Koo-SSH 2007-Origins of Public Sphere-Korea 1506-1800

8/3/2019 Koo-SSH 2007-Origins of Public Sphere-Korea 1506-1800

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JeongWoo Koo

The Origins of the Public Sphere

and Civil Society

Private Academies and Petitions in Korea, 15061800

This article explores an East Asian parallel to the structural transormation o the

European public sphere and civil society by studying private academies and Conucian

literati petitions in Chosn Korea rom 1506 to 1800. During this period, the Conu-

cian literati emerged as the new public and challenged royal authority, engaging in a

broad range o public activities through the academies and petitions. Voluntaristic and

nongovernmental connections o private academies reveal aspects o a nascent civil

society, whereas the rational-critical nature o petitioning indicates the ormation o

the public sphere in Chosn Korea. This analysis demonstrates a close historical asso-

ciation between the evolution o private academies and the development o petitions.

This historical interplay confrms Jrgen Habermass thesis that the public sphere

arises rom civil society.

The notion o the public sphere has received considerable attention in socialscience and history in the past decade (Rowe , ; Rankin ; Landes

; Chartier ; Calhoun ; Eley ; Goodman ; Villa ;Somers ; Jones ; Zaret ) Scholars see the idea o the publicsphere, an institutional arena o discursive interaction, as central to democratic theory and practice (Villa ) Oten, the debate has unolded inconjunction with the application o civil society, which is broadly defned asa domain o voluntary associational activities, relatively ree rom control bythe state (Tocqueville ; Keane ) Conceptually, the public sphere

Social Science History : (Fall )DOI / by Social Science History Association


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Social Science History

arises rom the institutional core, nongovernmental and noneconomic connections and voluntary associations, o civil society (Habermas : )

Interest in the public sphere and civil society is clearly a response to

world events; the worldwide trend o democratization and the recognition ocivic participation have orced attention to the idea o the public sphere andcivil society (Ehrenberg ) In particular, social movements around theglobe, including the prodemocracy demonstrations in Eastern Europeand China, have sparked interest in these ideas (Wakeman ) Apart romsuch world events, the termspublic sphere and civil society began to gain popularity ater Jrgen Habermas introduced the idea o the eighteenthcenturyEuropean public sphere (Habermas et al ; Habermas [])

Inspired by Habermass discussion, a number o historians and social scientists o European and nonEuropean societies have exerted serious eort toassess Habermass key ideas (Rankin ; Landes ; Freitag ; Rowe; Chartier ; Goodman ; Jones ; Forment ; Ikegami)

A robust body o European scholarship has engaged Habermass insightswith special vigor, critically reexamining the European public sphere o theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries Scholars have documented the existence o vast networks o such organizations as coeehouses, taverns, socialclubs, salons, cas, Masonic lodges, table societies, and other voluntary associations, treating these as centers o ree critical discussion (Goodman ;Eley ; Kale ; Lynch ) These associations, in which the bourgeois played a central role, developed independently o the absolutist state,paving the way or the emergence o civil society in Europe

Recently, a growing number o historians o East Asia have begun to

explore the possibilities that Habermass original arguments and the similarclaims by historians o European societies may be applied in nonEuropeancontexts (Rowe , ; Rankin ; Freitag ; Forment ;Ikegami ) Scholars o China have examined the roles o merchants,gentries, and other urban dwellers in acquiring local autonomy rom the central government during the late Qing and early republican periods By examining communitycentered, extrabureaucratic elite activism, Philip Kuhn(), Mary B Rankin (), and William T Rowe (, ) argue that

a highly institutionalized sense o urban community developed owing tothe initiative o the local society (Rowe : ) Scholars seem to agreethat the ideas o the public sphere and civil society, despite their European


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Private Academies and Petitions in Korea

orientation and thus some obvious diculties in application to nonEuropeancontexts (Rowe ; Wakeman ; Ikegami ), are also highly applicable to nonEuropean societies (Fewsmith ; Rankin ; Rowe ,

; Ma )This article explores an East Asian parallel to the European public sphereand civil society by studying Conucian private academies and petitions othe Conucian literati in Chosn Korea () rom to During this period, about Korean private academies emerged and declined asboth higher educational and voluntary associations With a substantial degreeo autonomy given by the state, academies and local elites were able to acilitate collective mobilization in rural areas and showed aspects o a nascent

civil society The Chosn state, however, became increasingly jealous o theacademies authority and began to see the academies and the Conucian literati as an institutional threat to centralized authority It responded by orcing regulations on them

Along with the rise o private academies, Conucian literati who wereconnected to private academies as well as various public schools created over, petitions, which were transmitted to the monarchs The process opetitioning involved the circulation o missives and announcements amongConucian schools nationwide, association meetings in which petitions wereapproved, and the securing o signatories rom local communities It therebymobilized public opinion in local communities and showed the qualities orcontents o the public activities o local elites

By examining the coevolution between academies and petition writingrom to , I argue that private academies served as organizationalresources with which local Conucian literati created petitions Private aca

demies as the organizational core o a nascent civil society, I argue, led to theemergence o a public sphere in Chosn Korea Furthermore, I argue thatthis historical association involved a dynamic evolutionary process, whichnot only entailed the rise and expansion o the public sphere and a nascentcivil society but also ultimately led to their decline

