#502 14 - 20 May 2010 16 pages Rs 30

ppearances can bedeceptive. In the space of aweek, the public has been

treated to the spectacle of MaoistChairman Pushpa Kamal Dahalflinging invective at Kathmandu’smiddle class and media, followedby a contrite apology to a selected‘civil society’ group at the Yak &Yeti hotel on Wednesday.

After listening to a range ofopinions on what his party had todo, Dahal promised the UCPN(Maoist) was willing to proceed withcompromises on the peace processand constitution-writing. Thisincluded placing the PLA undercontrol of the Special Committee,disbanding the YCL barracks withina few days as required, andresolving disputes related to theconstitutional draft.

To the cynic, this would seemto be merely another ploy tomollify Kathmandu’s businessand intellectual elite, who weresimultaneously emboldened by lastFriday’s peace assembly and

offended by Dahal’s attack on themthe following day. Indeed, SherBahadur Deuba was quick torespond to Dahal on Thursday witha “we will believe it when we see it”response.

But it is clear that the Maoistsare on the back foot, and moreamenable to a deal than before thegeneral strike. “This is positive,because the main obstacles to thepeace process and constitution-writing have in fact beenput up by the Maoists,”says journalist KanakMani Dixit. “Despite theMaoist bluster of nottalking with the government, therehave been relentless backroomparleys over the last week that havetaken us closer to a packagecompromise than ever before.”

It was thanks to the hardlinersthat the party went in for theindefinite general strike, not heedingthe advice of leaders like BaburamBhattarai and Barshaman Pun.This adventurism, akin to the

commander-in-chief episode of ayear ago that forced the Maoiststo exit government, served todramatically weaken the Maoists.Their cadre is disgruntled, and theparty leaders are seen to havebuckled to the peaceniks and theinternational community, especiallybig-brother India.

Equally, the solid alliancebetween UML and NC leaders toresist the Maoist attempt to force

a government changethrough street protest iscredited with forcingDahal to pull back, addedto the Kathmandu

public’s refusal to heed his call tojoin in, and the danger of asnowballing backlash countrywide.

There are two sticking pointsas we go to press. First, the rulingalliance of 22 parties is unwillingto concede to the Maoist demandfor a quid pro quo in the form of theresignation of the government inresponse to the Maoists calling offtheir general strike. Prime Minister

Madhav Kumar Nepal is in a mindto leave once the peace processdeal is sealed, after which he willformally propose extension of theConstituent Assembly’s term.

The main disagreementrevolves around the immediatefate of the ex-combatants incantonments. The other politicalforces want the Maoists to specifya number for security forceintegration, and will considerbetween 3,000-7,000. The Maoistleaders would rather that all 19,000-plus ex-combatants be consideredfor integration, with a final selectionmade according to the existingstandards of the Nepal Army, ArmedPolice and Nepal Police.

There is a detailed agreementdocument of a couple of pagesdoing the rounds, worked out by NCand UML leaders, and what isneeded now is further parleys andthe Maoists signing on. We arecloser to an agreement than thepolitical static would have usbelieve.

BRIDGE OVER TROUBLEDWATERS: A woman crossesthe Mahakali on the westernborder of Nepal

Proximate breakthroughKIRAN PANDAY

A

LIFETIMES p7-9Pokhara special

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502

Publisher: Kunda Dixit | Editor: Rabi Thapa Design: Kiran Maharjan | Marketing: Sambhu Guragain, Subhash Kumar, Arjun Karki marketing@himalmedia.com | Subscription: Santosh Aryal santosha@himalmedia.com

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Q. Should PM Madhav K Nepal resign?

Weekly Internet Poll # 502

Q. Do you see the light at the end ofthe tunnel?

Total votes: 2,102

Weekly Internet Poll # 503. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.com

ON THE WEBwww.nepalitimes.com

PUBLISHER’S NOTE

Web exclusive

Updates andanalysis fromPrashant Jha, ArthaBeed, and more

nepalitimes.com

T

STAND UPIf anybody wishes to truly challenge theMaoists, they should be willing to standup to them, engaging them at all levels,intellectually (first) as well as in thestreets, winning arguments and battles,consistently (‘All for one man’, #501). Itis only after that that you are likely tosee real change.

Slarti

MR NEPAL, RESIGNI wish you had done this exercise 20years ago when Mr Madhav Nepal andcompany made the banda into a fine artof political protest (‘Rs 15,000,000,000’,#501). Remember how they tried to bringdown the first elected government of thepost-1990 period when it had not evencompleted three months in office? Mr.Nepal should resign not because ofMaoist pressure, but because he has

failed to do what he was supposed to do. Nick Sharma

TWO-THIRDSThe Maoists are not going to stop until theyget that absolute majority (‘The 2/3strategy’, #501). A coalition government isnot what the Maoists count as being given‘a chance’. For them, having a chancemeans having complete control. And theywill not rest until they have that. They willexhaust the Nepali populace into givingthem that ‘chance’ as per their definition ofthe word.

Satya Nepali

THE BIG PICTUREWhat a superb piece of analysis to say thatit is naïve to think all the protestors havecome only because of pressure fromMaoists (‘Mainstream media’, #501). Peopletend to forget that this party won almost 40

per cent of the votes and that its policieshave been the vehicle for change over thepast few years. No doubt the Maoists haveproblems of their own. But to blindly followwhatever the mainstream media – which isrun by a few oligarchs in every country, notonly Nepal – is to miss the bigger picture.

Biplab

SHARE THE BLAMEThe business community is also equallyresponsible for the problems (‘Thebusiness of extortion’, #501). Besidesweak government policies, misbehavingpolitical parties and our culture, it is alsoworsened by the short-sightedness andshort-term profit-seeking nature of thebusiness community. So no one in ourcountry is free of blame and not a singlecommunity seems to have the perfectsolution.

Bibek

RELIEF AND DESPAIRNearly a week after the withdrawal of the Maoist strike,and till press time, the political parties are still goingaround in circles.

The popular mood is one of relief that theunnecessary and ruinous shutdown is over, but despairthat the country is headed for another major showdown.The average citizen watches aghast as national leadersclaw at each other for the prime ministership while thecountry suffers and is mired deeper in crisis.

The Himalmedia Public Opinion Poll this month, aswell as sound bites on the street this week, prove thatthe people are fed up with this deadlock. They are not atall reassured by the names being thrown up asalternatives to Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The national moodis for change to a dynamic, youthful, visionaryleadership that can take the people towards prosperityand justice. Unfortunately, every formula being putforward as an alternative to the Maoists is made up of

the same tired, discredited faces from the past. Most peopleare now so worn out, opposition to the Maoists for havingpunished the people with the strike is now being replacedby resentment against the prime minister for refusing tostep down.

The real dilemma here is that the Maoists, who mostpeople think are the ones who can and should set thingsright, are untrustworthy bullies. The Maoist candidate forprime ministership himself is someone who openlythreatens civil society leaders with harm, and promises fireand brimstone against a business community that his partyhas already bled dry. His ominous threat to the media (“weare keeping a close watch on what you are writing”) at therally on Sunday was followed through the very next day byhis cadre with selective and systematic attacks onreporters covering the protests near Singh Darbar. Therehave been threats and intimidation against businesses,media and professionals who supported and took part in thecitizens’ protest last Friday.

Chairman Dahal is his own worst enemy. The peopleare still willing to give him a chance if he starts behaving

he Himalmedia Poll afortnight ago showed thatthe Nepali people are

enormously concerned that theconstitution will not be writtenin time, and that the countrymay lapse back into war.

With only two weeks to go, itis important to note that mostNepalis want the tenure of theCA to be extended to concludeconstitution-writing and thepeace process. This is a clearmessage to those on the extremeleft and right who are hoping tobenefit from the expectedconstitutional void after 28 May.

When asked for theiropinion, or at election time,Nepalis usually show optimismand great wisdom, alwayspreferring the moderate, non-violent and democratic path. InApril, too, most of the 5,005respondents polled evinced a

firm belief that things will getbetter, the political parties willresolve their differences, andmove ahead.

People want the Maoists toreform themselves by giving upthreats, violence and weaponsand joining peaceful politics.They blame them for obstructingconstitution writing and thepeace process, but they alsoshowed support for a ‘reformed’Maoist party. They reject the‘capture of state power throughpeople revolt’ and ‘promulgatinga constitution from the streets’and less than one per cent ofrespondents favoured a newMaoist rebellion. The peoplewant to move on, and they have afairly clear idea of the way ahead.

