LATINO/A SUBSTANCE ABUSE/DEPENDENCY: EFFECTS OF ASSIMILATION? Ed A. Munoz and David A. Lopez The over-representation of Latinos/as in alcohol and drug related criminal statistics suggests that Latinos/as may have a higher propensity for substance use, and even more so, for substance abuse/dependency. Research on Latino/ a substance abuse/dependency is mixed and a variety of cultural and/or social psychological explanations have been forwarded to explain differences in substance abuse/dependency between Latinos/as and Whites. Results from a Nebraska needs assessment project show Latinos/as having a significant lower probability for substance abuse/dependency in comparison to their White counterparts. Moreover, predictors of substance abuse/dependency differed between the two groups. Social psychological variables are better predictors of substance abuse/dependency for Whites, whereas assimilation variables are better predictors of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as. Seemingly paradoxical, criminal justice encounters proved to be the best predictor of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as. Overall, however, findings suggest that acculturation to the dominant core culture of U.S. society increases the probability of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as. A great deal of scholarly research, as well as numerous popular media accounts, has documented the rapid growth of Latinos since 1970. This tremendous growth, more often than not, is explained by the phenomenal increase in immigration from all points of Latin America in general, and Mexico in particular, since the relaxing of restrictive immigration laws in 1965. What tends to be de-emphasized in recent debates about the exploding Latino population is the experience of non-immigrant Latinos, who still make up the largest proportion of Latinos in the United States (Munoz and Ortega, 1997). Despite this reality, Latinos are generally viewed as an immigrant population in need of American cultural assimilation, which theoretically insures societal integration, and therefore, a prosperous and healthy life. Not surprising, this phenomenal population increase has spurred vigorous and varied research activity on Latino communities. Arguably so, a critical area of Latino research has been, and continues to be, investigations in.to the nature and scope of Latina/a criminal and deviant behavior. A review of this literature is not the intention here; nevertheless, an issue worthy of further investigation stems from recent research on Latinos/as and criminal sentencing (Munoz, forthcoming; Munoz et. al., 1998; Munoz and Martinez, 1998). In particular, criminal sentencing disparities_ LATINO STUDIES JOURNAL, Vol. 11 No.1, Winter 00 50-69
Transcript
LATINO/A SUBSTANCE ABUSE/DEPENDENCY: EFFECTS OF ASSIMILATION?
Ed A. Munoz and David A. Lopez
The over-representation of Latinos/ as in alcohol and drug related criminal statistics suggests that Latinos/as may have a higher propensity for substance use, and even more so, for substance abuse/dependency. Research on Latino/ a substance abuse/dependency is mixed and a variety of cultural and/or social psychological explanations have been forwarded to explain differences in substance abuse/dependency between Latinos/as and Whites. Results from a Nebraska needs assessment project show Latinos/as having a significant lower probability for substance abuse/dependency in comparison to their White counterparts. Moreover, predictors of substance abuse/dependency differed between the two groups. Social psychological variables are better predictors of substance abuse/dependency for Whites, whereas assimilation variables are better predictors of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as. Seemingly paradoxical, criminal justice encounters proved to be the best predictor of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as. Overall, however, findings suggest that acculturation to the dominant core culture of U.S. society increases the probability of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as.
A great deal of scholarly research, as well as numerous popular media accounts, has documented the rapid growth of Latinos since 1970. This tremendous growth, more often than not, is explained by the phenomenal increase in immigration from all points of Latin America in general, and Mexico in particular, since the relaxing of restrictive immigration laws in 1965. What tends to be de-emphasized in recent debates about the exploding Latino population is the experience of non-immigrant Latinos, who still make up the largest proportion of Latinos in the United States (Munoz and Ortega, 1997). Despite this reality, Latinos are generally viewed as an immigrant population in need of American cultural assimilation, which theoretically insures societal integration, and therefore, a prosperous and healthy life.
