Festival Latino 2005: Buenos Tiempos: Good Times, Penn's Latin@-interest publication
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Sponsored by La Casa Latina, the Latino Coalition, The College of Arts and Sciences, SPEC-Connaissance, SPECTRUM, Tangible Change, the Annenberg Center for the Performing Arts, the Women’s Studies Program, PEER, the Penn Women’s Center, Greenfield Intercultural Center, Pan Asian American Community House, Office of Affirmative Action, African-American Resource Center, Career Services, Office of Health Education, The School of Medicine Office of Minority Affairs, CHAS, and Congreso Latinos Unidos.
Transcript
Sponsored by La Casa Latina, the Latino Coalition, The College of Arts and Sciences, SPEC-Connaissance, SPECTRUM, Tangible Change, the Annenberg Center for the Performing Arts, the Women’s Studies Program, PEER, the Penn Women’s Center, Greenfield Intercultural Center, Pan Asian American Community House, Office of Affirmative Action, African-American Resource Center, Career Services, Office of
Health Education, The School of Medicine Office of Minority Affairs, CHAS, and Congreso Latinos Unidos.
Every year the size of the Latino community in the United States increases and the commu-nity as a whole faces certain pressures and is-sues. Regardless of this fact, I have witness the Latino community rejoice and celebrate for the things they do have while looking for progres-sive ways to address the issues affecting the community. Similarly, this year I see the Penn Latino community celebrate the diversity of our community with comedians, a Brazilian Band, and other events that do not only show the com-plexities of the Latino community, but also ex-plore the politic and societal issues affecting the community. I like to think that life is like a rollercoaster with ups and downs. It is up to us to focus on the positive parts of life, instead of the downs, or the negative. Yet, by choosing to focus on the ups, does not mean that we will be forgetting the negatives or downs. By bringing events to cam-pus that do not only celebrate, but also recog-nize the problems, this is being done. This is the one way to break away from stereotypes, but it is up to us to do so, for both Latinos and non-Latinos. This issue of La Vida Magazine will provide a glimpse to what this year’s Festival Latino will be like, with articles that touch upon a range of topics. These articles are not just for your en-joyment, but also for us to educative and chal-lenge our ways of thinking. Push yourself be-yond your comfort zone and begin to explore ideas that you might have not entercountered in the past. If you have seen them before, then put yourself in someone else shoes, but do not for-get to have a Buen Tiempo in the process.
- Celia Castellanos
Editor
•2005 Festival Latino Chairs Note•
We would like to invite you to this year’s Festival Latino de Penn “Buenos Tiempos”. “Buenos Tiempos” literally means Good Times. However, to us it means much more than just that. It signifies the gathering of family and friends and enjoying each others company. We laugh, we smile, we share memo-ries, and at times each others pains. The 2005 Festival Latino de Penn is memories in the making. This week long celebration is a way of embracing our culture’s richness and diversity. As Co-Chairs, we invite you to have a good time and allow us to teach you about our diverse culture and also learn from yours. With this we hope to bring the Penn Community that much closer. It is necessary to thank all those who opened their arms to us and worked hard in carrying out the 2005 Festival Latino de Penn. We welcome you to be part of our family and share in our Buenos Tiempos - Good Times.
Aurelio Marquez
Veronica Polanco-Moreno Frances Ramirez
2005 Festival Latino de Penn Co-Chairs
The cover was created by Daniel Gonzalez.
Alba Sánchez
“This excellent actress transforms herself, in a little less than an hour, into four dis-tinctly different personalities. Throwing a playful eye at the Boricua and Latina of the north. Written with irreverence and complexity and acted with earnestness, Sanchez… (delivers) a compact but very powerful piece that leaves us wanting more.”
-Juan M. Mendez, El Diario
W r i t i n g s I n c l u d e :
• “ T h e B r o n x W i t c h P r o j e c t ” - a o n e - w o m a n s h o w a b o u t u r b a n t a l e s t h a t c r o s s t h r o u g h c u l t s a n d c u l t u r a l b o r d e r s - f r o m b o a r d i n g s c h o o l s t o t h e a r m p i t s o f t h e S o u t h B r o n x . I t h a s p r o v o c a t i v e s e n d u p s o f L a t i n a l i f e a n d s t a t e m e n t s o n r a c i s m , p o l i t i c s , l o v e , a n d r e l i g i o n . I t f e a t u r e s P u e r t o R i c a n c h a r a c t e r s a l l p l a y e d b y A l b a S a n c h e z .
