Learning from Nairobi (Extracts)

8/8/2019 Learning from Nairobi (Extracts)

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A CulturAl lIBrArY PrOJECt


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SECtIOn 01

CulturAl lIBrArY

A glOBAl dESIgn PrOJECt

01.18 Designing a GlobalDesign Research

Project

01.212 Participating in

Cultural Library

Intentions and

Motivations

01.316 Previous Cultural

Library Projects

01.426 Project and

Time Structures

01.530 Researching Culture

A Design Approach

01.638 Research Design

SECtIOn 02

MOBIlItY In nAIrOBI

tHE PrOJECt COntExt

02.144 Expectations A Discourse

02.250 Nairobi Facts

02.360

On Mobility

02.464 Cooperative Work

Approaching a

Methodology

SECtIOn 03

FIEldWOrK

tHE PrOJECt rESultS

03.1Commuting74 Resilience: Interaction

with Barriers to Mobility

03.2

Digital Decentralisation

98 the Inuence o IT on

Mobility

102Digital Transormation oLocal Services

104 Commuting without

Moving

110 Nairobi is Green

122 The M-Pesa Concept

03.3Mobile Workplaces

126Jobs on the go

140 Hawking in Nairobi

03.4Non-Motorised Vehicles

146 Small-Scale

Mobility Solutions

03.5Movement o Goods

178 Sukuma wiki

182 Following the Path o

Sukuma wiki

03.6Dynamic Urban Patterns

202 The Case o the Globe

Cinema Roundabout


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SECtIOn 04

CulturAl ExCHAngE

PErSPECtIvES

04.1224 The Cologne Exhibitionand Open Studio

04.2232 Learning rom

Nairobi Refning the

Research Design

04.3240 Online Knowledge

Base: Shared

Experience

04.4254 Future Perspectives

or Cultural Library

urBAn PErSPECtIvES

54 Ways o Being

and Not Being

in Nairobi

116 Cultural Flows and

the New Forms o

Sociability in Nairobi

172 Nairobi:

Evolving Urbanism

rom the Perspective

o Mobility

216 Island Urbanism:

Spatial Segregation in

Nairobi

246 Dimmina: Matatu

Mobility as a Metaphor

o Social Survival in

Nairobi, Kenya

APPEndIx

260 Glossary

262 Project Team

264 Cultural Library

Partners

268 Bibliography

COntEn

tS


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n01.1CulturAllIBrArYdESIgnIngAglOBAldESIgnrE

SEArCHPrOJECt

dESIgnIng A glOBAl dESIgnrESEArCH PrOJECtby Philipp Heidkamp

Cultural Library is a unique, global design project continuously develop-

ing and open to various participants, cultures and topics. Founded in 2006

by Pro. Tadanori Nagasawa and Pro. Hiroshi Imaizumi o the Musashino

Art University in Tokyo, the project aims to investigate, analyse and com-

municate the phenomena, habits and processes o everyday lie, as well as

the use o products and spaces that are related to it.

From participatory design, user research, usability studies, cultural en-

quiries, interviews and observations o various orms o co-creation, design

is involving people more and more (in most cases the end users). ForCultural Library, we are looking closely at products and processes in the

context o their use. So the research takes place in projects directly on the

ground (feld research), in dierent cultural areas and includes the respec-

tive spatial, structural and social conditions. As well as research results,

tangible design approaches are integrated into this intercultural aggregation.

Perhaps the most striking eature o human beings is their diversity. I

we are to understand this diversity, we must begin by careully describing

it. Most o the diversity in the human species results rom the cultures

each human group has created and passed on rom one generation to thenext.1 Looking at this diversity in a globalised world lacking in dieren-

tiation means, as a frst step, appreciating diversities as diversities. In the

Cultural Library project, we are looking rom the outside at certain phe-

nomena o a dierent culture. James Spradley (American ethnographer and

anthropologist, 1934 1982) describes the challenge o a person participa-

ting in a culture that is not their own: First, and perhaps most difcult,

she would have to set aside her belie in naive realism, the almost univer-

sal belie that all people defne the real world o objects, events and living

creatures in pretty much the same way (emphasis by the author).2

Spradley defnes three undamental aspects o human experience as thecore issues o studying a culture: cultural behaviour, cultural knowledge

and cultural arteacts.3 Cultural Library aims to gain an understanding o all

levels, but the primary ocus is on arteacts and behaviour.

In the ethnographic discourse, there is the paradox o the cultureless

ethnographer . 4 Apriorism is impossible to eradicate. So the process o

our ethnographic work needs a meta-level o reection, a discourse accom-

panying the on-site research: this discourse should be set up by the mixed

teams o librarians , mostly students rom two universities, or students

rom one university researching with proessors rom a university coming

rom a dierent cultural context. This discourse is not (yet) implement-

ed in Cultural Library, but it is our goal to extend the work to the degree

where this discourse becomes visible to external people, visitors and

01.6rESEArCH

dESIgn

04.2lEArnIng

FrOM nAIrOBI

rEFInIng tHE

rESEArCH dESIgn

38

234

In some ways ways

we are looking rom

the outside at

certain phenomena:

in the case o re-

searching in a or-

eign culture. Hav-

ing said that, I how-

ever would say that

in Cultural Libraryprojects culture is

studied rom the

inside out, we aim

to understand the

culture rom its

own perspective and

in its phenomeno-

logical entirety.

c. 01.5 Researching

Culture p. 33/34. JS


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guests. According to Foucault, a discourse is a body o thought and writ-

ing that is united by having a common object o study, a common metho-

dology, and/or a set o common terms and ideas. This notion helps to un-

derstand the approach o Cultural Library in investigating and analysing

the cultural maniestations o a phenomenon such as mobility across

disciplines and cultures. The visibility o a discourse not only in its very

literal sense was brought up by Karin Knorr-Cetina as the viscourse .5

The concept o the viscourse brings a new quality in discourses by the

integration o visualisations in the process o the discourse .6 So this not

only means working with images, it can be understood as a visual access

to (specifc issues o) a discourse. Bearing this in mind, Cultural Library

aims also at making its processes including its results continuously

available in a way that is open or urther discussion, analysis and editing.