Theoretical and Historical Background

In his Structural Transormation o the Public Sphere, Habermas ( [])provided a major theoretical ramework regarding the public sphere andcivil society Here Habermas studied seventeenth and eighteenthcentury


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western Europe and demonstrated that the bourgeois public sphere originated there He argued that although the mass in the modern sense did notenter the public sphere, members o the bourgeoisie were able to occupy

a central position in a new public During this period, the bourgeoisie otengathered in what Habermas calls public sphere institutions, such as salons,coeehouses, and table societies, engaging in rationalcritical communication These public sphere institutions were conceptualized as voluntaryassociations or civil society in his later works (Habermas , )The goals o such voluntary associations included criticizing governmentalaairs, such as taxations, duties, and state budgets

According to Habermas, two conditions were critical or the emergence

o the European public sphere and civil society The frst was the rise o modern nation states Habermas views the emergence o the public sphere andcivil society as a reaction to the expansion o European states and their administrative, military, and judicial unctions The second condition involved theemergence o early fnance and trade capitalism According to Habermas( []), as longdistance trade expanded and towns and markets arose,trac in public sphere media, such as mail, newspapers, and journals, alsodeveloped, resulting in the regular supply o news to the educated public

For Habermas, the heroic age o the bourgeois public sphere came toan end by the nineteenth century Several social and political transormationso the nineteenth century resulted in its decline Among others, this crucialtransormation involved the increasing intervention o the welare state intothe daily lie o the population The separation between state and societyas a key oundation or the rationalcritical role o the bourgeoisie provedto be untenable Other crucial transormations included the empowerment

o corporations and unions, the development o political parties and interest groups, and the emergence o commercialism, which also led the bourgeois public sphere to lose its critical potential (Hohendahl and Russian ;Habermas [])

A broad range o ollowup European historiographies has been advanced,especially since the early s (Landes ; Goodman , ; Chartier; Baker ; Eley ; Ryan ; Melton ; Kale ) Thesehistoriographies have extensively documented not only the advantages o

Habermass ramework but also its disadvantages (Landes ; Goodman; Ryan ; Melton ) The exclusionary mechanisms o the bourgeois public sphere and civil society have been addressed; it is argued that the


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French salons, or example, were predominantly noble (Kale ) and werenever open to women in the same way that they were to men (Landes )Another criticism involves James V H Meltons () point in which, in the

case o the eighteenthcentury French public sphere, religious groups suchas Jansenist barristers were more active than merchants and traders in orming public opinion Finally, Dena Goodman () and Katherine A Lynch() have criticized Habermass alse opposition between public and private spheres Lynchs study o medieval and early modern Europe revealsthat public and private areas in Europe were intertwined and inseparable

Historians o nonEuropean societies have also examined the questiono the public sphere and civil society (Rowe , ; Rankin ; Frei

tag ; Forment ; Ikegami ) There has been much speculationabout whether there existed the equivalent o a public sphere and a civilsociety, even i not identical to those o Enlightenment Europe In particular, students o Chinese society have led this scholarly movement, oten asking, Did China ever enjoy a public sphere and/or civil society? (Wakeman) In the early s Joseph Fewsmith () pointed out that voluntaryassociations such as guilds became legitimate and emerged as a new publicin the late Qing and republican periods David Strand () adds that merchants and gentries were in the center o such voluntary associations and thattheir leadership reinorced the modern notion o public opinion

The active role o urban elites is also central in Rowes work on a Chinese city, Hankow The local elites there began to fnance such social welaremachinery as amine relie and engaged in philanthropic activities and themanagement o urban public aairs (Rowe , ) In her work on eliteactivism, Rankin () also ocuses on the increasing public management by

local elites o philanthropic activities and local installations and contrasts thiswith ocial administration and with private activities Most recently, withregard to the Japanese case, Eiko Ikegami () argues that Tokugawa Japan() experienced the emergence o a orm o civility led by artisticand literary communities that ourished in a neoeudal political structureThis unique orm o civility, Ikegami argues, indicates the existence o anapproximate public sphere in premodern Japan

Undoubtedly, these East Asian studies have laid solid oundation on

which urther works can be built The discussions, however, have been problematic in several important respects First, a awed conception o thepublic sphere and civil society has been common, impeding dialogues among


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scholars in the feld (Chamberlain : ; see also Rowe ; Madsen) As Rowe (: ) conesses, Habermas would view the expandingapplication o public/gong to managerial or proprietary concerns as

not only extraneous, but injurious to the proper development o the publicsphere, diluting it o its normativecritical punch Second, only a ewstudies have careully examined the qualities o the activities and discoursesby the new public O crucial importance is whether these public activitiesindeed led to the emergence o a sphere o rationalcritical debates (Madsen) Third, most works on East Asia neglect the process o decline or closure o the public sphere and civil society (Rowe ) It is critical to treatthese less attractive aspects as an indispensable part o the evolution

In this study I propose that the public sphere and civil society bedefned in line with Habermass original ramework In my view, Habermasocused on organizational/associational eatures (eg, the evolution o coeehouses, salons, and table societies), on the one hand, and, as a consequenceo these organizational operations, public activities and/or public opinionormation, on the other Put dierently, Habermas attempted to clariy therelationship between the public sphere and civil society He viewed the public sphere as a communication structure rooted in the lieworld through theassociational network o civil society (Habermas : ) That is, thepublic sphere as a network or communicating inormation and points oview is understood as arising out o civil society defned as a network oassociations that institutionalizes problemsolving discourses (ibid: ,) As Madsen (: ) puts it, The development o an active civilsociety is a necessary, i not sucient, condition or the development o apublic sphere