• “ T h e T a l l B l o n d e W o m a n i n t h e S h o r t P u e r t o r i c a n B o d y ” - a m o n o l o g u e c e n -t e r e d o n b o d y - i m a g e h u m o r
• “ H o l y S h h h ” - a p l a y w h i c h l o o k s a t t h e l i m i t s p l a c e d b y i n d i g e n o u s s p i r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s a n d m a i n s t r e a m J u d e o - C h r i s t i a n v a l u e ( l a t e r r e - t i t l e d “ G i v i n g U p R e l i g i o n f o r L e n t ” ) .
A w a r d s : • 2 0 0 3 B R I O ( B r o n x R e c o g -
n i z e s I t s O w n ) A w a r d • F r a n k l y n F u r n a c e P e r f o r m -
a n c e G r a n t R e c i p i e n t • K i e f e r E n d o w m e n t R e c i p i -
e n t
S t u d i e d A t : • H B S t u d i o s w i t h H e r b e r t
B e r g d o r f • T h e H a r l e m S c h o o l o f t h e
A r t s • T h e N e w M e d i a R e p e r t o r y
T h e a t r e • T e r i S c h r i v e r S t u d i o • C h i c a g o C i t y L i m i t s • A m e r i c a n M u s i c i a n D r a -
m a t i c A c a d e m y
S o m e o f A l b a S a n c h e z ’ s A c c o m p l i s h m e n t s I n c l u d e :
P e r f o r m e d A t : • P e a r l T h e a t r e • N Y C o m e d y C l u b • T h e C o p a c a b a n a • N Y T h e a t r e W o r k s h o p • T h e B r o n x M u s e u m • M a r i o n s • T h e C o l l e g e C i r c u i t • I n s t i t u t o d e A c t u a c i ó n d e
T e a t r o I n t e r n a c i o n a l ( I A T I )
F e a t u r e d I n : • T h e N e w Y o r k T i m e s • “ V i s i o n e s ” o n N B C • F o x M a g a z i n e • H O Y • N a k e d N e w Y o r k • H B O L a t i n o • P e o p l e E n E s p a ñ o l
“I think my life has been a set up to be funny. With all the extremes, it was either laugh or die.”
-Alba Sanchez “Aye Que Loca” MijaMagazine.com
Full of energy, enthusiasm, and momentum, Alba Sanchez, a nuyorican writer, actress, and comedian addresses several various issues from racism and politics to love and religion through her writing and shows. Alba Sanchez grew up in a section of the Bronx that is one of the poorest sectors in the US. Ironically, she attended exclusive boarding schools in one of the wealthiest areas of the US. Growing up in these ex-tremes along with everyday life has inspired Alba’s work and given it the extra touch which sets her apart from other comedians, writers, and actors. However, it was not easy for Alba to grow up within these extremities. She had a difficult time finding where she fits due to the various characters she met that ultimately inspired her work.
As if growing up between two worlds was not diffi-cult enough, Alba did not have any Latina comedi-ans to look at for inspiration due to the lack of Latina women in comedy. Instead, she received her inspiration from Latino male comedians, such as Cantinflas and Paul Rodriguez, and non-Latina women, such as Sandra Brenhard. Furthermore, it was not easy for Alba Sanchez to
convince her parents that becoming a comedian was a sensible decision for a Boricua woman. Yet, Alba has looks at these obstacles from a positive light and sees how they make her strong and have helped her shape her professional material today as a writer and comedian. Positive experiences have also had an effect on Alba’s work, such as watching her father story tell which she acknowledges for giving her the skills she needs in order to tell her stories through comedy. All of this allows her to bring to life several distant characters on stage for all types of audiences. Even though she is a Latina, her comedy has been enjoyed by diverse audiences. Alba has been savvy in pre-senting to such varied audiences by taking “time-outs” for cultural explanations. Furthermore, Alba Sanchez does not limit her work to the stage. She has taught storytelling and mono-logue and comedy writing at The Bronx Council of the Arts and The Point Cultural Center. In addition she also conducts workshops and lectures for col-leges. To see Alba Sanchez in action stop by Huntsman 255 Monday, March 28th at 7:00PM. It will be a show to remember with the opportunity to ask her all the questions you like afterwards.
