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AUTHOR Khubchandani, Lachman M.TITLE Linguistic Diasporas and the Sindhi Biradari.PUB DATE 1998-09-00NOTE 16p.; Paper presented at the SAARC Conference on Extending

Multilingual and Multimedia Information Technology (Pune,India, September 1-4, 1998).

PUB TYPE Reports Descriptive (141) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150)EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage.DESCRIPTORS Ethnicity; Foreign Countries; Geographic Distribution;

Identification (Psychology); Indigenous Populations;*Information Technology; *Language Minorities; *LanguageRole; *Migration Patterns; Social Change; TechnologicalAdvancement; *Uncommonly Taught Languages

IDENTIFIERS Asia (South); India; *Pakistan; *Sindhi

ABSTRACTA discussion of the Sindhi language diaspora, the biradari,

across India and Pakistan looks at the implications of this geographicdispersal for the cohesion of the Sindhi-speaking community and culture.Three sociocultural characteristics of the scattered population areidentified: urbanization; near-universal literacy; and bilingualism. Patternsof ethnic/linguistic identity and language choice in various culturalcircumstances are also examined. Rapidly changing patterns of ethnic mix inpreviously Sindh areas are identified. It is concluded that informationtechnology offers a means for continued connection and networking within thenow geographically dispersed Sindh community. Contains 17 references. (MSE)

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Proceedings of the SAARC Conference, EMMIT 98:"Extending Multilingual & Multimedia Information Technology"at the Centre for Developing Advanced Computing (C-DAC) PUNE, 1-4 Sept 98.

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LINGUISTIC DIASPORASAND THE SINDHI BIRADARI *1

PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE ANDDISSEMINATE THIS MATERIAL HAS

BEEN GRANTED BY

LACHMAN M. KHUBCHANDANICENTRE FOR COMMUNICATION STUDIES, PUNE

1

___RIvoiathanAGA,TO THE EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES

INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)

In spite of recent political efforts promoting contrived homogeneity

in the patterns of verbal usage in the country through administrative

reforms, linguistic minorities in all states and Union territories

India, however, add up to a quarter of the total population

1961 Census). One can identify three major types

in

(as per the

of minority groups :

(1) Those belonging to a larger speech community ih the country

(or outside) which dominates over a neighbouring or distant

territory and enjoys its language rights as a majority. Depending

upon the language awareness among the speakers of the

language, their group identity gets

minority

reinforced through the

diasporic links transcending physical space, e.g. nearly a

quarter of the Punjabi speakers in both Pakistan and India live

outside their 'home' regions.

(2) Those belonging to the same speech group concentrated in one

contiguous territory, a communitarian space, but they come

under the jurisdiction of more than one state. Many tribal

speech groups in India come under this category:

Santalis live in Bihar (51 per cent), West Bengal (35 percent) and Orissa (12 per cent): Kurukhs in Bihar (48 per cent),Madhya Pradesh (24 per cent) and West Bengal (19 per cent);Bhils in Madhya Pradesh (36 per cent), Rajasthan (34 per cent),Maharashtra (18 per cent) and Gujarat (11 per cent)(Khubchandani 1992).

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(3) Those groups confining to one state, and not constituting

majority in any region; many tribals come under this category.

The groups maintaining primordial ties of language, caste,

religion transcending beyond the communitariah/politco-physical

space are here treated as diasporas. Historically the stateless

Jewish community (before the creation of Israel in 1948), spread

all over the globe, is cited as a classic example of diaspora,

signifying psychological/cultural bonds among its members.

In migration studies the term diamora acquired currency as

"cultural groups settled outside the ancestral country" such as

the exodus of Indian indentured labour to Mauritius, Fiji

Islands, West Indies over a century ago (Jain 1993). Later the term

has been extended to many trading communities, though numerically

small, migrating to the rim countries of the Indian occean (the

Gulf and African coast), South-east and Far-eastern countries.

Since the legitimization of linguistic boundaries within the

Indian Union (introduced in 1956), it will be useful to extend

diaspora studies to examine the profiles of linguistic minorities

living outside their 'home' regions; to review how diasporic links

are being fostered among scattered, diffused populations with their

ancestral region across states or across nations: such as Tamil

settlements in urban areas in the North (Delhi, Mumbai, etc);

and Tamil migrations to Srilanka, and neighbouring South-east

Asian countries.

