Kyri W. Claflin - Oxford Symposium on Food and · PDF fileconsideration in the planning and...

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Draft Version: Not for Citation or Attribution

Trench Fare: Cooking Under Fire, France 1914-1918

Kyri W. Claflin

Abstract: Feeding the troops was a priority for every combatant nation in the First World War. For the French, another consideration was crucial to the management of army food -- the importance of keeping up Frenchness. We realize that cuisine is one of those things that give expression to one’s identity. The daily confirmation of shared identity through cuisine provided points of contact to keep soldiers connected to the idea of the nation, to the sense of belonging to French tradition, and to home. My paper asks: how did the French ‘cuistots’ (slang for cuisiniers, or cooks) prepare and serve even a simulacrum of authentic French cuisine in the camps, on the march, and in the trenches? Without the batterie de cuisine of a restaurant or even a home kitchen, what materials did cooks use to reproduce the classic dishes long considered a vital part of French patrimony? As Barbara Wheaton has said, “I think of cooking equipment as a three-way mirror reflecting the food, the culture and the human hand.” Taking this statement as a jumping off point, this paper looks at the cooking equipment French army cooks worked with to give the troops the tastes of home, nation, and culture when they were under fire.

Feeding the troops was a priority for every combatant nation during the First World War.1 For the French, like the others, securing proper food for fighting men was a principal consideration when making provisioning policies that affected civilians. A crucial consideration in the planning and management of military meals was maintaining what we may call Frenchness. Cuisine is one of the practices by which we connect to and express group identity. In wartime, the daily confirmation of shared identity through food and cooking provided points of contact to keep French soldiers connected to the idea of the nation, to the sense of belonging to French tradition, and to home.

The First World War was a period of intense nationalism and this was often expressed through the medium of food. For the French gastronomic community writing during the war, German crimes against humanity occurred both on the battlefield and at the table. According to the French the Germans recklessly disregarded human life, and their cooks were, no less, assassins of innocent fruits of the land. In a 1915 article entitled ‘Barbarians at Table’ one contributor to the professional culinary journal L’Art Culinaire wrote that ‘Germans are notoriously preoccupied with quantity rather more than quality. Whoever has lived or worked in hotels with a cosmopolitan clientele has been in a position to notice this. There is little importance to what is on the menu, however badly prepared, provided it

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is on the table at the correct hour’. The author continues, ‘La cuisine est un art bien français, qui est inné chez nous’.2 Wartime writers pursued the theme that the Germans were jealous of the French gift of la bonne chère – taking pleasure in good food and wine -- even if they did not have the capacity to truly engage in it.

There are many examples like this from the war years, including the army’s insistence that French canned beef was far superior to American canned corned beef3; one official report claimed that even the German POWs much preferred to have the French stuff.4 French standards in cooking and eating, whether assumed or stated to be superior, were prominent themes in French wartime nationalism. The culinary trope was particularly pronounced in the discourse of cultural superiority. From the beginning of the war the Paris daily newspapers demonstrated indefatigable interest in reporting on the horrible things the Germans had been reduced to eating due to the effects of food shortages caused by the Allied Blockade.5 There was a fair amount of glee over the German K-bread (Kriegsbrot, or war bread) made with five to ten per cent potatoes, which was (double blow) rationed: reporters remarked that was evidence of the enemy’s ‘kulinary’ barbarism.6 Such articles demonstrate the tendency toward Schadenfreude in such circumstances and what Priscilla Ferguson calls the ‘politics that lurk behind the culinary’.7 Not least, the provision of good food itself was important to keeping the troops’ spirits shored up and essential in reinforcing identity and traditions that each Frenchman was believed to embody by virtue of his belonging to the nation.

This paper focuses on two wartime projects of Prosper Montagné (1865-1948) to get a glimpse into the material culture of military cooking and eating and how objects facilitated a positive connection between the soldier and the nation. Montagné is known as a Paris restaurateur, cookbook author, and the first editor of Larousse Gastronomique (Paris, 1938). One of his many passions included helping to improve the quality of wartime food for both civilians and soldiers. This paper focuses on two examples of his wartime culinary activities that bear on his intense interest in the food of the troops on the Western Front. The first is a cookbook and the second is an innovation.

