Women Political Leaders - Striving for their Space in the Political Sphere(Findings from the comprehensive qualitative research carried out in April 2016 in Siraha district)

Table of Contents

List of Abbreviations........................................................................................................................18

Executive Summary..........................................................................................................................18

CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY............................................................................22

1.1. Commitment towards International Agenda for Women Empowerment.................................22

1.1.1. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW).............22

1.1.2. Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA):...............................................................................................................22

1.2. Provisions under the Nepal's Constitution 2015.......................................................................23

1.3. Status of Women Leadership....................................................................................................24

1.4. Context Analysis of Political Scenario of Terai...........................................................................25

1.5. Siraha.........................................................................................................................................25

1.6. Netritwa Project........................................................................................................................26

1.7. Objectives of the Study.............................................................................................................26

1.8. Methodology of the Study........................................................................................................27

CHAPTER 2: FINDINGS FROM THE STUDY...................................................................................................28

2.1. Reasons for women getting involved in political party.............................................................28

2.2. Status of participation of women and the causes for low participation of women..................29

2.3 Role of Actors............................................................................................................................33

2.3.2. Men are not creating an environment where women feel trusted............................................................33

3.1 Recommendations.....................................................................................................................34

3.2 Conclusion..................................................................................................................................35

List of Abbreviations

CEDAW : Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women

BPfA : Beijing Platform for Action

CPN-UML : Communist Party of Nepal- Unified Marxist, Leninist

CPA : Comprehensive Peace Accord

UCPN : United Communist Party of Nepal

UCPN-M : United Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist

FGD : Focus Group Discussion

KII : Key Informant Interview

IDI : In-Depth Interview

VDC : Village Development Committee

SFCG : Search for Common Ground

IPWA : Inter Party Women Alliance

MoWCSW : Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare

NPA : National Plan of Action

NED : National Endowment for Democracy

WDO : Women and Development Office

Executive Summary

The government of Nepal has committed to different international agenda for the empowerment of women. The two of which are Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), Optional Protocal to the CEDAW, Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA) and BPfA+20.

National policies and action plans are influenced by the international commitments made the government. Similarly, the provisions to increase the representation of women in political parties are introduced in the new Constitution 2015.

Such kind of provisions and gender friendly environment are crucial for encouraging the participation of women in political parties in context of Nepal. This is because women were lagging behind in all sphere of life including their representation in political parties. For instance, the representation of women in the parliament and the government in 2006 was 3.9% and 8.6% respectively.1 With the realization about the need and importance of women in politics and introduction of new gender friendly policies, the number of women in the parliament and the government increased to 32.8% and 17.4% respectively in 2008/2009.2 Similarly, even in the council of ministers, 20% female ministers got elected in the cabinet in 2008 election.3 Some of the recent examples of women taking upon important leadership positions are the United Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPN-M) leader Rt. Honorable Onsari Ghari Magar who became the first female speaker of the house.4 Followed by the Vice-Chairman of Communist Party of Nepal- Unified Marxist, Leninist (CPN-UML) Rt. Honorable Bidhya Devi Bhandari got elected as the first female president of Nepal in 2015.5 Similarly, in 2016, Rt. Honorable Sushila Karki became the first woman Chief Justice of Supreme Court of Nepal.6 At the present context where positive changes are taking place in women leadership, women leaders from Terai region are still struggling to create a space for them in political parties.

Therefore, in order to contribute in creating a conducive environment for women’s political participation, Search for Common Ground (SFCG) is implementing a one-year pilot initiative – Netritwa: A Transformative Leadership Program for Nepali Women Leaders, from April 2016 to March 2017. The project is supported by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The project is implemented in Badaharmal Village Development Committee (VDC), Arnama VDC, Sitapur VDC, and Dhangadhimai municipality of Siraha district.

With the objective of identifying the constraints women face in assuming higher political positions and assess the role men play in women's political empowerment in Terai region, a comprehensive qualitative research - Women Political Leaders - Striving for their Space in the Political Sphere, was carried out in April 2016 in the target VDCs and municipality. The research will also provide a baseline information to carry out the monitoring and evaluation of the project results. In addition, the findings of the research will inform the curriculum development for women’s capacity building in leadership and for those men who can contribute in addressing the needs and gaps identified in the research, generating a positive role of men.The specific objectives of the research are as follows:

to identify the capacity, gaps and constraints for women to assume and exercise political roles and influence;

to discover the role of men as enablers and/ or hinderers of women’s empowerment; and to provide practical and need based recommendations in order to design the project

intervention strategy.1 Women’s Political Participation, Empowerment and Inclusions in Nepal: Survey Report and Strategic Action Plan, 2009.’ Renaissance Society Nepal. The Renaissance Society Nepal (2009) carried out the survey covering all 75 districts and the survey was conducted among 30,000 political leaders of 21 political parties.2 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.3 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.4 ‘Onsari first woman speaker in Nepal’s history.’ Thehimalayantimes.com.5 ‘Bidhya Devi Bhandari elected first female president.’ Admin.myrepublica.com.6 ‘Sushila Karki assumes office as first women Chief Justice.’ Kathmandupost.ekantipur.com.

The research was qualitative in nature. SFCG carried out Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) and Key Informant Interviews (KII) during the study. FGD helps capture the perceptions and experience of the local community to find out the ways in increasing the participation of women involved in political parties. Likewise, KII carried out among key stakeholders helps gather primary information about the community. Seven FGDs were carried out among Inter –Party Women Alliance (IPWA) members, and men and women from different caste/ ethnic communities during the research. Similarly, five KIIs were carried out among the members of partner organizations, a member of Communist Party of CPN-UML, Supervisor from the Women Development Office (WDO), VDC Secretary, and women rights activist. As per the research, the pulling factors of women leaders to get involved in political parties are as follows:

Establishing an individual identity Feeling powerful by becoming a part of a political party Getting an opportunity to take upon a masculine role as an outgoing, and outspoken person and

as a decision maker.