“I don’t think Latina women where given permission to be “ballsy” and funny until recently. I find that a lot of Latina women shy away from being funny profession-ally cause they’re afraid of looking ugly.”
-Alba Sanchez “Aye Que Loca” MijaMagazine.com
“I have a hundred napkins all over the place with funny lines that I hear during the day. I eventually incorporate them into a story. I use to make up a lot of things, now I find that just living is enough for material. Life is really funny!”
Capoeira is a form of Brazilian Martial art that has been coupled to the beat of drums and other musical instruments. It was created by the Africans that were taken to Brazil by Europeans as slaves. In the 15th and 16th century, Africans were taken away from their homelands to Bra-zil and enslaved. However, invasions from 1624 to 1630 allowed these African slaves to escape and hid in the nearby forests. Here, they formed communities that be-came known as Quilombos, which were organized politically and socially similar to African tribal societies. Later, when the Dutch were expelled from Brazil, slave own-ers sent out armed expeditions to recapture the fugitive ex-slaves and destroy the Quilombos. The African ex-slaves, soon, realized that they would need to protect themselves with their hands and feet and created a style of self defense that was called “Capoeira de Angola.” The name capoeira comes from the brushwoods where the African fugitives hid and Angola comes from the belief that the first group of slaves arrived from Angola to Brazil. Capoeira was outlawed in 1890 until 1928. Throughout this time, people, especially the poorer population, continued to practice Capoeira during public holidays, work-free hours, and other similar occasions, regardless of the severe punishments they could face if caught. Master Bimba (Manoel dos Reis Machado) founded “Luta Regional Baiana” or Capoeira Regional, a fusion of the more traditinal Ca-poeira de Angola and batuque, or street Capoeira. It was Master Bimba who suc-cessfully convinced the authorities to allow Capoeira in 1928 after a performance. In 1932, he established the first Capoeira school, “Academia-escola de Capoeira Re-gional.” It was, also, Master Bimba who established new standards for this art form, such as clean white uniforms, proof of good grades, and good posture. These standards changed the negative reputation of Capoeira practitioners and converted it into more than just a form of fighting. It became a dance, sport, game, and artistic ex-pression of freedom, practiced by many today. In order to experience the beauty, eloquence, and sophistication of the art join Xande Cruz and Batukis on March 30 in Wynn Commons at 6:00 PM.
Los latinos constituyen la minoría más grande en Estados Unidos, con una población superior a los 37 millones de habitantes. Sin embargo, la comunidad hispana tiene el porcentaje más alto de gente sin seguro médico comparado a los otros grupos minoritarios; siendo esta una de las principales razones por la cual los latinos tienen dificultad al acceso a los servicios de salud. Según la Oficina de Censo de Estados Unidos, 32.7% de los latinos en 2003 no tenían seguro, comparado al 19.4% de africanos americanos, el 18.6% asiáticos y gente de las islas pacificas y el 11.1% de blanco no-Latinos. Además, desde 1989 hasta 1998 hubo un aumento de 62% de adultos latinos sin seguro, comparado a un aumento de 29% de adultos africano-americano, y 20% de los adultos blancos no-hispanos. Las causas por las cuales los Hispanos tienen problemas en conseguir acceso al servicio medico pueden ser encontradas en un estudio de la historia de la asimilación latina a la sociedad estadounidense. Los enormes desafíos asociados con la inmigración, incluyendo el poder encontrar trabajo, el tener una educación adecuada y los obstáculos levantados por elementos culturales distintos explican en gran parte la disparidad en salud en la comunidad hispana en Estados Unidos. A pesar que el problema de la inmigración es complejo y sin solución fácil, es necesario buscar una solución rápida y eficiente al problema de falta de acceso a los servicios de salud, por sus grandes repercusiones a nivel personal, social y comunitario. El proceso de la inmigración latina, y en particular la de los chicanos, quienes constituyen la mayoría de los inmigrantes, es complejo y problemático. Las dificultades empezaron después del tratado de Hidalgo en 1848, cuando México cedió California, Nuevo México y Texas a Estados Unidos. En ese año todos los mexicanos quienes vivían en esos territorios se volvieron mexicano-americanos. Stephen J. Pitti, un profesor de historia y estudios americanos en Yale, escribe que el nuevo estado de California “rested on a foundation of racial discrimination.”1 Los mexicano-americanos fueron discriminados desde el comienzo de su presencia en Estados Unidos, y les fue difícil conseguir trabajo y una buena educación. Debido a la discriminación y la complicación durante el proceso de la asimilación “Los inmigrantes recién llegados, son, en su mayoría, la capa más pobre y vulnerable de una sociedad que, aunque tenga algunos derechos, no los ejerce.”2 Un ejemplo de la vulnerabilidad de los inmigrantes es evidente en un informe preparado para el congreso por el doctor Roy L. Garis de la Universidad Vanderbilt en 1930, que describe la necesidad de una cuota fija y afirma lo siguiente sobre los mexicanos:
En cada amontonamiento de casuchas mexicanas se encuentra la misma holgazanería, hordas de perros hambrientos, niños asquerosos con las caras llenas de moscas, enfermedades, piojos, excrementos humanos, hediondez, fornicación promiscua, bastardía, haraganería, peones apáticos y invasores de tierras, perezoso, frijoles y chicle seco, alcohol, miseria general, y envidia y odio al gringo. 3
Aunque el informe del doctor fuese severo y exagerado, exteriorizó la típica opinión de los mexicanos americanos en las primeras décadas del siglo XIX. Ciudadanos de Estados Unidos, como el doctor Garis, sentían que los chicanos habían invadido su país, creado comunidades pobres y generado problemas para otros.
doctor, medicamentos con precios económicos, y otras formas de cuidados para prevenir enfermedades. Entre 1995 y 1996, 40% de varones latinos sin seguro y 24% de mujeres latinas sin seguro con situaciones de salud precaria, no visitaron a un doctor, mientras que 29% de varones blanco no-latino sin seguro y 13% de mujeres blancas no-latina no fueron a un médico. Estudios muestran que gente sin seguro “son diagnosticados con enfermedades más avanzadas, resultando en mayor morbilidad y mortalidad.”4 Es esencial que cada individuo, en particular niños y gente con problemas médicos, visite a un doctor para que sean observados en su crecimiento y para poder obtener tratamientos preventivos. El caso de la diabetes en la población hispana constituye un ejemplo que nos lleva a entender la importancia del tratamiento preventivo de una enfermedad. La diabetes afecta 8% de los latinos, comparado con 5% de los blancos. Además, un tercio de todos los latinos ancianos viven con diabetes. El tratamiento adecuado es necesario para vivir una vida saludable con diabetes, pero los latinos sin seguro enfrentan barreras en el proceso de adquirir cuidado: falta de educación sobre diabetes, una dieta adecuada, y ejercicio. Hay que cumplir con estos principios para poder vivir saludablemente, y evitar complicaciones. Sin embargo, la retinopatia, una complicación peligrosa del ojo asociado con la diabetes, es 80% más común entre chicanos comparado a blancos no-latinos. Sin duda, la educación y el tratamiento adecuado y preventivo son obligatorios para poder vivir en forma adecuada al estar afectado con diabetes. Es necesario implementar programas de salud cuyas metas son el desarrollar el acceso a los servicios médicos y garantizar que cada latino reciba tratamientos adecuados. Las iniciativas que pueden ofrecer un mayor acceso a los servicios de salud para la población latina incluyen: un aumento de los médicos hispanos en Estados Unidos, el desarrollo de programas educativos de la salud y la creación de centros comunitarios de salud. Estas iniciativas pueden ayudar a los latinos sin seguro, especialmente los inmigrantes ilegales que tienen sueldos bajos. Clínicas, como el Proyecto Salud en Kenmore Square, una zona afuera de Filadelfia, financiado con capital privado, ofrece tratamientos primarios gratis a la comunidad mexicana inmigrante. El Proyecto Salud se fundó hace más de diez años y es dirigido por enfermeras que hablan español. Estas enfermeras pueden comunicarse en español y tratan a los pacientes en una forma más efectiva. Clínicas, como esta, con financiación privada proveen una opción para mejorar el acceso a servicios médicos, comparado con programas del gobierno que pueden fallar o tomar bastante tiempo para implementar. Un tercio de los latinos en Estados Unidos no tienen seguro médico, y por esa razón su acceso a servicios médicos adecuados es limitado. Esta situación se puede entender en parte con la investigación del desarrollo de la inmigración hispana a los Estados Unidos. Los inmigrantes siempre han enfrentado problemas socioeconómicos, que resultan en ramificaciones negativas conectadas al acceso a servicios de salud. El crecimiento constante de la población hispana y su poco acceso a sistemas de salud preventiva pueden resultar en una gran crisis, a lo menos que se tomen medidas rápidas como la existencia de un mayor numero de profesionales de la salud de origen hispano, y el establecimiento de redes de centros comunitarios de prevención de la salud.