Manual du Bon Cuistot et de la Bonne Ménagère (1918)Montagné published a book in 1918 entitled Manuel du Bon Cuistot et de la Bonne Ménagère. As the title indicates, the primary purpose of the recipes in this book was to help the army cook, called a ‘cuistot’, which is a shortened form of military slang for cook, cuistancier (derived from the word for male cook, cuisinier). When the recipes were collected for the book (having been originally published in Montagné’s regular column in the Army Bulletin) housewives (ménagères) were appended to the intended audience. The word ‘ménagère’ means more than simply a housewife; it is typically used in reference to

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a working class and/or a lower-middle class housewife. The ménagère is included, says the introduction, because these recipes are economical, which is what women needed because after four years of war the cost of foodstuffs in France had risen at least 200 - 300%. It isn’t clear, however, what housewives were supposed to do with recipes calculated to serve 50 or 100 men. The home cook appears to be an afterthought to broaden the book’s audience. However, throughout the war, the categories of troop food and food suitable for working class families were couched as interchangeable.

While Montagné created the structure of the book and wrote some of the recipes, quite a few recipes in it were sent to him by army cooks themselves. Through these recipes cuistots shared clever ideas and tricks of the trade that they had learned during their wartime cooking experiences. Similarly, many of the wartime recipes in L’Art Culinaire were created in front line and home front chef collaborations, in addition to menus and recipes that the poilus sent in to the journal. The word poilu is slang for a French soldier. It comes from the word for hair (poil), because being hairy was associated with masculinity. I use it because it underscores that the soldiers we are talking about here were by and large the rank and file troops and non-commissioned officers (e.g., corporals), not higher level commissioned officers.

Bon Cuistot is intended for cooks near the front lines of trench warfare as well as in the encampments further to the rear. Montagné had visited army kitchens (cuistances) and he remarks in the introduction that the material conditions military cooks are working in are hardly easy (‘peu commode’). He writes that, ‘They will have to strive to overcome difficulties without number in order to be able to serve their comrades food as good as the circumstances will permit’.8 Of course, says Montagné, the foodstuffs that are delivered to them by the military Intendance (Supply Group) and the foods that the troops buy for themselves are as good a quality as possible and varied. The army supplied a daily bread ration of between 600 and 750 grams per man; between 300 and 350 grams of meat (this had been reduced from an early war high of 400 to 500 grams per day); legumes, vegetables, potatoes, fruits in varying amounts depending on circumstances and supply. Wine was rationed at a minimum of half a litre per day, but whenever possible twice this amount was distributed; men were also given eau-de-vie (six centilitres per day). Troops purchased preserves, jams, chocolate, cheese, and more wine.9 Families sent parcels of foods (foodstuffs to be cooked and prepared items), alcohol, warm clothing, and other necessities. During the war the postal service handled an astonishing 200,000 packages daily.10

Cuistots lacked a lot of ingredients that they would have had access to on the home front, such as seasonings, condiments, and many other things that normally allow the housewife to enhance the flavour of dishes. Montagné says that, moreover, the material conditions of cooking in the encampments are somewhat rudimentary, even after four years of improvements. And finally, the cuistot will at times be obligated to provide meals

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in some pretty dangerous places. The military cook needs to know that what he gives the troops to eat may also give them courage and strength to continue the fight.