Private Academies: A Nascent Civil Society

Historians have conventionally defned private academies as educationalorganizations that provided opportunities or secondary and tertiary education The academies are understood as sites in which students were enrolledto study Conucian classics and ethics Academies were based on ormal rulesand standards, developed admissions criteria, adopted ormal curricula, and

thereore showed aspects o a ormal educational organization (Craig ;Benavot and Riddle ) Another key eature o this educational organization involved the enshrining o Conucian dignitaries and ancestors That


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is, by enshrining great fgures, it was believed, undamental moral principleswere assured and diused around the country As the termprivate academiesindicates, these were educational institutions that emerged in competition

with local public schools (hyanggyo) and were ounded on the basis o localinitiatives without direct control rom the stateUnlike this conventional approach, I treat private academies essentially

as voluntary associations and an organizational core o a nascent civil societyin Chosn Korea Similar to the connotation oprivate, the qualifer volun-tary implies unconstrained or uncontrolled associations As indicatedabove, academies grew out o local initiatives, without direct intererencerom the state In the sixteenth century the local literati who stayed out

side the bureaucratic circle grew in number rapidly and ormed a meaningul social and political orce, establishing academies as the ont o moralityand education By establishing the academies, these local elites attempted tocreate the source o moral reorm or the nation struggling with old politicaland religious orces, such as the Merit Subjects and Buddhists My view othe nature o private academies is consistent with revisionist scholarship thatsees the roles o Conucian literati and their associated institutions rom apositive angle, rather than understanding them as backward or antimodern(Yi ; Haboush ; Kim ; Choe ) I use the qualifer nascentbecause Chosn Korea lacked the crucial conditions that gave rise to a ullydeveloped civil society These conditions include the notions o individualand popular sovereignty and the emergence o a market economy Historianso old Korea document that Chosn Korea was predominantly an agricultural and aristocratic society in which religious identity was dominant andwhere the notion o the individual was absent (Yi b, ) Despite the

lack o such conditions, a sense o society or community was undoubtedlypresent, especially through public activities by private academies I conceptualize these incipient but clearly civilized associational activities with theterm nascent civil society

The voluntaristic and autonomous nature o private academies is evidenced by several important processes, including their unding and management First, the largest part o unding came rom nonstate sources, suchas donations and endowments rom local elites, allowing academies to attain

substantial fnancial independence (Chung ; Smith []) In addition, academies engaged in economic activities, renting their arable lands totenant armers and using the benefts to run the institutions There were ew


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restrictions on these renting activities and the ways academies managed theirassets, which consisted mainly o arable lands and sers (Lee ) Second,private academies enjoyed a great deal o autonomy in drawing up their own

rules and regulations For example, historians document that admission criteria varied considerably by time and location (Choe ) Such variationhad much to do with the act that individual academies were able to employdierent rules and standards without guidance rom the state Initially, priority or admission seemed to be given to those who had passed the lowerlevel civil service examination or showed serious commitment to Conucianscholarship Some academies emphasized the ormer, while others valuedthe latter As social class structures became more exible and a certain por

tion o commoners were able to achieve upward mobility toward the privileged scholarly class in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Han ),admissions criteria seem to have become exible in such a way as to admitcommoners as well as the privileged scholarly class4 Yet this issue is a subjecto heated debate among historians (Choe )

My conceptualization o private academies as voluntary associationsor part o a nascent civil society hardly means that the state played no role inunding and legitimatizing them In contrast, deep involvement o the state isevident Local bureaucrats involvement is evident in the unding process oearly academies Chu Sebung, ounder o the frst academy, the PaegundongAcademy established in Punggi county o Kyngsang (Southeast) Provincein , was a magistrate in this region Furthermore, Chu Sebung providedhis own money or repairing a dilapidated temple, which was renovated orthe main building o the academy (Smith []) Another local governmental bureaucrat, An Hyn, who served as governor o Kyngsang Province

rom to and was a descendant o the enshrined fgure An Hyang othe Paegundong Academy, was actively involved in soliciting donations romlocal elite amilies (Chung )

The Chosn state granted royal charters to those academies that conormed to its policies The charter, accompanied by plaques bearing theocial names, sers, books, and other resources, signifed state support orthe academies About percent o all academies received such state licensing, which enabled them to gain resources and legitimacy King Myngjong

(r ) granted a royal charter to the Paegundong Academy in ,making it the frst chartered academy However, the extent o this involvement o the central and local governments was minimal It hardly circumscribed the voluntaristic and autonomous nature o academies (Haboush


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; Hejtmanek ) By allowing academies to develop their own rulesand regulations and to engage in selsustainable economic activities, thestate conceded its ideological control over education and guaranteed the aca

demies a high level o autonomy (Palais ; Hejtmanek ; Smith [])