Not surprising, this phenomenal population increase has spurred vigorous and varied research activity on Latino communities. Arguably so, a critical area of Latino research has been, and continues to be, investigations in.to the nature and scope of Latina/a criminal and deviant behavior. A review of this literature is not the intention here; nevertheless, an issue worthy of further investigation stems from recent research on Latinos/as and criminal sentencing (Munoz, forthcoming; Munoz et. al., 1998; Munoz and Martinez, 1998). In particular, criminal sentencing disparities_
between Latinos/as and Whites are most evident in alcohol and drug related offenses. This begs the question as to whether or not these disparities are merely a matter of a higher propensity for alcohol and drug use/abuse in Latino communities. Data from a Nebraska Statewide Needs Assessment Project are employed to test this query, and also, to explore the effects of possible predictors to Latina/a substance abuse/dependency. Research implications are discussed in light of the findings.
Latinos/as and Substance Abuse/Dependency
Research on Latino/ a substance abuse/dependency has been mixed (Caetano and Schafer, 1996; Khoury et. al., 1996; Dawson et. al., 1995; Parker et. al., 1995; Harford and Grant, 1994; Alocer, 1993; Dassori et. al., 1993; Kail, 1993; Mayers and Kail, 1993; Chavez and Swaim, 1992; Shrout et. al., 1992; Amba and Matt, 1991; Delgado and Rodriquez-Andrew, 1991; Maddahian et. aJ., 1985; Caetano, 1983; Humm-Delgado and Delgado, 1983). For the most part, drinking patterns among Latinos/as are similar to those in the general population-men tend to drink more than women do and drinking decreases with age (Mayers and Kail, 1993; Chavez and Swaim, 1992; Caetano, 1983; Humm-Delgado and Delgado, 1983). However, national data indicate fewer Latinos/as currently drinking than their White counterparts, and more importantly, that there are no significant differences between Latinos and Whites in frequency of intoxication {Dawson et. al., 1995). Data on youth indicate a similar pattern as substance use/abuse was found to be higher among White adolescents than among Latina/a adolescents (Parker et. al., 1995; Amba and Matt, 1991; Delgado and Rodriquez-Andrew, 1991 ), even though Latinos may have higher incidences of dependency (Harford and Grant, 1994). Research also indicates lower levels of lifetime drug use among Latinos/ as rather than Whites (Kail, 1993).
On the other hand, studies do show Latinos, but not Latinas, over represented as heavy drinkers with a high incidence of alcohol related disorders (Aiocer, 1993; Caetano, 1983). Regional and ethnic differences in Latino substance abuse/dependency have also been documented. For example, evidence demonstrates significantly higher drug use in Northern California (Caetano and Schafer, 1 996) and significantly higher alcohol abuse in South Texas (Dassori et. al., 1993) for Mexican Americans in comparison to Whites. Research also documents both Latinos and Whites as being more
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progressive and frequent users of substances in comparison to African American and Asian youths (Maddahian et. al., 1985). Intra-ethnic differences are also evident, as Mexicans tend to use drugs slightly more than Puerto Rican and Cuban youth (Khoury et. al., 1996; Shrout et. al., 1992).
Mixed results are indicative of theoretical and methodological inconsistencies, and point to the complexity of Latina/a substance abuse/dependency. In addressing this problem, researchers must consider individual and community characteristics in evaluating Latina/a substance abuse/dependency. Latina/a substance abuse/dependency will vary by type of chemical, gender, socioeconomic factors, Latino ethnicity, region, immigrant status, and acculturation to the dominant societal culture (Khoury et. al., 1996; Farabee et. al., 1995; Parker et. al., 1995; Kail, 1993; Mayers and Kail, 1993; Chavez and Swaim, 1992; Pumariega et. al., 1992; Shrout et. al., 1992; Vega and Rumbaut, 1991; Cohen, 1987; Rogier et. al., 1987; Warheit et. al., 1985).