Regardless of the less-than-ideal conditions in which a cuistot could find himself, Montagné opens his cookbook in traditional French culinary fashion, with the stocks, the fonds de cuisine. He passes through roux and other liaisons on his way to sauces. I think this is just more evidence that stocks and sauces are incontrovertibly at the heart of what makes French cooking French, war or no war. What comes next in the book is also a feature of French cuisine that makes it identifiable whenever you smell or taste it - the traditional condiments and seasonings (e.g., aromatic herbs, shallot, garlic) that help to create the distinct French flavour profile. It would hardly be a cookbook of the era without a list of the necessary batterie de cuisine, or kitchen tools. The equipment consists mostly of different size pots and covers and bowl-like containers (gamelles) that four men can eat from as well as individual bowls. The text proceeds on to the mise en place.

Figure 1: A cuisine roulante.

For the benefit of cuistots and troops on the move, a number of the recipes are noted as suitable for the cuisine roulante, which was a rolling kitchen or rolling cooker. (See Figure 1.) It is similar to the idea of Alexis Soyer’s Crimean War field kitchen invention of the 1850s.11 This piece of equipment was of great importance to feeding troops, and it was pressed into service again at the beginning of the Second World War in 1939. The cuisine roulante, constructed of sheet-iron, held two or four deep wells for large pots and a space for coal or wood fire underneath. The larger ones seem to have had an oven as well. All of the French ones I have seen are on wheels, while British field kitchens are often free standing.

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Soyer’s Crimean illustrations show both kinds. Depending on its size, a small cooker could probably be pushed by a couple of soldiers. Others were hooked up to be pulled by a horse with a bench seat for the driver.

Figure 2: A horse-drawn field kitchen.

A corporal of the Eighth Army wrote to Montagné that he had fed his unit for five months in the woods using only a two cauldron cuisine roulante without an oven. For breakfast he made soup and beef which he simmered slowly for, he says, never less than three hours. For the evening meal he made Braised beef à la ‘roulante’ with rice, pasta, or potatoes. Montagné lists fourteen beef dishes that work well in the cuisine roulante, six braised mutton dishes, and four pork dishes. All are ragouts or braises or something similar. Unfortunately, unforeseen events could happen to foil even a pretty good system. The 280th Infantry was passing through a village in Northern France when a shell landed on their cuisine roulante, seriously injuring four cooks. One soldier wrote: ‘nothing to eat that day’. They marched eight hours on nothing but a cup of coffee.12

While on the move, sometimes one soldier would be chosen by his comrades to cook for the group, although he was not a cuistot. Hopefully he might have had some culinary training or ability in his civilian life. There are suggestions such as improvising the flavour of soups with wild field herbs common to Northern France. There are two recipes sent in by soldiers for escargots; I like to imagine this would have been a completely opportunistic meal after the poilus had stumbled upon a cache of snails, nursed them along for a few days

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until they had released their impurities, and then prepared a great feast to celebrate their good fortune (100 escargots are said to serve five or six poilus).

Figure 3: Various suggested ways to support cooking pots.

The cookbook includes ideas, with illustrations, for improvising field kitchens, i.e., cook stoves and ovens. Instructions say to position two or four stones on the ground on

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which the cook would place the cooking pots high enough to build a fire underneath. Louis Barthas’s war notebook attests that this method worked handily for his squad’s ‘habile cuisinier’, who assembled stones into row of squares to accommodate multiple pots for the daily soup.13 Montagné suggests that if there are no adequate stones the cook can dig a small trench in the ground to contain the fire and use the sides to position and support the pots at the correct height. (See Figure 3.)

These two solutions are recommended particularly if the group is only going to be in one place for a short time. Montagné is enthusiastic about the ingenuity of the cuistots and how much improvement he has seen since the beginning of the war. One elaborate design involves two perpendicular trenches dug so that there is an intersection. Pots are placed on the banks over the trenches on four sides; at the intersection there is a chimney constructed of empty food cans that directs all the smoke from the fires up and away from the cook.

Some cooks added improvised ovens to the set-up of boiling pots. The book shows different versions of improvised camp ovens, included here.