The idea o a library diers in many aspects rom the idea o an archive:

a library is published and it contains discrete items (whereas archives otenhave groups o related items). The items have an independent signifcance,

whereas archives (additionally) build on relationships between items.

A library has many dierent individuals or organisations creating its con-

tent: an archive has a parent organisation or institution. The items o a

library are created separately by more-or-less independent processes. Lib-

raries are public, archives are oten unpublished. A library is continually

used, an archive is associated more with storage than with use.

What should be created or our Cultural Library? As mentioned, Cultural

Library is a global design research project. Research in design goes alongincreasingly with observations o use, o habits, o workarounds and o

cultural characteristics, on a macro- as well as on a micro-level. In the

complexity o our world, it becomes more and more important to under-

stand precisely beyond cultural preoccupations and stereotypes why

people behave and interact in a certain way. This helps us to devise

courses o action aimed at changing existing situations into preerred

ones , 7 a defnition o design by social scientist Herbert Simon (who won

the Nobel Prize in economics 1978).

To make the various observations comparable and the results accessible,it is necessary to defne project topics like Street Stalls as a quite narrow

and precise phenomenon or Mobility as a more open topic, a meta-topic

with the need or urther concretisation, allowing the participants to go in

various directions rom social to physical mobility.

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OJECtCOntExtExPECtAtIOn

SAdISCOurSE

ExPECtAtIOnS A dISCOurSEby Philipp Heidkamp,Johannes Hosseld and Paul Mpungu

PHIlIPP HEIdKAMP (PH)With this project, Cultural Library set up the

frst cooperation with two institutions in Arica: on the one hand with the

Goethe-Institut in Nairobi, which has (rom my perspective), a new under-standing o Cultural work and the support o cooperative processes, and on

the other hand the University o Nairobi, Faculty o Architecture. Our expect-

ations were twoold: we understood that we would visit a place where we

would be conronted with a lot o expectations and needs , where German

(or rather European) experience and knowledge are highly appreciated. But

we were interested in understanding the dierent culture and, by doing so,

reecting our own culture. We decided to work on mobility, since mobility has

been a paradigm o innovation since the industrial revolution (cars, trains,

vehicles and communication including all inrastructure and services) and is

one o the reasons or todays economic wealth.So there is an interesting paradox: can mobility bring economic wealth to a

country like Kenya? Will we have companies rom the industrialised countries

that will try to sell the solutions that have been installed in the Western

World in the past 30 years (and which, as we know, brought new problems

instead o solving existing ones). We know that more roads will bring more

trafc. But at the same time, we ace new possibilities with upcoming IT

applications that might reduce physical mobility and we see grassroots and

well-implemented solutions (like M-Pesa) in Kenya that the industrialised

countries can learn rom. As all those topics are quite broad, we were interes-

ted in defning them in collaboration with our Arican partner and then, ina frst step, in making momentary snapshots o everyday lie and

culture in Nairobi.

JOHAnnES HOSSFEld (JH) Let me begin with one o the many points

you have raised, and develop it a little urther. From our perspective in

Nairobi, mobility was obviously interesting rom a global perspective, but

even more so due to its local resonance especially in its contrast to

the Western paradigms. As a megacity born out o the spirit o mobility,

Nairobi consists o enclave-like residential areas and urban wastelands,

shopping malls and slums, anachronistic tableaux, contradictions and dis-parity. Mobility binds these antagonistic textures together. When consider-

ing mobility, a lot o the complex structure o Nairobi becomes apparent.

Dierent themes like the ormal/inormal dichotomy, island urbanisation,

the unique structure o public space or phenomena like the matatu culture

crystallise out when we pose these questions. The theme o mobility, there-

ore, enables us to describe the specifcity (and otherness) o this space

in contrast to the urban structures o Europe, and to connect it with other

urban phenomena o the Global South, like India or Mexico. Whether

these phenomena are a prediction o how urban structures will also develop

in the West, there are implicit pending questions that the title o our pub-

lication also hints at.

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Certainly, this complex urban structure has never really been appropriately

described. We have always tended to imagine the Arican city with its cli-

chd images: as a saari postcard with giraes, images rom a disasterzone with starvation, war and AIDS or the image o children grateully re-

ceiving development aid. Also, scientifcally, we cannot maintain the usual

perspectives and notions, but rather we are compelled to veriy and reor-

mulate them (or example the so-easily used dichotomy o ormality/inor-

mality). This is o course a ormidable challenge, and it requires candour to

switch and shit our vistas.

And this was exactly our expectation or the project: the CL represents an

approach that can do this. The openness o the project, the processual cha-

racter o it, the team research with culturally dierent perspectives, the

specifc local analysis, as well as the interdisciplinary approach (architectsand designers orming the core research teams) are important aspects o

the project.

From our perspective at the Goethe-Insitut, it is also interesting to see

how the CL unctions as an international network that works in each case

in dierent partner constellations. It is certainly not new in the context o

the Goethe-Institut, but we programmatically implement that art and sci-

ence projects no longer work according to national boundaries and thereo-

re strictly bilateral activ ities and hence Goethe-Institut activit ies can-

not also be constrained within these boundaries, i we want to implement

excellent aesthetic projects and provide proound answers to transnationalquestions. The typical CL combination o international perspectives, multi-

plicity o approaches and precise local interrogation ulfls this demand

very well.

PAul MPungu (PM) The perspectives you present corroborate and vali-

date the theme o our Learning rom Nairobi joint project. As expected,

the choice o theme or the Plan 09 exhibition elicited interest rom the

public, as was seen in the evening discussions that ollowed topical issues

surrounding the question o mobility. In what ways can the European urban

paradigm develop its agenda through a Third World urban experience? Isthe North/ South, us/ them dichotomy plausible rom a dierent perspec-

tive? In order to fnd lasting solutions to the conundrum that urbanization

processes present, it is becoming more and more evident that our over-

reliance on technology and the scientifc approach blinds us to the exist-

ence and potential benefts o cheaper and more sustainable solutions

that appear not only to work relatively well in less ormal settings but also

seem to engender social openness and trust.