There is strong support for aninclusive political system andconsensual politics. There isoverwhelming support for theMaoists, NC and UML workingtogether for peace and prosperity.They reject a revival of the 1990constitution, dissolution of theCA and presidential rule post-28May, and don’t want to rescindthe declaration of the republic.

The survey results blame CAmembers for the delay in writingthe constitution, and take a dimview of the politicisation of thebody. Nearly one third ofthe respondents, most of themeducated, blamed the Maoists forthe delay. They also found faultwith the government for notdoing enough, but displayed alack of trust in the Maoists over

the sacking of the army chief lastyear, the integration ofcombatants, or the disbanding ofthe YCL. They are howeverwilling to strongly support theMaoists if they ‘change’.Educated, older, Nepalis seemmore suspicious about Maoistintentions.

While federalism is yet to beendorsed officially, publicopinion is divided on the issue,

with mostly educated people forfederalism, and more peopleagainst ethnic demarcation ofprovinces. The reason for thescepticism seems to be worriesabout national integrity: morethan three fourths said Nepalinationhood was under threat,and more people in the Taraithan the hills seemed to think so.A surprisingly high proportion of

Janjatis, Newars and Madhesiswere not supportive of ethnicfederalism.

The Nepali people don’t trustpolitical leaders, and althoughrespondents favoured Maoistleader Pushpa Kamal Dahal theywere not ready to give soleresponsibility for the newconstitution and peace process tohim. Baburam Bhattarai alsoscored well on this count, and

Less revoltingthis would point to a solidchallenge to the ‘Prachanda’ brandwithin the Maoist party. Thelesson for Dahal may be that thepeople could be more impressedwith intellect and honesty thanmanipulation and deceit. The factthat all other leaders scored insingle digits proves that NC andUML really need to get their acttogether and revamp the partyleadership with fresh, youngfaces.

The Maoists score well becausethe psychology of ‘we have seenthe others, let’s try the Maoists’ isstill at work. People want to seethe Maoists join peaceful politicsand for the immediate future,there was much more support fora Maoist-led coalition than forMadhav Nepal’s coalition. Nepalisare fed up with governmentneglect, inflation anddeteriorating law and order.

The main message from theNepali people seems to be: wewant the Maoists to haveresponsibility and we want themto act more responsibly. Worktogether, and no more threats ofrebellions.

The people want the CAextended and peaceprocess concluded

ANALYSISKiran Nepal

like a statesman, heals rather than hurts, and unitesrather than plays his rivals against each other. Yet wesee a leader increasingly trapped by his own rhetoric andunder pressure from within his own party for the cult ofpersonality he has unleashed.

There is wide agreement among all the parties that thefirst order of business is that they should quickly andcollectively move to extend the mandate of the CA toavoid a dangerous constitutional void on 28 May. Noleader we know is against consensus and the setting upof a national government. As far as we can make out, thedisagreement is only over procedure, sequencing andwho should lead the government.

But the heart of the matter is that the Maoists keepreminding us every day through words and action thatthey are not a party to be trusted. They seem unwilling orincapable of giving up their self-destructive habit of usingthreats, intimidation and extortion to get their way.

THIS WEEK

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502 OP-ED|3

PLAIN SPEAKINGPrashant Jha

D

UNMIN’s tenure extendedThe Security Councilextended the tenureof UNMIN by fourmonths onWednesday, whichmeans the body willremain in operationuntil at least 15September. TheCouncil votedunanimously infavour of the extension. However, the Councilalso asked Nepal to make arrangements forUNMIN’s withdrawal, including a ‘timetableaction plan’ on PLA integration.

All aboardThe banda may have ended last Friday, but ithas lent a renewed sense of urgency tonegotiations. On Wednesday, Pushpa KamalDahal said a deal on PLA integration could bereached within four months, telling SpeakerSubash Nembang that a comprehensive dealwas close at hand, and agreed to put ex-combatants under the supervision of theSpecial Committee on Army Integration. “We

espite last week’s retreat,and the alienation of asection of the

Kathmandu population, theMaoists remain the mostpowerful political partyin Nepal.

And that is the problem.Unless they are weakened, theywill not be allowed to govern thecountry, for their agenda is toodangerous to be allowed a freereign. The past year hasessentially been a battle to thisend. Non-Maoists are trying toweaken the Maoists by stokingtheir internal divisions and co-opting sections of their socialbase. The Maoists are counteringthis by expanding theirorganisation on the ground,keeping up popular agitations,and creating one enemy afteranother to keep the flame of‘revolution’ alive.

To expect a political force tobecome weaker voluntarily isnaïve, but in the liberaldemocratic framework, espousalof non-violence and the rule oflaw are two tools used to keepparties in check, ensure thedestructive impulses of largegroups are controlled, andslow down the process ofpolitical change.

The Maoists derive a degree oftheir strength through theircoercive apparatus. The logic ofthe peace process was that theywould have to give up thesestructures, primarily the PLA.The Maoists feel they have doneso by keeping them incantonments. They claim thattheir support is totally based onpopular mobilisation rather thanforce, and accuse other parties ofnot keeping their promise onintegration. The non-Maoists feel

that it is by keeping the PLAintact through state resources thatthe former rebels have becomestronger, and allege that Maoistsdo not want to move onintegration themselves.

The constellation of antiMaoist forces – the president, NC-UML, Nepal Army (NA), andIndia – means that until theMaoists make substantivemovement on the PLA question,they will not be given space inthe formal state apparatus.

It is an interesting moment,for the same leaders who till sixmonths ago were insisting thatthere could be absolutely no

integration of the Maoists nowemphasise that integration musthappen. They have becomeextremely flexible on numbers:from talking about 3,000 in thesecurity forces, NC leaders nowprivately speak of how 8,000former combatants can be takenin and a generous rehabilitationoffered to the rest.

For the Maoists, thisconcession by others is a victory.The fact that the PLA is not infact their core source of strength(rather than its fraternalorganisations and the YCL) isallowing them to be flexible, asPrachanda’s speech demonstratedon Wednesday.

But they face three problems.

They are being asked to move onintegration at a time when they arethe most insecure. The Maoists areisolated domestically and unsureof whether the constitutionalprocess and their agenda will beimplemented, so do not knowwhether this is the best time togive up the PLA. This is whythey are seeking credibleguarantees on other issues througha package deal.

Secondly, the question of thePLA, for the Maoists, ties in withthe ‘democratisation of the NA’,which in their estimation has nottaken place at all. Integration was amethod to change the structureand character of the NA and makeit a ‘friendly force’, but that is notpossible anymore given thebalance of power.

And thirdly, the PLA ties inwith the internal power balance inthe party. Certain leaders do notcare much for the PLA anymore astheir support comes fromelsewhere. But there are leaderswhose sole strength comes fromthe existence of the PLA, and theyfeel they need to extract somethingnow from any agreement onintegration.

The Maoists seem to recognisethat playing a double game on thePLA (saying it is under the SpecialCommittee while maintaining aniron grip) is no longer possible. Inthe taskforce discussions, there isin fact a remarkable degree ofconvergence. However, the non-Maoists insist that numbers bedecided on before the Maoists areallowed to join government. TheMaoists insist that this shouldhappen through a process ofconsultations, and that it shouldnot be a pre-condition to anational unity government.

The Maoists appear to havedone a cost-benefit analysis anddecided it is worth making certainunilateral concessions, forunlocking the PLA issue will alterthe political game quitedrastically.

are ready to sever the relationship between theparty and barracks,” he said. He also promised todismantle the Youth Communist League withinfour days. NC and UML have respondedpositively, but want the Maoists to submit aproposal on PLA integration within two days.However, the Supreme Court refusal to stay theNepal Army’s recruitment of technical personnelmay spoil the bonhomie. Advocates hadchallenged the recruitment after vacancies wereannounced on 20 April.

Looming food crisisA food shortage is imminent in the mid and farwest, where dwindling food supplies haven’t beenreplenished in over a month. The government’sfood transportation budget has been slashed, andfood prices are also likely to rise as stocksshrink. The government, however, has approvedan ad hoc subsidy to the Nepal Food Corporationto stave off a crisis. With agricultural productionslowing, more will be needed in the years ahead.Alert to the looming food crisis, the United Stateshas picked Nepal as one of 20 countries inPresident Barack Obama’s $3.5 billion ‘Feed theFuture Initiative’, that seeks to reduce hunger indeveloping countries.