Acculturation, Social Psychological Stress, and Latina/a Substance Abuse/Dependency
The social psychiatric data on migration and acculturation focuses on positive and negative forces in the social environment, which affect the ability to adapt to the host society. The interaction between acculturation and stress is an evolving process dependent on immigrants' and native residents' perception of the experience. In this process, stress related to migration may be a function of displayed prejudice and fear toward the immigrant. Overt displays of prejudicial attitudes and behavior by individuals, community officials, law enforcement and the mass media inhibit adaptation, and thus, increase stress. In other words, stress is related to the immigrants' relation to the host society's socioeconomic system, degree of acculturation, and transitions in interpersonal relationships. Immigrants, who come to the host country at the bottom of the socioeconomic strata, do not acculturate, and lack social support networks are most likely to experience stress (Cohen, 1987; Rogier et. al., 1987). As a result of these social psychological processes, immigrants may experience a disproportionate amount of psychiatric disorders (Warheit et. at., 1985; Vega and Rumbaut, 1991 ). Thus, recent Latina/a immigrants may experience greater instances of
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substance abuse/dependency due to stress in adapting to the host society. On the other hand, this implies that as immigrants settle out and
become acculturated to the dominant society, stress will decrease and reduce the incidence of substance abuse/dependency. · Yet, evidence demonstrates that increased acculturation into U.S. society· results in increased substance abuse/dependency. This paradox of acculturation approach suggests that although there may be positive aspects of life in the U.S. (e.g., occupational opportunity and a higher standard of living), certain aspects of U.S. culture can produce unhealthy lifestyles. In fact, research has shown that adherence to traditional Latino culture-i.e., familism, respect for authority, rigid gender roles-coupled with limited exposure to American popular culture may reduce the risk of substance use/dependency among Latinos/as (Khoury et. al., 1996; Brindis et. al., 1995; Farabee et. al., 1995; Mayers and Kail, 1993; Pumariega et. al., 1992; Chavez and Swaim, 1992; Shrout et. al., 1992; Caetano, 1987). From this, it is hypothesized that Latinos who are more culturally and structurally assimilated into American culture and society will be more prone to substance abuse/dependency. Further examination of this contention follows.
Data and Methods
Data for the study come from a Center for Substance Abuse Treatment 1994-1995 telephone survey of 4,306 Nebraskans 19 years of age and older. Households were identified through random digit dialing, and respondents within households were selected by the last birthday technique. A disproportionate sampling design was used in order to increase the number of rural and minority respondents. In particular, over-sampling for minority respondents was conducted in rural counties having a minority population of 2 percent or more. The overall response rate for the survey was 73 percent (Ortega et. al., 1997). The over-representation of Latinos/as in Nebraska criminal alcohol and drug statistics (Munoz, forthcoming; Munoz et. al, 1998; Munoz and Martinez, 1998), as well as the dramatic increase in the Nebraska Latino population in recent years provides justification for comparative analyses between Whites and Latinos/as.
To illustrate, the Nebraska Latino population increased by 35.1 percent between 1990 and 1995, with future estimates projecting a 94.7. percent rise between 1990-2005, and a 140.6 percent rise between 1990-
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2015 (Lopez, forthcoming). A considerable proportion of the 1990-1995 growth is due to recent Mexican immigration spurred by formal and informal labor recruitment by meatpacking industries in Northeastern Nebraska. Undoubtedly, future increases will be fueled by natural growth as immigrants settle out of the migrant labor stream. Nevertheless, demographic research indicates that U.S. born Latinos/as of Mexican descent still comprise the largest proportion of the Latino population in the state (Munoz and Ortega, 1997). Thus, the random sample selection allows for a variable degree of cultural and structural assimilation among Nebraska Latinos/as, and therefore, an examination of acculturation explanations to Latino/ a substance abuse/dependency.