Inmigración Latina: Desigualdad Y Obstáculo Al Acceso A La Salud Por: Jona Ludmir
Esta opresión de los mexicanos-americanos se manifestó en forma económica, educativa, social, y cívica. Comenzando en los 1960s el desempleo grave en México junto con la apertura de los empleos industriales en Estados Unidos causaron que 576,000 personas inmigraran a Estados Unidos. Los
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inmigrantes enfrentaron varios retos en el mercado de trabajo, porque muchos fueron explotados y recibieron sueldos bajos. También, los mexicanos sintieron la desigualdad en las oportunidades educativas. La segregación en las escuelas públicas fue común, junto con la apatía de los administradores escolares para inscribir niños latinos, y la dificultad en apoyar a los niños que trabajaban. Un análisis de los inmigrantes mexicanos en Los Ángeles muestra que la población blanca no-latina tiene 6 a 7 años más de educación que la población inmigrante. En 1980 solamente un 20% de los inmigrantes mexicanos poseían un titulo de la secundaria y solamente 2% habían terminado la universidad. Estos datos implican que un gran porcentaje de los inmigrantes no llegaron a aprender inglés bien, y por eso el idioma se está volviendo un obstáculo en la vida estadounidense. Finalmente, el hecho que a esta población inmigrante se le negó el derecho a votar y el no tener representación en puestos públicos, demuestran las injusticias cívicas que enfrentaron los inmigrantes. Debido al mercado de trabajo que resultó en sueldos bajos, 70% de inmigrantes mexicanos ganaron menos que $20,000 al año en 1998. Adicionalmente, en 1998, 28.5% de los inmigrantes mexicanos vivían bajo la línea de pobreza, comparado con 14.1% de los inmigrantes no-mexicanos. Vivir en un estado de pobreza compromete la habilidad de un individuo de adquirir suficientes necesidades básicas, como comida, casa y abrigo. Se crea un ciclo de pobreza caracterizado por un bajo sueldo, una vida en pobreza y falta de educación adecuada. Una vez que alguien entra en este ciclo, es bastante difícil salir de el. Este ciclo de pobreza se sigue manteniendo de generación en generación, teniendo una relación fundamental con la situación de la salud de la población latina y la inhabilidad de poder conseguir seguro medico a través de un patrón. En 1997, solamente un 43% de hispanos tenían seguro a través de un patrón, comparado con 51% de americanos nativos, 53% de los africanos americanos, 64% de los asiáticos y gente de las islas pacificas y 73% de los blancos no-latinos. Existe una correlación directa entre las consecuencias de la inmigración y el seguro a través de un patrón. Durante las olas de inmigración, los chicanos decidieron tomar la oportunidad de inmigrar a Estados Unidos y trabajar en industrias con poca paga. Esto fue un sacrificio con consecuencias buenas y malas. Por lo menos en Estados Unidos los chicanos recibieron trabajo, pero la mayoría de los inmigrantes llegaron a trabajar en una industria que pagaba sueldos bajos y que no ofrecía beneficios médicos. Los inmigrantes ilegales enfrentaron más dificultad que los inmigrantes que ya eran residentes legales o ciudadanos. Primero que todo, 70% de los latinos menores de 65 anos en Estados Unidos son mexicano-americanos, 15% de ellos son ilegales y 74% de los ilegales o 2.1 millón chicanos no-documentados no tienen seguro médico. Conjuntamente, solo 23% de esta población tiene seguro a través de un patrón. Los Chicanos no-documentados tienen menos posibilidades de encontrar trabajo que ofrezca beneficios de salud. Además el bajo sueldo los previene de poder adquirir algún tipo de seguro privado. Adicionalmente, gente sin documentación no califica para recibir Medicaid, un tipo de seguro financiado por el gobierno especialmente para la gente pobre. Por lo tanto, podemos concluir que los inmigrantes ilegales están sufriendo una desigualdad en el acceso a la salud. Existe una relación entre el seguro médico y el acceso a los servicios de la salud. A la gente que le falta seguro, generalmente no recibe servicios médicos, como visitas al