Letting go

The Maoistsmay be readyto give up thePLA, but needcredibleguarantees itwon’t weakenthem as muchas the otherplayers want

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #5024|NATION

s Prime Minister Madhav KumarNepal intensified consultations withpolitical parties to extend the tenure

of the CA, which has been non-functionalfor four months now and expires on 28 May,Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahalappeared to be giving ground in the interestof breaking the protracted political deadlock.

Addressing a gathering of intellectuals atthe Yak & Yeti on Wednesday, Dahal said hisparty was open to discussion on theconditions put forward by the government.“We are ready to keep the combatants underthe supervision of the Special Committee andconclude the integration and rehabilitationprocess within four months before UNMIN’sterm expires,” he said.

Dahal also said his party was ready todismantle the YCL within four days, returnconfiscated private property, form a Truthand Reconciliation Commission to look intocases of disappearances, and resolve disputesin constitution writing. Apparently, the ballis now firmly in the government’s court.

Not so fast, warns TU professor ofpolitical science Kapil Shrestha. “This was a

stage-managed show, with certainintellectuals hand-picked to speak, to whomPrachanda could make promises. The Maoistsare not sincere or trustworthy, and thegovernment will not feel pressured in anyway.”

But though Madhav Nepal is stillresisting the Maoist demand for a nationalunity government before integration, heshould keep in mind that he will need a two-thirds majority even to amend the InterimConstitution to extend the CA.

This means the government will have tocompromise with the Maoists at some point,whether it desires to continue in power orannounce fresh elections. The latter is highlyunlikely of course, and everyone seems agreedon the need for CA extension.

What is holding up a deal then, despiterepeated assurances on the part of politiciansthat a deal is imminent?

The non-Maoist parties believe theconstitution cannot be written under theshadow of the gun, that is, the PLA. This iswhy they have consistently advocated forintegration at the earliest. “We should beassured that the Maoist party is detachedfrom its combatants,” says UML leaderPradeep Gyawali. “Everything they have doneso far, including their contributions toconstitution writing, indicates that theMaoists still want to establish anauthoritarian people’s republic.”

NC leader Ram Saran Mahat, who is alsoon the Special Committee on PLA integration,agrees. “The integration process should bestarted for our satisfaction,” he says. “TheMaoists should be divested of arms andarmaments first, then we can discuss theissues, including the formation of a newgovernment.”

In fact the deadline for the integration

Edging closer?process passed on the watch of the Maoist-led government. This has convinced the otherparties that the Maoists are not serious aboutrelinquishing their hold on the PLA.

For their part, the Maoists have beengiven ample room to suspect the intentionsof the political parties. Defence MinisterBidhya Bhandari declared that the NepalArmy was not beholden to the decisions ofthe special committee, and Deputy PrimeMinister Sujata Koirala too spoke out againstfederalism, which the Maoists hold dear.

Maoist nominee CA member Hari Rokaemphasises that the PLA is the foundationon which the Maoist party and itsachievements rest. “So it is only natural thatthe Maoists will try to keep the PLA or securethe best possible deal for them in terms ofintegration and rehabilitation,” he says.

But Roka also notes the Maoists haverealised nothing will happen on this countas long as they are not in government. Theywill have realised now that street protestsare not enough to propel them intopower. Thus their apparently newfoundflexibility on the conditions laid out by theother political parties. Believe them or not,this may be one promise the Maoists willwant to keep.

DEWAN RAI

The political stalemate showssome signs of easing, at least

for the hopeful

A

KIRAN PANDAY

GREETINGS: Pushpa KamalDahal came to itellectuals

open-armed and thick-skinned,Yak&Yeti, Wednesday.

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502 NATION|5

FOURTH ESTATEC K Lal

The first televised debatebetween John F. Kennedyand Richard Nixon, during

the 1960 presidential race,influenced the preferences ofvoters so much that televisioncameras became an integral part ofUS elections. Within a few years,historian and social critic ArthurSchlesinger Jr. was to contendthat television had replaced thepolitical party because it setthe political agenda andensured a favourable turnouton voting days.

Nepali society is too complexfor the small screen to be thedecisive factor in electoralpolitics. But cameras do play animportant role in swaying publicopinion. The public assembly atBasantapur Square last week wasa staged-for-television event.With the involvement oftelevision personality BhaskarRajkarnikar, who popularisedtelecasts of staged street eventsalmost two decades ago, thepresentation was foolproof fromthe word go.

There were weightier factors atplay – lobbying by diplomats,

Television politics

phone calls from foreign capitalsand pressure from fatigued cadres,for example – during the finalmoments of the stand-off betweenMaoist and anti-Maoist forces lastweek. However, the clincher wasperhaps the spectacle captured bytelevision cameras at the peaceassembly.

Pushpa Kamal Dahal had goodreason to foam at the mouthwhile cursing the media duringhis speech at Khula Manch thefollowing day. Newspapers didplay some role in demonising theMaoists. FM radio stations had tobe loyal to advertisers and theirtarget audience. However, at leastpart of the reason behind theMaoists’ media debacle lies in the

medium: television is ineffectivein depicting ideological conflicts.Issue-based politics belong to theprint media, but microphoneswant sound clips and cameraslove media personalities.

Leftwing politics held acompetitive advantage when itsarguments made audiences think.It held its ground during theradio boom in Nepal. Those whomade the loudest and mostinflammatory speeches hoggedthe limelight. Television cameras,by contrast, have little time fornuances and even less inclinationto report verbosity.

It was the press thattransformed Maoist fugitives intoheroes during the decade of armed

The Maoists haven’t quite mastered the glitzymedium of TV, but neither have their rivals

struggle. Ironically, thosejournalists who lionised violentinsurgents are now their biggestcritics. There is a reason for theirsomersault: Nepal’s Maoists havefailed to oblige the middle classby abandoning their politicalagenda as UML did in the mid-nineties. The animosity of the‘reformed’ Nepali media towardsits former idols is thusunderstandable.

Through his inflammatoryspeeches from Khula Manch,Dahal was playing a game thatlost its efficacy years ago. In theearly nineties, the late MadanBhandari courted courtiers bynight and hit back at themthrough fiery speeches during the

day. The tactic helped UMLretain some of its mass base evenas it transformed itself into aparty of the urban bourgeoisie.But it worked mainly becausethere were no television camerasto magnify the contortions ofBhandari’s face for the middleclass in their living rooms. Thistime, viewers watched Dahalfume from dozens of channelslive and, simply put, becamevery afraid.

The Maoists need not despair,however. They may be novices atplaying to the gallery through themedium of television, but theirrivals are no professionals either.TV cameras exaggerate thenervousness of Ram ChandraPaudel, the aggression of SherBahadur Deuba and thehelplessness of Sushil Koirala.Madhav Nepal looks cuddly, butfails to inspire confidence.Khanal is telegenic and Olidresses well for the press, butboth appear inauthentic.

Among Madhesi politicos,Upendra Yadav bumbles his waythrough television interviewsand Mahanta Thakur isperennially defensive, the markof a weak media personality. Incomparison, Dahal oozesconfidence and BaburamBhattarai comes across as asomewhat cranky university don:perhaps too self-righteous, butnot that unreasonable.

The Maoists have lost thisround, but the media war for theattention of television viewershas just begun.

DAMBAR K SHRESTHA

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #5026|BUSINESS

STRICTLY BUSINESSAshutosh Tiwari

owever one views theMaoists’ holier-than-thouattitude when it comes to

the poor and downtrodden,there’s no getting around the factthat they did put Nepal’s povertyon stark display on the streets ofKathmandu for six long days.

True, thousands of poorlydressed, ill-fed, sick andconfused-looking villagers truckedin from various parts of Nepalcould have been brainwashed and

coerced or paid to be inKathmandu. True, they mighthave known but not cared muchabout how their hopes for a betterfuture were being cynically abusedto serve the power lust of theirfire-breathing, mustachioedleader, whose Jekyll-and-Hydepersona is deserving of psychiatricanalysis.

True, with the rally against thebanda over, and with the netas

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Why don’t we get it?Business and economic experts spoke about the lack of timelyand accurate statistics in Nepal during an interaction programorganised by the Nepal Economic Forum on 10 May. ‘NepalStatistics – Why Don’t We Get It’ featured International MonetaryFund representative Alexander Pitt, Nepal Bankers Associationpresident Sashin Joshi, and NEF chairperson Sujeev Shakya,who drew from their professional experience to describe theextent and consequences of the problem.