Soldiers moving through the countryside would sometimes stay over in a village. There might be a grocery store still operating selling wine and other items; soldiers could borrow equipment from women in the town (Montagné suggests doing just this); troops might even luck into an abandoned house with a real kitchen and other comforts of civilian life. Infantry soldier Barthas writes that his group was lodged for a short time on a farm where they were not at all welcomed. The residents ‘refused to lend us some utensils, such as plates, pails, frying pans, to supplement our cooking equipment’.14 A group of soldiers in the war novel by Henri Barbusse, Under Fire, come upon a village where they will spend one or two nights. They rent the barn belonging to a couple who do this to make up for income lost to the events of the war and the corporal is forced to haggle over the price of everything they want to use. Of the greatest importance to the group is that they will have a table and chairs for their meal, referring to the barn as ‘our new dining room’. They fill up with food and wine while ‘savouring the pleasure of enjoying it sitting down’.15 Eating hot food at a proper table is a signifier that in the midst of total war they still have their humanity.

The easiest type of ration to send with men on the move was canned beef. There are quite a few recipes in Bon Cuistot using canned beef. Auguste Escoffier developed some that were published in L’Art Culinaire as well. The goal was to help cuistots create the greatest variety of preparations and tastes possible with this one less-than-ideal ingredient. There are, unsurprisingly, recipes for sauces (e.g., Sauce Indienne, a curry-flavored sauce). The contents of the cans boiled in seasoned water would make bouillon, and could then be served up sort of like a rough pot-au-feu. L’Art Culinaire devised a fairly ingenious onion soup recipe using bouillon made from boiling the contents of a can of beef.16 One army cook devised a recipe for stuffed cabbage using canned meat. Cuistots who sent these recipes to Montagné were clearly pleased that they could make a decent French meal from canned

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meat. The military did try to limit the amount of canned beef in the soldiers’ diet, which ideally featured a lot of fresh-killed meat. Troops in fact had far too much meat in their diets, causing a panoply of digestive ailments.17 But that story is to be saved for the Oxford Symposium on Wretched Diets.

Montagné writes that when troops are ordered to move to the front or take up a new position each man should be able to cobble together a meal for himself. Men carried some food rations and a small ration of cooking fuel. While the book touches on troops cooking on the front lines, novels and diaries suggest that frequently there was not much to work with by way of ingredients or heat sources in the trenches. One soldier wrote to his wife in the winter of 1916 that during the sixty hours it took his battery to dig into their position they had no hot food whatsoever.18 The trenches generally were not a very appetizing environment either, penetrated as they often were with the stench of dead men and bloated horse cadavers that could not be removed from ‘no-man’s land’ (the area between the trenches of the opposing armies) until a temporary truce was declared for this purpose.

What is different in the Bon Cuistot cookbook, different from the regular army cooking manuals and the home front wartime cookbooks, is that Montagné has established and put into print an ongoing dialogue between himself, a renowned chef, and army cooks. A cuistot who was a chemist in civilian life,19 for example, was no doubt grateful for all instruction. But beyond that Montagné’s writing created a human connection as well. Much like the articles in L’Art Culinaire during the war, food talk in this community of cooks, male cooks, was about being in the club and being in this ordeal together. True, Montagné nominally included housewives, and L’Art Culinaire similarly notes that some of the simple and economical recipes for cuistots are appropriate for the working class table; yet these references to women, who are outside of the cheffing brotherhood, are pretty fleeting. We might go so far as to say that, in many ways, this cookbook is about male bonding.

Bon Cuistot is also about equality, the great chef and the cuistot, their recipes together on the same playing field with no distinction as to one being better than the other, and all contributions are credited. Someone who had spent time near the front lines and in army camps, as Montagné did, would know that this is precisely what cuistots and poilus needed, just as much as they needed to be cooking and eating as Frenchmen. Montagné evokes in this book a community of equals, an imagined community of French male cooks. This cookbook was one of the ways in which people in this community were talking to each other.

With this publication, Montagné created a vehicle for infusing the troops with Frenchness, a booster shot of national identity in the form of recipes and food talk, and a sense of being connected to the larger communal effort, which was, after all, saving the French way of life from those ‘Barbarians at the table’.