Sources

For a systematic understanding o the evolution o academies, I compiledquantitative data based on several original sources I considered nearly everyacademy ounded rom to and collected data on ounding and clo

sure dates o academies I used a wide variety o data sources The primary source was a volume o the ocial encyclopedia Chngbomunhnbigotitled Schools (Lee []), published by the royal court during the reigno King Kojong (r ) This volume contained inormation on theounding years o about academies The second comprehensive sourcewas the Roster o Conucian Academies (Swndngnok) (Yejo []),which was published by the royal court during the reign o King Chngjo(r ) In particular, this source contained important historicalrecords on academies disbanded in

Figure plots the cumulative number o academy oundings and closures as well as the extant number o academies over time My data showthat academies emerged and expanded in Chosn Korea rom the earlysixteenth century to the end o the eighteenth century The dashed line othe cumulative number o academy oundings clearly shows the dynamictrend o academy oundings Few academies existed in the early part o

the sixteenth century, and it was only at the end o the sixteenth centurythat academy oundings became requent The number o new academiesincreased steadily during the seventeenth century But the real expansion oacademies did not occur until the end o the seventeenth century and into theearly eighteenth century The steep slope o the dashed line o the cumulativeoundings indicates that the academies noticeably expanded and blossomedduring this period

Accounting or the Academies Growth and Decline

Historians have proposed mixed explanations regarding the academiesounding and expansion First, a signifcant decline in the public educational


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system gave rise to a movement to revitalize education through private initiatives During the Chosn dynasty, local public schools were well establishedin most counties, allowing both the privileged scholarly class and commoners

to be enrolled in secondary education8 In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, however, these local schools were viewed as useless literatiadornments and problemladen institutions (Yu ) This was primarilydue to their obsession with making students prepare almost solely or thecivil service examination rather than pursuing morality and selcultivationAcademies emerged as an alternative to such a declining public educationalsystem Second, eorts by the state to Conucianize the country led tothe ounding and prolieration o academies The Chosn state supported

academies by granting royal charters and providing signifcant tax benefts inthe belie that neoConucian scholarship as the moral oundation o societywould be nurtured through academy oundings

Figure 1 Academy oundings, closures, and density, Korea,


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Third, the growth o the Conucian literati class ostered the ounding and development o academies Local literati used academies to urthertheir ideological and political objectives The growth o the literati class

saw its zenith in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when the literatiactively participated in key national debates and were actionalized basedon philosophical lines, such as the Westerners (Sin, the ruling party) andthe Southerners (Namin, the opposing party) Strategically using the academies, these actionalized literati voiced their opinions on various publicpolicies and engaged in competition with the state over spheres o inuenceand autonomy (Wagner ; Yi a; Chung ; Smith [])

As seen in the evolution o its European counterpart, the heroic age o

the public sphere and civil society was relatively brie and eventually ell victim to social and political transormations The Korean case was not exceptional The undamental change stemmed rom the attitudes and policies othe state As local literati gained more power and academies became widespread in all parts o the country, the state began to view them as a potentialthreat to the order and legitimacy o royal authorities

Thus fgure also presents the cumulative number o academy closures Several closures are noticeable in the dotted line on the bottom Themajor wave o the closures had to do with state regulations At frst systematic regulations were enorced by King Sukchong (r ) Duringthe period King Sukchong issued a decree prescribing the immediate demolition o nonapproved academies established ater This frstregulation, however, ailed to curb the expansion o academies to any signifcant degree (Chung ) The second regulation was promulgated byKing Yngjo (r ) in His Regulation o included signifcant

edicts prohibiting nonchartered academies, resulting in the closure o othem (Hejtmanek ) He believed that the expansion and politicizationo academies encroached upon a space that should all under monarchicalcontrol King Yngjo and state bureaucrats also suspected that the expansiono academies led to several serious defciencies, such as the loss o men due tomilitary tax exemption o academy members, the substantial decrease o taxrevenue due to the expansion o taxree lands held by academies, and a general neglect o public schools (Lee ; Kim ; Chung ; Soohwan

Lee ) The dotted line in fgure clearly shows the impact o this regulation The cumulative number o academy closures dramatically increased inthe mideighteenth century


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Petitions: A Confucian Public Sphere

Studies suggest that, similar to the Qing dynasty in China, public opinion o Conucian literati was considered the basis o governance during the

Chosn period, especially ater the midsixteenth century (Rowe ; Kim; Sul ) King Chungjong (r ) was the frst king who clearlyshowed respect and held a positive attitude toward Conucian literati publicopinion Responding to a petition by a member o the literati enrolled in theNational Academy, King Chungjong said: Your opinion is similar to thato the Court Appropriate measures approximate to what you suggest havebeen taken (Chosn Dynasty [], : ) In this period the

public was ar rom the modern term masses, and public opinion was associated only with the educated strata In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the idea o public opinion by Conucian literati was gradually accepted as a key component o governance From the midseventeenthcentury on, the idea o public opinion by Conucian literati became ubiquitous in Chosn political discourse

Until the early sixteenth century, the public and public opinion hadbeen associated only with state bureaucrats These governmental ocials

monopolized petitioning as a way o voicing their opinions on administrative and political matters Most involved were state bureaucrats who wereprimarily positioned in remonstrance oces, governmental oces designedto scrutinize the public and private conduct o the king and his high ocials They enjoyed special privileges in representing public opinion Asthe literati grew and their organizations gained inuence, the large role ostate bureaucrats in representing public opinion was taken over by Conucian literati