Pitt said there was an improper division of labour between thevarious agencies responsible for recording statistics, leading toreplication, and that the Central Bureau of Statistics hadn’t keptgood records. He added that lags in financial sector data hadincreased over the last few years. Joshi affirmed that this meantofficials and experts had to rely on unreliable anecdotal data, andadded that this uncertainty imposed high risks. The panelists drewattention to the surge in gold imports late last year, which wasn’tdetected until it had begun to level off, and inflation figures, whichare based on an outdated basket of consumer goods, among othereconomic indicators. The second issue of NEFport, a quarterlyreport on Nepal’s economy, was also released during theprogram.

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Classroom goes digitalAfter two years of experience in using Promethean’s InteractiveWhiteboard technologies, ActivClassroom, in primary grades,Ullens School team hosted a special event on Friday todemonstrate the nature and impact of utilising digital educationaltechnologies in the classroom. A group of school leaders,teachers and students shared their experiences, the learningoutcomes, the resources and opportunities that abound in makingeducation go digital for Nepali students and Nepali teachers.Ullens is the first school in Nepal to use cutting edge digitaleducational resources in its teaching/learning practice. Theimpact in the past two years of using ActivBoard has been socompelling, according to school authorities, that they haveinvested further in equipping all 18 classrooms with ActivBoards.

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NMB Bank scoresNMB Bank posted a profit (before tax) of Rs 149.2 million duringthe third quarter of the last fiscal year, recording a growth of 87per cent against the same period in the preceding year. Despitethe ongoing liquidity crunch in the local market, NMB achievedgrowth in both deposits as well as risk assets of 11 per cent and 8per cent respectively, compared to the previous quarter. NMBremains well capitalised with a very comfortable capital adequacyratio of 18.03 per cent. The bank plans to gradually expand to newstrategic locations in the next year.

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With LGLG Electronics has launched ‘LG Ko Saathma World CupHaatma’. Customers who purchase a 14” or 15” LG TV will get anLG T-Shirt, and those who purchase a 21” or 29” LG TV will get anLG football. Customers who purchase a 26” LCD TV, or any biggermodel, will get an LG DVD player. There’s also a Live Lucky Drawthat will take place during the World Cup for prizes of LG LCDTVs. What’s more, if you correctly predict the winner of the WorldCup, you stand a chance of winning a replica of the World Cuptrophy made of five tolas of gold.

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Himstar football fluTo celebrate the World Cup in full fever, Himstar has announcedthe launch of ‘Himstar Football Flu’. With every purchase of a 14”,15” or 21” Himstar TV, customers will get a jersey of theirfavourite team.

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MUM’sThe Amrapali Group will begin a new venture in the FMCGIndustry, under the name of M/S Amrapali Biotech India Pvt. Ltd.,sister concern of Amrapali Group with the brand name MUM’s. M/S Amrapali Biotech India Pvt. Ltd has launched its products in thebrand name MUM’s in eighteen states in India and also nowintroducing it in Nepal and Bhutan market.

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Game 2Real launched Game 2 of the Score the Real Goal campaign on 1May. Keeping in mind the overwhelming response from the Realconsumers, the image from now will be changed every fortnight.Identify the Real Ball and sms it to 5004. Subscribers of NepalTelecom, NCell and UTL can participate in this campaign. Game1’s monthly bumper prize winner, who will be getting a SonyBravia 32” LCD TV and 10 monthly highest correct sms prizewinners, who will each get a Sony MP4 player, will be declaredsoon.

Get themessage across

now busy seeking forgivenessand redemption from the usualcivil society partisans, it’stempting to shrug off the GreatBanda as yet another politicalnightmare that middle-classpeople across urban Nepal had tosuffer through.

But that would be wrong.What if Nepal’s poverty – aboutone third of 27 million Nepalislive below the poverty line –comes back to disrupt thecomforts of the middle-classagain and again, either throughthe Maoists or through otherpotentially violent politicalforces? Besides chantingplatitudes about peace and

consensus, are there specificroles for the business promotiongroups and entrepreneurs?

Despite wavering in thebeginning, FNCCI ended updoing a good job in co-organisinglast Friday’s rally. But itslanguage stayed insular, and itstactics were diffident: good onlyuntil the next banda. Over theyears, it has repeatedly failed topresent a publicly convincingcase for the role of privateenterprise in Nepal’s economy.

A thriving private sectorrather than a ballooning cabinetand oversize parliament is whatcreates jobs for our youth, sothey can be in factories and atwork desks rather than on thestreets. Private enterprises paytaxes, which help pay forexpanding water and sanitationcoverage, education, healthcareand the like. Private enterprisescompete, and competition

allows them to bring innovationsand cheaper goods and services toboth the rich and the poor.

Sure, these could beinterpreted as textbook-friendlystatements. But here the FNCCIand other business promotionbodies should borrow the tacticsof the Maoist leaders: repeat suchself-serving statements manytimes in public with vivid andverifiably true examples drawnfrom Nepal’s economy so thatsome Maoist adherents startdoubting the very ideology that’sbeen fed to them.

The point is not to challengeMaoist thought and get into averbal morass out of whichthere’s no escape. Especially fornon-Brahmins who are not fluentin the sort of politically chargedNepali language in which you getto make all the right noises andmean absolutely nothing! Thepoint is to steadily offerconvincing and easily repeatablealternative sound bites that chipaway at the dominant and true-sounding dogma that holds thatprivate sector capitalism isinferior to public monopolies.Eventually, a tipping point canbe reached, and this helps recast,say, a banda not as the usualpeace-and-consensus issue, butas something that destroys jobs,incomes and taxes – harming allNepalis alike, from vegetablefarmers in Palung to lodgeowners in Bardiya.

Given our large and growingpopulation base of unskilledyouth, and given the visibledisparity between Kathmanduand the rest of Nepal, businesspromotion bodies and businessleaders should come out of theirnarrow confines, and startplaying a more positivelyinfluential role rather thanleaving it in the hands of narrow-minded politicians. After all, toparaphrase John F. Kennedy, ifour society cannot help the manywho are poor, it cannot save thefew who are rich.

If the business communitycannot convince people ofits indispensability, thenpeace assemblies won’tstave off the next strike

H

KIRAN PANDAY

LIFE TIMES 714 - 20 MAY 2010 #502

s I walk along the streets ofLakeside, Pokhara, I’m assaultedby greetings in various languages.

“Konichiwa,” says a local, mistaking mefor a Japanese. “Ni hao,” says another,wagering I’m from China. But I don’tmind. Such friendliness only convincesme how open Lakeside has been totourists from all over the world over theyears. No wonder. The air is clear, thescenery superlative. And if milk and

Pokhara’s far more than just a launching pad for a trek

Gurkha Memorial MuseumA small exhibition showcasing the trials andtribulations of the noble and fierce Gurkha soldiers thatoffers insightful stories of untold acts of bravery andsacrifice. Some ex-Gurkha soldiers can be found on thecompound, and will be more than happy to share sometall tales.

Natural History Museum Sure there is the new Mountain Museum that everyoneis talking about. But the Natural History Museum, oneof Pokhara’s oldest, hosts the largest (probably only)collection of butterflies in Nepal, and local wildlife isrepresented by preserved specimens.

honey doesn’t run through the cleanstreets, the crescent of restaurants andbars that run along Phewa Lake mayconvince you this is paradise.

“Between Italy and Pokhara, I wouldhonestly choose here,” says BasantaGautam, owner of Caffe Concerto. Havingtravelled to Italy several times, Gautamadmits it’s Pokhara’s mountain and lakevistas that compel him to stay. “Here,you can see the mountains clearlyalmost anywhere. Where else do you getthat,” he asks. As a Singaporean myself, Icouldn’t agree more.

Yet Lakeside’s immense popularity

has put other parts of Pokhara in theshade. Yes, there’s plenty more, I wastold. Seeking new thrills, I headed downto the much neglected Begnas Tal to theeast of Pokhara. It’s a blessed reminder ofhow Phewa itself must have been beforethe modern age, and how nature doesn’tjust mean mountains in Nepal. A lovelyboat ride instilled in me a deep sense ofserenity, away from the hustle and bustleof city life. Try fishing if you will.There’s not much else to do, thankfully.

Then there was the Bat Cave furtherup north. Although it can get a tadclaustrophobic, the bats were friendly

hosts, and kept a safe distance duringthe tour. The Peace Pagoda, too, offers analternative to punishing week-long treks.Just southwest of Lakeside, the pagodaitself is no great shakes, but the oneto two hour walk to the vantagepoint over the city across from theAnnapurna mountain range is wellworth it.