The idea o the CL comes at a time when the space-time compression phe-

nomenon seems to have gained a momentum that will allow it to obliterate

boundaries and ultimately see the triumph o space over place . Although

place is what defnes our notions o where we derive amiliarity, and

hence comort, the speed o communication privileges space over place

a concept that undesirable in cultural anthropology discourse.

With that, comes the danger o traditional societies losing their cultural

http://www.plan-

project.com/


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nAIrOBItHEPrOJECtCOnt

ExtOnMOBIlItY

On MOBIlItYby Philipp Heidkamp, Lisa Janen

From the very beginning o this project, we have recognised the central im-

portance o mobility as a meta-topic or Cultural Library.

Nairobi, being an Arican metropolis and one o the astest growing cities

in the world, has to deal with many questions concerning mobility that

are o great relevance, not only or architects and urban planners, but also

or designers. From transportation o goods to the use o mobile phones

as cash machines, rom home-made wheelchairs to an underground railwaysystem planned or 2030 and rom mobile workers to trafc in Nairobi,

issues o mobility are central to everyday lie in Kenya. For the cooperation

between Cologne and Nairobi, we started to defne mobility in a joint

discussion, both in Cologne and with the team rom Nairobi by using our

KISDspaces online platorm. Within the discussion we came up with

dierent means o mobility and possible research topics. To narrow these

huge topics down we decided to approach the issues o mobility by observ-

ing people, processes and places and to search or typical symbols and

rituals o mobility within the Kenyan culture. Mobility was discussed as spa-

tial mobility: the mobility o people and goods in the geographical space.

This is probably the frst topic that comes to mind while talking about mo-

bility in general: to learn how goods are physically transported, to fnd

out about existing trafc layers or possible intererence between and with-


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in these layers, to understand the ow o trafc and ascertain how

people living or working in a certain area cope with these trafc patterns.

While considering spatial mobility, the use o vehicles as transportation or

mobility tools was brought into our remit. What does the public transportsystem in Nairobi look like? How do people usually move around in the city?

Since there is no underground railway system, other kinds o transportat-

ion must be used. At this point we had to leave behind the accepted German

methods o a state-run system o urban transport or regular bus stops

and timetables, and so we decided to concentrate our research and our ob-

servation on vehicles typically ound in Nairobi and their use, and also

to choose one special oodstu,sukuma wiki, or study in order to analyse

how it moves through the marketplace and its supply chains. One urther

aspect o spatial mobility which had been chosen as a research topic is mo-

bility as a pattern or providing work: who works on the street or has amobile workplace to make their living? What kind or products or services do

these mobile workers oer? This topic is related to ormer Cultural Library

projects and recalls the Street Stalls project o Pro. Tadanori Nagasawa

and Hiroshi Imaizumi.

Furthermore, we decided to have a closer look at urban gathering points

and area classifcation and residential segregation, neither o which appear

to demonstrate mobility at frst glance. But by studying boths topics more

intensively, they reveal a strong relationship and con-

nections regarding dierent kinds o spatial mobility.By choosing one o the most popular gathering places

in Nairobi, we tried to analyse and understand the

place itsel and also the movements o dierent people

to and rom this special communal place. O course,

mobility in our discussion was not limited to physical

mobility or trafc and transportation.

The British sociologist and pioneer o mobility stu-

dies, John Urry, suggests twelve dierent orms o

mobility: asylum, reugee and homeless travel andmigration, business and proessional travel, discovery

travel by students, au pairs and other young people

on their gap years , medical travel to spas, hospitals,

dentists etc., military mobility o armies, tanks etc.

which has many spinos or civilian use, post-employ-

ment travel and the orming o transnational liestyles

during retirement, trailing travel o children, par t-

ners and other relatives and domestic servants, travel

and migration across the key nodes within a given

diaspora (such as that o overseas Chinese), tourist

travel to visit places and events, visiting riends

and relatives and work-related travel and commuting.

The interplay between these twelve dierent Flows

produces an enormously complex structuring and

restructuring o places.

03.4nOn-MOtOrIzEd

vEHIClES In nAIrOBI

03.5 MOvEMEnt OF

gOOdSsukuma wiki

03.3MOBIlE

WOrKPlACES

03.6dYnAMIC

urBAn PAttErnS

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Gathering Places In the absolute centre o

Nairobi an intensively used intersection odierent mobilities is located. It is a highly re-

quented platorm or job seekers and employers.

This place, known as The Round Table , marks

the historical and present heart o the city and

one o its main uses became a gathering place

or jobless people. The chronology o this place

includes an interesting change o its original pur-

pose, rom a place planned or tourists in ront

o an upper class hotel to a place or locals and

their needs. A broad range o dierent motivations

and prospects come together at this gathering

place. Some try to get a proft out o this place

by presenting themselves or a new job, some

just gather with riends to be up to date, most

combine both. More insights about this jobless

corner are available on the Cultural Library

website, where the 7th research team presents

their topic Jobless Corner: The Open Source Job

Table http://culturallibrary.kisd.de/projects/

mobility-in-nairobi-2009/jobless-corner-the-open-

source-job-table/uS


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IntrOduCtIOnHorns blare as a matatu vies or the space to turn across gridlocked trafc,

pushing its nose through a rozen stream o taxis, buses, trucks and cars.

Voices compete or the attention o crowds o passers-by, their products

are well priced they say, their matatu to East Leigh has two seats available,

their corn is hot, ready to be devoured. Pairs o people haggle over the

price o second-hand clothes, a slice o pineapple, pirated DVDs. Groups o

loiterers sit together, chatting about politics, and waiting or matatu ares

to drop to a reasonable price. Pedestrians sidestep a deep unmarked hole inthe sidewalk, stream around barricades, and pour into the spaces between

vehicles, step over the legs and merchandise o the hawkers, and loiterers.

A short walk through downtown Nairobi presents a wide array o activity

where people on their way to and rom work are getting around all di-

erent kinds o tangible, and non-tangible barriers. Barriers have become

a part o the culture o mobility here, ading into the hectic bustle o

the streets, while at the same time governing the way that residents move

within and interact with their surroundings.