Similarly, the findings of the research on the status of the representation of women in political parties and the causes of their low representation are as follows:

Madheshi women mostly from the middle income family are involved in political parties. The representation of women has been limited to a show-off trait. Despite government policy for fostering the participation of women, social dynamics are

stagnating the status of women. The stereotypical gender roles are hindering the efforts of women to actively participate in

society. Nepotism is discouraging women leaders of immense potential, who have been striving at the

local level. Outspoken and rebellious women are refrained from opportunities and are not paid attention

to. The blame game between men and women is blocking a solution oriented approach. There is ambiguity among women political leaders about what they need to foster their

leadership capability, which halts their leadership development. The Terai movement7 which highlighted the issues related to ethnic and regional identity, and

sparked ethnic conflict shadowed the issues related to the participation of women in political parties.

In most of the cases, women leaders are centered towards women’s issues, sensitive issues like violence against women, child marriage, gender and sexual based violence, due to which men political leaders are not confident that women can become a good leader for the whole community, which requires a holistic knowledge.

In addition, some of the role of men and of a local structure, saving and credit cooperatives, was identified:

Women are used as a stepping stone for men’s success. Men are maintaining a supportive façade, but are not effectively helping women.

7 The people from Madheshi and Tharu community were not satisfied with the demarcation of the provinces mentioned in the new constitution. As the concern was not addressed by the government, they called for a strike which transformed into an enthnic conflict.The unrest sparked from August 2015 and lasted for a few months.

Saving and credit cooperatives is the major platform for women to become economically and socially empowered.

Considering the findings and gaps, the recommendations proposed are as follows: Design interaction sessions or informal events between Madheshi community and national level

leaders, and between Madheshi community and bureaucrats. Develop the training curriculum and a follow up strategy taking into account the variation in

understanding about politics among women leaders from different regional identity and economic background.

Include some male counterparts of the women political leaders in the training provided for men. Develop a clear mechanism for intervening the male counterparts of women political leaders to

make them positive and supportive towards women’s issues. Increase awareness and collaboration among the men political leaders about their

accountability and responsibility to enhance the participation of female political leaders. Create a platform for dialouge on gender roles and their contributions including a sharing

session at the VDC level. This will help realize the importance for increasing the meaningful participation of women in political parties.

Prepare a training curriculum The training curriculum along with a follow up strategy should guide the participants to become a role model in their community.

Analyzing the perception of different stakeholders, the recommended training curriculum are public speaking, becoming a motivational speaker, context analysis, confidence building, clear understanding on rumor management, non-violent communication, gender roles, positive masculinity, importance of leadership, usage of social media, organization management, foster capability to differentiate social, personal and economic problems, and gender equality and social inclusion.

CHAPTER 1: BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

1.1. Commitment towards International Agenda for Women Empowerment

1.1.1. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)

CEDAW was introduced by the United Nations General Assembly in 1979 to secure the rights of women.8 Nepal ratified the CEDAW in 1991.9 The convention in addition to committing the member states to take measures against discriminatory practices also ensures women suffrage and the right of women to put forth candidacy for election.10 Each member state is bounded “to submit national reports at least” once in four years.11 The CEDAW committee, on the basis of combined fourth and fifth periodic reports of Nepal, expressed their concern that despite the provision of 33% representation of women in the Constituent Assembly, women specifically from Dalit and indigenous community have not been able to utilize the opportunity and become involved in “high-level decision-making positions, the public service, the judiciary and the diplomatic service, in the National Human Rights Commission and at the local level.”12 In addition, in order to strengthen the impact of CEDAW, the Optional Protocal to the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women was introduced on 22nd December 2000. Under this protocol, a Committee is formed to collect and address the “complaints from individuals or groups within its jurisdiction.”13

1.1.2. Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA): The BPfA was adopted in 1995 for the empowerment of women.14 Among the 12 critical areas of concern of the action, two of the areas are “inequality between men and women in the sharing of power and decision making at all levels” and “insufficient mechanism at all levels to promote the advancement of women.”15 Nepal adopted the BPfA during the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing where the BPfA was introduced.16 After committing to the BPfA, Nepal established the Ministry of Women, Children and Social Welfare (MoWCSW).17 In addition, different plans such as periodic plans, and National Plan of Action (NPA) on Gender Equality and Women Empowerment were introduced, and initiatives were carried out to implement the BPfA.18 Moreover, new policies were adopted such as compulsory participation of certain portion of women in different structures of the government.19

Although the BPfA 1995 helped increase the political representation and participation of women, significant result is yet to be achieved in women’s political participation at the highest levels.20 “The global progress on the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action has been slow, uneven and limited.”21 Even 20 years after the adoption of the action, 80% of the “parliamentarians in the world are

8 Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. UN Women.9 Ibid. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.10 Ibid. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.11 Ibid. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women12 Concluding Observations on fourth and fifth periodic reports (combined) of Nepal on CEDAW Convention.13 ‘Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women.’ Un.org.14 ‘The United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women.’ UN Women.15 Ibid. ‘The United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women.’ UN Women.16 ‘National Review on the Implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) and the Outcomes of the Twenty-Third Special Session of the General Assembly (2000).’ Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare17 Ibid. ‘National Review.’ Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare.18 Ibid. ‘National Review.’ Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare.19 Ibid. ‘National Review.’ Ministry for Women, Children and Social Welfare.20 ‘Summary Report: The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action Turns 20.’ UN Women, New York. March 2015.21 ‘Evaluation of the Beijing Platform for Action +20 and the opportunities for achieveing gender equality and the empowerment of women in the post-2015 development agenda.’ Document requested by the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality.