India's Partition in 1947 and since then the accelerated

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have created conditions fbr many linguistic diasporas -- such as

Bengali in Bangladesh and India (West Bengal, Tripura); Punjabi

in W.Punjab (Pakistan) and Punjab-Haryana (India); Sindhi

in Sind Province (Pakistan) and urban surroundings in North-central

India; Pashto in Afghanistan and Pakistan (NWFP and Baluchistan), Chakma

in Bangladesh and India (Tripura, Mizoram and Assam) to strive for

a coherent identity under4'divergent pulls and pressures of demographic

composition and language ideologies..

With the advent of information technology giving a fill up

to 'knowledge' and culture' industries, we are now entering into

a phase of communication where dispersed culture groups sharing a

common tradition explore organizing the space through the

convenient modes of mobility and electronic networking . In the

contemporary phase of development, efforts are afoot to bring

together People of Indian Origin (PIO), settled overseas all round

the globe, into an euphemiral cultural conglomeration, to induce

a sense of cross-frontier patriotism and to strengthen the economic

ties of non-resident Indians (NRIs) (Motwani 1993). In the current

climate of globalization, it fits in with Anderson's (1983) notion

of 'iong-distance nationalism'.

A cyberspace is created on the global scene through

information highways (websites, e-mail, personalized home page,

and other networking devices) which, in course of time, can supplement

or replace traditional channels of communication linked with ptYysical

proximitv (ie. neighbourhood, school, village, metropolis, etc.).

The impact of this interactive media is gradually seeping among

4

many professional bodies and voluntary agencies which are diffused

in character. The utility of documentation and dissemination services

is felt among the academia to build a repository of information and

to generate networking facilities for distance education,

non-formal orientations and teleconferencing in general.

Cyberspace can be regarded as an "undefinable place where geography

becomes irrelevant". Space becomes quite fluid encouraging

interactions between the local speech community and the time-

sharing diaspora such as a recent installation of "Trinidadeshwara

Shiva" in Trinidad -- a case of shifting sacred space in

the context of global Hindu identity. Such initiatives can usher in a

new era of living together (somewhat like the cliche global village'),

sharing cyberspace in a creative manner, which can pave the way to build a

sense of diasporic solidatary among the-scattered groups across states and

across nations.

Exploring the potentialities of cyberspace, Barlow (1996)

describes the necessary elements of the new kind of diaspora, a

community, which lacks place, and continuity in time,

but there is a basic desire to connect, to inter-relate through a

value system (a religion of sorts, lacking dogma), a sense of

collective stake as well as shared adversity. Recognizing the

profound difference between 'information' and experience',

Ranjit Makkuni (cited in Barlow, oa cit), points out to a vital

deficiency that it misses the prana "the vital element in the

holy and unseen ecology of relationship". In the new paradigm, we

will have to escape the issue of borders of cyberspace

both/neither in an open-minded, non-exclusive fashion. By not

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leaving the space, we move back and forth to different layers and

gain a much richer appreciation of physical reality by spending

time in virtuality.

The plurality and mobility of diasporic experience in creative writing

can transcend the insularity of physical space. For immigrant writers

charged with intensivg native sensibility (like A.K.Ramanujan) "poetry

becomes a dialogue between two spaces one naturalized, another

innate .... Each self-assumed space of privilege punctures and is

punctured by another equally self-validating space" (Akshya Kumar 1998).

SINDHI DIASPORA : A CASE STUDY :

Sindhi diaspora, the biradari, presents a unique

profile. A culturally sensitive, diffused diaspora (across

two hostile nations, Pakistan and India) has emerged from the

pangs of sudden dispersal of a well-kriit community hitherto

belonaing to a relatively homogeneous region Sind Province

before the Partition. It comprises of nearly eighteen million

speakers out of the vast ocean of humanity populated in the

Indian subcontinent totalling about 1100 million.

Over four-fifth of the Sindhi-speaking population is

engaged in the struggle for rights on its own soil in Pakistan,

and a majority of the remaining one-fifth, characterized as

Sindhis, is engrossed with the issues of finding

roots in a new milieu. This section of Sindhis is scattered in diverse

settings of the truncated India resulting from an aftermath of the

5 6

traumatic Partition of the country, fifty years ago.

There are also small Sindhi-speaking communities occupying border regions

within the Indian territory known as Kachhis, Tharis and Jaisalmeris.