However, the culture o barriers in Nairobi also includes a corresponding

culture o resilience. In which individual people resolve to fnd and create

their own solutions to the problems they ace, rather than expecting

others to help them through it.

This essay aims to explain the phenomenon o barriers to mobiliy in Nai-

robi, and the show how the culture o resilience has arisen rom these con-

ditions. This teaches us that despite the natural tendency to continually

optimize inrastructures and living conditions, to a certain degree, such

barriers can be eective in strengthening individuals, helping them to em-power themselves.

APPrOACHThe intention o our research was to gain a deeper understanding o the

culture o Mobility on the way to and rom work in Nairobi through the

inspection and interpretation o barriers. Taking the special working and

living situations in Nairobi into account, our work took on a holistic ap-

proach. We not only inspected the journey to work, but also the context

in which the journey takes place.

rESIlIEnCE: IntErACtIOn WItHBArrIErS tO MOBIlItYby Louise Smith, Dancan Odhiambo Omondi


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# 58dEStrIAnS In dOWntOWn nAIrOBI


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PEtErOuMAOtIEnO


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I public transport in a metropolitan area is insufcient and residents

cannot easily travel long distances, a city with a single centre representsa problematic situation. Nairobi and especially its semi-urban areas are

centralized. It is questionable whether decentralisation can only be consi-

dered when planning an area. Is it also possible to intervene by digital

media? Companies like the kenian network provider safricom and the social

ranchise service provider mobile or good already provide services that

help to shorten the physically distance: services that support people in

sharing inormation and that make travelling unnecessary. By researching

these services we intend to speciy to which extent inormation techno-

logy shortens the physical distance, whether digital decentralisation sup-

ports mobility and whether it can compensate or urban centralisation.

MOBIlE lEvErAgE: ItS tHE FuturE Mobile telephones are the most widespread inormation and communication

technology medium in Kenya. The availability o handsets and the spread

o network providers as well as the resulting growth o the market have been

proftable and successul both on a macroeconomic and an individual

level. The increasing network density has attracted the interest o global

mobile communications frms and o local service providers. Mobile tele-

phones are thus becoming increasingly more interesting as a platorm or

innovative services, which are oered to end users independently otheir actual location. During our investigations the ocus was placed on

the various services on oer, rather than the hardware needed to run

them. The comparatively aordable inrastructure, and the concomitant

hope o being able to make the leap rom an industrial to an inormation

society, make the study o this feld in Kenya a ascinating subject.

How will this existing inrastructure be used? What unoreseen systems

and social as well as proessional contacts are hiding just behind the screens

and keypads? Which services will become digitally decentralised?# 44

trAnSFOrMAtIOn OF SErvICESThrough the digital transormation o services the material inrastructure

is mirrored by aordable virtual ormats. Inormation technology has

not only repositioned the access to usually locally anchored services, but

has also made virtual services available independent o time or location.

It makes no dierence i we are talking about circles o riends, meeting

places, the movement o money or local and international business

relations. Thereore, our hypothesis is the ollowing:

i the virtual analogue o a locally anchored service oers the same

qualities in terms o range, unctionality, availability and aordability it

must, as a consequence, inuence the mobility o the users in such a

way that physical pathways can be transormed into virtual ones so that the

user profts rom a digital decentralisation.

dIgItAl trAnSFOrMAtIOn OFlOCAl SErvICESby Jochen Edling

These questions

show the importance

o this topic also

beyond Kenia. Nokia

and other Telcos are

aware o this andwere setting up a lot

o research activites

in Kenya. Nokia has

set up one o their

12 research centers

worldwide in Nairobi

the only one in

Arica (see http://

research.nokia.com/

locations) PH

International pro-

viders and producers

defne the tele-

communication mar-

ket in developing

countries as entry

market. The ex-

change o inor-

mation in dierent

ormats promises

to be a market with

a large potential or

developing. Givingaccess to a variety o

acilitating services.

JE


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APPrOACH (OBSErvAtIOnS OF tHE JOB MArKEt)

The question then arises which services have already been transormed into

their virtual analogues? Which usage situations and requirements orm

the basis o these services, and what services do the providers oer in re-

sponse? The goal is, on the one hand, the verifcation o our hypothesis

and, on the other, the identifcation o design drivers that can be consider-ed in the uture translation o physical into virtual services.

As a starting point or our research, we chose two diering scenarios, both

o which touch on the introduction o an innovative virtual oering. The

frst deals with a virtual access point to the jobs market, the second with a

service that permits money transer via mobile telephones. What interest-

ed us in Nairobi was the comparison between analogue and virtual services,

and whether the one oered any mobility advantages over the other.

How would established communications technology systems be aected?

Can they be unconditionally translated into the virtual realm? # 37

What additional aspects inuence mobility and communication? How do

users make best use o their sudden accessibility? How can both

groups and individuals proft rom this? #48

A FEElIng OF COMPAnY # 44


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WIll dIgItAl dECEntrAlISAtIOn dEtErMInEtHE FuturE OF ArCHItECtAl SPACES?


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IlEWOrKPlACES

JOBS On tHE gOby Ellen Sturm, Gurmukh Panesar

IntrOduCtIOn

The catchphrase mobile workplace is most commonly encountered todayin the use o mobile communications media such as mobile phones and

laptops, used in the service o international companies, providing location-

independent availability or their on-the-road managers. But there is an-

other way o looking at it: an ice cream salesman, a taxi driver or home-

based care services can also be considered as mobile workplaces.

Researching the theme o mobility in Nairobi, one constantly encounters

these types o mobile workplaces although they are, o course, o a dier-

ent nature to their German counterparts. Mobile workplaces are a und-

amental global phenomenon that could be researched in many cities aroundthe world. With over our million inhabitants, and with its present state

o development, Nairobi is an interesting place to conduct this research, not

least because its unemployment rate o around 40% is one o the highest

in Kenya. 1 Many questions worthy o investigation cropped up in the run-up

to the feldwork. However, in the frst ew days in the feld, our main

questions took shape: what defnes an on-the-go workplace? Into which

categories do we place mobile workplaces? What is the inormal job market

and what connections does it have with a legal system that appears to

be arbitrarily applied? What are the everyday and exceptional problems that

the people working in this feld ace?