men.”22 Thus, Nepal along with all the member states reviewed their progress on the empowerment of women along with the challenges and recommendations. The Beijing+20 National Women’s Conference of Nepal was organized in August 2014. As per the conference, some of the areas identified to increase the political participation of women are:

“[formulating] a high level constitutional monitoring mechanism to effectively implement the laws and the National Plan of Action endorsed to end all forms of discrimination against women and ensure women’s proportionate, and meaningful participation in all bodies, functionaries and decision making processes of the state; [ensuring] women’s full and effective partnership and equal opportunities for leadership at all levels of decision-making in political, economic, and other public life; resolutely [discouraging and taking] appropriate measures to outlaw traditional and cultural harmful practices based on norms, customs and socio-cultural prejudices which violate the rights of women through effective reinforcement of existing policies and legislative instruments.”23

1.2. Provisions under the Nepal's Constitution 2015

“Women shall have the right to access participate in all state structures and bodies on the basis of the principle of proportional inclusion” (Article 38, sub article 4).

Provision that the political parties can file women candidates for the election for the House of Representatives in a balanced manner based on geography and province (Article 84, sub article 2).

“Women should account for at least one third of total members elected from each party in Federal Parliament. In case, one-third percentage of women are not elected while being elected under section (a) of clause (1), and section (a), clause (2) of Article 90, the party that fails to ensure one-third representation shall have to elect at least one-third of total numbers as woman in the Federal parliament while electing members under section (b) of clause (1)” (Article 84, sub article 8).

“Fifty six members elected from an Electoral College comprising members of Provincial Assembly and chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of Village councils and Mayors and Deputy Mayors of Municipal councils, with different weights of votes for each, with eight members from each province, including at least three women, one Dalit, one person with disability or minority” (Article 86, sub article 2a).

“Fifty six members elected from an Electoral College comprising members of Provincial Assembly and chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of Village councils and Mayors and Deputy Mayors of Municipal councils, with different weights of votes for each, with eight members from each province, including at least three women, one Dalit, one person with disability or minority” (Article 176, sub article 6).

“Notwithstanding anything contained elsewhere in this Article, at least one third of the total number of members to be elected from each political party to the Provincial Assembly shall have to be women. In case at least one third of the candidates elected from a political party pursuant to sub-clause (a) of clause (1) are not women, the political party shall have to make

22 Ibid. ‘Summary Report: The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action Turns 20.’23 ‘Empowering Women, Empowering Humanity: Picture it!’ Beijing +20 National Women’s Conference. Un.org.np.

provision of electing at least one third women while electing members pursuant to sub-clause (b) of the same clause” (Article 176, sub article 9).

There is also a provision for the representation of women in each ward of the village council, and Village, Municipal and District Assembly under Article 222, 215, 216 and 220 respectively.

“There shall be a National Women Commission in Nepal consisting of a Chairperson and four other members” (Article 252, sub article 1).

1.3. Status of Women Leadership

Even until 1890, women did not have the right to vote worldwide.24 However, the scenario changed by 1994 as women got the right to vote in most of the countries.25 The remaining countries “also moved to female suffrage” by late 2000s.26 As a result, the “voting share” of women has increased significantly.27 Although women’s vote share has increased, the leadership of women in politics has not fostered at the same pace.28 Similarly, Nepal has also gone through a series of transformations in policies and practices to foster the leadership of women. Going back to the history, the need of the representation of women in politics was realized from 1956 A.D.29 In 1971, a campaign for educational empowerment of women was organized by ‘Women’s Committee’ in Siraha, which was the first initiative carried out for the upliftment of women. 30 The issue of women empowerment became a priority after the people’s movement in 1999 A.D.31 As a result, the representation of women in the parliament and the government increased from 3.9% and 8.6% to 32.8% and 17.4% respectively from 2006 to 2008/2009 A.D.32

Furthermore, in the council of ministers, Dwarika Devi Thakurani was the pioneer for the representation of women in the cabinet as she became the Assistant Minister for Health and Self-governance “under the premiership of B.P. Koirala formed on 26th May 1958.”33 Similarly, the representation of women in the council of ministers during the Panchayat regime, 1960-1990 A.D., was limited to the representation of maximum one woman.34 In 2008 election, 20% of female ministers got elected in the cabinet.35

As per the survey report (2009) of Renaissance Society Nepal , the overall participation of women in political parties at the central level is 28.7% and at the district level is 25.9%.36 Similarly, in working committee, the participation of women at the central and district level is 12.4% and 10.4% respectively.37 Likewise, the participation of women in sister organization at the central and district level is 33.5% and 32.5% respectively.38 In addition, women represent 14.7% and 15.5% at the central and

24 Rohini Pande and Dean Ford. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’ Background paper for the World Development Report on Gender. April 7, 2011.25 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’26 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’27 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’28 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’29 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.30 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.31 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.32 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.33 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.34 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.35 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.36 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.37 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.38 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.

district level in non-women sister organizations. 39 However, the representation of women political leaders in positions such as President, Secretary, Vice Secretary, Joint Secretary, and Treasurer is minimal.40 Before 2007, women’s representation in the parliament was less than 7%.41 Nonetheless, significant changes are occurring in the leadership of women in Nepal. Some of recent instances are Vice-Chairman of CPN-UML Bidhya Devi Bhandari got elected as the first female president of Nepal in 2015,42 followed by UCPN-M leader Onsari Ghari Magar who became the first female speaker of the house.43 Similarly, in 2016, Sushila Karki became the first woman Chief Justice of Supreme Court of Nepal.44