The dynamics of this dispersal on an epochal scale poses a

challenge to 'understand' various issues concerning cultural

heritage/legacy of Sindhis in India. Both immiqrant and border

Sindhis form a microscoitac minority, with a share of merely 0.3

per cent of the total population; it literally fits the similie

atte mein luuna misal "Like salt in the dough". Different sections

of the diaspora are charged with the issues of identity engulfing

the realms of politics, culture, language and literature.

At the level of ascribed heritage, i.e.

inheritance/legacy, there is a crucial issue of selectivity or a

distinct world view, very often subjective: Does a community, as

a whole, relate it to a universal hertiage, or different

subgroups within relate themselves to the 'distant' heritage from

one's own locus standi?

1. In India many cultural leaders among Sindhis, generally

utilize (rather cash upon) the nostalgia factor in mobilizing the

community effort, and lay stress upon the cherished 'undiluted'

sindhyata 'Sindhihood' of the well-knit compact community (i.e.

of the pre-Partition times) which can be mystically restored only

by gaining a 'homeland' in plural India!! Sindhi masses, on the

other hand, seem to be quite contented with their expression of a

distinct identity through glorifying the folk diety Jhulelal

and patronizing community sant-saadhus and tikaanas

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and accepting the 'acculturated' Sindhi life style, which I call

sindhipuno.

2. In the post-Partition Sindh the crucial issue has been

opting for the primacy of a pan-Islamic dream of the Founders of

Pakistan or of the ancient heritage (pre-Islamic) of the Indus

Valley Civilization, of the Ea Veda created on. the banksof River

Sindhu, along with the. Medieval Sufi temper (dubbed as :diluted'

Islam by fundamentalists).

3. In the overseas, many non-resident'.Sindhis ..4numerically

small, .but they carry a greater weight dueto their- affluence)

feel drawn towards the promotion of Sindhi_ '.culture

(through print and mass media , cultural Nisit, s -13ack -home) .-to_

authenticate the exotic i.e. the ideal.:Sindhyata.,-tO enable

them in maintaining a disti.nct identity 'fOr themSel ves...

As per the 1981 Census,. of .India,:three qi,stricts_ in .the-

-

Indian Union comprise Sindhi-speaking population7above,one hundred.

thousand: Kutch in Gujarat (409 thousand), Greater ZombaY (195 thousand)

and Thane, both in Maharashtra (140 thousand). -Besides, Sindhi migrants

are scattered in over sixty districts, mostly in the Western and

north-central regions, where their number exceeds five thousand

in each district: Gujarat 13 districts, Maharashtra 16, Madhya

Pradesh 14, Rajasthan 11, Uttar Pradesh 2, and prominent cities

Delhi, Bangalore, Madras, Hyderabad, and Calcutta .

We here present a brief resume of the 'transplanted' language

in pluralistic India, and identify the new role Sindhi language

is accuiring in an environment vastly different from its original

habitat in Sindh, now in Pakistan. One can single out three

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distinct socio-cultural characteristics aquired by the scattered

Sindhi migrants which seem to have a significant bearing on the

issues concerning their language identity:

1) Urbanization: According to the 1981 Census, 76.7 per cent,,

Sindhi speakers in India are declared 'urban ,-and_23.3 per. cent

Among the non-urban population, .mejOri,y of 'claimante.

are reckoned to be Kachli,i and Jaisalmeri Sindhis

. J,;.: .

is 'unable to understand-an'd lOiMakelihimee4nder,eood'1171, indi. '

s::"u -;-:'iA. ',

or in a smattering knowledge. .

of the reg'idn'illati,guge..'jo --Say that

all Sindhis are bilinguals Would be,going'teia_far there is nO.. ,

doubt that an overwhelming Me-jority Under 40 years are so; 1,-

A survey of the acculturation processes_amOngIndian

Sindhis in a plurlingual milieu .(Khubchandani 1963) draws

attention to three prominent features of identity namely: (1) the

ascribed nature of primordial identity, i.e. given by tradition,

(2) the observance of specific traits, like language associated

with identity, is generally left fluid, subject to the

sensitivity of the group or to individual goals, and (3) the commitment

or loyalty to a particular identity is relative to the context

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(and not absolute), or even, at times, voluntary and non-exclusive.