The most consequential institution o Conucian literati public opinionwas the petition Petitions (or memorials) are defned as expressive documents or grievances written and sponsored by the Conucian students orscholars, wedded to political mobilization and transmitted to the kings Thepolitical mobilization inherent in their ormulation is clearly revealed in thepetitioning process itsel (Lee ; Sul ) First, certain groups o literatiinitiated petitioning by consulting local leaders and drating announcementsin the national or local schools, including private academies Then they circulated the announcement to other national or local schools geographicallyclose and in line with the same scholarly lineage to host association meet


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ings The representatives o other institutions convened and held associationmeetings in which a head writer and other sta members were appointedAt this point the oce or petitioning was organized; private academies and

public schools were used or this purpose Then petitions were drated inthis oce and put into a box with a list o signatoriesranging rom dozensto hundredsbrought by the participants o the associational meetings whocame rom other local areas Carriers o the boxes containing petitions andsignatories were organized around the country and headed to the palace inthe capital The carriers gathered in ront o the palace and handed the petitions to a remonstrance ocial Finally, petitions were given to and likelyread by the rulers Given the act that all petitions were to be presented to

the king and most o the petitions were eventually read and answered by theking, it was an eectively institutionalized channel through which Conucianliterati communicated with monarchs

Sources

Data on the number o petitions drawn up rom to were collectedrom SukKyu Sul and Chosn Wangjo Sillok (The Annals o the ChosnDynasty, reprinted by Kuksa Pynchan Wiwnhoe) (Chosn Dynasty []) Suls book identifed the petitions o Conucian literati romSillok and provided raw data on the annual number o petitions over timeBased on Suls pioneering eort, I collected the actual texts o the petitionsrom Sillok and classifed them in several ways, discussed below These textsprovide inormation on the canvassers and signatories, rom which I was ableto identiy the character and aliations o the petitions In total , peti

tions rom the period were considered or analysis

Categories and Development o Petitions

In terms o where a petition originated, one can divide these into two broadcategories: central literati petitions and local literati petitions During theChosn period, Conucian literati were aliated with either the NationalAcademy, our national colleges, local public schools, or private academies

The frst three institutions were managed by the state, whereas private academies were operated by local elites In terms o their locations, the NationalAcademy and the our colleges were in the capital Seoul, providing tertiary


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educational opportunities or lowerlevel degree holders In contrast, localpublic schools and academies were located around the country and servedlocal areas I defne central literati petitions as expressive documents writ

ten and supported by the central literati who were enrolled in or aliatedwith either the National Academy or the our national colleges The centralliterati, who were mostly lowerlevel degree holders, were seen as potential state bureaucrats Due to such privileged status, the central literati wereexpected to represent the publicand public opinion especiallyin thebeginning periods o the petition

Local literati petitions reer to expressive documents created and subsidized by the local literati enrolled in or aliated with either private acade

mies or local public schools In the early history o the petition system, students enrolled in these local schools were not treated as subjects who couldmobilize and represent public opinion As private academies grew in numberand scale and local Conucian literati gained more inuence rom the earlyseventeenth century onward, local literati received more attention and weretreated as those who represented local public opinion Local public schoolssuered rom defcits and declined in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Their petitioning activities were thereore inevitably weak This ledto a situation where local literati petitions were mainly assembled in or byprivate academies

Figure presents the cumulative number o petitions fled The solidline indicates the cumulative number o petitions fled by Conucian literatiregardless o aliation The dashed line shows the cumulative number opetitions by local literati, whereas the dotted line represents that by central literati Overall during the early sixteenth century, petitions were rare,

remaining under until about the year In the early seventeenth century the number o petitions rapidly expanded, and it reached a peak in thes Between the end o the seventeenth century and the mideighteenthcentury, petitioning also noticeably expanded as the steep slope o the solidline shows This dynamic expansion, however, is less noticeable during theend o the eighteenth century The slope o all lines is atter than those oprevious periods, suggesting that the petition drive began to slow by thistime With respect to the interpretation o the two other plots o petitions,

the key pattern is that the number o local literati petitions increased andexpanded while the number o central literati petitions remained relativelystable over time Overall the majority, about percent (,) o the peti


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tions, appears to be associated with the eorts o the local literati, while only percent were related to the central literati Ater the early seventeenthcentury, the number o petitions created by local literati clearly outnumbered

that by central literatiTo examine the contents or qualities o petitions, I divided the petitions contents into six major categories These were established prior to theactual coding based on previous studies that examined petitions presentedto Chosn monarchs (Choe ; Chung ; Sul ) They includedremonstrating, impeaching, argumentative, public policy, requesting, andadvocating petitions Each category contains several subcategories and isexclusive rom every other Appendix contains a detailed description o

these subcategories A straightorward content analysis was used or classiying the petitions into the categories and subcategories4 Words, phrases,other units, and the tone o each petition were careully examined in such a

Figure Cumulative number o petitions fled, Korea,


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way that units with similar meanings were classifed together and placed intoone o the categories

The frst category is remonstrating petitions These involved critiques

o or suggestions about the private and public conduct o the king, especiallyhis morality, philosophy, and misdemeanors For example, Chosik, a greatConucian scholar, fled a petition that argued that governance should bepursued through kings myngsn [pursuing the truth] and sngshin [selcultivation] Good governance is impossible without kings great virtues(Chosn Dynasty [], : ) King Snjo replied, Eventhough I tend to act slowly, I will keep it in mind Other examples includecritiques o kings who attempted to establish Buddhist temples in the palaces

and who expressed arbitrary power in the appointment o public ocialsThe second category is impeaching petitions These included impeachmentso high ocials, ocials o remonstrance oces, royalty, and other socialgroups The reasons or impeachment ranged rom misdemeanors by suchpublic ocials to military mutiny and treason o rebellious individuals orgroups