1.4. Context Analysis of Political Scenario of Terai

After the restoration of democracy in 1990, Nepal Sadbhavana Party was the only active regional party which turned into a political party. The main aim of the party was to claim the “political and cultural rights for Madhesis.”45 In addition to this, a few Madheshi political leaders got involved in major political parties taking upon significant positions. After the signing of Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) in 2006, Madheshi political leaders and local people from Madheshi community realized their rights for inclusive participation in different power dynamics including their involvement in different bodies of state structures. As a result, Madheshi movement ignited in 2007 and 2008.46 The movements led to the formation of “new Madhes-based political parties.”47 As a result of the movement, in 2008 Constituent Assembly (CA) election, the representation of local Madheshi parties was significant. The CA formed in 2008 failed to promulgate the new constitution of Nepal. Eventhough Madheshi political leaders became ministers of different ministries, local Madheshi people did not experience any positive change in their community, which cultivated a lack of trust among local people of Madhesh towards Madheshi political leaders. This distrust was reflected in the CA election in 2013 as the number of Madheshi political leaders who got elected from regional parties decreased significantly. During the constitution writing process, the Madheshi political leaders did not feel a sense of ownership as their genuine issues on demarcation of provinces and others issues were not incorporated – the issues incorporated in the interim constitution were not included in the new constitution writing process. For instance, the local people of Madhesh were not satisfied with the demarcation of the country into seven provinces and merging most parts of Terai with hilly region. This sparked an ethnic conflict between Madheshi and Pahade community in 2015 A.D. The struggle for the identity of Madheshi people and the series of other issues which were raised in Madhesh shadowed the issue about the participation of women in political parties.

1.5. Siraha

Siraha district lies in the eastern development region in Sagarmatha Zone. Siraha district comprises of people from different caste and ethnicity such as Yadav, who are majority, “Tharu, Brahmin/ Chetttri,

39 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.40 Ibid. ‘Women’s Political Participation, Empowerment and Inclusions in Nepal: Survey Report and Strategic Action Plan, 2009.’41 Ashild Falch. ‘Women’s Political Participation and Influence in Post-Conflict Burundi and Nepal.’ PRIO Paper. May 2010.42 ‘Bidhya Devi Bhandari elected first female president.’ Admin.myrepublica.com.43 ‘Onsari first woman speaker in Nepal’s history.’ Thehimalayantimes.com.44 ‘Sushila Karki assumes office as first women Chief Justice.’ Kathmandupost.ekantipur.com.45 Nepal’s Troubled Tarai Region. International Crisis Group: Working to prevent conflict worldwide. July 2007.46 ‘Nepal: Investigate Deaths During Terai Protests.’ Hrw.org. October 201547 Ibid. ‘Nepal: Investigate Deaths During Terai Protests.’

Magar, Newar and others.”48 In terms of language used in the district, most of the residents use Matihili language followed by people speaking Tharu, Nepali, Urdu, Magar, Newari and others.49 Furthermore, the literacy rate of the district is 42.2%.50 There is a huge difference between the literacy rate of male (58.4%) and female (25.64%).51 In addition, agriculture is the major occupation in the district as about two-third of the total population are engaged in agriculture.52

The population of female is greater than the population of male in all three project VDCs and a municipality. According to the 2011 census, in Arnama VDC, the total household is 1731, and the population of male and female is 4,444 and 4,797 respectively53. In Badaharmal VDC, the total household is 3346, and the population of male and female is 7945 and 8537 respectively. In Dhangadhi municipality, the total household is 2068, and the population of male and female is 5565 and 5697 respectively. In Sitapur pra da VDC, the total household is 1095 and the population of male and female is 2763 and 3174 respectively. In Sitapur pra ra VDC, the total household is 871, and the population of male and female is 2391 and 2378 respectively.

1.6. Netritwa Project

Netritwa: A Transformative Leadership Program for Nepali Women Leaders project is a one-year pilot initiative supported by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). The project is implemented from April 2016 to March 2017 in Siraha district. The project aims to strengthen women’s leadership skills and enhance their participation in the political process and to engage men as supportive partners in enabling women's political participation The project also aims to contribute in creating a conducive environment for women’s political participation. SFCG, in the longer run, aims to leverage the results of this pilot project to replicate and scale up the initiative in critical districts throughout the country. The pilot project builds on the foundation and success of an earlier initiative implemented by SFCG and supported by NED, entitled “Women Building Peace and Democracy in the Eastern Terai” from 2011 to 2013. Under this project, SFCG provided skills and opportunities to empower women to work together across dividing lines in order to engage with local decision-makers on issues related to the democratization, development and the peace process. The project is implemented in three VDCs; Sitapur, Badaharmal, Arnama; and in one Dhangadhimai municipality of Siraha district. SFCG is implementing the project with its long standing local partner Non- Governmental Organization (NGO), Samagra Jana Utthan Kendra (Samagra). The primary target groups of the project are (i) local level women leaders – those who are already playing some leadership roles in local committees or political party structures and have aspirations to run in the upcoming local elections; and (ii) men – either the husband for a married woman or any other men identified by women who are an influential and important person for their success.

1.7. Objectives of the Study

The overall objective of the study is to gain an insight into the existing situation of women’s leadership and the role of men in women’s leadership. The study will also provide a baseline information to carry out the monitoring and evaluation of the project results. In addition, the findings of the study will inform the curriculum development for women’s capacity building in leadership and for generating positive role of men.

48 ‘Preparation of District Transport Master Plan (DTMP) (Siraha District). December 2012.49 Ibid. ‘Preparation of District Transport Master Plan (DTMP) (Siraha District).50 Ibid. ‘Preparation of District Transport Master Plan (DTMP) (Siraha District).51 Ibid. ‘Preparation of District Transport Master Plan (DTMP) (Siraha District).52 Ibid. ‘Preparation of District Transport Master Plan (DTMP) (Siraha District).53 ‘District Profile,’ United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator’s Office.

The specific objectives of the research study are as follows: To identify the capacity, gaps and constraints for women to assume and exercise political roles

and influence To discover the role of men as enablers and/ or hinderers of women’s empowerment To provide practical and need based recommendations in order to design the project

intervention strategy.