An analysis of the communication networks in the Sindhi

community reveals that the native language of bilinguals is

usually displaced in the formal settings such as occupation,

administration, court affairs, trade, travel, etc. in favour of

diglossic use of English and or of Hindi. As the mobility

among Sindhis in India and abroad is fast accelerating, the

second and third generations reveal a remarkable shift in the

profiles of language use, often switching oVer toEnglish or

Hindi, in some cases to regional .H.anguageS.

, .A Sindhi native speaker often uses this.bilingual cfaility

. ,as a means of identity, manipulating language choice to one's

advantage (such as in compound ipilingualisM,:cOdeTsWitching,

diglossia all these are commontraitspf!K:plurildngualsocieties in the Indian context. .Such manipulation is rioticed

among the bilingual Muslims in' India _as .well who vacillate

between reliaious and regional identitieS (Khubchandani 1972).

Also the reading habits of Sindhi bilinguals are rapidly shifting

in favour of Hindi and English.

Sindhi immigrant writers settled, and also those 'born after the

Partition, euphemistically call their stay in India as 'in exile'; but

they are not equipped to express their 'undiluted' native sensibility

either. A writer's deep Sindhi past gets impinged in the diffused

space in number of ways which hybridize her/his creative output

irrevocably. After having foresaken the physical space Sindhi immigrants

are, by and large, adapting to a multi-fid space where the entire

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Hind, and the shores beyond, can meet the aspirations of Sindhi

The communication environment among Sindftis in Sind has

also experienced a sea change, radically transforming :,their

existence as a community (Kazi 1987). Pre-Partition ,Sindh wasr..

linguistically a homoiwneous territory; - Sindhi language enjoyed ,

the _supremacy in everyday communi-cations near,l.j! .per, cen

North-central India.

But i the post-Partition Sindh, with the 'Da-migration' of,

Sindhi Hindus.and the influx of ilohajirs', -Pathans.

and Punjabis, a compact 'homogenous' Sindhispeaking territory is

at the verge of getting extinct; an emerging situation has a

striking similarity with the volatile Assam in India. All urban

areas are virtually swarmed by Moharjirs. The 1951, Census records

Mohajirs in the cities of Karachi 56 percent, Hyderabad 66, Sukkur 54,

Mirpurkhas 68, Nawabshah 55, Larkano 35 per cent. Relioion-wise,

Karachi Corporation area in 1941 comprised of 42 percent Muslims,

10 11

48 percent caste Hindus, 3.3 percent Scheduled castes,

2.7 Christians, 1.3 Sikhs, 1.0 Parsees, 0.9 Jains, and 1.2 per cent

others. After the Partition, Karachi has become homogenous on

the grounds of religion foregoing the linquistic homogeneity:

Muslims 96 percent, Hindus (caste and backward) 1.6, Christians

1.7, Parsees 0.5 and others 0.1 percent (as per the. 1951 Census).

According to the 1981 census, there are only five districts

out of 13 having Sindhi population ,o r pveeightyercent:(a) Thatto 92 percent, Shikarpur Jiladin 81.6, .Dadu 81.5,

Khairpur 80.5 percent

(b) five of them can be counted as hetergene-Ious,Sindhidistricts:.Larkano, Sindhi 78 percent H(Bal-0chi,7,'BrOhi': Siraiki 5

:0percent); Sukkur, Sindhi 74 (Urdu'njabi6); Tharparkar,Sindhi 72 (Urdu 8, Punjabi 6); JacObobad, Sindhi'69 (Balochi 21);Nawabshah, Sindhi 66 (Punjabi 11, Urdu,8):.

(c) Remaining three have become multilingualNdiStriCtsA Hyderabad,56.5 percent Sindhi (with Urd6'2.8-LPerehtSaligh:a6 .56.1 percentSindhi (Urdu 11 and Punjabi 9);:and Karachi, Urdu,54 percent(Sindhi approx. 20, Punjabi 14, Pashto 9).. ,Sindhiguage isreduced to a minority in the capital Of Sind PrOvInee itself(for details, see Rahman 1996).

The dispersal of Sindhis is further magnified by a sizable

number of Sindhi Hindus (Mainly Bhaibands) and Sindhi Muslims

(Kachhis, Khojas, Memons) having a long tradition of working as

traders across the shores in the Gulf-, South-East Asia, East African

coast and a few European Islands (Gibraltar, Canary Islands, etc.);

these are known as Sindhworkies. In recent decades this number

has grown rapidly, and a continuous outflow is extended to the

United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, West Indies, and Australia.