Latinos are the largest minority in the United Status, with a population of over 37 million inhabitants. However, the His-panic community has the largest percentage of people with-out health care compared to over minority groups; this is the primary reason why Latinos have a difficult time accessing health services. According to the United States Census De-partment, 32.7% of Latinos did not have health care in 2003, compared to 19.4% of African Americans, 18.6% of Asian and Pacific islanders, and 11.1% of non-Latino Whites. In addition, from 1989 to 1998 there was a 62% increase of Latino adults without heath care, compared to a 29% in-crease in African Americans, and a 20% increase in non-Latino Whites. The causes for which Hispanics have prob-lems obtaining access to health care can be found in a study on the history of the assimilation of Latinos to the society of the United States. The great challenges associated with im-migration, including the ability to find a job, having an ade-quate education, and the obstacles raised by cultural differ-ences, explain a large portion of the disparity in health care services within the Latino community in the United States. Even though this is a complex problem without an easy solu-tion, it is necessary that we find a fast and efficient solution to the lack of access to health services, because of the reper-cussions it has at the personal, social, and community level. The process of Latino immigration, and in particular that of Chicanos, who constitute the majority of immigrants, is com-plex and problematic. The difficulties began in the Treaty of Hidalgo in 1848, when Mexico ceded California, New Mexico, and Texas to the United States. In that year, all of the Mexi-cans that lived in those territories became Mexican-Americans. Stephen J. Pitti, a history and US studies profes-sor at Yale, wrote that the new state of California “rested on a foundation of racial discrimination.”1 The Mexican-Americans were discriminated since the beginning of their presence in the United States, and it was difficult for them to obtain jobs and a good education. Due to discrimination and complica-tions during the process of assimilation “The recent immi-grants are, in their majority, the poorest and most vulnerable layer of their society who do not take advantage of the rights they have.”2 One example of the immigrants’ vulnerability is evident in a report prepared for Congress by Dr. Roy L. Garis of Vanderbilt University in 1930, which describes the neces-sity for a fixed quota and affirms the following about Mexi-cans:
In every accumulation of Mexican hovel there is the same amount of laziness, hordes of hungry dogs, filthy children with their faces filled with flies, sickness, lice, human excrement, foul smells, fornication, promiscuity, illegitimacy ,apathetic labor and property trespassers, slow, beans and dry filth, alcohol, general misery, and envy and hatred towards the gringo.3
Even though the report of Dr. Garis is sever and exagger-ated, he expressed the typical opinion of Mexican Americans in the first decade of the 19th century. United States citizens, like Dr. Garis, felt that Chicanos had invaded their country, created poor communities, and generated problems for oth-ers. This oppression of Mexican-Americans is manifested in eco-nomic, educational, social, and civic pressures. Beginning in the 1960s, high unemployment rates in Mexico coupled with the formation of industrial jobs in the United States caused
grants faced many challenges in the job market, because many were exploited and underpaid. Also, the Mexican im-migrants felt the inequalities in the educational opportunities available to them. Segregation in public schools was com-mon, along with school administrators’ apathy towards regis-tering Latino children, and the difficulties in supporting work-ing children. An analysis of Mexican immigrants in Los Ange-les shows that the non-Latino White population has 6 to 7 more years of education then the Latino immigrant popula-tion. In 1980 only 20% of the Mexican immigrants had a high school diploma and only 2% had finished college. This data implies that a large percentage of immigrants did not come to learn English well, causing language to become an obsta-cle in their lives in the United States. Finally, the fact that this immigrant population does not have the right to vote and has no representation in public positions demonstrates the civil injustices that immigrants face. Due to the low salaries in the job market for immigrants, 70% of Mexican immigrants earned an annual salary less then $20,000 in 1998. Additionally, in 1998, 28.5% of Mexican immigrants lived in poverty compared with 14.1% of the non-Mexican immigrants. Living in poverty limits an individual’s ability to purchase a sufficient amount of the basic necessi-ties to live, such as food, shelter, and clothing. A cycle of poverty is created and characterized by low salaries, a life in poverty, and the need for adequate education. Once some-one enters this cycle, it is extremely difficult to escape it. This cycle of poverty continues to persist generation after generation and has an association with the Latino popula-tion’s health and their difficulty to obtain health insurance through their employment. In 1997, only 43% of Hispanics had health insurance through their employment, compared to 51% of Native Americans, 53% of African Americans, 64% of Asians and Pacific