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Plats Cuisinés - Système MontagnéDuring 1917, the third year of the war, Montagné proposed a new idea to the French military. He suggested setting up a central army kitchen to produce large numbers of what he called ‘plats cuisinés’ for the troops. Plat cuisiné meant essentially a pre-cooked meal, a very early prototype you might say for today’s military MREs (‘meals ready to eat’). They were intended to replace the canned meat rations for ‘the troops in the trenches and other places when it [was] difficult to take hot food’ to them.20 Plats cuisinés could also be eaten cold when necessary. Montagné mentions his plats cuisinés in the Bon Cuistot cookbook and briefly notes how to prepare them in the field. I’ll return to this below.

A Central Kitchen was set up just outside of Paris to make plats cuisinés. The Central Kitchen was also called the Experimental Kitchen (la Cuisine d’Essais). In one document, it was likened to a ‘sort of military gastronomic laboratory’.21 It was located in a compound of military buildings on an island in the Seine River that also housed an army bakery (at least there was a bakery according to the schematic drawing of the facility).22 Male cooks prepared the main (meat) part of the meal and female workers prepared the vegetable garnishes. They cooked with ten pots, each with a capacity of 300 litres, on a wood-burning stove. In 24 hours the Central Kitchen could produce 16,000 portions of plats cuisinés.23 Each portion was one meal (one plat cuisiné) and included half the daily meat ration of 350 grams. The soldier’s second meal, if he was lucky enough to have it, even if it were another plat cuisiné, was supposed to have the other 175 grams of meat. The components of each pre-cooked meal were made up in moulded loaves of seven rations, wrapped in parchment paper, and bundled together in small crates of two of the seven-ration loaves. They were delivered up to the army zone in trucks. To prepare them the loaves were heated on low heat with a little added water to reconstitute them. The loaves could also be sliced into seven sections and heated individually. Vegetables, such as carrots or lentils, might be incorporated with the meat. If vegetables were a separate garnish, they were pre-cooked with agar-agar, which acted like a gelatin that dissolved when the vegetables were heated. However, because soldiers often did not eat the vegetables, they were increasingly included with the meat. Other occasional components of plats cuisinés were pasta or rice, neither of which was very popular. Potatoes were not used because they tasted terrible when reheated.24

In the Foreword to Mastering the Art of French Cooking, Julia Child wrote that the French are most pleased with a ‘well-known dish impeccably cooked and served’. While for cuistots the impeccable part was near impossible, the recipes for trench fare discussed in the previous section were at least a representation - or simulacrum - of well-known dishes of French home cooking that could impart to soldiers taste memories of home and tradition. So it was as well with the plats cuisinés. The most common prepared meals were Boeuf Bourguignonne, Boeuf Fermière, Boeuf à la Mode, Boeuf Braisé, Boeuf à la Bourgeoise, Estouffade de Boeuf aux haricots, and Boeuf aux lentilles. Other meals that were said to be

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popular included Tripes à la Mode de Caen made from white offal and Paté de Fois made of red offal. Montagné himself decided which dishes the kitchen would try out and he wrote recipes and lists in his own hand. (See Figure 4.)

Figure 4: Montagné handwritten menu.

What Montagné created both in the cookbook and with plats cuisinés is comfort food (i.e., ‘well-known dishes’). Of course the military must feed the soldiers something they will want to eat, which is to say familiar foods. However, the psychological effect of these types of dishes should not be minimized for men living amid destruction on such a massive scale. Barbusse writes about spare moments in the trenches: ‘Letter-writing time is the moment when we are most and best what we were. Several of the men abandon themselves to the past and the first thing they speak about is food’.25 This was a mechanized war, a greatly dehumanized war. Wounded soldiers, once recovered, were sent back to the front,

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sometimes to the same area, as many as three or four times.26 The scale of death and the bodily violence from shells and shrapnel that the living witnessed caused tremendous psychological damage to all but the most hardened of men. Comfort food, regional French cuisine, women’s cooking - all interchangeable terms for these dishes - would have offered, at least sometimes, moments of respite and escape to, as Barbusse says, ‘what we were’ in the way that Marcel Proust’s famed taste of the madeleine cookie dipped in tea conjured up intense memories of Combray, the village of his childhood home.