Logistic regression modeling is used to test the hypothesis that Latinos/ as will have a higher incidence of substance abuse/dependency than their White counterparts when controlling for relevant theoretical factors. The dependent variable is whether or not individuals are clinically determined as alcohol and/or illicit drug abusive or dependent either in their lifetime or within the past 18 months. Substance abuse/dependency was assessed using the Diagnostic Interview Schedule (DIS) which operationalizes the nine DSM-111-R criteria for a substance-related diagnosis as follows: ( 1) using larger substance amounts for a longer period than intended; (2) persistent desire for, or unable to cut down on use; (3) considerable time spent getting or using a substance; (4) frequent intoxication during times devoted to major role responsibilities; (5) reduced activities due to use; (6) continued use despite knowledge of social, psychological, or physical problems caused by use; (7) tolerance; (8) withdrawal symptoms; and (9) taking a substance to prevent withdrawal. The definition of substance abuse is met when and individual reported major role impairments due to use of the substance, or when an individual reported recurrent use of a substance in situations that are dangerous to self or others. The definition of substance dependence is met when a respondent reported having experience symptoms related to three or more of the nine criteria set above.
Unstandardized coefficients (8), antilogs (Exp(B)), and the percent change in the probability for substance abuse/dependence are presented for three separate models. The percent change in the probability of substance abuse/dependency for independent variables is the hazard identified with a given category grouping compared to the omitted group, or [{Exp(B) - 1) x 1 00] (Bumpass et. al., 1991 ). A control model tests the effects of gender
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(male=1; female=2), Latino ethnicity (not Latino=O; Latino=1 ), age (reported years), marital status (married, divorced, separated, or widowed=1; never married=2), residence (rural farm/nonfarm=1; urban=2), student status (nonstudent=O; full or part-time student=1}, employment status (unemployed=O; part-time or other=1; full-time=2), income category ($0-$4,999=1 . . . $100,000 and over=12), education (reported years), and whether or not an
. individual was arrested in the past year (no=O; yes=1). In a second model, structural and cultural assimilation index variables are added to control variables to examine the effects of acculturation. Summing the values of an individual's years of education, employment status, and income category created the structural assimilation index variable. Summing the values of reported respondent's language accent (Spanish=O; something other than Spanish=1; English=2), primary language at home (something other than English=O; English=1 ), and language of interview (Spanish=O; something other than English and English=1) created a cultural assimilation variable.
A third model examines the change in effects of acculturation when introducing social psychological variables. More specifically, controls for whether or not an individual's parents drink (no=O; yes=1), their risk taking behavior, their social activity, and perceptions of their emotional/physical health are added to the model. Summing an individual's responses to whether or not they liked doing dangerous and risky things (disagree=1 ... agree=5) created a risky behavior scale (alpha=.74). Summing an individual's responses to how many times they go out with their friends and to the bars (never=1 ... more than three times a week=8) created a social activity scale (alpha=.44). Summing an individual's responses to the state of their physical and emotional psychological health in the last 12 months (poor=O; fair=1; good=2) created a health scale (alpha=.56). Analyses are repeated separately for Whites and Latinos to explore and compare factors most relevant in predicting substance abuse/dependency for each group.
Descriptive statistics for the sample in Table 1 show a slightly higher proportion of Lationos/as (14.6 percent) diagnosed as substance abusive/dependent in comparison to Whites who make up 90.3 percent of the sample. Also from the data, Latinos are a highly urban population (93.0 percent}, have a higher proportion of males (49.2 percent}, and have a higher proportion of individuals that have never been married (25.8 percent). Their higher proportions of individuals reporting as students ( 11.9 percent) and employed (65.4 percent) demonstrate the youthfulness among the Latino
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population, in addition to their lower mean age (37.5 years) and lower mean years of education (11.3 years). Latinos/as lower proportion of individuals earning $20,000 or more (52.1 percent) is reflected in Latinos/as lower mean structural assimilation score (17.9). Their lower mean cultural assimilation score (2.5) is a reliable indication of continuing immigration. Regrettably, higher proportions of Latinos/ as reported being arrested in the past year (2. 7 percent), and that their parents drink (59.6 percent). Finally, Latinos/as report lower mean scores than Whites for risky and dangerous behavior (3.7), socializing with their friends and at the bar (6.0), and having good physical/psychological health (3.4). With the exception of Latino ethnicity, rural/urban residence, and cultural assimilation, Pearson correlation coefficients indicate significant associations between independent and dependent variables (see Table 2).