We, a group o Kenyan and German students, chose observation and inor-

mal interviews as the methods to be used in the feld. The ormer helped us

to amiliarise ourselves a little with the wide spectrum o mobile work-

places in Nairobi. The interviews provided an insight into the lie o the

people who earn their money in this manner, and gave inormation on

the related advantages, problems and risks. Since the interviewees were ex-

tremely varied and it was difcult to know in advance which questions

could reasonably be answered, we identifed a ew questions beorehand

that could be dropped into the inormal interviews whenever the oppor-tunity presented itsel. This also enabled us, according to the situation, to

direct our questions in a more specifc direction something that ulti-

mately proved to be very useul. The inormation gathered was, as a result,

extremely varied.

JOBS On tHE gO

What defnes a workplace in Nairobi as mobile? Which occupations and ac-

tivities would be o interest in the context o this subject? More generally:

are only those occupations that require ormal training o interest, or

should we consider any activity that can be used to make a shilling? These

types o questions had to be answered beore the actual feldwork in

Nairobi could begin. During our research into the dierent types o occu-

pations, we came across jobs that are unknown in Germany, or at least


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very rarely encountered. For example, the boda boda drivers, who operate a

sort o bicycle-taxi service carry ing their passengers on their luggage

racks. Or the so-called hawkers , street vendors who either stand at the

edge o the road, providing pedestrians with cigarettes or sweets, or

who stand by the trafc lights or make their way between the stationary

cars in the evening rush-hour trafc jams. The drivers immobility makes

them an easy target or the sale o every conceivable type o article rom

resh fsh to icon-like pictures o the President.

SEllIng SECOnd HAnd gOOdS FrOM EurOPE

SEllIng CHAPAtI In KIBErA

A dAngErOuS JOB

trAFFIC JAMS BrIng rEvEnuE

At tHE glOBE CInEMA rOundABOut

# 20

# 11

# 21

# 15

03.4 nOn-

MOtOrIzEd vEHIClES

149


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tHEPrOJECtrESultSMOB

IlEWOrKPlACES

HAWKIng In nAIrOBIby Bob Muhia Njoroge

Hawking is the act o selling goods or a living - the exchange o goods

or an agreed sum o money. It is synonymous with peddling, vending,

marketing, merchandising, selling or coster-mongering. Whether stationaryor mobile, hawkers usually advertise their business by loud street cries

or chants, to attract attention and announce their wares.

Hawking in Nairobi as a thriving business goes back to the 1920s, when a

railway depot became a bustling administrative and tourist centre or the

British colony. The earliest orms o street trading included delivering milk

in large containers rom carts drawn by draught animals through the city

streets in the early morning. The arms that supplied the milk were in

places as ar away as Thika, Limuru and Kalimoni. Soon thereater, peddlers

o empty bottles, closely ollowed by motorcycle clothes vendors knownthen aspikiwallahs took up residence in the city and in the suburbs.

As the town grew, transportation by hand-drawn carts brought in rom

India became a common sight in the city centre. Today, modern merchandise

vending has become synonymous with Nairobi, bringing together people

o diverse cultures, ethnicity and religious afliations.

Hawking takes place on sidewalks, at street junctions, in designated

places, on less busy alleys and fnally by the traditional method o vending

rom handcarts. Over time, hawking has mutated into various other orms

that bring business closer to its customers. For example, contraptions madeout o broken bicycle parts serve as knie-sharpening machines on wheels.

HOW MAnY FOrMS OF HAWKIng CAn YOu IdEntIFY IntHE FOllOWIng lInK?The laws governing street hawking are explicit as to what orm o hawk-

ing is acceptable by the civic authorities. Those practices that all within

the legal description o hawking apply or and are permitted to operate

within certain districts and city zones. However, as more and more ormal

business appeared threatened by the introduction o politically induced

legalisation o hawking in the 1980s, the more aggressive they became inmarketing, and in warding o hawkers rom the environs o their licensed

businesses. As ever-more pressure was used to twist the legislators arms

to accede to the demand by inormal vendors or a share o the market, the

more it became apparent that a new level o competition was gaining a

oothold. Politicians and city councillors are fnding it hard to come to terms

with the avalanche o hawking that the hitherto quite-innocent practice

has become. Mileage thus gained has opened up new rontiers or demand

or the allocation o private property to organised groups o hawkers who

cite legal provisos that allow such allocation o land occupied continuously

or periods o more than 12 years. The government views the turning o

the tables on its laws as a direct threat to public order and consistently

uses maximum orce to evict hawkers rom illegally occupied plots.


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Hawking as a social and economic enterprise is thereore threatened by thevery defnition that controls its practice. Hawking spaces have occasionally

been turned into battlegrounds to settle scores between what is perceived

to be the haves and the have-nots. Hawkers, who are oten people driven

into the practice out o the sheer need or survival, are largely blamed or

antisocial activit ies during these conrontations. They too are orced to

fght back and to orce the system to see their point o view, which is that

they are not themselves the criminals but those that take advantage o

chaos to cause destruction, thet and pilering. In the central business dis-

trict, hawkers are in perpetual danger o being harassed and arrested

by a wide range o law enorcement groups: city councilaskaris

, adminis-tration police and regular police orces. They ace possible imprisonment

and confscation o their goods. All too oten, trumped-up criminal charges

such as thet and assault are brought against hawkers as a deterrent and

as a means o intimidation. Even though licenses are issued to operate

a business within the central business district, whenever there are running

battles with any or all o the police units, there is little regard or legi-

timately licensed hawkers. Licensed hawkers may still be chased away with-

out notice, and structures and goods worth millions o shillings may be

destroyed and stolen by mobs and even by the askaris themselves.


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EdvEHICl

ES

AndrSHEYdIn


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146

The use o NMVs or transport is declining. Hand in hand with the rapidgrowth o the city o Nairobi, more and more cars are being licensed, which

urther curbs the use o NMVs as a mode o transport. In the coming

decade, these conditions could lead to a urther decline in NMV transport.