1.8. Methodology of the Study The assessment was qualitative in nature. The study was conducted in Badaharmal VDC, Arnama VDC, Sitapur VDC, and Dhangadhimai municipality of Siraha district. Badaharmal VDC was selected to capture the perceptions of a mixed community - Madheshi and Pahade; Arnama VDC was chosen to represent the views of Dalit community; Sitapur VDC was selected to capture the views of people from the southern belt; and Dhangadhimai municipality was chosen to capture the perceptions of people living in an accessible area.SFCG carried out FGDs and KIIs during the study. FGD helps capture the perceptions and experience of the local community to find out the ways on in increasing the participation of women involved in political parties. Likewise, KII carried out among key stakeholders helps gather primary information about the community. Seven FGDs were carried out among IPWA members, and men and women from different caste/ ethnic communities. Five KIIs were carried out among the members of partner organizations, a member of CPN-UML, WDO Supervisor, VDC secretary, and women rights activist. Qualitative tools used for different stakeholders

Tools District VDC A VDC B VDC C VDC DIn-depth interview (IDI) with Partner Organization In-depth interview with VDC Secretary In-depth interview with influential women leader In-depth interview with WD Supervisor In-depth interview with national level political leaders

FGD with IPWN (District) FGD with local political leaders (women)

FGD with local political leaders (men) FGDs with mixed community

Note: VDC A: Dhangadhimai Municipality; VDC B: Arnama; VDC C: Badaharmal; and VDC D: Sitapur VDC

CHAPTER 2: FINDINGS FROM THE STUDY

2.1. Reasons for women getting involved in political party A political party is comprised of a group of people following the same political philosophy and aiming to “influence public policy by getting their candidates elected to public office.”54 The need to influence public policy is driven by different social, economic and political factors. Similarly, the motive of women political leaders of Terai region was influenced, specifically, by social factors: to establish an individual identity, savor a feeling of becoming powerful, and take upon a masculine role.An individual identity is established after getting involved in a political party. The identity of a woman is mostly associated with the male members of the family in the context of Nepal – as they are born, they are referred as their father’s child; as they get married, they are referred as their husband’s wife; and as they become old, they are referred as their son’s mother. Due to this, an individual identity of a woman remains hidden. The study found out that women seeking their individual identity choose to get involved in a political party. During a FGD with IPWA members of Lahan, Nirmala Chaudhary shared “I joined politics for recognition. In the past, people used to recognize me referring to someone like as a daughter-in-law of my in-laws, and wife of my husband. I did not have an individual identity, but now, everyone recognizes me as Nirmala Chaudhary.” All the participants echoed that being a part of a political party established their own identity, which as a result, strengthened their morale to fulfill their desire of contributing to their society, especially for the welfare of women.

Women feel powerful by becoming a part of a political party. Women in Terai region do not have access to resources and are deprived from decision making power. Women are compelled to follow

54 ‘Parties and Candidates.’ Ace project. Aceproject.org.

patriarchal values and Gender norms. Thus, women perceive their involvement in a political party as their way out from suppression because political party is a democratic body which provides space for women and principally involves them in changing the policies of the country. After getting involved in political parties, women feel that they accountable to use the platform for changing the status of women of Terai. They gain power for making decisions for themselves and for others. During a FGD in Lahan, Mrs. Pal said “I joined politics to work for the welfare of women as women in Madhesi community are marginalized.” Likewise, Lalita Das during the same discussion expressed “In order to become the voice of voiceless, I began my journey of politics.” Similar perceptions were shared by the participants of all three VDCs and the municipality. Likewise, one of the female participants of Dhangadhimai municipality expressed that the power one gets by getting involved in political party cannot be achieved by working in other organizations. To infer, women leaders have perceived political party as a platform to gain power. Women get an opportunity to take upon a masculine role as an outgoing, and outspoken person and as a decision maker. Women in Terai region are strictly bounded by gender stereotypical roles and are limited within household, deprived of freedom of speech, and from making decisions. Men, however, fulfill their gender stereotypical roles by earning for their family, participating in discussions and debates, and making decisions for their family and society. Likewise, each member of a political party requires the traits of men as defined by society, which attracts women to become a part of the political party as it allows taking upon a masculine role. An observation made during the study was that the voice of women leaders was as loud as that of men, and they were also debating with men, which was beyond the gender traits assigned for women.2.2. Status of participation of women and the causes for low participation of women The participation of women in political party is insignificant in the project district. It is even difficult to meet the quota system of involving atleast 33% women in any local structure. Some of the obstacles for insignificant participation of women in political parties and its causes are as follows:Madheshi women mostly from the middle income family are involved in political parties. At the present context, most of the Madheshi women in politics in Terai region belong to middle income family. This is because those women are seeking to uplift their living standard or pursuit their dream and can afford expenses required for transportation to attend different programs. According to the experience of Shyam Kumari Sah in field, women rights activist of Siraha, “women from middle class family are active.” However, Madheshi women from rich community have negative attitude towards political parties, so they are not involved in political parties instead they choose other paths. In addition, Shyam Kumari Sah, added, “Women from rich economic background are focused on enjoying luxurious life, so they are not attracted towards politics. Even if they want to get involved in politics, it is difficult for them because they do not have the right to decide their expenses which limit their choice to attend programs far from their home.” In addition, she also presented the limitation of women from low income family, “women from low income family cannot afford their participation in politics because they have to struggle to fulfill their basic needs for survival.” Likewise, one of the IPWA members of Lahan shared, “Women at the grassroots level are under-represented. Among their various constraints, one of their constraints is economic constraint. As most of the women do not earn, they do not have money for movement from one place to another for attending trainings.” The representation of women has been limited to a show-off trait. The issues of women have become an international agenda due to which the status of women is persistently scrutinized by the international community and different organization. In addition, national policies are also revisited time and again to increase the participation of women in different sector including their participation in politics. In order to protect oneself from the national and international scrutiny, men political leaders encourage women political leaders to get involved in political parties. However, men are reluctant to