Findings
Multivariate logistic regression analysis fails to support the hypothesis that Latinos/as have a higher probability for substance abuse/dependency than their White counterparts (Table 3). In fact, the control model (model 1) shows Latino ethnicity significantly decreasing the probability of substance abuse/dependency by 33.4 percent (p ~ .05). Consistent with previous research, being female (p ~ .001) and increasing age (p ~ .001) significantly decreases the probability of substance abuse/dependency. Particularly interesting is the statistically significant 119.2 percent increased probability of substance abuse/dependency for those individuals reporting being arrested in the past 12 months. Statistically significant findings are consistent in the acculturation model with the exception of Latino ethnicity (model 2). Nevertheless, increased cultural assimilation, or adoption of White culture over Latino culture, significantly increases the probability for substance abuse/dependency (p ~ .05). This corresponds to Latino ethnicity decreasing the substance abuse/dependency in the control model.
Introducing social psychological variables (model 3) slightly diminishes statistically significant effects of .gender and age, while being arrested in the past year proves statistically insignificant (model3). The data
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Table 1: Descriptive Statistics for Selected Variables
Sample% Whiteo/o Latino/ a%
Substance 14.4 14.3 14.6
(3,809) (3,439) (370} Male 41.2 40.4 49.2
(3,809} (3,439) (370) White 90.3
(3,809) Single 15.1 14.0 25.8
(3,802) (3,434) (368) Urban 79.2 77.7 93.0
(3,801) (3,431) (370) Student 9.0 8.7 11.9
(3,802) (3,432) (370) Employed 55.3 54.2 65.4
(3,803} (3,433) (370} Income ~ $20,000 69.9 71.8 52.1
1[Exp(B) - 1] x 100 * p ~ .05 ** p ~ .01 *** p ~ .001
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show that individuals having parents who drink increases the probability for substance abuse/dependency more ·than any other statistically significant predictor (p ~ .001). Having parents who drink increases the probability for substance abuse/dependency by 70.6 percent. In comparison, a propensity for risky behavior significantly increases substance abuse/dependency by 7.0 percent (p ~ .01 ), while increased social activity significantly increases substance abuse/dependency by 10.0 percent (p ~ .001 ). An increased perception of good physical and emotional psychological health significantly decreases the probability for substance abuse/dependency by 27.1 percent (p ~ .001).
Disaggregating the sample by race/ethnicity shows contrasting effects of predictor variables for Whites and Latinos. In control and acculturation models for Whites (Table 4), only being female (p ~ .001) and increasing age (p ~ .001) significantly decreases the probability of substance abuse/dependency. Significant effects of gender and age once again are diminished for Whites in the social psychological model. In addition, significant positive effects on substance abuse/dependency for having parents who drink (p ~ .001), a propensity for risky behavior (p ~ .01), and increased social activity (p ~ .001) are diminished in comparison to the combined sample. Significant negative effects on substance abuse/dependency for having perceptions of good physical and emotional psychological health minimally increases (p ~ .001).