Above all, in the shanty towns, NMVs are an indispensable means o

transport, that creates and supports many o the characteristics o the

inormal economy. An exemplary source or this debate much cited in

the ollowing research is the study by Michael Replogle, who investigated

NMVs in Asia, and who has thoroughly underscored their relevance or ur-

ban trafc. He and I are o the same opinion, and in what ollows I will put

orward several lines o his argument that support the use o NMVs inurban spaces.

The argumentation goes hand in hand with the observations and inter-

views that I have conducted in Nairobi ollowing to the Cultural Library

methodology. Beore the three weeks in Nairobi I carried out research on

the topic o non-motorised vehicles via the internet, analysing photos that

had been taken by visitors to Nairobi to fnd phenomena that are worthwile

to pursuing. On site, I observed interesting habits and processes o the

Nairobians everyday lie which I documented via photography and develo-

ped to item sheets which opened a sophisticated view on certain situa-tions which I have been discussing with local students and inhabitants. I

have also involved discussions with all kinds o people rom whom I could

get inside views on the NMV issues.

# 77rICH vArIEtY OF trAnSPOrtAtIOn MOdES# 98ArtS ArE vErY FrEquEnt


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MArIEHElEnSCHEId/tABItHAnzIlAn

I/nInAWErnEr


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tHEPrOJECtrESultSMOv

EMEntOFgOOdS

In cities in the developing world the provision o urban public transport

is oten a complex amalgam that links ormal and inormal transport in a

context o extremely rapid urbanisation. Nairobi is typical in this regard.

1

Its inrastructure has not been able to cope with this increase, resulting

in the current conditions in transportation and housing. The city roads

also experience trafc jams at peak hours leading to passengers wasting a

lot o time. This is exacerbated by the neoliberal attitude towards the

market, a lack o governmental support and over-reliance on road networks

or both public and private transport. 2

The planning o metropolitan trafc is a vicious circle to which several

actors contribute: bureaucratic, political and economic interests (or lackthereo) are tightly entangled, despite many international research pro-

jects, a number o detailed master plans and the participants awareness

o the needs o the people.

trAFFIC JAM

FOllOWIng tHE PAtH OFSuKuMA WIKIby Marie-Helen Scheid


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182

SuKuMA WIKI AS A rESEArCH tOPIC

Sukuma wikiis a nutritious vegetable rich in vitamins. This oodstu(kale) came to Kenya in the 1960s. The wordsukuma wikiis a mix o English

and regional Swahili (Sukuma: push , wiki: week ). So it literally

means: pushes you through the week . The leay vegetable sukuma wikiis

a suitable subject that allows us to investigate, take part in and demonst-

rate a distribution process.

The aim o this study is to ollow a product along the supply chain rom

the armer, through the middlemen and on to the fnal consumer, by record-

ing observations and conducting interviews. I see the purpose o the Cul-

tural Library project in ocussed observations in the feld in order to arriveat an understanding o a complex, larger picture. As in a collage, snapshots

eventually lead to a larger picture. But a selective ocus carr ies with itsel

the danger o seeing things out o perspective. It may happen that we in-

vestigate irrelevant subjects, which do not orm part o the bigger picture.

That is why an essential part o this project has been the co-operation o

the German group with the Kenyan students, who, rom their point o view,

interpreted and commented on signs, gestures etc. o their culture that

would otherwise have passed unnoticed by us. Here the necessity or a tru-

ly intercultural exchange becomes evident. Only through the experience

o both cultures and both habitats, can seemingly incomprehensible phe-

nomena be understood, so that normal everyday lie becomes legible,

in the knowledge o otherness and a reection o onesel .

# 32KuMA WIKI


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AMICurB

AnPAttErnS

MElAnIEgIzAH/JOSEFKrIl/JAMESKAnYInJOrOgE


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SECtIOn03.6MOBIlItYInnAIrOBItHE

PrOJECtrESultSdYnAMICurBAnPAttErnS

tHE CASE OF tHE glOBE CInEMArOundABOutby Melanie Giza, Jose Kril

FOrEWOrdThis chapter documents and analyzes dierent patterns o actions and

motions at a certain spot in the city centre o Nairobi that is strong-

ly aected by mobility. Those patterns, including their interdependencies,

give inormation about the dierent layers o mobility which initially

constitute space and reveal the terms o relations within these categories.

The ocus lies especially on the inormal layer o mobility, where in this

context inormal reers to the non-institutionally defned, that is to say,

inrastructure put in place by the city council. This inrastructure is in-

complete, with areas are that are only partially developed and some thatare not developed at all, which leads to a nonspecifc type o use. The

result is a space, open to interpretation and improvisation that provokes

a hidden or invisible economy . Unofcial businesses emerge that

exibly adapt to the constant ow o mobility at this spot. The ragmen-

tary static components such as architecture and inrastructure support

the exible and inormal sector o this invisible economy. In the context

o mobility, we will especially look at the interaction o this invisible

economy with the trafc volume. We are ocusing on interdependencies,

terms and structures within this microcosm. The research methods used

by the authors at this very complex location will be explained by way oexamples provided in this chapter.

IntrOduCtIOnBeore we start researching mobility at a certain urban intersection in the

city centre o Nairobi, we would like to give an overview about how space

has been discussed beore and which theories o space exist. O course, we

cannot introduce every single concept and idea about space because they

only have secondary meanings or our topic.

However, looking at the etymology o the German termRaum

(space) pro-vides us with various meanings. It goes back to the verb rumen (to make

space, to empty, to make way or, to leave), and shows that most o the

meanings are always linked to a certain emptiness. But within this context,

emptiness is not used in terms o physical absence o people or objects

in a space, rather it points to non-existent attributes that usually speciy

or characterize space. 1 At the same time, missing attributes oer to

every person or object the possibility o having an eect on the space,

and o acting reely without any barriers. Further defnitions are:

an inexactly defned dimension; space that can be ruled over, as well as

defnitions that have been created in special categories such as geo-

graphical, political, or social space. But no matter how broad the spectrum

o defnitions is, every theory can be attached to one o two superior

ideologies o absolute or relative space.