uplift their involvement in politics. A woman from Dhangadhimai municipality expressed, “Our contribution to the political party has just been limited to our representation. We have enabled party members to boast about the number of women involved in the party, that’s all.” The concern of women leaders was that men political leaders were not creating an enabling environment for women to foster their participation at their own pace and were rather focusing on increasing the number of participation of women for their benefit. Despite government policy for fostering the participation of women, social dynamics are stagnating the status of women. Different laws and policies have been introduced to increase the participation of women in political sphere. Nonetheless, drastic change has not occurred in the status of representation of women. The study found out that the major cause for women not being able to participate in politics is social norms . A female political leader of CPN-UML, during a discussion among men and women in Dhangadhimai municipality shared, “It is easy to change laws and policies compared to the efforts required to bring change in the mentality of community people.” In addition, the participants shared the experience of being stigmatized in society for breaking social norms such as having a conversation with men and walking along men. One of the female participants of the same discussion shared an example of how a woman political leader is stigmatized in society, “If a woman is walking with men then other pedestrians comment with an abusive tone and an expression of disgust saying ‘look at that women, she is moving around with men.’” Such responses from the community members weaken the morale of women leaders to work actively in their party. The survey report of Renaissance Nepal Society found out that the social perception and situation was one of the major causes for the low participation of women in district working committee.55 20% of the district level women leaders of most of the political parties surveyed expressed that they “have felt negative social perception towards their political involvement” and 40% of the respondents said that such kind of negative attitude towards women leadership is due to patriarchal thinking.56 In addition, as early marriage is highly prevalent in Terai region, almost all the women participants of the research were married. As married women are highly bounded by social norms, they face many hurdles to contribute actively in the political parties.

The stereotypical gender roles are hindering the efforts of women to actively participate in society. Most of the day of a woman is occupied by her household chores. This takes away her freedom to participate in any awareness raising programs or spend her time as she desire. In addition, one of the female participants of Dhangadhimai municipality explained that the lack of support from family members is the main obstacle for her. She said “Even if women finish their household chores on time, they are not permitted to go outside of the house to participate in different programs.” Local people still have a hard time going beyond the gender role set by society which is women should be limited within household regardless of her desire. According to the survey carried out by Renaissance Society Nepal, 7% of the respondents expressed that family pressure is one of the reasons for women’s low participation in politics.57

Moreover, Siraha is composed of majority of Madheshi community and minority of Pahade community. During a FGD in Badaharmal VDC, a woman from Pahade community expressed that the level of

55 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.56 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.57 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.

stigmatization is severe with the women political leaders of Madheshi community than the women political leaders from Pahade community. Due to severe restriction on free mobility of women from Madheshi community, they are less aware about their rights for equal participation in political parties. Thus, there is a huge difference in the understanding about politics between the women of Pahade and Madheshi community.

Nepotism is discouraging women leaders of immense potential, who have been striving at the local level. Nepotism is highly prevalent in Terai region. The women participants during the study complained on how nepotism is taking away the opportunities they deserved. Initially, women are encouraged by men to work hard for the welfare of society, but when men get the power to provide opportunities to women, they choose someone among their family and relatives. Due to Nepotism, Pahade women leaders have specially been in disadvantaged position in Terai. One of the female participants of Badaharmal shared, “We (women from Pahade community) work hard, but, while giving a seat in election, women from Madheshi community are nominated.” Due to this, it has been a challenge for women from Pahade community to become active in political parties in Terai.

Outspoken and rebellious women are refrained from opportunities and are not paid attention to. The study showed that men support women leaders until the point where they do not harm the position or power of men political leaders. Therefore, when it comes to giving opportunities to women, they choose someone who are their supporters and are gullible, in addition to women from their close circle, so that they can maintain the position and power. One of the female participants of Sitapur during a group discussion with men and women shared “Potential women leaders are not given the opportunity instead the opportunities are given to ‘yes man and pocket man (meaning someone who can be controlled),’ and who are complaisant.” In addition, another woman from Sitapur shared an example of Rampari Yadav, who despite being active in society and maintaining good relationship with community people, did not get elected. “Due to this, she stopped becoming as active as she was” – continued the participant. In addition, the women participants echoed that even during meetings or general discussions within the party, men ignore women who are outspoken. A woman leader from Dhangadhi municipality explained “If a woman agrees with the point of view of men in a political party then she is paid attention to, but those women who raise questions are not preferred by men.” It is important that men political leaders listen to women, who have different ideas,’ to make the parties’ decisions and policies more inclusive. The blame game between men and women is blocking a solution oriented approach. During the study, a scenario of blame game was observed meaning men were blaming women for not putting efforts to increase their participation whereas women were blaming men for not becoming supportive. For instance, men from Dhangadhi municipality said that women leaders are not aware about the importance of their participation. Likewise, men from Badaharmal said that women run after incentives due to which they attend the programs organized by different organizations, but are not active to participate in the programs organized by political parties as such programs do not offer incentives. Similarly, a man from Arnama during a FGD said “women cannot speak up as they are not educated, so this limits their capability to become a leader.” Nonetheless, women from Sitapur expressed that men do not support any initiatives of women and do not even inform women about any programs they are aware of. Women do not trust that men will support women altruistically. However, both men and women political leaders are not aware about the gap of information between them. Members of political parties are not aware “about the abilities of women leaders” due to which they cannot change