There’s yet more. If you can possiblytear yourself away from that trekkingmap while sitting over a beer listening toreggae along Lakeside, you won’t regretit. Pokhara is a destination unto itself.Have you really experienced it yet?

Lake aside

AHMAD ISKANDAR

A

MailikoVisit Maili Didi for the best thakali khana in, dare wesay, all of western Nepal. Despite Pokhara being one ofthe better organised cities in Nepal, we are going to makeyou work hard to find it because we don’t want MailiDidi to be overwhelmed. North from Fishtail Gate near achautara. Ask anyone.

Open HouseDespite losing its charm due to a failure to deal withwear and tear over the years, this cafe in Mahendra Pul isstill a favourite among local teenagers and those unableto come to terms with their age. We hear their milkshakesare still pretty good.

Tashi Ling Tibetan VillagePokhara has a sizeable Tibetan community. TashiLing Tibetan Village is south of the main city centrein Pardi, where you will find lots of small shopsselling Tibetan handicrafts. If time is not a factor theTibetan Village in Hyangja is highly recommended,where you can visit the carpet factory to see howTibetan carpets are made or just spend some time atthe large Gomba.

Binda Basini TempleYou aren’t a Pokhreli if you haven’t spent a weekendafternoon near this temple with your date. Drive byNala Mukh to soak in a little bit of Newari-pan.

KIRAN PANDAY

YES,PHEWA: But there’smore on the horizon.

8|LIFE TIMES

Krishna’s Kitchen,North of Lakeside in Maya DeviVillage lies a small Thairestaurant, hidden from view.But everyone knows where it is.Krishna’s Kitchen isundoubtedly one of the treasuresof the Pokhara food scene, for

Pokhara’s Lakeside is one of the hippest places to wineand dine in the country, and is a kind of Thamel forbeach bums. With a view of majestic Phewa Lake andparagliders dotting the skies, Lakeside is one reason toget away from the madding crowds of the capital. And isit a sign o’ the times when Thamel favourites are to beseen not only in Jhamel but in Pokhara, too? The settingcouldn’t be more different, and the recent banda onlyserved to highlight Pokhara’s natural beauty. NepaliTimes rediscovers the city of seven lakes, and opens upbanda possibilities for the next time.

Lakeside story

Maya Devi Village RestaurantSituated away from and north of Lakeside, this quirkycollection of huts is home to parahawking and theHimalayan Raptor Rescue Centre, as well as an excellentrestaurant. Enjoy a BLT sandwich breakfast with freshfruit, muesli and curd in the lap of a Phewa Tal sunrise, ormingle with a friendly bunch during social Sundaybarbecues. Visit the magnificent raptors in their enclosuresfor a meet and greet before you leave, 9806647917,www.mayadevivillage.com.

Banda special: Last week, Maya Devi Village was evenmore peaceful than usual, the silence broken only by thelonely cawing of the attention-deprived raptors and theact-tough routine of attention-deprived boys with redheadbands, sticks in hand. Talk about bird-brained.

the food is truly representative ofthe ‘authentic’.

Krishna and his team of chefswere trained by ChadhilMonkong, a respected Thai chefin his own right. With suchstandards in place, theexpectations are definitely high,and Krishna does not disappoint.The quality and range of the foodon offer is immense, and thefruits of staff labour areimmediately apparent. Krishna’sintroductory recommendation ofgreen curry and stir-fried chickenwith cashew nuts left meimpressed and craving for more.It's a pity one’s stomach can onlytake in so much in one session!

Another highlight is a specialsection of their menu called‘Really Slow Food For TheGourmet’. The items on thismenu require advance notice of aday, to give the chefs time

enough to track down all the freshingredients they need and preparethem painstakingly. If you can’t bebothered to book, visualise this:herb-inebriated stir-fried squidwith glass noodle? An impressivestock of wine will help you washthis delicacy down.

Don’t be deterred by the factthat Krishna’s Kitchen is 30minutes walk from Lakeside. It’s apleasant stroll, and you’ll soontaste the fruit of your own labours.

9846232501, krishnaskitchen.com

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14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502|9

Moondance, serving a mix of Indian, Italian, Mexicanand Chinese food, with a beautiful rooftop terrace for abird’s eye view of Lakeside. Mix beer with their pizzas,and you’re in for a fine party. Their lemon meringue pieis legendary.Banda special: The restaurant closes for an intimatesession with the moon. Dance under the cover of night orbask under the moonlight. The moon may not beavailable on certain days.

Boomerang Restaurant & German Bakery, anexpansive garden situated close to the lake makes this oneof the best places to dine. Let the sombre mood of thenearby mountains sink in. Extensive menu, serving allkinds of cuisines. Try the in-house Boomerang specials,and don’t forget the beer. 462978,boomerangrestaurantpokhara.comBanda special: Keep coming back like a boomerang totry your luck.

Chilly Bar & Restaurant, a great hangout for drinks,especially for cold beers and cocktails with friends.Between 6-8pm, they have a great 2-for-1 deal on allcocktails. Grilled or London steak highly recommended.A relaxing place for Wi-fi surfing, too, 463614Banda special: Sit on the steps day and night for free.If you’re lucky, you’ll catch a live badminton matchbetween toddlers.

Lemon Tree, one of the loveliest bamboo porchesoverlooking the main stretch of the Lakeside road,provides a lovely setting for chilling out with beer andsnacks. Famous for fresh fish caught from the lake.Friendly staff and excellent Western-style food atreasonable prices, 463246.Banda special: The bamboo poles make excellent pull-up bars or props to monkey around.

Olive Café, excellent Illy coffee and a variety of populardishes such as the grilled king fish, made boneless formaximum satisfaction. A great place for your Wi-fi fix,and the open-air café makes even catching up with workpleasant. Try the blended mocha, a seasonal item to copewith the summer heat. Look out for new itemspopularised by customers, 462575.Banda special: Laptop users of every nationality arefree to gather outside the gated doors to pray for themiracle of a wireless network.

Mamma-mia, as you might have guessed, their specialtyis Italian food, and they pride themselves on excellentpizzas and pastas. Started by a couple with a love foreverything Italian 18 years ago, this place is as classy asever, 463582.

nat-ssul, a Korean restaurant for all things barbeque,from succulent pork to crunchy vegetables. You can havedelicacies cooked right at your own table or partake of thededicated barbeque pit, 229198.Banda special: Tough luck. You’ll have to fly to Koreafor this one.

New Everest Steak House has a whole menu of steaksto choose from, so don’t think you’ll get off easy with‘steak khane’. The friendly interior is ideal for famishedtrekkers and families to feast in style, 9851057176.Banda special: It’s bring-your-own-buffalo day. Justlike a treasure hunt, you’ll have to track them down fromvarious locations in Pokhara.

Koto, Japanese cuisine of the highest quality, served withmeticulous attention. Food fanatics will find themselvesin a haven of familiar items such as sashimi and tempura.Don’t miss out on the aromatic Japanese rice wine, sake.Banda special: Fish food takes on a whole newmeaning as you take a special trip down to Phewa Lake tofeed the fish instead. Conservation at its best.

Lakeside dining

Busy Bee, head over for live rock and pop performances in English, Nepali andHindi, alternating between three local bands. Indulge in their beer and pizzas towaste the night away in good fashion. Don’t miss out on their happy hour promotionbetween 12-6pm: buy one cocktail, get one free, live performance daily, 8-11pm,462640.

V-Jin’s Absolute Bar & Restaurant, local bands brighten the night in a traditionalsetting with English, Nepali and Hindi covers. Cool yourself down with their happyhour promotion from 12-5pm: beers at Rs 190, live performance daily, from 7pm.

All That Jazz, get in the groove with a live band performing sweet jazz from variousbands, including Inner Groove, a popular item in Kathmandu. The bar blasts thestereo with every known jazz number day in, day out, live performance on Fridays,8.30-11pm, 9846163095.

Club Amsterdam, with a spacious main hall and a large 42-inch LCD televisionprecariously poised where all can see, this place has the atmosphere of a footballstadium. Happy hour promotions between 4.30-7pm: buy one cocktail get one free.Live bands blast the cheers away with English and Nepal rock and pop daily, 8-11pm, 463427.

Lakeside partying

Hankook Sarang, Korean food that will serve toimpress, with ample portions of rice and an endlesssupply of side dishes such as kimchi and fried tofu. If youlike spicy food, the Kimchi Jigae will sweat up an appetitewithin the first few spoonfuls, 462390.