See absolute or

relat ive space

theories in the next

paragraph. Mg, JK


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It is thereore not a question o what space is in general, it is more about

how space has been reected at a particular time and how ideologies were

changed, and under which inuences.2

rESEArCHIng tHE CItYThe city itsel has become an object o interdisciplinary research. Besides

architects and city planners, even other disciplines have started ocusing

on the city and its structures, which should come as no surprise due tothe act that, as o 2008, more than hal o the worlds population lives in

cities, according to the world population report o the UNO. 3 There is a

new demand or creating an understanding o the city and its population

consisting o heterogeneous, social individuals, and o achieving a trans-

parency and thereore an understanding o the processes that initially

allow urbanity to emerge. In doing so, it is common to include theories o

space in the analysis o urban phenomena. Since the 19th century, percep-

tions o space that interpreted it as a container, as a three-dimensional box

independent rom social contexts and thus absolute and static, have be-

come outmoded. Nowadays, perceptions o space that consider it relatively

and as the result o infnite social networking are more common. The

category o interrelations between the world o objects and actions gains

even more attention.4

ruSH HOur OF tHE glOBE / 10 A.M. # 86


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Cultur

AlExCHAngEPErSPECtIvES

04


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SECtIOn04.1Cultur

AlExCHAngEPErSPECtIvEStHECOlOgnEExHIBItIOnA

ndOPEnStudIO

ExHIBItIOn OPEnIng At PlAn09 WItH PHIlIPP HEIdKAMP PAul MPungu And MAYOr AngElA SPIzIg

Ater the on-site work in Nairobi, it was a crucial second step to have a

workshop in Cologne with the whole team rom the Kenyan capital.

Thanks to to the fnancial support o the DAAD (German Academic Exchange

Service) it was possible to invite the students and Pro. Mpungu or a

2-week workshop here in Cologne. Part o the workshop was the concept-

ion and staging o an exhibition at Plan09, an annual architecture estivaland exhibition that takes place at around 40 venues in Cologne.

The exhibition was opened by the deputy mayor o Cologne, Angela Spizig

and two short lectures by Pro. Mpungu and Pro. Heidkamp, whose task

was to rame the complexity o the project or the audience.

The exhibition concept was based on two basic elements and the correlat-

ion between them: questions and photos. These give a taste o and reer

to the seven research projects. This way, the multiaceted aspects o mobility

in Nairobi and its correlation in the questions and photos were revealed

by linking them with each other and to related items on the Cultural Libra-ry website. The exhibition design worked with three dierent layers o

content: experience, inormation and discourse. Not only were the results

rom Nairobi on display, but also the procedure and the systematic ap-

proach o Cultural Library were demonstrated.

tHE COlOgnE ExHIBItIOnAnd OPEn StudIOby Philipp Heidkamp, Jessica Stihl

A German student

told me that she is

able to really under-

stand the time

in Nairobi only now

while working to-gether and preparing

the exhibition with

the Kenyan students

in Cologne. lJ


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224224

quEStIOnS

The questions are the main exhibits. They derive rom the respective item

sheets and topics and are the result o a research process. They are de-

veloped ater analyzing insights. The modality o the questions shows that

there had been a previous research process and that the results o it had

been reected. The intention o the questions is to kick-start a discourse

and to think about transormation. Each question is exhibited with anumber (the according item number) in a certain colour. The colour repre-

sents the relationship to one o the research topics. The questions are

related to one or more photos by this number.

PHOtOS

Each photo is a momentary snapshot related to an item. It stands or

and reers to an insight respective the research topics within the theme o

Mobility in Nairobi .The photos are extracted rom the item sheets. From

the interplay o questions and photos, the visitors are able to reveal the

dierent research topics and to reect on them.

BASICS


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04.2CulturAlExCHAngE

PErSPECtIvESlEArnIngFrOMnAIrOBIrEFInIngtHEr

ESEArCHdESIgn

lEArnIng FrOM nAIrOBI rEFInIng tHE rESEArCH dESIgnby Philipp Heidkamp, Jessica Stihl

The experience gained rom the project helped us to refne the process inorder to create a set o methods and improve the structure o the work-

shop. The timerame or this project was extraordinary or a Cultural Library

topic (hal a year instead o one week), as one o our top priorities was

to rethink, evaluate and improve our process and methodology. The learn-

ing outcomes were, thereore, also located on this meta-level, which

will be o great help or uture projects that have fve days allotted or the

on-site work. Such workshops are embedded in bigger projects (like the

issue o mobility):

In a frst step, the project initiators ormulate their hypotheses and episte-mological interests in a part icular area. Then the workshop theme and

the areas to be researched are agreed upon. They are precisely determined

while still allowing a certain level o necessary openness. The role o the

project- and research teams will then be analysed and ormulated according

to the particular context. Immediately beore the start o the project week

in the feld, various topics related to the overall workshop (e.g. Urban

Interactions ) are decided upon in cooperation with our partners and with

regards to the conditions in the feld. For this work, communication plat-

orms like KISDSpaces or weblogs are used beorehand. This mean that in

the short time on-site there is more time available or the feld researchand the review o solid hypotheses. In the workshop week, the student

teams are to be introduced to the dierent topics (e.g. Using a Bus Stop ).

At the beginning o the workshops, the international, culture-spanning

teams decide amongst themselves the situations to be observed ( micro-

events , e.g. In the Tube ). These micro-events more clearly defne the

still somewhat abstractly ormulated topic during the course o a work-

shop and urther underlined the meaning o action and process that is to

be considered.

tHE CulturAl lIBrArY MEtHOdOlOgY:tErMInOlOgY / OnlInE KnOWlEdgE PlAtFOrM StruCturE

CulturAl lIBrArY MEtA-tHEME

ISSuE OF MOBIlItY

rESEArCH PrOJECt / WOrKSHOP

E.g. urBAn IntErACtIOnS


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232232

In the ollowing, some o the methods used by the on-site design research

teams will be presented, organised under keywords. This ramework or a

methodological toolbox is presented, continuously improved and updated

on the website, where it will also help uture project teams to do compara-

ble work more efciently.