Now many professionals along with their families also join them to

settle in these new pastures. With the affluence the qindhworkies

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(present-day non-resident Sindhis) enjoy, they are now drawn to the

issues of preserving the cultural identity of the widely spread diaspora.

One notices the compact Sindhi homesteads which Hindus were forced to

leave at the time of Partition in 1947 and which they nostaligicallY

-emember asaanji Sindhurii no longer exist -- neither in India nor in

Sindh. The virgin undiluted Sindhi environs have-Passed:on tO their-

golden-heritage'.

.

4ith such a Wide Canvas has to coMe-Aterins-ml ithe,realityt, . , .14. '4,, ..-.;-.. 4.-,4,,':01,- ;,1,Z.:101?.7 ,.'4.-.44.':1; ,1-'1i'-' 0:-..4 -2.,,-', '.7. V -, ',,,-71 ', , , . . , ,, .. , 'iudho khiru thane na pave (For the cOnteMppr=arygener4tioh. , - !t ! ,i.:J----,,,,--,,,,,,*$,;,-,t,-,,,,,,,-A,b-,.,,,-;,,,o..,- ,,,,`e .

* the communitarian space, manifestea.thro6gh the densitY.:andintensity of interactions among its members:V. _

* the physical space as mon'it'ored by State, delineted bylanguage accreditation and privileges 16 the politicel' set-up

* the cyber space, 'networking' tapped through the disperseddiasporas of. native and non-native speakers of a language.

The dynamics of living in many spaces is apparent in the feeling

)f restlessness among many writers in India as well as,Pakistan. One can be

ptimistic that the trans-linguistic experiences of Sindhi Writer in a

aural milieu will enable her/him to 'come out' of the nauseating feeling

1 2

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of being in perpetual 'exile' (see Khubchandani, 'Literature of the

dispossessed' Aseen Sindhi 1998) and to aspire for more positive goals:

The man who finds his homeland sweetis still a tender beginning

He to Whom every soil is as his native oneis already strong

But he is perfect to Whomthe entire World is as a foreign land.

-- HUGOt , .

After having foresaken the physical space Sipdh, we can sublimate-

our interests in creating a space Where.the entire Hind and the shores

beyond, can meet our aspirations of Sindhi':

The diffused Sindhi diasporaKaStel4oMefprward- to Meet

with the challenges and opportunities of cOmmunication the

twentyfirFct century. Through the 'network.ing'..potentials it can

be within the reach of the enterprising aiaspbra to ,t.ransiate

their vision into a reality, by ,'-thipkiPig 40OWAN and ''aCting locally

to create an effective community bondage,. :and , give a new meaning.

to the Sindhi biradari. _ _

********::-Footnotes:

1. The paper forms a part of the study Language and Communication Rights:.rommunitv, the State, and Globalization, beilig published by the IndianInstitute of Advanced Study, Shimla, forthcoming. The Section "Sindhidiaspora" was presented in a lecture on Sindhi Heritaqe at the Sindk;Academy Delhi, Nov 1997.

2. At the International Sociological Congress, Madrid 1990, an activist ofthe Minority Languages Movement, a Kachhi Memon from Daresalaam whoseancestors were settled on the Zanzibar Islands (Tanzania) over a centuryago, narrated an interesting legend tracing the etymology of the termZanzibar frodninj-bar, an Arabic version of Sindh-bar'land of Sindhis'similar to the names of Kathiawar, Malabar on the Indian coast. Thislegend claims that during the Arab rule many Sindhi traders didflourishing business with East African countries, and a large number ofthem got settled on the island, now known as Zanzibar.

17:

*********

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. 1997 a.Revisualizing Boundaries: A Plurilinqual Ethos.New Delhi': Sage Publications.

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. 1997 b. Sindhi Heritage : The Dynamics of Dispersal.

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State and Globalisation. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced

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. 1998 b. "Literature of the dispossessed" Aseen Sindhi

-- issue)

Motwani, Jagat K., et Yal, eds. 1993 Global Indian Diaspora: Yesterdav,,Today and Tomorrow. New York: 31obal organization of Peoples

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Rahman, Tariq. 1996. Language and Politics in Pakistan: Karachi:

Oxford University Press.

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