On the other hand, significant effects for gender (p ~ .001 ),_student status (p ~ .05), and arrest in the past year (p ~ .05) are found in the Latino control model (Table 5). Disconcerting is the approximately 165 percent increased probability of substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/ as who are part-/full-time students as shown in control and acculturation models (p ~ .05). Of greatest concern is the approximately 475 percent increased probability for substance abuse/dependency across models for Latinos/as being arrested in the past year (p ~ .05). Unlike findings for the combined sample and for Whites, the only social psychological variable having significant effects for Latinos/as is a propensity for risky behavior (p ~ .01 ). Moreover, the 23 percent increased probability in substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/as with a propensity for risky behavior is greater than for the combined sample and for Whites.
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Table 4: Logistic Regression on Substance Abuse/Degendenc~ for Whites
1(Exp(B) - 1] x 1 00 * p s .05 ** p s .01 *** p s .001
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Discussion and Conclusion
Results failed to support the contention that Latinos/as in Nebraska are more prone to substance abuse/dependency than are Whites. However, a few caveats gleaned from the analysis are in order before fully.discussing implications. While costly, national data can go a long way in decreasing inconsistencies in research on Latinos and substance abuse/dependency. The dispersion of Mexicans from the Southwest, Puerto Ricans from the Northeast, and Cubans from Miami has been/is a reality researchers can no longer turn a blind eye to. Furthermore, with no end in sight to economic globalization, and despite current nativist sentiments in U.S. society, Latino immigrants will persist in seeking economic prosperity within U.S. borders. Hence, the ongoing strategy of regional analyses will continue to produce incongruent research results.
Also, longitudinal research designs are essential in providing definitive and substantive conclusions concerning Latino substance abuse/dependency. Data collected over time will not only improve the identification of relevant predictors, but also, and more importantly, improve researchers' knowledge on the process of Latino substance abuse/dependency. Special detail should be given to measures of assimilation. Frequency of Spanish language television viewed, frequency of Spanish language materials read, religious preference, culinary preferences, besides English language proficiency can certainly improve validity and reliability for cultural assimilation measures. Likewise, inclusion of non-Latina personal relationships, as well as affiliation to non-Latina organizations can improve structural assimilation measures. All this will allow for the use of structural equation modeling techniques that can better disentangle ~he effects of independent variables included in analyses.
Nevertheless, an obvious constant in previous research and replicated here, is that females have a significantly lower likelihood for substance abuse/dependency. This even after controlling for a variety of relevant theoretical factors in all models. Results did show ethnic variation with Latinas being the least prone to substance abuse/dependency. Ethnic variation in the effects of increasing age also resulted from the data, significantly lowering the propensity for substance abuse/dependency for Whites but not Latinos. Significant Latino ethnicity effects in the combined sample disappeared when assimilation variables were introduced. More
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specifically, increased cultural assimilation increased the probability of substance abuse/dependency while increased structural assimilation had no significant effects. With cultural assimilation largely an indicator of English language proficiency and the overwhelming number of respondents being White, this undoubtedly is a proxy effect for Latino ethnicity, therefore, providing added support that Latinos/as have a lower propensity for substance abuse/dependency.
What appear to be the strongest predictors of substance abuse/dependency are social psychological variables. But disaggregation of the sample by ethnicity suggests that this is most evident for Whites. Interestingly, student status significantly predicts substance abuse/dependency among Latinos/as. Considering that respondents are at least 19 years of age, and thus, likely college students, an argument that student status is a proxy for structural assimilation, or increased social integration, is not illogical. If so, this once again supports contentions that increased assimilation for Latinos increases the chance for being diagnosed as substance abusive/dependent. Perplexing from the data is the piece of evidence that best predicts substance abuse/dependency for Latinos/ as, yet has no significant effects for Whites-being arrested in the past year! Criminal justice encounters are usually a result of substance abuse/dependence not the cause. Moreover, speculation arises as to why Latinos/as in Nebraska are over-represented in drug and alcohol criminal statistics. Evidence of heavier substance abuse/dependency for Whites shown here suggest that they may have higher rates of substance use, and therefore, should be at a higher risk for criminal justice encounters. Perhaps the apparent bias in the enforcement of drug and alcohol related criminal offenses directed towards Latinos/as carries over into diagnoses of substance abuse/dependency. If so, there is a need to re-evaluate diagnostic instruments for this manifestation of cultural bias.