Momotarou, a homely setting to enjoy the sweet taste ofJapanese dishes. Their Katsu Don will evoke a sense ofnostalgia for those who have frequented its flagship branchin Thamel.

Caffe Concerto Pizzeria Restaurant, specialising inItalian cuisine and desserts, such as their homemadegelato, this restaurant has an excellent atmosphere andservice staff. The product of a couple’s love for Italianfood, it is sure to leave a lasting impression, 463529.

Newari Kitchen, delighting in local cuisines, this placeoffers not only local Nepali food, but authentic Newari-style food as well. With the lakeside as its backdrop,evening dinners are just wonderful along the porch.

ALL PICS: AHMAD ISKANDAR

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #50210|HAPPENINGS

KIRAN PANDAY

KIRAN PANDAY

SHE DID IT: Mountaineer Reinhold Messner (second from right) endorsesKorean climber Oh Eun-sun (second from left) as the first woman to scaleall 14 8000m peaks, in Kathmandu, Sunday.

WEEKEND WEATHERby NGAMINDRA DAHAL

KATHMANDU

FRI SAT S U N

33-16 33-17 35-18

The heat has returned after a cold spell over muchof the Himalaya and north Indian plains. Thewesterly front that caused the drop in temperaturedumped more rain in the east than west. Accordingto Kathmandu’s meteorological forecastingdivision, the Valley has already received more thanhalf of May’s usual quota of rain. The satellitepicture shows that conditions this weekend willalternate between sunny and cloudy with lightshowers at intervals. Maximum temperatures willrise three degrees.

WE THE PEOPLE: People from various walks of life, representatives ofprofessional bodies, civil society members and others gathered for apeace assembly at Basantapur Darbar Square, Friday

NOT SO FAST: CPN-UML standing committee members meet on Tuesdayin Balkhu, and demand that the Maoists sign onto a package deal beforethe government considers resigning.

KIRAN PANDAY

FRAUGHT TIMES: Home Minister Bhim Rawal answering questionsfrom members of parliament about the country’s security situation onTuesday.

MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA

p14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502 NATION|11

A peek into the diary ofGunaraj LohaniPresident, All Nepal TeachersOrganisation

ecently, we held a week-long self-defence class forteachers in Surkhet, which

we thought was very successful.The school was closed. Theteachers didn’t have anything todo anyway. We thought it wouldbe a good extracurricular activity.Who knows, some singletons mayhave even met their soulmates.

Riding on that wave of success,we have decided to take thistraining countrywide andestablish a security wing calledVolunteer Teachers of Nepal. No!They will not be volunteering tohelp your children with after-school tuition. They will bevolunteering for defence.

We will distributemembership forms to 10,000teachers in Nepal and providetraining. They will all be belowthe age of 40. People older thanthat do not really need to socialiseafter school hours because they canbe immensely mind-numbing. “Inmy time…blahblahblah.” Boring!

It’s not as if such forces are anew thing. Did you not hear about

the deserters who wanted to forma security force and help thepolice maintain peace by directingtraffic in the capital? About 200 ofthem bought themselves bluetracksuits and started training inBhaktapur. Unfortunately, theiregotistical leader got a piecepublished in the papers and 75 ofthem were promptly arrested. Oursis a self-defence force. When did it

become illegal to defendyourself?

Who will we be defendingourselves from? That is a verygood question. You see, ourtraining will teach teachers howto protect themselves in theongoing People’s Movement.They will learn how to disciplinethose attacking the teachers in thedistricts. They will create an

environment for learning withoutfear. And, they will solve allproblems that may arise in schoolmanagement committees, districteducation committees, etc.

In the first round of self-defence, we will expose theexploitation of teachers in privateschools. We will then proceedwith disciplinary proceduresagainst such schools.

Sure, Nepal Teacher’sAssociation and Nepal Teacher’sOrganisation could run similartraining programs. We are certainthey will never be able to leave thedistrict headquarters though. Justcompare the Youth Force andTarun Dal to our YoungCommunist League. To reachSurkhet, for instance, theseteachers will probably all hirePulsars in Kathmandu like theTarun Dal did to get KhumBahadur Khadka elected in Dang.Posers!

But it would actually be quitefun if they did come and join us.We could play kabbadi againsteach other. When they are on ourside of the court, we will showthem how we do our training.

Mao Zedong once said weshould not read too many booksbecause they petrify the mind.Self-defence exercises will free ourminds. Just think of it as yoga.

(as imagined by Indu Nepal)

By trainingteachers to

fight, we willcreate an

environmentfor learningwithout fear

Revolutionary teachers

R

FIRST STUDENTS, THENTEACHERS: The fight for apeaceful learning environmentcontinues.

POLITICALLYCRACKEDIndu Nepal

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #50212|NATION

T he ban on sand and stone exports toIndia was relaxed only 100 days afterit was first implemented, but has

dealt the crusher industry a near-fatal blow,shrinking it five-fold and putting thousandsof labourers out of work.

The Parliamentary Committee on NaturalResources and Means banned sand and stoneexports to India on 8 January because of themassive environmental damage it had causedin the Chure Hills. The move was cheered byenvironmentalists, but bitterly protested by

systematic manner,” says Jairam Ghimire ofthe Department of Mines and Geology. “Afinal decision is due in three months.” Inthe meantime, a 122 per cent increase on thesand and stone export duty has been imposed.

Although the ban has been lifted, thegovernment’s messy handling of the affairhas already crippled the crusher industry.Before the ban, there were 200 crusherstransporting a total of half a milliontruckloads of sand and stones to India everyyear. About 80 per cent of those crushers arenow out of business.

“The ban lasted 100 days. In that time,our Indian clients found other crushers

The on again off again ban onsand and stone exports toIndia has all but wiped outlocal crusher industries

SUVAYU DEV PANT and DEWAN RAI

within India. We lost our main clients,” saysRam Adhikari, who operates a crushing plantin Butwal. Adhikari used to make a profit ofRs 3,000-3,500 per truckload of sand exportedto India, but that has now dwindled to aboutRs 200. That figure may come down furtheras crushers race to undercut one another toincrease their market share . “As it is, Rs 200is barely enough to survive,” says Adhikari.

Ominously, many crushers have beenunable to pay back loans on equipment theypurchased before the ban was put in place,straining the balance sheets of alreadybeleaguered banks. About three quarters ofcrushers took loans from financialinstitutions. “Traders have not been able topay back bank loans, and it is more than likelythat they’ll have to sell their houses to doso,” says Krishna Prasad Sharma, Presidentof the Crusher Industries Association. Lastyear, crusher industry owner Jugal KishoreYadav of Kapilvastu committed suicidebecause he couldn’t settle his debts.

This is not to say the industry isblameless. The environmental impact of sandand stone mining in the Chure Hills has beendevastating. Large parts of the range have beendefaced and in consequence absorb less water,increasing the likelihood of floods andlandslides. Thousands of livelihoods havebeen affected. Roads have also been damagedby trucks carrying twice the legal limit ofgravel, and in some sections nationalhighways have been reduced to dusty trackswith deep ruts in them.

What is necessary is a resolute policystance. “We can’t ban sand mining altogether,but we can regulate it more tightly, so that taxrevenue increases, the environment isprotected, and industries stay afloat,” saysPrakash Jwala, who chaired a 2008commission that looked into the matter.“Right now we’re losing on bothenvironmental and economic fronts.”

Crushedindustrialists, who warned of perniciousconsequences for the economy. The Ministryof Commerce and Supplies then revoked theban on 23 February because of the decrease inrevenues, which amounted to Rs 2.5 billionin taxes a year.

The ministry’s decision led to a publicspat with the parliamentary committee, butthe two sides ultimately resolved totemporarily relax the ban while a commissionconsisting of members from several ministriesdecides how best to balance the economicand environmental interests at stake. “Thereis no ban currently, but the commission isdiscussing how to regulate sand mining in a

FOO CHEE CHANG

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502 NATION|13

“While I was developingparahawking here, I neverconceived of it as a commercialventure,” says Scott Mason(above), who pioneered the sportin 2001. “I simply wanted tocombine my lifelong love forbirds of prey with my then new-found passion for paragliding.”

Parahawking is a fusion, acrossbreed between the age-olddiscipline of falconry and theextreme sport of paragliding.Paraglider pilots fly alongsidetrained birds that guide them to‘thermals’ (columns of heated air)for rewards, thus enabling thepilots to stay in the air for a muchlonger duration.