Appendix AArmy rations in 1918 - a) bread, varied, between 600 and 750 grams per day per man; b) meat, between 300 and 350 grams, which was reduced from the early years of the war; c) dried legumes (beans) averaged around 250 to 300 grams per man per week; d) potatoes varied from 900 grams per man per week up to 2 kilos. 300 grams; e) various green vegetables varied quite dramatically in amount and selection; f) wine was rationed at a minimum of one-half litre and whenever possible, twice this, one litre. Coffee ration was 35 grams of coffee with 49 grams of sugar. Men were also given tea and eau-de-vie (6 centilitres per man per day). Rice or pasta might at any time be substituted for dried or fresh vegetables. Outside of the food the army supplied, troops purchased preserves, jams, chocolate, cheese, and more wine. Men received packages of food from home and from ‘marraines,’ or ‘godmothers’ who would adopt a soldier to send packages and letters. School children also adopted soldiers to send things to. One wife living in the Dordogne sent her husband a package containing two rabbits and some cooking fat, so that he could prepare the meat in the style of his home region. She sent a bottle of wine, too.

Notes1. My thanks to Jeri Quinzio for reading and commenting on an earlier draft of this essay.2. H. Heyraud, ‘Les Barbares à Table’, L’Art Culinaire, December 1915, xviii. ‘Cooking is really a French art

that is innate in the French people’.3. Archives Chambre de Commerce de Paris V-4.30 (1), M. Fontaine, 25 Oct. 1915, Observations présentés/

Sections Viandes-Comité Consultatif du Ravitaillement et de l’Intendance. This report stated that since the end of the 19th century, French-made canned meat was always recognized as such by French soldiers who voiced their sentiment that there was no comparison in quality with ‘singe d’Amérique.’ Canned meat had been saddled with the epithet ‘singe,’ which is French for monkey, since the time they were given to troops stationed in the North African colonies.

4. Intendant Militaire F.-L.-D. LaPorte, Mobilisation Economique et Intendance Militaire (Paris: Charles-Lavauzelle, 1939?), 204.

5. The Gallica website of the Bibliothèque Nationale Française has digitized most of the major Paris newspapers for everyday of the war. They can be accessed at galica.bnf.fr.

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6. Some writers substituted ‘k’ for ‘c’ whenever possible to mockingly Germanize non-German words.7. Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson, Accounting for Taste: The Triumph of French Cuisine (Chicago: University

of Chicago Press, 2004), 127.8. Prosper Montagné, Manuel du Bon Cuistot et de la Bonne Ménagère (Paris: Librairie Chapelot, 1918), 1.9. Revue d’ hygiène et de police sanitaire, no. 40, 1918: 581. Men shopped in villages and in the cooperative

shops that were set up at the rear (about fifteen miles from the front) where the stationary bakeries and cattle parks were located. A slightly more complete account of rations is in Appendix A.

10. Martha Hannah, Your Death Would Be Mine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), 58.11. According to Dan and Jan Longone, the French army developed something slightly different from

Soyer’s Crimean field kitchen that was based more on Denis Papin’s ‘Digester’, or pressure cooker. The Longones write that the US Army may have had something similar to the French version during the American Civil War. Dan and Jan Longone, ‘Camp Cookery in the American Civil War: The Florence Nightingale and Alexis Soyer Connection’, in the Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cookery, 1991, Public Eating, ed. Harlan Walker (London: Prospect Books, 1992), 187.

12. Louis Barthas, Les carnets de guerre de Louis Barthas, tonnelier, 1914-1918 (Paris: La Découverte/Poche, 2003), 156-57.