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Lopez, David A. Forthcoming. Latinos of Omaha: An Examination of Socioeconomic Measures for Latinos in Selected Census Tracts in South Omaha. Statistical Brief. East Lansing, Ml: Julian Samora Research Institute.
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Munoz, Ed A. Forthcoming. "Latino Sentencing Disposition, 1987-1991: An Empirical Assessment of 'Gringo Justice'." The Justice Professional.
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Munoz, Ed A. and Suzanne T. Ortega. 1997. "Regional Socioeconomic and Sociocultural Differences among U.S. Latinos: The Effects of Historical and Contemporary Latino Immigration/Migration Streams." Great Plains Research. 7(2): 289-314.
Ortega, ·Suzanne T., Jay Corzine, Greg Weaver, Cathy Martin, and Cosandra McNeal. 1997. Nebraska State Demand and Needs Assessment Studies: Alcohol and Drugs. Adult Household Survey Results Technical Report. Lincoln, NE: Bureau of Sociological Research.
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Parker, Keith D., Greg Weaver, and Thomas Calhoun. 1995. "Predictors of Alcohol and Drug Use: A Multi-ethnic Comparison." Journal of Social Psychology. 135: 581-590.
Pumariega, Andres J., Jeffrey W. Swanson, Charles E. Holzer, Arthur 0. Linskey, and Ruben Quintero-Salinas. 1992. "Cultural Context and Substance Abuse in Hispanic Adolescents." Journal of Child and Family Studies. 1: 75-92.
Rogier, Lloyd H., Douglas T. Gurak, and Rosemary Santana Cooney. 1987. ''The Migration Experience and Mental Health: Formulations Relevant to Hispanics and other Immigrants." Pp. 72-84. In, Health and Behavior: Research Agenda for Hispanics, (Ed.) Moises Gaviria. Chicago: Chicago University Press.
Shrout, Patrick E., Glorisa J. Canine, Hector R. Bird, Maritza Rubio-Stipec, Milagros Bravo, and M. Audrey Burnam. 1992. "Mental Health Status Among Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and Non-Hispanic Whites." American Journal of Community Psychology. 20: 729-752.
Vega, William A. and Ruben G. Rumbaut. 1991. "Ethnic Minorities and Mental Health." Annual Review of Sociology. 17: 351-383.
Warheit, George J., William A. Vega, Joanne Auth, and Kenneth Meinhardt. 1985. "Mexican American Immigration and Mental Health: A Comparative Analysis of Psychosocial Stress and Dysfunction." Pp. 76-109. In, Stress and Hispanic Mental Health: Relating Research to Service Delivery, (Eds.) William A. Vega and Manuel A. Miranda. Rockford: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Dr. Ed A. Munoz is an Assistant Professor of Sociology and Latina/a Studies at Iowa State University. His research deals with the Latina/a experience in the Midwestern United States with the bulk of hi published research primarily on misdemeanor and felony sentencing disparities between Latinoslas and Whites in Nebraska rural jurisdictions. More of his work can be found in The Justice Professional, Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, Voces: A Journal of Chicana/Latina Studies, and Great Plains Research.
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Dr. David A. Lopez, formerly a Post-Doctoral Fellow at Michigan State's Julian Samora Research Institute, is currently an Assistant Professor of Sociology at Creighton University in Omaha, Nebraska. His research focuses on race/ethnic issues in criminal justice, immigration, and health. More of his work can be found in Dialogo and Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences.
*The authors would like to acknowledge the Nebraska Department of Public Institutions for access to the data, and the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment (270-94-0013) for their funding support. In addition, the analysis was possible through an Iowa State University Big XII Faculty Fellowship Grant. The authors bear full responsibility for the analysis and interpretation of the findings.