As we saw in the exhibition, we mainly use questions in our work, either to

ollow our epistemological interests, to defne a hypothesis or to work out

a starting point or uture design bries. We ormulate questions according

to the material collected in the feld research in order to interpret, analyse

and understand it. This is an iterative process and team members perhaps

rom other teams at other institutions can be a great help. During the

week, the questions also help us to get closer to a possible transormation.

04.1 tHE COlOgnE

ExHIBItIOn And OPEn

StudIO Questions

225

tOPICS

E.g. uSIng A BuS-StOP

MICrO-EvEntS

E.g. In tHE tuBE

On-SItE WOrK

InItIAl POSItIOn / ABStrACt

dESK rESEArCH

FIEld rESEArCH (PHOtO / IntErvIEW / PrOBE)

ItEMS

E.g. tHE PAYMEnt quEuE

PHOtO / IntErvIEW / PrOBE

COntExt OF tHE OBSErvAtIOn

IntErPrEtAtIOnS

quEStIOnS

rESPOnSES

http://culturallibrary

.com


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Field notes from Magadi Road, Nairobi. October 30, 2009.

A matatu tears up the crest of the hill at breakneck

speed on the wrong side of the road. There is no

space for me to move out of the way sharply curved

rubble str ips have been planted into the roads

shoulders at regular intervals to dissuade any such

manoeuvers and even if there was why should I cedeway to the matatu man? When I stare down the

driver of the fast-approaching vehicle he barges back

into his lane, in the process sharply cutting in

front of another motorist and occasioning a raucous

screech of brakes. All around enraged motorists

hurl a stream of epithets at the offending driver who

merely laughs off the whole episode and as he flies

past me he shouts in Sheng: Mbuyu mbona unani-

block? Hii ni survival bwana! (Old man why are you

blocking my advance? This is my attempt at survivalman!). I catch the sound of Eric Wainainas track

More Fire floating through the open cracks of the ve-

hicles heavily-tinted windows. From my vehicles

side-mirror I catch a glance of the portrait of a man

posted on the matatus rear windscreen. In large

white letters is emblazoned the legend Animmid!

a reverse rendition of Dimmina that appears on

the front windshield. In smaller yellow calligraphy

a Sheng teaser appears slightly above the rear

bumper: Juala ya nini? (Whats the point of usinga condom?). There is an air of the surreal in the re-

versals that manifest themselves in the transactions

obtaining from Nairobi roads generally but often

the split second tensions as various players scramble

for space can reveal useful insights into mobility

in the city.

I am immensely indebted to the many matatu men (in particular

Ahmed, Bena, Mwangi, Mr T, Sammy Muspike, and the late Jack),

Alice the matatu woman and matatu decorator Charles Muia who

over the last ten years have reely educated me about many aspects

o their world.

dIMMInA: MAtAtuMOBIlItY AS A MEtAPHOrOF SOCIAl SurvIvAl In nAIrOBI, KEnYA.by Dr. Mbugua wa-Mungai

Matatu work has

traditionally been

considered to be

a male occupation

and as such men

comprise the majo-

rity o the labor

orce; most have at

best a secondary

school education

(Khayesi, 1999).

Socially these men,

with the youngest

being 18 years, are

generally regarded

as ailures and

uncultured thugs

(Mutongi, 2006).

The ew matatu

women working

on these privately

owned vehicles

are oten labeled

in a manner that

suggests moral tur-

pitude on their part.

See Wa Mungai, Mbu-gua (2004) Identity

politics in Nairobi

matatu Folkore.

PhD dissertation,

Hebrew University

o Jerusalem, Israel,

or a uller dicus-

sion omatatu sub-

culture. MM

This is the name

given to the pri-

vately owned vans

and mini-buses that

have been errying

people around Kenya

since the 1940s.

There is no centra-

lized government

run public transport

system in Kenya and

the only time in the

late 1980s and early

1990s that the state

attempted to do this

through the Nyayo

Bus Service Corpo-

ration the eort

ended in spectacular

ailure. It is esti-

mated that there are

between eight

hundred thousand

and one million o

these vehicles au-thorized to operate

in Kenya but it is

impossible to arrive

at an accurate fgure

given that there

are many matatus

that operate using

ake registration

documents. MM


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urBAn

PErSPECt

IvES

Annimid. Dimmina. Demeanor. Games , least o all those involvingwords, are a critical aspect omatatu culture and even where such word-

play might tend toward the cryptic and the apparently bizarre it

nevertheless aords onlookers (motorists at dire risk o being mangled

in a head on collision, pedestrians, passengers or students o culture)

a useul entry point into this apparent upside-down world. In this paper,

I seek to demonstrate how the matatu shits meaning rom being

merely a mechanical actor o commerce to become a powerul vortex o

semiotic signifcation. I will examine how matatu men communicate

through a set o intertwined strategic modes o representation involving

dress, aggression, music and vehicle decoration. In turn these are theelements that inorm much o the public reaction to the composite phe-

nomenon that has come to be called matatu culture. In eect many

people in Nairobi passengers, private motorists and law enorcement

ofcials amongst others tend to hold very strong opinions against

matatu men. On balance however there exists a mutually hostile attitude

between mainstream society and the subculture or reasons that will

be examined in the course o the essay. However the act that the core

o the city s mobility needs are ulflled by the thousands omatatu

that, like gossamers in a spiders web, link up every dot o Nairobis space

points to the centrality o these vehicles to the unctioning o main-stream economic lie. Thus ultimately my argument is that the subcul-

ture, oten snobbishly viewed by members o the educated, dominant

culture as a sui generis aberrat ion, is indeed an intricate part o the

workings o society. As such it is easy to see through the trickery o

matatu men when they seek to represent themselves as marginal men

through vehicle slogans like Hoi Polloi (Figure 1); in the proper sense

o the term they are not marginalized at all and their invocation o

notions o marginalization might be understood as a rhetorical strategy

in the myriad identity struggles o the city.

The transormations that lead to the name dimmina above illustrate

some o the literal and symbolic workings in the processes by which the

movement omatatu in urban space have come to orceully take up

dr.MBuguAWA-MungAI

1 HOI POllOI

247

246


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