13. Barthas, Les carnets de guerre, 107.14. Barthas, Les Carnets de guerre, 107.15. Henri Barbusse, [1916] Under Fire (New York: Penguin Classics, 2004), 67-68.16. L’Art Culinaire, ‘Recettes diverses pour accommoder le boeuf de conserve autrement appelé “le singe”

(terme militaire)’, December 1915.17. Rachel Duffett details the similar plight of rank and file soldiers in the British Army in her book The Stomach

for Fighting: Food and the Soldiers of the Great War (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2012).18. Hannah, Your Death Would Be Mine, 87.19. Samuel Chamberlain joined the American Field Service in France to drive an ambulance. He was attached

to Section 14 of the army and this unit’s cook had been a chemist before the war. Chamberlain wrote that from ‘dubious cuts of beef ’ and some vegetables the crafty cook created a classic pot-au-feu. Favorite ‘standbys’ were poule au pot, navarin, and boeuf à la mode ‘accompanied by great platters of pommes frites’. Etched in Sunlight: Fifty Years in the Graphic Arts (Boston: Boston Public Library, 1968), 7.

20. Cuisine Centrale, d’après le système Montagné, [nd. 1918?], AP DR7/34121. Proposant la Création d’une Cuisine Centrale d’Essais dans le Gouvernement Militaire de Paris, nd. AP

DR7/341.22. Petit Atlas des Batiments Militaires - Etablissements de l’Ile St-Germain à Billancourt, Plan d’ensemble,

n.d. AP DR7/341.23. Suite au Rapport de l’Officier d’Administration de l’Inspection Générale des Cantonnements sur sa

visite de la Cuisine Centrale d’Armée. AP DR7/341.24. Installation de la Cuisine Centrale, Rapport de l’Officier d’Administration Vrel, n.d. AP DR7/341.25. Barbusse, Under Fire, 38.26. Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker, 14-18: Understanding the Great War (New York: Hill

and Wang, 2002). Trans. Catherine Temerson.

Bibliography

Archival sourcesArchives de Paris (AP) Series DR7 box 341; AP D.9K3 98 (Conseil Municipal de Paris)Archives Nationales (AN) F/12/8001; AN 68/AJ/48Archives of the Chambre de Commerce et de l’Industrie de Paris

Print sourcesAdministration et comptabilité intérieures des corps de troupe. Ordinaires. Livre de cuisine militaire aux

manoeuvres et en campagne. Volume arête à la date du 26 mai 1915.

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Administration et comptabilité intérieures des corps de troupe. Ordinaires. Livre de cuisine militaire en garnison. Volume mis à jour au 15 octobre 1916.

Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane. Men at War, 1914-1918. Oxford: Berg, 1995.Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane and Annette Becker, 14-18: Understanding the Great War. New York: Hill and

Wang, 2002.Barbusse, Henri. [1916] Under Fire. New York: Penguin Books, 2003.Barthas, Louis. Les carnets de guerre de Louis Barthas, tonnelier, 1914-1918. Paris: La Découverte/Poche, 2003.Chamberlain, Samuel. Etched in Sunlight: Fifty Years in the Graphic Arts. Boston: Boston Public Library, 1968.Claflin, Kyri W. ‘Culture, Politics, and Modernization in Paris Provisioning, 1880-1920’. PhD Diss. Boston

University, 2006.Colette. ‘A Verdun’. Les Heures Longues. Paris: Robert Laffont Bouquins, 1989, vol. 1.Hanna, Martha. Your Death Would Be Mine: Paul and Marie Pireaud in the Great War. Cambridge:

Harvard University Press, 2006.Longone, Dan and Jan. ‘Camp Cookery in the American Civil War’. Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on

Food and Cookery, 1991, Public Eating. London: Prospect Books, 1992.Montagné, Prosper. Manuel du Bon Cuistot et de la Bonne Ménagère. Paris: Librairie Chapelot, 1918.

PeriodicalsL’Art CulinaireLe FrontReview d’ hygiène et de police sanitaire, no. 40, 1918.

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