globalization"American Reivew of Political Science, Vol. 40, No 1/2December 2006http://www.arpejournal.com/ARPEvolume4number1-2/XingHersh.pdf]

The incorporation of passive revolution into the conceptualization of the evolution ofmodern capitalist societies offers, according to the Gramscian perspective, an

explanation as to how bourgeois democracy is able to contain the contradictions of

the mode of production, upon which class dominance depends, without resorting toopen violent coercion. The class struggle that is a component of capitalist formations

is characterized by Gramsci as a war of position11. The point to keep in mind isthat Gramsci (1971, p. 106-20) recognized that wars have two sides. Thus he

considered passive revolution in the context of war of position by other means,as a revolution from above that sidesteps the need for fundamental restructuring

from below.(Mittelman, 2000, p. 167n.) In other words, the hegemony of thebourgeoisie is identified as political consentwhereby extra-economic modes of

domination serve to enforce a dominant ideology favorable to the reproduction of

capitalist relations of production (Martin, 1997, p. 51). At times of potentialconfrontations, the bourgeoisie has shown a capacity to go beyond narrow

immediate short -term interests by making compromises (within certain limits)

with a variety of alli es, united in a coalition of social forces called historical bloc

(Gramsci, 1971). In this way, the societal order, which the bourgeois ruling class hascreated and nurtured through a web of institutions, social relations and ideas,

represents a basis of consent (Bottomore, 1983: 201).

2. In Order To Maintain Cultural Hegemony Capitalism Will Offer Small

Concessions In The Form Of Social Welfare In Order To Prevent Wider

Revolt




2/XingHersh.pdf]

The notion of passive revolution is derived from the conservative tradition going backto Edmund Burke, who argued, that in order to preserve its most essential features,

society had to adjust to changes (Sassoon, 1982, p. 15). In modern settings, theconcept was further developed by Gramsci, who used it to refer to a style of statepolitics that preserves control by a leading group on the one hand while institutingeconomic, social, political and ideological changes on the other. In other words, the

concept encapsulates the means by which a dominant class maintains its hegemony


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by neutralizing the pressures of various contending forces that might otherwise

trigger profound structural transformations. Consequently, the defusing process is

achieved without undergoing a political revolution that potentially could threaten thedominance of the leading group and the modus operandi of the system. It is in this

context that the concept of hegemony should be understood as an expression ofbroadly based consent, manifested in the acceptance of ideas and supported by

material resources and institutions.


22/24


1/2


AT: Permutation

1. The Permutation Does Not Remedy The Link Our Link Is To The Band-

Aid Nature Of The Affirmative Do Not Allow Them To Change TheirAdvocacy To A More Holistic View Of Poverty.

2. The Affirmative Acts As An Apology By Focusing On The ImmediateCauses It Prevents People From Questioning The Large Causes Of Poverty

Landy, Distinguished Professor of English/Film Studies at University of Pittsburgh2008

[Marcia, "Gramsci, Passive Revolution, and Media" boundary 2, 35:3 (2008)]

The particularly iconoclastic dimensions of Gramscis thought that were to have

important repercussions from the 1960s onward involved his unrelenting struggleagainst what he termed economism, the reduction of individuals and groups and

events to mechanical causes exemplified by determinist forms of scientificMarxism as well as by corporatist- bureaucratic apologists for capitalism. He

inveighed against the interpreta- tion of social change in mere quantitative andmaterialist terms, and he also sought to avoid the reductive character of ideologism,

which he defined as a valorization of individual volition, uniqueness, and freedom

from cultural and political restraints. He wrote,A common error consists . . . in aninability to find the correct relation between what is organic and what is con-

junctural. This leads to presenting causes as immediately operative which in fact

operate only indirectly, or to asserting that the immediate causes are the only

effective ones. In the first case there is an excess of economism, or doctrinairepedantry; in the second, an excess of ideologism. In the first case there is an

overestimation of mechanical causes, in the second an exaggeration of the

voluntarist and individual element._

3.Starting With The Government As The Agent To Remedy Poverty Means

We Do Not Question The Deeper Ways In Which The GovernmentContributes To Poverty


2008[Marcia, "Gramsci, Passive Revolution, and Media" boundary 2, 35:3 (2008)]

Of passive revolution he wrote, [T]he course of events in the Risorgimento revealedthe tremendous importance of the demagogic mass movement, with its leadersthrown up by chance, improvised, etc., nevertheless in actual fact taken over by the

traditional organic forcesin other words, by the parties of long standing. . . ._Gramscis particular use of the concept of revolution here is, of course, ironic, sincehe is describing, in effect, a restoration of the old order under a new rubric and witha new rhetoric through State reformism, but revelatory of the defeat of subaltern

groups very much in the spirit of Marxs Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.


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Gramsci did not restrict his analysis of passive revolution to a retrospective glance at

Italy but addressed past and present conditions in Europe. As Adam David Morton

writes,passive revolution is a portmanteau concept that reveals continuities andchanges within the order of capital. Processes, in the example of the

Risorgimento . . . exemplified the inability of the ruling class to fully integrate theproducer classes through conditions of hegemony._


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AT: Permutation

4. We Need Stronger Stances To Truly Overcome Poverty Band-Aids AreIneffective

Riley, Professor of Sociology at the Univesrity of California, Berkeley, 2007,

[Dylan J. "The Passive Revolutionary Route to the Modern World: Italy and India in

Comparative Perspective ", Comparative Studies in Society and History2007;49(4):815 847]

Let us briefly draw together the threads of our analysis. This paper has aimed to

conceptualize and explain the passive revolutionary route to the modern world. Wesuggested that Italian fascism and Indian nationalism were passive revolutions

because in both a mass political party possessing a revolutionary ideology and

political organization modernized the country while preserving the basic distributionof property and much of the pre-existing state. Both the PNF and the INC were mass

political parties. Both contained substantial revolutionary wings, and bothestablished the framework for industrial and nationally integrated societies but left

significant elements of the old order intact. While the general conditions of passiverevolutions (especially the absence of a bourgeois revolution leading to land

redistribution) are similar to other forms of conservative modernization, passiverevolutions are distinguished by the organizational characteristics of the main

revolutionary agent. Unlike revolutions from above or autocratic modernization, a

mass political party, rather than a central state, is the primary agent ofmodernization in these cases. Passive revolutions thus use revolutionary means (that

is, the mass political party) for conservative ends.

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