The third category is argumentative petitions These can be describedas exhibitions o open discussion and deliberation o Conucian literati aboutgoverning principles and debatable national rituals An example o this kindincludes petitions regarding the controversy over the mourning ritualor King Hyojong (r ) A petition signed by over , literati waspresented to his successor, King Hynjong (r ) This petition criticized a royal decision made in regarding mourning garments at theuneral o the late King Hyojong: As the discussion o ritual decorum waswrongly put, the legitimate line o the eldest son hosting the eldest ancestral

shrine was ruined, the ethical order was reversed As a result, the properlyordered relations o kings, subjects, athers, and sons were totally destroyed(Chosn Dynasty [], : )

The ourth category o petitions concerns public policy These containedgrievances and solutions regarding national public policies, such as taxation,civil service exams, agricultural policies, and national security Lee Je Hwaand other literati in Yangju fled a petition and asked i the government canpermanently cut either land tax or collecting rice or the subjects who live in

Yangju (Chosn Dynasty [], : ) Ater careul discussion with the state council, King Sukchong made an order that permanentlycut land taxes or these subjects


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The fth category is requesting petitions This type aimed to receivesupport rom the state on such matters as the enshrinement o Conuciandignitaries and the establishment o private academies The fnal category

is advocating petitions, which involved requesting amnesty and remission oindividuals the canvassers and signatories considered innocent or unairlysentenced

Figure shows the cumulative number o petitions by the major categories Overall requesting and impeaching petitions appear to be the mostconsequential eatures o the petition drive with ( percent) and (percent), respectively In contrast, public policy, advocating, remonstrating,and argumentative petitions seem to have been less consequential, with

( percent), ( percent), ( percent), and ( percent), respectively Some noteworthy eatures emerge rom this visual display First, aterthe early seventeenth century, requesting and impeaching petitions seemed

Figure 3 Cumulative number o petitions by categories, Korea,


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to be the clear leaders, suggesting, on the one hand, that Conucian literati attempted to strengthen their power by seeking institutional supportand, on the other hand, that they became highly politicized by conducting

impeachments The emergence and development o actional politics in thisperiod became the oundation or this politicization Second, remonstratingpetitions, plotted in the dashed line, substantially decreased over time eventhough they had actually led the petition drive during the sixteenth centuryThis trend seems to suggest that the petition drive may have shited romstrategies directly targeting the king to strategies that sought to aect theincreasingly rationalized state system Third, this shit rom targeting theultimate authorities to challenging the bureaucratic system is also observed

as public policy petitions substantially increased over time

The Formation of the Public Sphere

Previous sections documented the evolution o a nascent civil society byexploring private academies They suggested that Conucian literati, especially the local literati, engaged in a wide range o public activities and contributed to the emergence o the public sphere Up to now I have implicitlyargued that there existed a dynamic interplay between private academies andpetitioning by Conucian literati This section explicitly shows the interplaybetween private academies and the petitions by graphically displaying thedevelopment o these two institutions It argues that private academies, as theorganizational core o a nascent civil society in Chosn Korea, unctioned asorganizational resources through which public activities o the Conucian literati were assured I suggest that in this way the public sphere o local elites

arose rom a nascent civil society constructed by private academiesFigure displays the interplay o academies and petitions The solidline presents the extant number o academies over time, which was shownin fgure The dashed and dotted lines plot the cumulative number o petitions in total and by local literati, respectively Here the key point is related tothe latter Private academies were the institutions ounded in rural areas andused by local elites Thus one can hypothesize that there will be a close association between the prolieration o private academies and the expansion o

local literati petitions True, local public schools could have been the localesin which various public activities ound support Yet studies show that localpublic schools were declining in the fteenth and sixteenth centuries, and


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private academies emerged as an alternative to this problemladen publicinstitution and took the lead in the petition drive (Sungmoo Lee ; Soohwan Lee ) The close association between the solid and the dotted lines

in fgure speaks to this relationshipAs the extant number o academies was low, the number o petitions wasalso low during the sixteenth century This was the period in which academies began to emerge and petitions also began to be written by the literatiAt this time Conucian literati were not ully accepted as a legitimate socialstratum mobilizing and representing public opinion The courts publicityassociated with remonstrance and other high scholarocials was the dominant version o publicity By the early seventeenth century, however, a rapid

change was noticed such that academies were requently established nationwide, and petitions also grew and were used strategically by the politicizedliterati By this time academies clearly began to show aspects o a nascent

Figure 4 Historical association o academies and petitions, Korea,


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civil society and became rapidly politicized Academies were used more andmore as sites through which drats o petitions were written and circulatedIn this period Conucian literati who used academies as locales or mobilizing

their opinions were aligned with actional politics, orming several actionalgroups and systematically participating in policymaking processes throughpetitioning