In this union the total iswithout a doubt more than thesum of the individual parts.Other than the sheer exhilarationof taking to the skies, one alsogets to ‘share the sky’ with birdsof prey such as Kevin, anEgyptian vulture and Brad, ablack kite, while observing theirgrace and magnificence in theirnatural environment. Theexperience can be likened to beingon an aerial safari – a uniqueenvironment in which man andbird interact.

Bird of prey, take me on your flight

Flocktogether

It was during his first tandemparagliding flight that Mason,spotting a bird of prey herecognised, had an epiphany. Onthe day before he planned to leaveNepal to continue on his travels,Mason rescued two black kitesand reared them. One of the kites,Sapana, still wows visitorsduring falconry displays tothis day.

Aside than the literal, Masonemphasises that ‘share the sky’ isa symbolic call to acknowledgethe plight of birds of prey all overthe world and the importance ofbird conservation in a world thathas not been kind to them. Nepal,for instance, is rich in birddiversity and home to over 800species, including the endangeredSaker Falcon and Egyptianvulture. The problems are thesame the world over – destructionof habitat due to urbanisation andclimate change and poaching.Vultures are further susceptibleto poisoning by a drug calleddiclofenac that is used totreat livestock, which thesebirds ingest when they feedon carcasses.

“Vultures are not easilyaccessible to people,” explainsHum Gurung, CEO of BirdConservation Nepal (BCN), thecountry’s premier authority on

avian conservation. “Even thoughthey are regarded as nature’srubbish cleaners and don’t havethe same public appeal as tigers orpandas, it doesn’t mean that theydon’t need protecting.”

BCN has helped various stateand externally sponsored projectsfind their feet, for instance in thesetting up of ‘Jatayu’ restaurantsin Nawalparasi and Lumbini(which provide safe food forvultures near their nesting sites),and the construction of a Vulture

Conservation Breeding Centrein Chitwan.

There is potential for muchgreater awareness throughactivities such as parahawking.Given the prominence it hasreceived in the international pressand its one-of-a-kind nature,parahawking may well takevulture conservation, and birdconservation in general, tostratospheric heights.

“Once you have flown withthese birds and interacted withthem, it’s hard not to realise thateach bird has its own individualcharacter and feel affection forthem,” says Brad Sander, anaccomplished paraglider pilotwho works with Mason. Hebelieves that it is only whenpeople experience birds of preyup close that they begin toappreciate their beauty and theirplace in nature.

But much like falconry, thesport of parahawking too hasattracted controversy. A recent

República campaign accusedMason of infringing the 1973National Parks and WildlifeConservation Act, which statesthat “no private company canhold any animals or birds”. In thewake of the report, wildlifeadvocates demanded that Mason'sbirds be released into the wild inthe Annapurna Conservation Areaand similar sanctuaries.

Mason maintains, however,that parahawking has neither alegal nor illegal status underNepali law. He also points outthat since the birds were rescuedwhen they were young (followingabandonment) and have beenunder his care since, they are nowfully domesticated and will notbe able to survive in the wild. Heis currently in talks with theNepali authorities to resolve thesituation. Mason is also seekingrecognition of his rescue efforts,and has proposed guidelines withregards to the care and treatmentof birds of prey.

FOO CHEE CHANG

FOO CHEE CHANG

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #50214|FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

Editorial in Annapurna Post, 10 May

A porter discovered an unusual way to lighten his load. Whenever hegot to an incline he’d add some stones to his load, and continue onhis way. When the burden became intolerable, he’d stop and jettisonsome stones and, feeling much lighter, would continue easily on hisway. It seems lightening the load of those carrying heavy burdens,even by just a little, makes a big difference.

Our country is like a porter. In fact we don’t even know just howheavy our burden is, and how difficult it is for us to move ahead. Justlast week we endured a six-day strike. It was so suffocating that onceit was suspended, we felt as though we had no burden at all. This hashappened time and again. Stones are added to our burden and thenremoved, and we feel as if we have obtained some peace. What otherconsolation do we have?

Our government, in the meanwhile, has focused on gettingoverloaded vehicles off the road. How about lightening our nationalburden a little?

Narayan Sapkota and Bigyan adhikari inNagarik Arthik, 9 May

Interview excerpts with Kush Kumar Joshi, FNCCIPresident

How did you come up with the idea oforganising a peace assembly?We tried to bridge the gap between the three partiesby organising the ‘Nirnayak Bahas’ on 28 April, inthe belief that the opportunity to air their views tothe public would give them better mileage than ageneral strike. Although the leaders shook handsand promised to come to an agreement, they failedto do so.

After five days of thestrike, uncertainty ruled, andclashes began to occur. Thelack of agreement hadgenerated much publicfrustration. We believed itwas necessary to dosomething to avert disaster.So the peace assembly wasorganised to let the leadersknow of the Nepali people’sdesire for peace, not tooppose or support any party.We wanted to say that theparties had to win thepeople’s support throughtheir ideas, not by force.

There was pressurefrom the Maoists tocancel the strike?They were worried about theassembly being infiltrated,and asked us to postpone itby two days if we couldn’tguarantee that. But if we hadn’t organised anassembly someone else would have.

It’s said the rally that followed chantedanti-Maoist slogans.This is wrong. At the assembly nothing was saidagainst any of the leaders. Once the assembly wasover, those returning home participated in a rally,it was not the organisers who did so. If anyonesloganeered against leaders it was against the spirit

Editorial in Kantipur, 10 May

“Don’t you dare ride around laughing in a car, if you writeagainst us we’ll come and fix you,” is what Maoistdemonstrators on the streets told a Kantipur reporting teamduring the strike. Two days later, party Chairman PushpaKamal Dahal let off another broadside against the media forhaving covered the anti-Maoist resistance in Kathmandu andhaving treated rural Nepalis with ‘disrespect’. He warnedjournalists and intellectuals that his party was ‘keeping tabs’on what everyone wrote, which effectively amounted togiving his cadre the green light to attack critics. There havebeen numerous instances of the Maoists attacking the media,and even killing them savagely.

Such threats coming from a party that is making ademocratic transition is not just extremely objectionable butalso regrettable. A day after their chairman’s threats, Maoistcadre started physically attacking reporters. Such behaviourhas once more demonstrated the Maoists’ totalitarian waysafter they couldn’t get what they wanted. During the war andafter the ceasefire, the Maoists have targeted media that hasbeen critical of them. After attacks and murders of journalists,the Maoist way is to first deny it and when overwhelmingevidence is produced, to say sorry and then to reiterate theparty’s commitment not to infringe on press freedom. Thishas happened repeatedly.

If there is any political bias in the mainstream Nepalimedia it is for multiparty democracy and freedom, humanrights and social reform, and journalists have always risenup in the past when these values were under attack fromdictatorships. The Maoists need to remind themselves thatthe Nepali media will never bow to threats and intimidation.The Maoists have undermined their own stature and respectby projecting themselves against democracy and freedomthrough their anti-press activities. In a democracy, politicalforces need to be able to take criticism and respond withoutviolence. If the Maoists change their behaviour the peoplewill believe in them more.

of the assembly, and we cannot take responsibilityfor it. If this sort of things happen, then peaceassemblies cannot be held in the future.

Following the assembly, the Maoistssuspended their strike and held a meetingin Khula Manch.By suspending the strike the Maoists haverespected the people’s wishes. But what we heardat the meet was disappointing. Industrialists are infavour of a strong economy and the country’sdevelopment, not any political party. We wantpeace, a constitution and a prosperous nation, andare trying to create trust between the politicalparties towards this end.

What do you plan next?We will continue topressurise the politicalparties for peace, theconstitution and aprosperous Nepal, and hopeto avoid any adverse eventsafter 28 May.

Are industries up andrunning again?Yes, but the effects on theeconomy will linger, just asthe impact on tourism.Everyone should be allowedto work and live if thenation is to be built, and werequest all, including theparties, not to harassindustrialists andbusinesspeople. But securitymust be provided. Wecannot work with threatsand extortion. From now on,we will not give donations

to any political party, whatever happens. We willpay our taxes and create employment, but won’tgive in to any other threats.

What do you say to government?We need security, but the government response hasbeen lacking. Ministers were so scared they went toSingh Darbar at 3am. We will pressure governmentfor security, and encourage them to move aheadthrough consensus.

‘We are troubledby Dahal’s words’

Media bashing

Loadshedding

Prachanda: The ball is in his court!Madhav Nepal: No, it’s in his coat!