Islanders, and 73% of non-Latino Whites. There is a direct correlation between the conse-quences of immigration and insurance through their employ-ment. During immigration waves, Mexicans decided to take the opportunity to immigrate to the United States and work for low wages. This was a sacrifice with good and bad con-sequences. At least in the United States Mexican immigrants could find a job, but most arrived to work in an industry that pays low wages and does not offer health benefits. Illegal immigrants faced more difficulties then the immigrants that were already residents or naturalized citizens. First of all, 70% of Latinos under 65 years old in the United States are Mexican Americans, 15% of them are illegal and 74% of the illegal immigrants or 2.1 million non-documented Mexi-cans do not have health insurance. Concurrently, only 23% of this population has health insurance through their employ-ment. The non-documented Mexicans have less possibilities of obtaining employment that offers health benefits. In addi-tion, low wages prevents them of acquiring some type of private health insurance. Additionally, people without docu-mentation do not qualify for Medicaid, a type of health insur-ance for the low-income families financed with federal funds. Thus, we can conclude that illegal immigrants are suffering an inequality in accessing health services. A relation between health insurance and access to health services exists. People without health insurance, generally, do no receive health services, such as medical check-ups, medication at economic prices, and other forms of illness prevention care. Between 1995 and 1996, 40% of Latino
with unstable health situations did not visit a doctor; on the other hand, 29% of non-Latino White males and 13% of non-
Latina White females without health insurance did not visit a doctor. Studies show that people without health insurance “are diagnosed with more severe illness, resulting in higher morbidity and mortality.”4 It is essential that each individual, in particular children and those with health problems visit a doctor in order to be observed in their growth and to obtain preventative treatments. The case of diabetes within the Hispanic population is one example that helps us understand the important of preventa-tive treatment of an illness. Diabetes affects 8% of Latinos, compared to 5% of Whites. Plus, a third of all Latino elderly live with diabetes. An adequate treatment is necessary in order to live a healthy life with diabetes, but Latinos without health insurance face barriers in the process of obtaining proper care: insufficient information about diabetes, an ade-quate diet, and exercise. We must fulfill these principles in order to live a healthy life and avoid complications. However, retinopathy, a severe disorder of the eye associated with diabetes, is 80% more common among Mexicans compared to non-Latino Whites. Without a doubt, education and pre-ventive and adequate treatment are mandatory in order to be able to live in an acceptable way for those who have diabe-tes. It is necessary to implement health programs with the goal to increase the access of medical services and guarantee that each Latino received adequate treatment. Initiatives that can offer the most access to health services to the Latino community include: an increase in Hispanic doc-tors in the United States, the development of educational health programs and the creation of health-related commu-nity centers. These initiatives can help Latinos without health insurance, especially illegal immigrants with low wages. Clinics, such as Health Project in Kennett Square, a suburb of Philadelphia, financed with private funds, offers free pri-mary treatments to the Mexican immigrant community. The Health Project was founded over ten years and is led by Spanish speaking nurses. These nurses can communicate in Spanish and treat the patients in a more effective way. Clinics, such as this one, with private funding provide one option to increase access to health services compared with government programs which can fail or take too long to im-plement. A third of Latinos in the United States do not have health insurance, and for this reason their access to adequate health services is limited. This situation can be better under-stood with the study of Latino immigration to the United States. These immigrants have always faced socioeconomic problems, which result in negative effects associated with their access to health services. The constant growth of the Latino community and their limited access to preventative health systems can result in a crisis, unless rapid measures are put into effect such as an increase in the number of Latino health professionals and the establishment of health prevention community centers.