In terms o monarchical periods, the largest volumes o petitions werewritten during the reigns o Kings Hyojong (r ), Hynjong (r ), and Sukchong (r ) Similarly, the largest scale o academyoundings was realized in this same period These kings agreed in seeingpetitioning by Conucian literati as legitimate and incorporated them into

policymaking processes These kings also viewed academies as the ont omoral reorms and the deeper Conucianization o the country, providing agreat number o royal charters to the academies Indeed it was in this timethat the ratifcation o public policies inuenced by Conucian public opinionwas understood as necessary or the states legitimacy

The impressive development o these two institutions waned, however,in the mid and late eighteenth century as the relatively moderate slopes othe solid and dotted lines o fgure indicate This was the period in whichKing Yngjo (r ) came to power, regulated the academies, andasserted royal authority over bureaucratic power Petitions rom local literatitended to keep growing, but the rate o growth declined King Yngjo established a subtle policy called tangpyng, which literally meant the grandharmony, achieved through a rule o impartiality (Haboush : ) Byenorcing this new policy, King Yngjo attempted to bring actional politics under his control and strengthen monarchical power He obviously elt

that royal power was severely constrained by the growing inuence o thebureaucracy, actional strie, and the increasing role o the Conucian literatiDue to his eorts, the growth o petition writing was obviously dampenedand curbed, resulting in the decline o the public sphere and a nascent civilsociety in Chosn Korea

Conclusion

This study sought to present an East Asian parallel to the structural transormation o the European public sphere and civil society by studying private academies and Conucian literati petitions in Chosn Korea rom


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to Unlike the European counterpart, whose story evolved around therole o the bourgeoisie, this East Asian path was characterized by the associational and public activities o Conucian literati This enlightened stratum

was ar rom the masses in the modern sense and never included womenThey were largely an aristocratic class with sucient property and education to enjoy access to petition writing and other media This limitation oan emerging new public approximates a great deal o the exclusivity thatwas also characteristic o the salons and coeehouses in Europe (Clery ;Melton ; Kale ) Yet the Conucian literati grew as a strong socialorce, became politicized through actional lines, engaged in a broad range opublic activities, and thus interered with governmental aairs

Private academies emerged to serve the interests o local literati Theirvoluntaristic and nongovernmental characteristics clearly showed aspects oa nascent civil society In conjunction with the development o academies,Conucian literati wrote and jointly signed a wide variety o petitions Theserationalcritical discourses demonstrate the ormation o the public spherein seventeenth and eighteenthcentury Korea The ormation o the Koreanpublic sphere was embedded in the associational structure that ormedaround private academies Local literati strategically used the academies asorganizational resources through which to manuacture and circulate theirpetitions beore transmitting them to the monarch

By empirically examining this logical connection between the publicsphere and associations o civil society, I sought to test Habermass originalramework and overcome the imprecise use o the terms public sphere andcivil society by historians o East Asia The issue o whether these terms oughtto be conceived as encompassing an extrabureaucratic domain and manage

rial responsibility remains unresolved (Rowe : ) Yet my study suggests that using Habermass original theory is highly useul and signifcantlycontributes to empirical research on this topic This work also representsa pioneering eort to grasp the quality o public activities and discoursesby systematically examining both quantitative and qualitative aspects o thepetitions

Finally, I have attempted to show not only the rise but also the decline othe public sphere and civil society by studying a long evolutionary process

Similar to the European public sphere and civil society, the possibilities oa Korean public sphere in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries wereclosed o by the intervention o the state Monarchs were ceaselessly jeal


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ous o the authority o the literati and imposed restrictions on the academiesand petition system rom the mideighteenth century (Palais ) Likethe crown and members o Parliament in Great Britain, none o whom were

deenseless in the ace o a politicized and hostile press (Ellis ; Melton), Chosn monarchs and royal bureaucrats signifcantly curbed suchinstitutional threats to their authority The Korean path to a mature civilsociety and a blossoming o democracy ailed then, but the experiment o theConucian literati and their institutions seems to have provided a trainingground or democracy in contemporary Korea (Habermas : )

Appendix Construction o major categories and subcategories opetitions by content

Major categories Subcategories

Remonstrating petitions SelcultivationGood governanceFair recruitmentRoyal aairs

Impeaching petitions TreasonAdministrationFactional politicsRoyal members and high ocers

Argumentative petitions Current eventsRighteousnessPhilosophical debatesRitual controversies

Public policy petitions National aairsLocal aairs

Policy solutionsNational securityRequesting petitions Enshrinement in public schools

Enshrinement in private academiesRoyal chartersOthers

Advocating petitions Factional fguresFactional linesPunished persons

Seldeense


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Notes

Earlier versions o this article were presented at the Comparative Workshop at StanordUniversity in February , the Association o Asian Studies in San Francisco in April, and the American Sociological Association in Montreal in August I am grateul or eedback received rom John W Meyer, GiWook Shin, Francisco O Ramirez,

Mark Granovetter, Walter W Powell, Paul Y Chang, Wade M Cole, Emily Ryo, and participants in the Comparative Workshop at Stanord University My gratitude extends toKatherine A Lynch and three anonymous reviewers or Social Science History who oeredvaluable insights and excellent assistance with preparing the manuscript or publication In Structural Transormation o the Public Sphere, Habermass ( []: ) con

ceptualization o civil society was similar to a Hegelian understanding that civilsociety primarily includes commodity exchange and social labor Based on a new discovery o a dierent historical meaning o civil society, Habermas (: ) arguesthat civil society no longer includes the economy comprises nongovernmental

and noneconomic connections and voluntary associations A shrine was attached to an academy and was dedicated to persons as objects o

worship These persons were mostly Korean fgures who had distinguished themselves by meritorious acts or contributions to the development o Conucianism