Batsayan in Kantipur, 11 May

BHASWOR OJHA

14 - 20 MAY 2010 #502 CONSTITUTION 2010|15

he Himalmedia OpinionPoll carried out in Aprilmade it clear the Nepali

people were not in favour ofbandas, strikes or street revolts.But immediately afterwards thecountry was paralysed by thegeneral strike called by the UCPN-Maoist. Readers may wonder whatthe use of such polls is in thiscase, but this interpretation isincomplete. Strikes are as muchto mobilise party cadres asanything else, and the Maoistparty has demonstrated that it hasthis capacity. However, theparticipation of people in theBasantpur peace assemblyunderlined the public’s aversionto strikes.

Propaganda is part and parcelof political operation. But whilethe public may be influenced bysuch propaganda, and indeed bypolitical events, public opinionis not the same as what is toutedby political parties. Polls are ameans to get to the heart of thematter.

Nationalism threatened orpropaganda?Three quarters of the 5,005 polledfelt that Nepali nationalism andits territorial integrity was underthreat due mainly to the conflictwithin and among politicalparties. It is clear partypropaganda has played a role inshaping public perceptions. Therehasn’t really been seriousdiscussion about Nepalinationalism.

The idea of a people-centrednationalism only entered Nepalfollowing the 1951 revolution,but within a decade, KingMahendra twisted the discourseso political parties and democracybecame equated with the threat ofIndia to Nepali nationalism. Inthis, Nepali communists haveproven to be at one with theroyalists. This equation was onlystrengthened over the course ofthe 30-year Panchayat regime, and

was used against the NepaliCongress. The public perceptionthat Nepali nationalism is underthreat is a legacy of the same. Thepolitical parties must move awayfrom the limited understandingof nationalism as that manifest instreet protests, and seek todevelop a true nationalism.

People’s party and politicalimageThe poll also indicated thatNepal’s political parties,including the Maoists, are intransition. This is generallyviewed as a positive thing, but isthis a sign of true transformation?One cannot hope that the Maoists

will transform in the mannerUML and NC would like them to.The Maoists have abandoned gunsand organised violence whileacknowledging multi-partycompetition, but this in itself isnot transformation. It is clear thatthe Maoists’ activities do nothold the same significance for allNepalis. The Maoists present twocontrasting images. One imageprojected is that of a party thatbelieves in peaceful politics andseeks to uplift the voiceless andthe poor. The other is that of a

party that believes in violenceand the principle of might isright. The public perception ofthe party is therefore conflicting,and proves that the transitionwithin the party has reached thepeople. Such a transition can takea long time for a revolutionarycommunist party, but if this is tobe achieved, the party mustgradually become moreaccommodating.

The people rate the Maoistsahead of other parties, though interms of a good, responsible party,

KRISHNA KHANAL

Wanted: leadersPolls may

surprise, butthey alsohave thepower to

guide thosewilling totake theirjudgmentpositively

NC is still in the lead. But thelack of support for the latter’sleadership indicates that thepublic values the party’scommitment to democracy morethan anything else. In any case,the Maoists, NC and UML are stillconsidered the most importantpolitical parties. The Madhes-based parties have limitedsupport, even in the Tarai, and aremore likely to be involved in thepower equations of larger partiesthan lead national politicsthemselves.

It is clear that there is aleadership void. When over 5000respondents were asked to namethe leader they most trusted to

lead Nepal towards peace,prosperity and democracy, 60names were thrown up, but allgarnered less than 21 per cent ofthe total votes. This proves thereare many politicians, but few whoare considered worthy. Maoistleaders Pushpa Kamal Dahal(20.2%) and Baburam Bhattarai(14.7%) may be far ahead of theothers, and the party will behappy these two have earnedsome degree of public trust, buteven they don’t have muchsupport overall and only 7 Maoist

Tleaders in all make the list.

However, the poll clearlyshows up the divided nature ofNepali Congress and UML.Congress leader Sher BahadurDeuba leads his rivals (6.3%) butwith very little overall support,while Sushil Koirala, RamChandra Paudel and Gagan Thapatrail him with about the samelevel of support (<2%). EighteenCongress leaders make the list, butthe votes they received in sum areless than either that received byPushpa Kamal Dahal or BaburamBhattarai. It is clear NepaliCongress has to consider theweakness of its leadership, but itappears that there is no more roomfor family dynasties within theparty.

One would think UML wouldnot have a similar problem, havingelected new leadership a year ago.The poll exposes the fact that UMLcontinues to be divided. MadhavNepal still has the strongestsupport (6.4%), and partypresident Jhalnath Khanalfollows, but with much lesssupport (1.9%). Here, too, 18leaders make the list, but the totalvotes received is less than that ofthe NC leaders.

Poll are not definitive, butthey have the capacity to surpriseand edify. Taken positively, theycan guide political parties. Ifnational politics improve inquality, then the whole nationwill benefit.

Youth and instabilitySixty per cent of respondents wereaged 18 to 40. And while theyoffered both negative and positiveresponses to the questions theyfaced, in sum their responses wereon the negative side. It is apossibility that such negativityand the natural exuberance ofyouth could be used to destabiliseNepal, particularly in the face ofpoverty, unemployment, illiteracyand political conflict. Ourpolitical parties should beespecially careful to mobilise theenthusiasm of Nepali youth in aresponsible manner.

PICS: KIRAN PANDAY

MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA

ISSN

181

4-26

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CDO Regd No 194/056/57 Lalitpur, Central Region Postal Regd. No 09/066/67

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14 - 20 MAY 2010 #50216|BACK SIDE

T he Ass-like BroadcastingCorp (ABC) has justreceived the transcript of

the conversation betweenComrade Awesome and JhusiloKoirala at the Redisson Hotelduring the height of the Maoiststrike last week:

PKD: The prime minister has toresign first.SK: No, you need to lift thestrike first.PKD: No, we don’t.SK: Yes, you do.PKD: No, we don’t.SK: Yes, you do.[45 minutes later]PKD: No, we don’t.SK: Yes, you do.[Next day]PKD: No, we don’t.SK: Yes, you do.[Two days later]PKD: You two have runny noses.SK: No, we don’t.

And that’s as close as PKD got toforging a political consensus.

Can’t really blame anyone. Ourpolitical nuttas are well-protected by a barrage of no-nos,as the following demonstrate:

BRB: “No CA extension untilMaoists in government.”

The bottom line

PKD: “No Maoist in governmentunless me PM.”MKN: “No resignation untilintegration.”JNK: “No integration until YCLdisbanded.”RCP: “No talk until propertyreturned.”

At his Khole Munch speech,Comrade Stupendous was buoyedby the massive applause he gotafter every threat he utteredagainst Kathmandu’s middle

class. They applauded when hewarned journalists and scribesthat he was noting downeverything they wrote soappropriate action could betaken. They applauded when hethreatened the businesscommunity for daring to stage apeace rally. And when PKD said:“They even chanted hangPrachanda” the crowd burst intodeafening applause. Hmmm…

The Ass was a little confusedwhen he heard Maoist AmikSherchan shout ‘Hang Prachanda’

and ‘Prachanda Chor Desh Chhod’in parliament. Turns out he waslisting all the unmentionables thepeace rallyists came up with. Thishas helped Comrade Awesome seta new record. He is now the onlyleader of Nepal to have profanitiesagainst him registered inparliament’s records. The Baddiesnever lose.

And things appear to be gettingworse for Comrade Super-califragilisticexpialidocious. A

post-mortem of the strikesuggests that his position withinthe party has been furtherweakened, to the advantage ofnemesis Comrade Red Flag, whowas against the strike. StandingCommittee members are nowpublicly hinting that the partycould agree to an alternativecandidate, and the Chairmaneven had to eat crow at a hastilyorganised gathering ofprofessionals and pundits, wherehe unconvincingly pleaded thathis tirade against Kathmandu’ssukilo-mukilo had, in fact, onlyreferred to one per cent of them.Anticipating a backlash, perhaps,the party leadership has figuredout that the best way to keepcadres busy is to instruct them tostart collecting data on all thosewho took part in the peace rally,and start figuring out how toliquidate (sorry, intimidate)them.

With all the hoo-haa aboutwhose balls are in whosecoat, it’s about time weannounced the Coat of the Week.And it goes to Baddiespokesperson Diner ArtCharmer for this choice dinner-party fender bender: “What kindof a democracy is this whenprotesters are trying to infringeon ourfundamentalright to enforcebandas?”

ass(at)nepalitimes.com