their pre-conceived notion that women political leaders cannot perform well.58 Such kind of notions can even affect the voting decisions. “If voters and employers are relatively unfamiliar with the performance of women, they may also choose a man because that is the type of leader they are most familiar with.”59To infer, the blame game is expanding the gap between men and women, hindering the opportunity to come together, and leading to increasing animosity between men and women. There is ambiguity among women political leaders about what they need to foster their leadership capability, which halts their leadership development. Women political leaders are not completely aware about their potential and role in political party. Due to which, they cannot explicitly express the skills and capabilities that are required to enhance their leadership. A female participant of FGD in Dhangadhimai municipality said, “Skills will not guide you in politics, but the striving nature will.” This reflects that the women political leaders are misguided. They believe that for becoming a leader they need to replicate the activities of organizing demonstrations and give speeches, which was especially common during the unrest situation in Terai in 2015 and in the past Terai movements. However, some of the participants of the discussions shared that woman political leaders need to know about the importance of politics and their role in politics. Men from Arnama echoed, “Just getting the opportunity is not sufficient, women need to know how to utilize it. Women should be free and confident to participate in politics. They need to be aware about social issues, and knowledge on how to develop their community.”The Terai movement which highlighted the issues related to ethnic and regional identity, and sparked ethnic conflict shadowed the issues related to the participation of women in political parties. People of Terai especially from Madheshi and Tharu community were dissatisfied with the demarcation of Nepal into seven federal provinces mentioned in the new Nepal Constitution 2072.60 This is because the demarcation merged 14 districts of Terai region with hill region; thus, people from Madheshi and Tharu community feared becoming a minority in those districts.61 As this concern was not addressed by the government, United Democratic Madheshi Front and Tharuhat/ Tharuwan Joint Struggle committee called a strike.62 The protests and demonstrations that followed after the first strike sparked an ethnic conflict between Madheshi and Tharu community with Pahade community. The unrest in Terai has been mostly associated with the fight for the ethnic and regional identity of local people. Terai region is still sensitive about identity issues. As identity and rights issues have come at the forefront, this has sidelined the issue about the representation of women in political parties. An IPWA member of Lahan shared their current focus and priority. She said, “At the present context, the ultimate priority of the women leaders is to join hands with political leaders of Madhesh to fight for our identity and dignity. Only after achieving this goal, we will begin working for making possible the election at the local level.” Women leaders are centered towards women’s issues due to which men political leaders are not confident that women can become a good leader, which requires a holistic knowledge. When asked about the reason behind the involvement of women leaders in politics, most of them said that they wanted to contribute for uplifting the status of women. Even during discussions with men and women, women leaders were solely focused on women’s issues. The issues of women are no doubt the pressing issues in Nepal specifically in Terai region. Furthermore, different research have found out that men and women have different “policy preferences.”63 Thus, the leadership of women in political parties can help address the “policy interests of women”.64 However, the interests of women should not be presented as

58 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’59 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’60 Nepal’s Madhesh Movement. Allianceforpeacebuilding.org.61 Ibid Nepal’s Madhesh Movement.62 Ibid Nepal’s Madhesh Movement.63 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’64 Ibid. ‘Gender Quotas and Female Leadership: A Review.’

the only purpose of women leadership reflecting their narrow focus and limited knowledge about other issues at the local and national level. For instance, the women related complaints registered at district level units of political parties comprised more than half of the issues (51%) related to family and only 1% related to their access in political party as per the survey carried out by Renaissance Society Nepal.65 Similarly, women leaders (48%) are mostly involved in making decisions related to women.66 Women political leaders are not being able to compete with men or convince them about their capability because they have not had an opportunity to meet or learn about a woman leader who has wide knowledge, and get inspired. Due to the limited knowledge, their narrow focus, and lack of role model, men political leaders are not confident about the leadership of women.

2.3 Role of Actors

Women are used as a stepping stone for men’s success. At the present context, the role of men is not so positive regarding the participation of women in political parties. The tendency of men to encourage women’s representation in political parties has been limited to increasing the number of representation of women in their party. Their role for enhancing the women’s participation has been negligible. This is because one of the hidden interests of men political leaders in connecting with women political leaders is to seek help for vote during election as women comprise of more than half of the population of Nepal. There is a perception that women leaders will attract the vote of general women. Furthermore, men have the fear factor of losing their power and dominance in society due to which they are politically using the participation of women in their parties. One of the IPWA members from Lahan expressed, “In order to move forward in political party, men encourage women to get involved and work actively, but when a man reaches the position he wanted, they stop caring or supporting women.” Similarly, another IPWA member of Lahan shared, “Men even do not acknowledge the efforts of women political leaders. Sometimes, women are harassed within their political party.” Moreover, men political leaders have not genuinely started looking for potential women leaders at the grassroots level shared a woman during a FGD in Sitapur. This depicts a lack of understanding among men about the importance of women participation in political parties.2.3.2. Men are not creating an environment where women feel trusted.For women to outshine in a male dominated society through her capability is very difficult because are reluctant to praise or do not trust their capability. This is because men are accustomed to a weak side of women - women who is shy; who cannot make decisions by herself, and is dependent. Therefore, men cannot trust that women can become a leader who can even lead men. During an interview with Nirmala Bastola, one of the members of CPN-UML, she expressed “It is difficult to get nominated for election because men do not believe that women can win the election.” Moreover, one of the male participants of Dhangadhi expressed that as women are not educated, they do not have diverse knowledge about politics and social issues affecting their ability to become a leader. Nonetheless, as a rebuttal to the point, a female participant said, “Even if a woman is educated, she is not trusted by men.” Nonetheless, men should support women to participate in programs for their capability enhancement to actively contribute in their political party.Men are maintaining a supportive façade, but are not effectively helping women. Men express their support and encourage women verbally for their participation in political parties during discussions. However, significant change has not occurred on the participation of women although men are outspoken about their support during discussions. For instance, a male participant during a FGD in Sitapur expressed that a committee provided total fund to women, so women took a lead and built toilet. During the discussion, one of the participants expressed that the fund was provided to women