Latino Immigration: Inequalities and Obstacles to the Access of Health Care By: Jona Ludmir
7 1. Stephen. J. Pitti, The Devil in Silicon Valley: Northern California, Race, and Mexican Americans. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003) 32. 2. Roger Díaz de Cossío, Graciela Orozco, y Esther Gonzalez, Los mexicanos en Estados Unidos. (México, D.F., Sistemas Técnicos de Edición: 1997) 30 -31. 3. Cossío, 39. 4. Hilda L. Solis, “Health Disparities: A Growing Challenge in the Latino Community.” Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy. 16 (2003 -2004) 54.
March 25 Latin Jazz Series: Airto Moreira’s Braz Jazz Band, Featuring Flora Purim Place: Zellerbach Theatre, 3680 Walnut Street Time: 8:00 PM A performance featuring a remarkable chan-teuse and a spirited percussionist and an in-spired team that has worked together for many years. Following the performance, there will be a Brazilian Dance Party with the band MINAS, live, in the lobby of the Annenberg Center un-til 1:00am. Prices for La Casa Latina are $15 for the show and dance or $5 for the dance. Presented by the Annenberg Center for the Performing Arts.
March 28 Keynote Speaker: A Night with Alba Sanchez: A Bronx Tale Place: Huntsman 255 Time: 7:00 PM to 9:00 PM Alba’s hilarious comedic monologues will sur-prise and enchant you. Question and answer session to follow. Presented by Lambda Theta Alpha.
March 29 “You can’t be anorexic- that’s not OUR problem!”: The Untold Story of Minorities and Body Image in the Penn Community Place: Fireside Lounge. Arch Building
Time: 6:00 PM A panel discussion focusing on the effects the media has on the self-image of people of color. Food will be provided. Presented by GUIDE.
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March 30 Sancocho Latino Place: Locust Walk
Time: 12:00 PM to 5:00 PM Latino groups will be offering the Penn commu-nity a taste of the traditional Latino flavor. Xande Cruz and Batukis: The Brazilian Experience Place: Wynn Commons Time: 6:00 PM to 7 PM Xande’s 7-piece band mixes it up with traditional Afro-Brazilian rhythms on live percussion, with drums, bass, guitar, turntables, and vocals.
Movie Night: Mi Familia Place: McLelland Hall Time: 7:15 PM to 9:30 PM Mexican food will be provided. Presented by the Latino Social Workers Alliance, MEChA, CLSA and AAGSE.
March 31 Michael Fawlin: You Don’t Know Me Till You Know Me Place: The Rotunda Time: 6:00 PM to 8:00 PM A one-man play, Michael portrays different characters addressing issues of diversity and cultural awareness. Presented by SHPE.
April 1 Noche Mexicana Place: Plaza outside Stiteler Time: 5 PM to 7 PM Mariachis, snacks, and all the Mexican culture you could want! Presented by Mex@Penn and MEChA. Town Hall Place: Irvine G7 Time: 12:00 PM to 1:00 PM A town meeting to discuss future Latino events and provide information about the Latino Coali-tion groups. Presented by Alianza and ACELA.
April 2 Community Day Place: Arch Building Time: 12:00 PM to 5:00 PM A community service day oriented towards a