Appendix 2 Negativebinomial models o number o petitions Korea 1506100

Model 1 Model 2 Model 3

Explanatory actors

Organizational resourcesDensity o academies 0.002***

(0.0001)0.002***

(0.0002)0.001***

(0.0002)Bureaucratic rationalization

Civil service exam passers 0.005*(0.003)

0.006*(0.002)

Reigns o monarchsa

Kwanghae (16022) 1.376***(0.173)

Sukchong (1671720) 0.51***(0.119)

Constant 1.65***(0.09)

1.09***(0.272)

0.711**(0.273)

N 295 295 295Log likelihood 3 1 50

aComparison categories o time dummies o reigns are the periods o reigns which are not included in theequation

*p .05. **p .01. ***p .001 (twotailed tests).


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The names o such enshrined fgures were inscribed on wooden tablets consideredsacred These tablets were kept in the shrine building (Smith [])

Wagner (: ) defnes the Merit Subjects as men extraordinarily rewarded orservices o unusual value to the state In the early periods o the Chosn dynasty,

Merit Subjects were those who had rendered signal service in winning the throneby orce or their sovereign or in maintaining him on it against the threat o orce(ibid)

Historians document that the transition o the Chosn economy system, rom aredistribution economy to a market economy, occurred rom the late seventeenthcentury Elements o a market economy, including the growth o rural markets, circulation o commercial goods, and the maturation o a monetary economy, came intoexistence in the late seventeenth century and the eighteenth century (Yi b, ;Kim ) This economic transormation led to a change in class structure duringthis period

Choe () points out that several academies employed admission criteria thatallowed or the admission o commoners The clear evidence regarding this issue,however, has not been presented And this potentially new fnding hardly changesthe act that most students o academies were recruited rom the privileged scholarlyclass

Other comprehensive sources included regional reports on small and mediumsize academies These regional reports include Academies and Shrines in ChnnamProvince (Mokpo National University Museum ) andAcademies and Shrines inChungnam Province (Division o Culture and Tourism ) By using the regionalsources, my data minimize the possibility o systematic exclusion o undocumentedacademies by ocial authorities

My data show the total number o existing academies reached around , by themidnineteenth century

Regardless o whether they were rom scholarly amilies or commoners, at yearso age or older, males were allowed to study in local public schools Examining therosters o three representative public schools, Yoon () argues that the numbero registered students in each year ranged rom to in the midseventeenthcentury

These two major actions were based on the teachings o the two great scholarocials, Yi Yulgok () and Yi Toegye () For more detailed inormation on other existing political actions during this period, reer to Haboush :app

Most academies that survived until the midnineteenth century were demolishedwhen Taewngun (Grand Prince), the powerul ruler during the reign o Kojong,enorced a strong regulation abolishing all but chartered academies rom to This article does not consider closures o academies that occurred during thisperiod

The remonstrance oces consisted o three organs o central government, theSahnbu, the Saganwn, and the Hongmungwan The Sahnbu was an oce o


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inspectors that monitored administrative perormance The Saganwn was a censoring body that had privilege to admonish the monarchs The Hongmungwan unctioned as an organ managing royal archives and publications (Kim )

There existed other institutionalized tools o communication similar to the petition

A ormal request to royal authority regarding private matters, including contestations among individuals, social groups, or amilies, was used in the late fteenth andearly sixteenth centuries, but this institution did not survive to the later periods Thepetition under study here also diered rom a ormal request to royal authority bycommoners This latter sort o document might have involved either private mattersor public/national ones but was created as a legal solution or ordinary people whosuered rom maladministration o the government Yet this kind o ormal requestnever developed to the extent that it was comparable to the ull institutionalizationo the petition

My data hardly allow me to confrm whether a petition was written in conjunctionwith a private academy or with a local public school The petitions provide thenames o the canvassers I they were members o the National Academy or the ourcolleges, the petitions contain their aliations I they were not part o these nationalinstitutions, the data lack inormation on the canvassers aliations

There is no simple, right way to do content analysis, but studies suggest that manysimple content analyses produce highly reliable and valid indicators o content (Holsti ; Weber )

The controversy about proper mourning garments o the royal amilies in has been called the Ritual Dispute The specifc dispute in was aboutthe proper mourning garment the surviving stepmother o the dead King Hyojong,Dowager Queen Cho, should wear at the uneral o the late king The majority (theSin, Westerners) and opposing parties (the Namin, Southerners) collided on thismatter, valuing dierent Conucian principles (Haboush ; Kim )

To confrm this association, I also conducted a multivariate analysis In appendix the results o the negative binominal models are reported The dependent variable is the number o petitions over the ocal period rom to , and the keyindependent variable is density, or extant number, o academies Control variablesinclude the number o civil service examination passers measuring the degree obureaucratic rationalization and the two time dummies measuring the periods ohigh institutionalization o the petition Results in models , , and o appendix show that the extant number o private academies has a positive and signifcant eecton the number o petitions at the level

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Koo-SSH 2007-Origins of Public Sphere-Korea 1506-1800

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