65 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.66 Ibid. Renaissance Society Nepal.

because different groups of men were requesting for the fund, so men decided to provide the fund to women. This implied that men made the decision to avoid any discussion among the men members. There was sarcasm in the male participant’s expression, who was from Sitapur, when he said that women can do everything. In addition, even within household, men are not sharing household chores, so even if a woman wants to explore opportunities outside her house, she has to bear a dual burden: household chores and work outside of the house. As per the survey report of Renaissance Society Nepal, women political leaders’ participation in decision making process of district working committee is very low. For instance, only 10% are involved in making decisions related to party policy making, and 2% for political issues. Moreover, the women participants shared their sorrow on how their steps for success were blocked by men. They said that if men realize that a woman is about to get an opportunity then men make a decision based on consensus otherwise men choose election to make any decision.Local Savings and Credit Cooperatives is a major platform for women to become economically and socially empowered. Local saving and credit cooperatives, especially women cooperatives are operated by women. As this local structure enables women to make economic decisions, it contributes to enhance their decision making capability. Moreover, women cooperatives comprises of women in the executive body which provides an opportunity for women to practice their leadership. In addition to this, women get an opportunity to build their bridging social capital with other women and expand their knowledge by sharing each other’s experience.

CHAPTER 3: RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

3.1 Recommendations After the promulgation of new Constitution, the influence of regional parties increased in

Terai region. This led to an increase in the negative attitude of local Madheshi people towards the major political parties. In addition, Madheshi people are focusing on problems rather than using a solution oriented approach. Similarly, Madheshi people are not aware about the policies existing for women political leaders at the central level and there is an absence of a culture to share the good practices of other major political parties at the national level. In order to address this gap, it is highly recommended to design interaction sessions or informal events between Madheshi community and national level leaders, and between Madheshi community and bureaucrats.

The understanding about politics is different among women from different regional identity and economic background. For instance, there is a huge difference in the level of awareness among the women from Pahade and Madheshi community about politics from Terai region. Similarly, in case of Madheshi women from different economic background, women from rich income family are not positive towards politics whereas women from middle income family are somewhat positive and are actively involved in it. Therefore, while developing the training curriculum, these differences in context should be considered. In addition, even while developing a follow-up strategy, these differences need to be addressed avoiding a blanket approach.

The study found out that household chores is not the only aspect hindering the participation of women in political parties, but the support from male counterparts and head of the family, which is mostly men, is also crucial. It will be easier for women to go outside the house and attend various programs if their counterparts support them and help convince the family members. Thus, it is recommended that while providing trainings to men, some

the male counterparts of women political leaders need to be included as the participants. In addition, SFCG through its implementing partner needs to develop a clear mechanism for intervening the male counterparts of women political leaders to make them positive and supportive towards women’s issues. For example, if the participants from IPWAand other influential women make an action plan to share the knowledge and learnings from trainings with men then it will help create a ripple effect.

Women political leaders perceive that male political leaders are supporting women leaders for their own political benefits – attracting vote from women, escaping national and international scrutiny, and maintaining their supportive façade. Therefore, it is recommended to increase the awareness among the male political leaders about their accountability and responsibility to enhance the participation of women political leaders. This is because there is negligible representation of women leaders in key positions.

There is a gap in the flow of information between men and women regarding their contribution in the political parties. Men have not realized the contribution of women and vice versa. Due to which, there is a lack of trust between men and women. Thus, the project needs to create a platform, where men and women can express their contributions and realize their importance to increase the meaningful the participation of women in political parties. In addition, it is recommended to organize such platforms at the ward and VDC levels focusing on two main key questions: How male counterparts are supporting in enhancing the leadership quality of women leader and vice versa? What kind of support do women really need? This will encourage men to support women actively for creating an enabling environment for enhancing the participation of women.

Community members specifically majority of women perceive that the representation and participation of women has remained the same in both the situations – when men were politically less active in the past and when men are politically more active at the present. This reveals that the empowerment of men does not properly contribute in empowering women to represent in political parties. Therefore, while preparing a training curriculum, we should consider establishing the participants as a role model by providing training on public speaking, becoming a motivational speaker, context analysis, confidence building, clear understanding on rumor management, gender roles, positive masculinity, and non-violent communication. In addition to this, follow-up strategy needs to be adopted to establish them as the role model in the district.

Analyzing the perception of different stakeholders, the recommended training curriculum are importance of leadership, usage of social media, organization management, foster capability to differentiate social, personal and economic problems, and gender equality and social inclusion.

Provide action grants where both men and women can organize a political or social awareness campaign in collaboration. In addition, organize forums to showcase some of the examples on collaborative leadership encouraging both men and women to make a commitment to support each other.

3.2 Conclusion The study found out that the participation of women leaders has not been as significant as the efforts put forth by the women leaders. There is even a difficulty to fulfill the quota of ensuring the representation of 33% women in each structure. Among various issues, the major issues were the difficulty women are going through to break social norms, gender stereotypes, and lack of trust of men political leaders including their limited knowledge about the importance of women in political parties. In addition, the role of male political leaders was not supportive and positive to enhance the meaningful participation of women political leaders. At the present context, the role of male political leaders are mostly driven by their political benefits. In addition, the understanding about politics is different among women from different regional identity and economic class. For instance, there is a huge difference in the level of awareness among the women from Pahade and Madheshi community about politics from Terai region. Similarly, in case of Madheshi women from different economic background, women from rich income family are not positive towards politics whereas women from middle income family are somewhat positive and are actively involved in it. Thus, the project should build the leadership capability of women political leaders ensuring the regional and economic context in addition to playing a bridging role between men and women political leaders.